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International students: Patterns of success
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Content
INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS:
PATTERNS OF SUCCESS
by
Maureen Snow Andrade
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2003
Copyright 2003 Maureen Snow Andrade
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UMI Number: 3133242
Copyright 2003 by
Andrade, Maureen Snow
All rights reserved.
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®
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University of Southern California
Rossier School of E ducation
Los Angeles, California 90089-0031
This dissertation written by
Maureen Snow Andrade
under the discretion of hg£_ Dissertation Committee,
and approved by all members of the Committee, has
been presented to and accepted by the Faculty of the
Rossier School of Education in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
■,. .December X 7i>....
Date x /v
•ean
Dissertation Committee
(X /foisJLy'
Chairperson /
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ii
Table of Contents
List of Tables and Figures iii
Abstract iV
Chapters
1. Introduction 1
2. Review of Related Literature 23
3. Methodology 101
4. International Students Share Their Experiences 133
5. Summary and Conclusions 216
References 258
Appendices 272
Appendix A. Invitation to Participate 272
Appendix B. Consent to Participate in Research 273
Appendix C. Pilot Study Interview Protocol 277
Appendix D. Interview Protocol 279
Appendix E. Focus Group Protocol 281
Appendix F. Glossary of Latter Day Saint Vocabulary 282
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iii
List of Tables and Figures
Table 4.1 Demographics 133
Table 4.2 Religious Background 134
Table 4.3 Educational Levels , 134
Table 4.4 Major , 135
Table 4.5 Employment . 135
Figure 1 Conceptual Model Among Themes . 169
Table 4.6 Summary of Themes 170
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iv
Abstract
Persistence is an extensively researched topic in higher education. Persistence
studies have increasingly expanded to focus on diverse students; however, the
persistence of international students has rarely been considered. In spite of the unique
transition challenges for this population and the growing numbers of international
students enrolled at colleges and universities in the U.S., little is known about their
successes and/or failures.
This study focused on international students at a small, private, religiously-
affiliated university where the student body is approximately 40% international, and
which has low persistence and graduation rates for international students. Qualitative
methods were used to explore the experiences of 17 international students in their
senior year to identify patterns that explained their ability to persist. About half of the
participants were from Asian countries and half from Polynesian countries. Six major
themes were identified: a vision of the future, home and educational background,
religion, personal support, attitudes and abilities, and institutional factors.
The study considered relevant literature in the areas of persistence, cultural
capital, and attribution research as a means of providing possible insights into
international student persistence. The findings partly support existing persistence
research, cultural capital theory, and attribution theory; however, although some
factors are similar to those identified for other populations, they contributed to
persistence in unexpected and even opposite ways than previously established by
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research. Other findings were unique to the population examined. Some of these can
be partly explained by the particular institutional context of the study.
The study concludes with implications for practice and further research.
Recommendations include addressing first-year issues for international students by
designing programs to help them make connections amongst the diverse student
population at the university, and form mentoring relationships with faculty and staff.
Ongoing development of students’ English language skills and faculty training is also
critical. Other recommendations are related to the admissions process, outreach and
orientation in the home country, on campus orientation, and academic reputation.
Suggestions for further research involve issues relevant to the university itself and to
the broader research community.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Demographic shifts are creating a more diverse student body in U.S.
institutions of higher education. Due to the significant population increases of some
minority groups, the current college generation is more racially diverse than that of
previous generations (Levine & Cureton, 1998). Changing social views, wider access
to financial aid, refocused mission statements, and specific institutional initiatives are
resulting in greater diversity (Dey & Hurtado, 1994). Diversity is not only the result of
increasing minority student enrollments, but also international students. U. S.
institutions of higher education enrolled over 580,000 international students in 2001-
2002, a 6.4% increase over the previous year, slightly more than 4% of the total
enrollment, and 13.7% of the graduate student enrollment (Chin, 2002).
Institutions of higher education generally agree that all students can benefit
from experiences with diversity in terms of preparation for future participation in a
global society (Bowen & Bok, 1999; Finn, 1997; Levine et ah, 1998). Some
institutions are diversifying their student populations and broadening students’
perspectives by admitting more minority and international students, creating a
supportive environment, and partnering with community organizations, particularly
leaders of immigrant communities, to provide diverse educational experiences and
better prepare all students for their future roles (Judkins & LaHurd, 1999).
International students contribute to higher education in the U.S. in a variety of ways.
Both American and international students can learn to value cultural differences
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through the promotion of intercultural learning on campus and abroad (Peterson,
Briggs, Dreasher, Homer, & Nelson, 1999). International students may serve as much
needed teaching assistants during their stay, and as proponents of American ways
upon their return home (Peterson et. al, 1999). Not only do international students
augment the diversification of institutions, they also contribute financially. In 2001-
2002, they contributed over $12 billion dollars to the U.S. economy with 73% of these
funds originating outside the country (Chin, 2002).
Colleges and universities are implementing appropriate policies and curricular
and cocurricular initiatives to support diverse students (Bowen & Bok, 1999;
McNulty, 1995; Montero, 1995; Morey, 2000; Reyes, 1997; Tatum, 2000). A diverse
student body has educational value, and future benefits for U.S. society such as the
competitive advantage of a diverse workforce, greater international competitiveness,
and decreasing poverty (Camevale & Fry, 2000). However, the primary focus of
diversity initiatives is American minorities and immigrants. International students
“have always remained one of the most quiet, invisible, underserved groups on the
American campus” (Mori, 2000, p. 143).
Statement of the Problem
International Students
In this study, the term international students is defined as individuals enrolled
in institutions of higher education in the U.S. who are on temporary student visas, and
who do not speak English as their primary language. The following historical and
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demographical information will provide a greater understanding of the role of
international students in the U.S.
Following World War II, the U.S. desired to expand its educational and
cultural relations with other countries (Sarkodie-Mensah, 1998). The U.S. had four
concerns related to postwar cultural relations: “reconstructing education In former
enemy nations and re-educating their citizens; assisting the liberated countries to
reorganize their educational systems; establishing an international agency in
educational relations; and offering technical assistance to developing countries”
(Sarkodie-Mensah, 1998. p. 214). The result was the Fulbright Act, designed to
promote intercultural educational exchange and develop better international relations,
funded by the sale of the government’s surplus property (Sarkodie-Mensah, 1998).
Since that time, the U.S. has experienced increasing enrollments ofU.S.
students in institutions of higher education. In 1954-1955, international students
comprised 1.4% of the total enrollment of 2,499,800 compared to 4.3% of the total
enrollment of 13,511,149 in 2001-2002 (Chin, 2002). Asian students dominate with
56% of the total international student enrollment, with India, China, Korea, Japan, and
Taiwan representing the largest portions respectively (Chin, 2002). The year 2001-
2002 saw a 22.3% increase of students from India, a 5.5% increase in students from
China, and a 7.4% increase in enrollments of students from Korea. These figures
reflect the economic recovery being made in Asian countries since the 1997 financial
crisis (Chin, 2002). Nearly half (43%) of the international student population are
women, and 86% are single (Chin, 2002). Economic changes, political climate, and
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current educational needs of various countries affect the changing demographics of
international students in the U.S.
Over 30% of the international student population are concentrated in 10 U.S.
counties located in California, New York, Illinois, Washington, D.C., Massachusetts,
Pennsylvania, Washington, and Texas, with Research I universities hosting the most
international students, followed by Master’s I universities and community colleges
(Chin, 2002). Metropolitan areas tend to attract the largest numbers of international
students (Chin, 2002). Business, technical, and scientific fields are selected by more
than half the international students in the U.S. (Chin, 2002). Mathematics, computer
sciences, and humanities had the largest enrollment increases of international students
in 2001-2002 (Chin, 2002). Continuing growth in mathematics and computer sciences
is due to increased enrollments of students from China and India who frequently
pursue graduate studies in these fields (Chin, 2002).
In spite of the terrorist attacks on September 11,2001, international student
enrollments have remained stable (Chin, 2002). Chin observes, “The events of
September 11 have raised student awareness of world affairs. American students
continue to seek opportunities to study abroad, and international students are
continuing to come to the United States to study despite the terrible events of
September 11” (p. 24). A poll in October, 2002 of approximately 324 educators,
representing mostly universities and four-year colleges, revealed no significant
changes in overall enrollments (Chin, 2002). Over half of the respondents (57%)
reported that international student enrollments had remained the same or increased
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since September 11 (Chin, 2002). Forty-two percent reported a decline, but only three
percent of these reported a substantial decline of over 30% (Chin, 2002).
However, institutions and international students have been affected in other
ways as a result of the attacks. A new system, the Student and Exchange Visitor
Information System (SEVIS) is being implemented by the U.S. Immigration and
Naturalization Service (INS) to track international students and professors.
Information in the system will identify which applicants are accepted to various
colleges, the dates visitors enter and leave the U.S., and their activities while they are
in the country (Amonne, 2002). INS not only requires current enrollment data, but
also wants to know when students change majors, transfer to another institution, bring
dependents to the U.S., and change addresses (Amonne, 2002). Institutions not in
compliance will not receive visa-granting status (Amonne, 2002). Confusion exists
regarding exactly what is required and when. Institutions are concerned with the short
amount of time to reach compliance, potential technical difficulties, and expenses
entailed for upgrading technology and data entry (Amonne, 2002).
Also, since September 11,2002, international students have felt some
uneasiness about their status in the U.S., particularly those from Middle Eastern
countries, who have experienced incidents of discrimination and alienation as feelings
of nationalism increase and popular sentiment moves against them (Del Castillo,
2002). Although isolated, these cases affect the views, experiences, and plans ofboth
current and potential international students in the U.S. They also reinforce the need for
international education to broaden minds by creating greater levels of intercultural
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understanding. Just as World War II was the genesis of the international education
movement of the U.S.. so might the current political climate ultimately serve to
reinforce the need for international education with the end goal of increasing
understanding and peace.
Adjustment and Retention o f International Students
International students have received little attention in persistence studies and
related first-year experience research and programming. These students not only face
many of the transitional challenges of traditional college students, but also adjustment
to a new language, culture, and education system, and sometimes immigration and
financial difficulties (Ladd & Ruby, 1999; Lee, D. S., 1997; Lin & Yi, 1997; Mori,
2000; Parr, 1992; Robertson, Line, Jones, & Thomas, 2000; Sarkodie-Mensah, 1998;
Wan, 2001). Similar to minority students, they may have characteristics defining them
as at-risk such as being specially admitted, first generation college students,
disadvantaged, ethnic minorities, non-English speaking, learning disabled, and/or
poorly prepared (Evans, 2001; Horn & Carroll, 1997; Ting, 1998).
Few empirical studies have focused on the successes and/or failures of
international students in U.S. institutions of higher education. Evans (2001) found that
nationally, little retention information is available for international students; however,
his study reported a departure rate of 71% for international Polynesian students.
Another study found that fewer than 3% of the 77 international freshmen tracked
failed to meet the minimum grade point average requirement or number of credits to
stay enrolled, but success often cost considerable effort, frustration, and anxiety
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(Stoynoff, 1997). Corel! and Haber (2000) followed ESL (English as a Second
Language) students at one institution for six years, and discovered this group had
higher retention rates, grade point averages, and graduation rates than their native-
speaking peers. The students had all participated in a specially designed section of a
required communication course. The inconsistencies among these studies suggest that
international students may have widely different experiences depending on the
institution and their levels of preparation, and that further research is needed. Peterson
et al. (1999) warn that America is experiencing increasing competition from
universities in other English-speaking countries, and that “American higher education
institutions that take international students for granted, as “cash cows,” do so at their
peril” (p. 69).
The continuing growth and economic impact of international students in the
U.S. has resulted in a need for institutions, particularly those with substantial
enrollments of international students, to investigate the types of adjustment problems
these students may have, and implement appropriate services and programs to help
them be academically successful, enjoy the M l benefits of their intercultural
experiences, and contribute diverse perspectives and expertise to the institution and
community. While American institutions have recognized the adjustment needs of
domestic students and the transitional nature of the first year of university (Baker &
Pomerantz, 2000; Barefoot, 2000; Johnson, 2001; Logan, Salisbury-Glennon, &
Spence, 2000; Terenzini, Pascarella, & Blinding, 1996), international students have
received little attention in the area of first-year programming and support services
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even though they have the additional transitional challenges of living in a foreign
culture and speaking a foreign language.
International Students at Brigham Young University-Hawaii
Brigham Young University-Hawaii (BYUH) is an example of an institution
with a large enrollment of international students, and a goal to create an intercultural
learning environment. A stated educational commitment of the institution is to
“provide an intercultural learning environment where harmony prevails amidst
diversity” (Brigham Young University-Hawaii [BYUH], 2001, p. 19). BYUH is a
small, private, religiously-affiliated, four-year institution located in Laie, Hawaii. It
was founded in 1955 to provide educational opportunities for members of The Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Hawaii, the South Pacific, Asia, and to a lesser
extent, the U.S. Mainland.
Given the purpose and mission of the university, it is no surprise that nearly
40% of the 2,300 students at the institution are international students. International
students represent 68 different countries, primarily in Asia or Polynesia, with each
geographical area representing approximately half of the total international student
population (BYUH, 2001). The five largest foreign student groups are those from
Japan, South Korea, Tonga, Fiji, and New Zealand (BYUH, 2001). The majority of
international students from non-English speaking countries first study in the English
as an International (EIL) program to achieve the academic English proficiency
necessary to succeed academically. In addition to the need to use and understand a
different language, students must adjust to a new culture and educational system. One
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factor that the majority of students have in common, however, is membership in the
sponsoring church. In fall, 2001, 96% of the total student population belonged to The
Church of lesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (BYUH, 2001).
To finance their studies, many international students at BYUH are offered an
International Work Experience Scholarship (IWES). In exchange for tuition and room
and board, students work 19 hours per week at the Polynesian Cultural Center,
adjacent to the university, with the option of working on campus in their senior year.
In addition to the contributions the students are able to make towards their education
through their jobs, the university further subsidizes them to cover the remaining costs.
In fall 2001, approximately 75% of the students at the university were sponsored by
this program (BYUH, 2001).
With such a strong emphasis on educating international students and the large
financial investment the university makes on their behalf, it is critical for BYUH to
understand the international student population and help them succeed. An
examination of the retention rates for the university indicates that international
students have higher retention than that of the overall student population. For example,
first-year retention rates for freshman cohorts from 1996-2000 for the entire student
population range from approximately 40-50% (BYUH, 2001). For international
students, the range is 60-73% (BYUH, 2001). First-year retention rates for non-
Hawaiian Polynesian students range from 57-73% (BYUH, 2001). (This group could
include American Polynesian students who are not from Hawaii). For Asian students
collectively, the one-year retention rate is 52-66%, slightly lower than that of
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Polynesians (BYUH, 2001). Asian students are not tracked separately as residents of
Hawaii, the U.S., or foreign countries.
Compared to first-year retention rates for other religious institutions, those
reported by BYUH are low. Phillips (1998) surveyed 43 institutions which maintained
a strong affiliation with their founding religious organization, and reported a mean of
about 73% for first-year retention. I was successful in obtaining one-year retention
rates from three religious institutions, which asked to remain anonymous. The mean
for these institutions was 82%, higher than those reported by Phillips. Compared to
other religious institutions, then, the 40-50% overall retention rate for BYUH is low
although the overall rate for international students, 60-73%, is more comparable.
The BYUH one-year persistence figures are fairly respectable, however, when
compared to graduation rates for the freshman class, which are extremely low. The
only graduation figures available are the five-year graduation rate for the 1996
freshman cohort and the four-year graduation rate for the 1997 cohort. The overall
five-year rate for the 1996 cohort is 6.5% with foreign students at 10.1% (BYUH,
2001). The overall four-year rate for the 1997 cohort is 11.9% with foreign students at
18.2% (BYUH, 2001). Although the university is doing a fair job at retaining
international students to their second year, it is losing the majority of these students
before graduation. The lowest one-year retention and graduation rate of any student
population at BYUH are those for U.S. Mainland students. One-year retention rates for
1996-2000 demonstrate a range of 27-33% for these students, with graduation rates
from 3-6% (BYUH, 2001). Low retention rates for U.S. Mainland students are
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attributed to the practice of students coming to Hawaii from the U.S. Mainland for a
semester or year to enjoy sun and surf, and then completing their studies elsewhere.
For comparison purposes, I contacted five other religious institutions to obtain
graduation rates. I was successful in obtaining information from only two of them,
which requested to be unidentified. One reported a four-year graduation rate of 88%
and a six-year graduation rate of 94% for the 1996 cohort, while the other reported a
four-year graduation rate of 38% and a six-year graduation rate of 54% for the same
cohort. These figures indicate a wide variation in retention and graduation rates for
religious institutions. Comparisons are difficult however, without examining the
selectivity of the institutions and other factors that may affect retention and
graduation. Camevale and Rose (2003) examined the difference in graduation rates
according to the selectivity of the institution. Tier 1 institutions, as defined by
Barron’s, have a graduation rate of 86% while Tier 4 institutions have a rate of only
54%. The graduation rates reported by BYUH are significantly lower than either of the
religious institutions noted above and also lower than those for Tier 4 institutions.
In the five-year period from 1996-2001, little change occurred in retention or
graduation rates for freshmen cohorts. Because graduation rates were so low, in 1996,
the Board of Trustees proposed to the administration that BYUH become a two-year
institution. Students already appeared to be using BYUH as a two-year institution,
taking their general education classes and then transferring. Class sizes for upper
division courses were small. BYUH is the most expensive educational institution the
church operates due to the high subsidy that each student receives. Although a private
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institution, tuition at BYUH is comparable to that of a state university. In addition to
the tuition subsidy covered by the church, about $12,000 per student each year,
international students sponsored by the Polynesian Cultural Center are further
subsidized to cover costs for tuition and expenses that are not earned through the
student’s employment. This generally amounts to an additional $4-5,000 per year.
In response to the Board’s concern, the administration promised to double the
number of graduates within the next five years. A number of initiatives were launched.
These included decreasing the university’s cost per credit hour by increasing class
size, streamlining graduation by providing students with four-year academic plans and
ensuring classes were offered when needed, reducing the number of credit hours to
graduate from 128 to 120, identifying students with more than 120 credit hours who
were still enrolled and helping them graduate, creating an interdisciplinary studies
major in which students could combine courses from two academic areas, accepting
transfer credit from international institutions, recruiting transfer students rather than
new freshman from the Mainland, and adopting the slogan, “We graduate students.”
These efforts were effective. In 1996-1997, a total of 255 students graduated
(BYUH, 2001). (Graduation at BYUH occurs twice yearly - in December and June).
In the next four years although enrollments remained relatively stable, the number of
graduates increased, resulting in 520 graduates in the 2000-2001 academic year
(BYUH, 2001). Percentages of graduates from the three primary enrollment regions,
Asia, the Pacific, and the U.S., has been fairly constant over this five-year period with
approximately 60% from the U.S., 20% from the Pacific, and 20% from Asia (BYUH,
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2001). Overall, graduation rates have increased, but retention and graduation rates for
the university’s freshman classes have remained consistently low.
Increasing graduation rates can be attributed to the practice of accepting
predominantly transfer students from the U.S. Mainland rather than new freshman,
which is resulting in higher graduation rates for this group. More international students
are also being admitted with transfer credit, thereby increasing the likelihood that
these students will not only graduate, but in a timely manner. International students
receive credit towards graduation for their EIL courses, so studying English generally
does not significantly increase their time to graduate. (EIL credit fulfills the general
education language track and elective requirements). The administration has elected to
initially focus on increasing the number of graduates by admitting those who have a
high probability of graduating, thus filling upper division classes and decreasing costs
per student credit hour generated; however, significant attention has not yet been
focused on retention for students admitted as freshman or on the experiences of
international students in particular.
The Board of Trustees for BYUH is not satisfied with students simply having a
“BYUH experience” for a year or two and leaving without graduating. This is evident
by their proposal for BYUH to become a two-year school. The university is expensive
to operate and the Board wants the institution to fulfill its mission in entirety. The
university will celebrate its 50th year in 2005. BYUH has a long history of educating
students from the Pacific, and more recently from Asia. It has success stories among
alumni, but needs more of them. At one time, students from the Pacific returning home
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with a year or two of higher education might have been considered successful simply
to have been admitted to the university and to have completed some college courses.
As generations have passed, however, with increasing numbers of BYUH alumni
returning home to fill positions in church schools and organizations, expectations have
increased. As these former students influence their children and others, it is expected
that succeeding generations will attain greater success. That time has arrived.
Having only a year or two of education at BYUH, and returning home without
fulfilling their dreams or those of parents is very painful for Polynesian students.
Evans (2001) found in his study of Polynesian students who had departed from the
university that most returned to disappointed but loving and supportive parents. Going
home without completing their degree was very difficult to these students, and in some
cases they had to face people talking behind their backs about their lack of success.
They felt embarrassed or lost; however, several eventually enrolled at local
universities or expressed a desire to return to BYUH. Others had found jobs in local
businesses with better pay than if they had only completed high school. Evans (2001)
identified five major themes to explain why these students left the university: freedom,
relationships, family, focus, and institutional factors, in order of frequency.
In general, patterns of adjustment and persistence for international students at
BYUH remain unexplored. No studies have examined the international student
experience across the major populations at the institution to understand why so few of
those in the freshman class graduate. Although graduation rates have improved, the
university is still not successful at retaining students through the full four years of
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college. While some information exists regarding why Polynesian students have
departed, no information explains Asian student departure, nor have any studies
attempted to identify factors of success for either population. This information is
invaluable to the institution in terms of fulfilling its mission.
Significance of the Study
Although a small body of research exists on the adjustment of international
students and was mentioned earlier, retention statistics and research on the academic
success of international students in U.S. institutions of higher education is almost non
existent. Evans (2001) believes international students are not tracked by government
agencies because they are not citizens and are ineligible for federal aid. He contacted
the 17 institutions with the largest enrollments of international students in the U.S.
None of those who responded tracked the retention of international students.
Since information on the academic achievement and retention of international
students appears to be largely unavailable and possibly uncollected, and little
persistence research has focused on this population, it is generally unknown if
traditional persistence models and/or theories apply to this population. Persistence
research based on students of traditional age, social class, and majority ethnicity
indicates that involvement with faculty, academics, and peers are central to persistence
(Astin, 1975,1984,1993,1999). Similarly, entry characteristics, social and academic
integration, and initial and subsequent commitment to the institution and the goal of
graduating are important factors, and are thought to be causally related (Tinto, 1975,
1986, 1987,1993).
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A number of studies have examined the applicability of predominant
persistence theories and models, such as those of Astin and Tinto, on minority
students. Although Tinto (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993) suggests it may be necessary for
students to break with their past in order to adjust to their new social and academic
environment, particularly if their backgrounds are widely different from the dominant
institutional culture, some research has shown that continued association, particularly
in terms of encouragement and support from family and friends, has a positive impact
on minority student persistence (Eimers & Pike, 1997; Hendricks, 1996; Hernandez,
2000; Hernandez, 2002; Nora & Cabrera, 1996). Another factor which appears to be
central to minority student persistence is a strong desire to succeed (Allen, 1999;
Brown & Robinson Kurpius, 1997; Hendricks, 1996; Hernandez, 2000; Lee, S. J.,
1997). Other studies have identified few differences in persistence factors between
minority and nonminority students. For example, Eimers and Pike (1997) found that
overall, academic integration was a key component in predicting academic
achievement for both groups of students. Some studies have found causal models,
either Tinto’s or elaborations of Tinto’s, to be predictive of persistence behaviors for
both minority and nonminority students (Cabrera, Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella, &
Hagedom, 1999; Nora et al., 1996). In contrast, other factors, such as motivation,
appear more salient for minority students than nonminority students (Allen, 1999).
Evans (2001) concluded that certain elements of Tinto’s integration model
were applicable to international Polynesian students, such as high initial commitment
to the institution and graduation, and academic preparation and language skills. Also,
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the external impact of work and family obligations, acknowledged by Tinto as
potential persistence distractors, had a negative influence on persistence. However,
programs offered by the university, such as orientation and counseling services,
designed to help students integrate socially or academically, did not contribute to
persistence. Evans observed that the primary factor affecting persistence for these
students, freedom, was not satisfactorily explained by Tinto’s model. He concluded
that international students must not be treated with the same approaches as traditional
American students, upon which many models and programming decisions are based.
Aside from Evans’ study of international Polynesian students, little is known
regarding the applicability of traditional persistence theories and models to
international students, or if factors contributing to persistence are similar for
international and traditional and/or minority students. It should be clear, however, that
international students have different profiles from both minority and traditional
students. Some differences such as language and culture are readily apparent, while
others such as purposes for pursing an education may not be. In addition, variation in
persistence patterns may exist among international students as they are a diverse
group. The few existing studies on international student persistence (Andrade, 2003;
Evans, 2001; Coreil et ah, 2000; Stoynoff, 1997) indicate that this is the case.
Other areas that may have bearing on increased understanding of the ability of
international students to adjust, succeed academically, and persist are cultural capital,
attribution theory, and self-regulated learning. Cultural capital has been identified as
an area to be addressed in preparing urban minority students for college (Jun &
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Tiemey, 1999; Tiemey, 1999), as influencing enrollment decisions for minorities
(Pema, 2000), and as an explanation for the challenges faced by nontraditional
students in community colleges (Valadez, 1993,1996). Studies on attribution theory
have focused on the effects of attributional retraining on at-risk college students’
academic performance (Menec, Perry, Struthers, Schonwetter, Hechter, & Eichholz,
1994; Menec & Perry, 1995; Perry, 1999; Perry, Hechter, Menec, & Weinberg, 1993;
Van Overwalle & De Metsenaere, 1990), factors that contribute to the development of
internal attribution in the first year of college (Pascarella, Edison, Hagedom, Nora, &
Terenzini, 1996), and the effects of academic control on academic performance (Perry,
Hladkyi, Pedrun, & Pelletier, 2001). The effect of self-regulated learning on the
academic performance of college students has received only slight attention (Schapiro
& Livingston, 2000). Other related studies have examined the effects of psychological
processes such as self-efficacy, coping, and locus of control on retention (Bean &
Eaton, 2002), and the influence of emotional intelligence, bicultural behaviors, locus
of control, and social support on academic resilience (Ford, Kokjie, & Lewis, 1996).
With the exception of cultural capital, studies in these areas have not generally
focused on nontraditional student populations, nor have they been utilized to study
international student experiences and persistence. Although cultural capital is
associated with the preentry characteristics of Tinto’s model, only one study links
attribution and self-regulated learning theories to persistence, that of Bean et al.
(2002), and this study introduced an untested model. Therefore, viewing the
experiences of international students through these three lenses, cultural capital,
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attribution theory, and self-regulated learning, is a first step towards determining the
applicability of these theories not only to international student persistence, but to
persistence in general.
International students are a critical piece In institutional planning due to their
ability to contribute to diversity goals. They provide their peers with a variety of
perspectives and insights, and the opportunity to gain appreciation and understanding
of differences. They have the potential of making significant contributions to
institutional goals of educating students to live and participate in a global society.
Identification of factors contributing to the persistence of international students in the
U.S. is particularly important to institutions with significant percentages of
international students, and institutions with goals to increase their international student
enrollments. Knowing the factors students attribute to persistence will help institutions
strengthen and/or create appropriate programs and inform policy-making.
The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of international
students who have been academically successful in their studies in the U.S.,
specifically at BYUH, to identify background factors that influence their success, how
their adjustment is facilitated by the institutional environment, and the role that
personal characteristics play in the student’s ability to persist. Specifically, the
following three questions were examined:
1. What influence does family background, educational background,
expectations about university life in the U.S., and country of origin have on
international student persistence?
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2. How does the institution itself facilitate the persistence of international
students, if at all?
3. How do personal characteristics affect the persistence of international
students?
Furthermore, it is hoped that by examining the experiences of international students
through existing theory in the areas of persistence, cultural capital, attribution, and
self-regulated learning, the results will demonstrate how applicable these theories are
to students from diverse backgrounds.
Research Approach
This study focused on international students who had overcome challenges and
demonstrated the ability to persist. The purpose of the study was to identify the factors
that contributed to international student persistence. Qualitative research methods
were employed as a means of gaining understanding by talking directly to students
about their experiences. It also allowed the researcher to seek further clarification
about responses that would not be possible with a forced choice survey. Participants
consisted of 17 seniors at BYUH from non-English speaking countries. The students
were interviewed to determine what background and environmental factors and/or
personal attributes contributed to their persistence at the university (see Appendix for
Interview Protocol).
Assumptions/Limitations
This study is primarily exploratory, seeking to understand the international
student experience and identify factors contributing to their success. Because the study
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focused on students who persisted at one university, findings are primarily applicable
to that particular university. Also the study did not collect data from large numbers of
students, necessitating careful interpretation. As only students from particular
countries are included, findings are not applicable across all groups of international
students. However, similarities between international students at this institution and at
other institutions likely exist.
Findings of the study will allow BYUH to determine the factors contributing to
the success of international students, and identify any needed policy or programmatic
changes. The study also contributes to the confirmation or modification of existing
persistence theories and/or the creation of new theories that are applicable to
international students. In addition, this research examines the role played by cultural
capital, attribution, and self-regulated learning in the persistence of international
students. Institutions with large numbers of international students and those desiring to
increase international student enrollments as part of diversification strategies will
benefit from this study as well by knowing how to best support these students.
In the following chapters of this study, I review literature related to
persistence, present a case for using qualitative methodology, report the results of the
research, and finally, suggest how the results contribute to the existing body of
persistence knowledge and to educational practice. Specifically, in Chapter 2 ,1
examine persistence models and theories and how the concepts of cultural capital,
attribution theory, and self-regulated learning contribute to understanding persistence.
In Chapter 3 ,1 elaborate on the research design and the rationale for using qualitative
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methodology. In Chapter 4 ,1 report and analyze findings of the study. Finally, in
Chapter 5 ,1 draw conclusions and implications for practice based on the study, and
explain how the study contributes to the existing body of knowledge on persistence.
Certain terms familiar to members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
are used throughout this study, particularly in Chapters 4 and 5 in which direct
quotations from study participants are reported. These can generally be understood
from the context, and are defined briefly within the text where possible. A glossary of
these terms can also be found in Appendix F.
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CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE
The adjustment process and subsequent persistence or departure of college and
university students is a prevalent research topic in higher education literature. Indeed,
Tierney (1992) contends that “one could argue that student departure has been the
central focus of higher education research” (p. 604). Rather than the traditional
practice of weeding students out in the first year, attention is now focused on how to
retain students and help them graduate (Gardner, 2001). Colleges and universities are
working to identify factors that help or hinder students’ academic progress. The first
year of college is seen as a transitional year that sets a foundation for subsequent
years. Students must learn independence, face a new environment (Pancer,
Hunsberger, Pratt, & Alisat, 2000), and meet academic demands. They are choosing a
major, establishing a good grade point average, developing study strategies and time
management skills, forming relationships with peers and faculty, and deciding whether
to stay at the institution or transfer (Gardner, 2001).
Research shows that student adjustment is influenced by social support
structures (Gall, Evans, & Bellerose, 2000; Martin, Swartz-Kulstad, & Madson, 1999),
faculty-student interaction, academic self-concept and motivation (Cokley, 2000;
Martin, Swartz-Kulstad, & Madson, 1999), and personality traits (Halamandaris &
Power, 1999). In response, institutions have designed programs to promote adjustment
and academic success. Common objectives of first-year and retention interventions
include increasing student involvement, academic engagement, and academic
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expectations, improving social integration, linking the curriculum and cocurriculum,
and assisting less prepared students (Barefoot, 2000). Most of these programs are
based on research, and have as their goal increased retention and graduation rates.
Although persistence has been identified as a significant research topic and
institutional awareness of the transition process has increased, further information is
needed to determine the applicability of existing theories and models to non
mainstream groups of college students such as international students. In this chapter, I
review literature relevant to persistence which has bearing on the current research,
specifically studies which have identified factors connected to persistence, and those
which propose theories related to persistence. Specifically, I analyze three areas of
research for their potential ability to contribute to understanding international student
persistence. These are: persistence, cultural capital, and attribution/self-regulation.
Overview of Persistence Research
An Understanding o f Departure
Before turning to an analysis of specific studies, a brief discussion of the
complexity of persistence is in order, particularly terminology used to describe its
various aspects. The terminology used to describe departure behaviors is critical
because it has implications for institutional action. Tinto (1987) argues that institutions
must differentiate between dropping out and other forms of departure so as to know
where to focus their resources in retention programming. He contends that labeling all
forms of leaving as dropping out is a mistake as it obscures differences in leaving
behavior and leads to inappropriate decisions and policies. Tinto further explains that
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some forms of departure, such as those due to a weak initial commitment, differing
goals, and changing plans, may not be affected by institution action. Trying to address
these weakens the ability of institutions to focus on areas over which they have control
and the ability to affect change.
In addition, Tinto (1987, 1993) argues that the term dropout connotes the
failure of the individual who is seen as unable to meet the demands of college, when in
fact the cause of the departure may be institutional failure. Lack of commitment may
be understood as individual failure, but other types of leaving behaviors - for example,
transferring to another institution - is not (Tinto, 1987, 1993). The institution must
decide which types of departure behavior to address (Tinto, 1987,1993). If the
individual does not consider his departure as failure, neither should the Institution
(Tinto, 1987,1993). When individuals consider their leaving as failure, however, the
term dropout applies, according to Tinto. In this case, the individual has failed to meet
his goal and the institution has failed to assist (Tinto, 1987,1993).
An example of a case in which neither personal nor Institutional failure can
explain departure, is if the student never intended on completing a degree. Grayson
(1997) studied adult students at a college in Canada to identify why departure rates
were high, and learned that the majority of students who left the college never
Intended to complete a degree and took fewer courses than students who persisted.
There were no differences between students who departed and those who stayed in
terms of barriers to education, experiences during the first year, grades received, or
satisfaction with the institution. As such, the low retention rate reflected student
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choice rather than institutional failure. This study demonstrates that initial career goals
may have a more significant impact on departure behavior than institutional factors.
Tinto (1987, 1993) argues that institutions should not commit scarce resources
to those who are not committed enough to put forth the required effort. He states that
intervention is needed for individuals whose goals fit those of the institutions and who
have the commitment and ability to meet the goals. Arnold (2000) agrees, stating that
institutions risk losing good students by working to retain those who are not prepared
for college and who are not committed to making the effort required to succeed. Tinto
(1987,1993) also advises institutions to consider those who stopout before completing
their degrees by leaving the doors open for their return.
In essence, then, institutions must determine what constitutes departure and
whether various types of leaving behavior should be addressed or disregarded. The
current study examines factors affecting persistence. A greater understanding of
personal characteristics and/or institutional factors that help or hinder persistence for
various populations assists universities in knowing how to address departure behaviors
that are within their control. In the next section, I review predominant persistence
theories and models.
Persistence Theories and Models - Astin and Tinto
Apart from understanding that departure behaviors differ, and that institutions
need to decide where to focus their resources, a number of theories and models have
been developed to identify characteristics of those who persist and how the institution
itself affects persistence. A major contributor to our understanding of persistence in
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higher education is Alexander Astin. On-going data collected through The
Cooperative Institutional Research Program has helped Astin (1975,1984, 1993,
1999) identify entering characteristics of students and institutional factors that
influence academic success, and has resulted in Astin’s theory of student involvement.
The theory includes five basic postulates: 1) involvement is the investment of physical
and psychological energy, 2) it occurs along a continuum with students investing
different levels of involvement at different times, 3) it has quantitative and qualitative
features (i.e. how many hours spent studying versus how much the student
comprehends and leams during those hours of study), 4) the amount of learning and
personal development that occur is proportional to the quality and quantity of student
involvement, and 5) the effectiveness of educational policies and practices are related
to the capability of the policy or practice to promote involvement.
Astin’s theory focuses primarily on a student’s cognitive and affective
development. It describes behavioral processes and developmental outcomes. Astin
defines involvement as the “physical and psychological energy that the student
devotes to the academic experience” (1984, p. 297); however, he emphasizes the
behavioral aspects of involvement rather than students’ perceptions of their
involvement; thus, the theory is more behavioral than psychological. Astin concludes
that students who are involved socially and academically within the institution have a
tendency to persist; those who are less involved are more likely to depart from the
university. The primary components of the theory are involvement with academics,
peers, and faculty.
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Another key component of much retention research and subsequent
programming is Tinto’s (1975, 1986,1987,1993) interactional model of student
retention. Tinto’s model posits that students arrive at college with certain individual
characteristics which include family background, skills and abilities, and prior
schooling. They also possess an initial level of commitment to the goal of graduation
and to the institution. These initial commitments are affected by students’ subsequent
academic and social experiences within the university. The main tenet of the model is
that integration into the academic and social realms of the institution strengthens
commitment to graduation and to the institution, and the likelihood of persistence.
Tinto (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993) draws on Durkheim’s (1951) explanation of
suicide as a theoretical basis for explaining college departure. Similar to individuals
who commit suicide due to a lack of integration with society, college students who fail
to interact with others and integrate into the social and academic systems of the
institution may depart. Tinto (1986, 1987, 1993) also employs Van Gennep’s (1960)
rites of passage theory to explain the longitudinal nature of the adjustment process. In
tribal societies, the rites of passage to adulthood include three phases: separation,
transition, and incorporation. Tinto applies this concept to the process of students’
adjusting to college. The separation stage is characterized by a decline in interactions
with past associates and a change in behavior. In the transition phase, students acquire
the necessary knowledge and skills to interact with members of the new group. During
incorporation, new interaction patterns are established. The ability to successfully
move through these phases may be dependent on how different a student’s past norms
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and behavior patterns are compared to those expected in the new context. Students
from families, communities, and schools with widely different norms and behaviors
from those in the college environment may have particular difficulty adjusting,
necessitating a rejection of unsupportive aspects of their past lives to be successful.
Astin5 s theory and Tinto5 s model share a number of similarities, particularly
the role of involvement and/or integration with the institution. Astin’s theory focuses
on describing behaviors of students who persist. It emphasizes the learning and
developmental process of a student within the institution. Astin believes that when the
learning environment requires active student participation, learning outcomes will be
greatest. He describes involvement as “the behavioral manifestation” (1984, p. 301) of
motivation. Astin argues that involvement behaviors lend themselves more easily to
observation and measurement than the abstract psychological concept of motivation.
His theory focuses on the “how of student development” (1984, p. 301) or the
processes that facilitate involvement. Tinto5 s model also emphasizes the importance of
involvement, specifically individuals5 interactions with both the formal and informal
social and academic systems of the institution. However, Tinto goes beyond Astin to
advance a causal model to explain the longitudinal process of persistence, and
identifies preentry characteristics, institutional commitment, and commitment to
graduation as important components.
Most first-year initiatives and retention programs are derived from the work of
Astin and Tinto. Common objectives of first-year interventions include increasing
student involvement, academic engagement, and academic expectations, improving
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social integration, linking the curriculum and cocurriculum, and assisting less prepared
students (Barefoot, 2000). Instruments such as the National Survey of Student
Engagement (NSSE) have been developed to measure students’ academic and social
involvement, draw comparisons with other institutions across the nation, and assist
institutions in assessing their success at involvement and integration. The majority of
items on the NSSE focus on behavioral manifestations of involvement in keeping with
Astin’s theory, with little focus on psychological manifestations or students’ feelings
about their involvement. A review of first year programs indicates that involvement
and social and academic integration are key features (Baker et ah, 2000; Borden &
Rooney, 1998; Brown, 1998; Colton, Connor, Shultz, & Easter, 1999; Johnson, 2001;
Logan et ah, 2000; Peat, Dalziel, & Grant, 2000; Pike, Schroeder, & Berry, 1997;
Pratt, Bowers, Terzian, Hunsberger, Mackey, & Thomas et al, 2000; Soldner, Lee, &
Duby, 1999; Ting, Grant, & Plenert, 2000).
Responses to Dominant Theories
Because much persistence research is closely associated with Tinto’s
interactional model, I will next analyze research and philosophical arguments related
to his theory, discussing those focused on the rites of passage component first. Elkins,
Braxton, and James (2000) examined the separation aspect of Tinto’s rites of passage
model on first-semester retention. Students who reported receiving strong support for
college attendance and those who perceived the need to reject the attitudes and values
of their former communities were less likely to leave college, partially supporting
Tinto’s separation concept. Members of racial and ethnic minority groups reported
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less community and family support. Tinto would argue that these students would have
more difficulty in the separation stage, and may need to reject the attitudes and values
of their former communities to be successful in college. Participants were of
traditional age (18-19 years old), had high ACT scores, and higher retention rates than
students who dropped out of the study. The racial/ethnic composition of participants
was not reported. Rejection was measured by survey questions related to students’
perceptions of the need to reject the attitudes and values of parents, family members,
and friends in order to stay at the university.
Nora (2002) discusses theoretical links between Tinto’s model and Nora and
Cabrera’s (1996) student adjustment model, which emphasizes the influence of
encouragement and support from family and community on retention. Nora
demonstrates how each of the three stages of Tinto’s rites of passage overlap and are
strongly influenced by different types of support and encouragement by significant
others, including that of family and past communities, faculty, staff, and peers. Nora
interprets Tinto’s statement that if a student’s family or peers oppose participation in
higher education, the student must reject familial and community ties to become
incorporated into the university environment, as indicating that Tinto does believe
students need the support of family and friends, but in certain cases it may be
necessary for students to reject some beliefs, values, and friendships if they are
unsupportive of the student’s goals or counter newly learned viewpoints. This does not
necessitate a complete severance of emotional ties and relationships, however,
particularly if they are supportive of educational goals.
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Nora makes five conclusions based on Ms review: 1) different forms of
encouragement and support influence the transition to college at all three stages of
Tinto’s rites of passage model; 2) encouragement from a variety of sources are
important to adjustment to the new environment; 3) academic and social experiences
during the three stages are influenced by support from significant others; 4)
commitment to the institution is impacted by level of integration and by support
structures; and 5) the decision to persist is influenced by Tinto’s preentry
characteristics, integration factors, and educational and institutional commitments, as
well as the support system the student perceives as he separates from Ms old life and
makes the transition to college, necessitating the blending of new and old norms,
behaviors, and relationships.
Based on his examination of persistence research, Nora views Tinto’s
theoretical framework as sound, but posits that a student’s support system, including
that from faculty, academic staff, and teacMng assistants, as well as student perception
of institutional caring, is critical throughout the various stages of adjustment. Nora
draws heavily upon adjustment literature to support Ms theory. He argues that just as
there is no clear delineation of when Tinto’s three stages of adjustment - separation,
transition, incorporation - begin and end, there is an overlap of different types of
encouragement from various sources at all the stages of adjustment process, wMch
influence all the components of Tinto’s framework.
Hurtado and Carter (1997) observe that although Tinto employs Van Gennep’s
(1960) rites of passage concept, only the incorporation aspect is included in Ms model.
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They posit that in the model, separation is important only as it relates to Tinto’s idea
that students must physically and socially disengage from their past communities to
incorporate into the college community. They also suggest that Tinto’s model is dated
as it assumes students leave home to attend college whereas today, separation may not
occur as many students continue to live at home. Also, greater numbers of students
enroll part-time or are adults with many responsibilities, thus do not fully integrate
into the institution. Tinto, however, believes that students who do not disassociate,
such as those who live at home, do not benefit from the full rewards of membership in
the college community and expose themselves to greater risk of departure.
Tierney (1992) responds to the rites of passage aspect of Tinto’s model with a
close examination of Van Gennep’s (1960) work. Van Gennep’s theory is based on the
study of tribal societies and describes how individuals move from one developmental
stage to the next within their own culture, such as when young men and women
become adults. According to Tierney, Van Gennep did not propose that the model be
used to describe the initiation of a member of one culture into another culture, which
is how Tinto employs it. Tierney also argues that the model assumes college is a ritual
that all students must experience to be full members of society; however, American
higher educational institutions have traditionally been elitist and are based on the
dominant culture. Tierney states that according to Tinto’s model, individuals who
differ according to gender, race, and class are expected to renounce their cultures and
values in order to assimilate to the dominant culture and obtain societal membership.
Tierney argues that institutions should be viewed as having the problem due to their
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“inability to operate in a multicultural world” (1992, p. 615), rather than blaming
individuals from nondominant groups for their inability to assimilate. He advocates a
critical theory approach to persistence, which enables people to seek justice, freedom,
and equality, rather than theories that merely describe existing practices.
In addition, Tierney contends that in traditional cultures, the option to
participate or to drop out, depart, or leave a ritual does not exist. More importantly, all
members of the group are successful in the initiation ritual; there is no failure.
Previous initiates insure that new initiates succeed. In the college context, however,
the individual decides whether to participate and whether to drop out. In addition, in
U.S. colleges “conformity is the norm and it is the responsibility of the individual”
(Tierney, 1992, p. 610). Tierney argues that Tinto has used the concept of ritual
inappropriately, assuming that departure is universal and normal rather than the result
of societal forces. Another problem with the theory, according to Tierney, is that Tinto
sees the individual as the one needing to change rather than the institution. His model
never questions who needs to be integrated and how this process should take place, but
rather promotes the rejection of differences resulting from class, race, and gender.
Tiemey uses two examples of statements from college administrators regarding
Native American students at their institutions to demonstrate how individuals from
nondominant cultures are perceived as having a problem and needing to adjust, often
necessitating cultural “suicide,” or the separation from the former associations,
behaviors and norms that Tinto believes are necessary to persistence for some
individuals. Similarly, the belief that the solution lies with those in positions of power
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rather than with those most involved is prevalent. Tiemey argues that institutions
should be viewed as having the problem due to their “inability to operate in a
multicultural world” (p. 615), rather than blaming individuals from nondominant
groups for their inability to assimilate. Instead of social integration models, “a
framework of emancipation and empowerment” (p. 616) is needed. Rather than simply
describing what is currently happening on university campuses in terms of separation
and integration, Tiemey calls for institutions to change their practices. Tierney’s
arguments are compelling; however, more information is needed regarding how
institutions are to make this transformation. The vast diversity on today’s campuses
makes the idea of an institution’s responding to the needs of various groups and
individuals particularly complex.
Tinto him self has acknowledged limitations in his model. He has observed that
the model underestimates the effects of finance, fails to distinguish between behaviors
leading to transfer and those leading to dropout, does not account for differences based
on gender, race, or socioeconomic status, treats neither formal organization features
nor external forces, does not explain persistence at non-residential institutions, and
does not account for the longitudinal nature of persistence. Tinto remedies the latter
limitation by drawing on Van Gennep’s (1960) rites of passage in a later
reformulation. However, Braxton, Sullivan, and Johnson (1997) observe that although
Tinto refines and extends his model several times, he bases these revisions on his own
identification of the limitations of the model rather than on empirical research.
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Tinto’s model has been most thoroughly examined by Braxton et al. (1997),
who reviewed empirical research to determine to what extent Tinto’s 15 testable
propositions were supported. Only two linkages to persistence were found. The first
applies to both single and multiple institution tests. The proposition is that student
preentry characteristics affect initial institutional commitment, which affects
subsequent institutional commitment, which influences persistence. The second
linkage, applying only to single institution tests, is that social integration influences
subsequent institutional commitment, which affects persistence. In sum, only preentry
characteristics, commitment, and social integration have been empirically linked to
persistence either directly or indirectly, and these depend on whether single or
multiple institutional samples are applied. This study demonstrates that although
Tinto’s model has been influential, empirical support for its propositions is modest.
Thomas (2000) examined how a student’s social networks impacted academic
performance, commitment, persistence intentions, and first-year persistence. His
hypothetical model emphasizes social networking and its effects on various
components of Tinto model. Results indicated that students with larger numbers of ties
outside their immediate peer group demonstrated stronger academic performance and
greater persistence. Developing ties with students who themselves have many ties was
also beneficial to performance and persistence. However, an overabundance of such
relationships had negative effects on academic performance in the first year. Social
integration was measured by the degree to which students felt satisfaction with their
personal relationships rather than on involvement behaviors.
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Milem and Berger (1997) propose an integrated model of student persistence
which combines the involvement aspects of Astin5 s theory with the behavioral and
perceptual aspects of Tinto’s model. Early involvement behaviors in fall semester
positively influenced perceptions of institutional and peer support, and subsequent
involvement during spring semester. Early involvement in traditional social activities
was related to academic and institutional nonengagement. The authors suggest that
over involvement is detrimental, similar to Thomas’ (2000) findings that an
overabundance of social networks has negative effects. Nonengagement negatively
influenced perceptions of institutional and peer support and involvement in subsequent
semesters. Social integration was more influential in institutional commitment and
persistence than academic involvement, a finding the authors attributed to the
selectivity of the institution, indicating that students had a prior academic focus. The
study helps specify how involvement behaviors affect students’ perceptions of
support, which lead to incorporation, further commitment, and persistence. Persistence
behaviors were self-reported.
Using a simplified version of the model developed in their 1997 study, but this
time obtaining persistence outcomes from institutional records, Berger and Milem
(1999) sought to identify sources of students’ academic and social integration. They
found that academic and social integration was the result of home backgrounds.
Students with better high school grades and higher family incomes were more likely to
be involved with peers, be socially integrated, and develop greater institutional
commitment. The authors view this finding as unsupportive of Tinto’s
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conceptualization of the integration process. They interpret Tinto as believing that
students integrate at the expense of their former backgrounds, possibly referring to
Tinto’s separation concept. The authors state that in this case, students were able to
integrate because of the characteristics of their home backgrounds. The variables the
authors describe (high school grades and family income) are preentry characteristics,
which Tinto does believe impact persistence. The study did not measure separation,
thus the authors’ claim about Tinto’s conceptualization of integration being
unsupported is not logical. On the contrary, the fact that students who shared similar
norms to those of the dominant group were more successful at integrating supports
Tinto’s conceptualization.
In fact, in the Berger et al. study, students who did not possess the dominant
behavior patterns, norms, and values of the majority on campus were least likely to
persist, consistent with Tinto’s integration concept. This finding also supports the idea
that the institution expects individuals who do not share the norms of the institution to
adapt, which is Tierney’s (1992) main contention with Tinto’s model. Students whose
values, particularly their political beliefs, differed from those of the dominant group
had significant problems and were less likely to be involved or interact with peers and
faculty. Also, African-American students had high levels of initial institutional
commitment, but perceived the institution as unsupportive and were less likely to
persist. The authors agree with Tierney’s position, suggesting that “we must find
educationally sound ways to ensure that campus environments reflect the norms and
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values of a wider variety of students rather than the norms and values of a select few”
(p. 662).
Finally, another study extends the theories of Tinto (1975, 1986,1987, 1993),
Bean (1980, 1982, 1983, 1990), and Astin (1975, 1984, 1993, 1999) to system-wide
persistence to account for students’ transferring to another institution and/or stopping
out, as opposed to institutional persistence, which accounts only for students
remaining at a single institution (Blecher, Michael, & Hagedom, 2002). The authors
used data from the Beginning Postsecondary Students longitudinal database from the
National Center for Educational Statistics to track five-year persistence rates of over
3000 students at four-year institutions. They concluded that many of the factors
explaining institutional persistence are similar to those that explain system-wide
persistence. These include background variables such as age, socioeconomic status,
educational aspirations, full time enrollment, hours worked at a job, scholastic
achievement, and involvement (behavioral measures). This study suggests a different
application for dominant persistence theories, and is one of the few to track students
within the entire higher educational system rather than at a single institution. The
majority of the students were White and the mean age was approximately 18.
Summary
Tiemey (1992) makes a salient point when he observes that much research on
retention and related theory merely describes what is happening. The fact that it is
necessary to integrate into the mainstream culture, values, and attitudes of the
institution, and in some cases, particularly those in which the student’s background is
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widely different from that of the institution, to severe ties in order to be successful, is
one that needs examination. Is the problem with the individual or is it with the
institution? Whose responsibility is it to change? Although a preponderance of
research supports the claim that involvement and integration are necessary ingredients
to persistence, much of this research has examined mainstream, traditional American
students, for whom the transition process to college is quite different than for those
from other cultures and socioeconomic backgrounds, particularly since institutional
norms and values match those of mainstream students, thus do not present a
significant challenge to students. The theoretical basis of the most frequently applied
retention model, Tinto’s, has resulted in an integrationist position which is harmful to
individuals not from the dominant institutional culture (Tiemey, 1992). These
individuals are expected to separate from their former communities, beliefs, cultures,
values, and attitudes, and adopt those of a different culture and perspective to be
successful. Those who fail to integrate and leave the university are, in Tinto’s (1975,
1986, 1987, 1993) view, seen as committing academic suicide. Tinto’s model assumes
“that it is the individual’s task to adapt to the system” (Tiemey, 1992, p. 607).
Also unexamined is what happens to students after the first year. Because the
first year has been identified as the most critical, subsequent research has focused on
either first to second semester retention or first to second year retention. It is assumed
that once a student is over the hurdle of the first few months or year, no further
problems will be encountered. Evans (2001) found that for international Polynesian
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students, however, they were often academically successful in their first year, but
problems developed in their second year.
In this section, I introduced and analyzed major persistence models and
theories specifically the work of Tinto, and to a lesser extent, Astin, including both
theoretical criticisms and empirical studies. From a theoretical perspective, Tinto’s
model has been criticized for being based on inappropriate theories and for its failure
to address the need for change (Tiemey, 1992). Others object to Tinto’s failure to
incorporate empirical research in refinements of his model (Braxton et al., 1997).
Although empirical research generally supports at least portions of Tinto’s model and
Astin’s theory, much of this research has examined mainstream, traditional American
students, for whom the transition process to college is different than for those from
other cultures and backgrounds. Most of the studies reviewed in this section have
focused on students who were full-time, residential, White, upper middle-class, and
high achievers (Berger et al, 1997; Elkins et al., 2000; Milem et al., 1999; Thomas,
2000). However, some support for the idea of separation and integration exists in that
students perceived the need to separate to be successful (Elkins et al., 2000), and those
with similar norms to the institution were most likely to persist (Berger et al, 1997).
Also social networking (Thomas, 2000) and involvement (Blecher et al., 2002; Milem
et al., 1999) has been shown to affect social integration and persistence.
The purpose of the discussion presented in this section is to set a theoretical
foundation for the current study as well as identify the strengths and weaknesses of
classic persistence theories. These theories will be examined again later in the study to
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establish their relevance to the international student population. Next, I will analyze
research specifically focused on the persistence of minority' students to determine the
adequacies of dominant retention theories and models for this population.
Persistence of Minority and International Students
Studies focused on minority student persistence have some relation to
international student persistence as both groups potentially share characteristics of
being at-risk. These may include being specially admitted, first generation college
students, disadvantaged, ethnic minorities, non-English speaking, learning disabled,
and/or poorly prepared (Evans, 2001; Horn et al., 1997; Ting, 1998). Also, neither
group typically shares the norms, behaviors, values, and attitudes dominant in
American institutions of higher education, resulting in potential conflict and
adjustment difficulties, which could affect achievement and persistence.
Many persistence studies on minorities have some relation to the work of Tinto
and/or Astin, often measuring variables such as preentry characteristics, family
support, affinity of values, social and academic integration, commitment and goals,
and involvement with peers and faculty. In addition, other factors thought to be related
to minority student persistence, such as discrimination, motivation, and self-esteem,
have also been examined. The studies on minority student persistence that I review in
this section are categorized as follows: studies related to traditional persistence
theories and models, and studies focused on the identification of factors specific to
minority student populations. As several studies treat multiple variables and could
potentially fit in more than one category, I selected the category that seemed most
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applicable. At the end of this section, I examine the few persistence studies focusing
specifically on international students.
Studies Related to Traditional Persistence Theories and Models
Brown et al. (1997) examined a modification of Tinto’s persistence model to
determine its applicability to American Indian students. Variables for the study were
derived from Tinto’s model and from research on minority student retention, resulting
in six factors: social integration, faculty or staff interactions, perceived discrimination,
valuing of education, family encouragement, and academic preparation/aspirations.
Persisters, those who had achieved a bachelor’s degree or were enrolled in courses,
were found to have stronger academic preparation, higher aspirations, better academic
performance, more interactions with faculty and staff, and demonstrated assimilation
to academic norms such as good study skills and regular class attendance. No
significant differences were found for perceived discrimination, social integration,
family encouragement, or valuing of education. The study supports some aspects of
Tinto’s model, specifically preentry characteristics in the form of academic
preparation, commitment to graduation, and the importance of academic integration.
The findings also suggest that those who were able to assimilate to institutional norms,
or separate themselves from any former cultural learning styles, were more successful.
Similar to the Brown et al. (1997) study, Eimers et al. (1997) incorporated
factors derived from Tinto’s model and from research on minority student persistence
to determine differences in minority and nonminority students’ adjustment to college.
Variables included entering ability, external encouragement, perceived discrimination,
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affinity of values, faculty-student interaction, academic and social integration,
academic achievement, perceived quality, perceived gains, institutional commitment,
goal commitment, and intent to persist. Although minority students exhibited lower
levels on several of the variables (i.e. entering ability, subsequent academic
achievement, academic and social integration, perceived quality, perceived affinity of
values, institutional commitment, external encouragement, and higher levels of
perceived discrimination) than nonminority students, there was no significant
difference in the intent to persist between the two groups. Academic integration and
encouragement from family and friends were key components in predicting academic
achievement for both groups of students. The authors believe this finding challenges
Tinto’s rites of passage concept in that neither group felt the need to separate from
their past. Perception of quality, which was influenced by academic integration,
affinity of values with faculty and peers, social integration, and external
encouragement, had a greater effect on the intent to persist for minority students than
nonminority. Academic performance did not affect persistence intentions for minority
students, but had a significant positive effect for nonminority students. Although
minority students perceived more discrimination, there were no differences in the
effects of perceived discrimination on the intent to persist for either group. Once
again, this study demonstrates that minorities who persisted had similar values to their
faculty and peers, thus suggesting that an integration model rather than a cultural
integrity model was present at the institution.
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The authors suggest that the finding that external encouragement was
important to both minority and nonminority students conflicts with Tinto’s separation
concept. A clarification of Tinto’s position is needed. Tinto (1975,1986,1987,1993)
believes that when a student’s family background and values conflict with those of the
institution, they may need to be abandoned in order for the student to be successful;
however, he does not say that external encouragement is not important. Tinto’s
separation concept does not imply a lack of encouragement from home, only that
students physically and socially disengage from their former environment. No
information is provided regarding specific backgrounds of the minority students’
families, particularly in terms of socioeconomic or educational status. The authors do
note, however, that these students had less external encouragement and lower
perceptions of affinity with values at the institution than nonminority students;
however, the fact that their families and friends encouraged them to continue their
education and this significantly affected their intent to persist suggests that the
students came from families who valued education. Thus, the study is not necessarily
contrary to Tinto’s theory, as the authors suggest.
Allen (1999) also investigated the persistence of minority and nonminority
students, specifically the effects of precollege variables and motivational factors. For
minority students, persistence was most affected by high school rank, academic
performance in college, and motivation or the desire to finish college. Persistence for
nonminority students was influenced indirectly by high school rank through academic
performance. Parents’ education and financial aid influenced academic performance,
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but not persistence. The author views the most significant finding of the study to be
that motivation was a factor for minorities, but not nonmmorities. The study lends
support for Tinto’s model in that preentry characteristics and academic integration, as
measured by grade point average, were influential; however, the identification of a
factor that applied only to minorities, supports differences in patterns of persistence
for the two populations
Nora et al. (1996) studied the effects of perceptions of prejudice and
discrimination on minority student persistence. They developed a causal model of
persistence based on the work of Tinto (1975,1986,1987,1993) and Bean and
Metzner (1985). The model hypothesizes that precollege academic abilities directly
affect academic and intellectual development, academic performance, institutional
commitment, and persistence. The model also posits that parental encouragement
facilitates persistence decisions, and that perceptions of prejudice and discrimination
negatively affect academic performance, social and academic experiences,
institutional commitment, and the goal to graduate. Positive social and academic
experiences result in academic and intellectual development, which positively
influences academic performance, institutional commitment, and the goal to graduate.
Results of the study demonstrate that although minority students had lower
levels of academic preparation than nonminorities, this variable had significant effects
on persistence for both minorities and nonminorities. Parental encouragement was a
significant predictor of persistence for both minority and nonminority students, a
finding the authors believe is contrary to Tinto’s (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993) separation
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theory. Perceptions of prejudice and discrimination were higher for minorities than
nonminorities, and did have negative effects on adjustment, but not overwhelmingly
so. At most these perceptions had an indirect effect on persistence. Finally, the authors
conclude that their causal model is valid in that it predicted 72 percent of the
hypothesized relationships in the case of minorities, and 86 percent for nonminorities.
The study demonstrates that minority students are able to adjust and persist despite
perceptions of prejudice, points to the importance of parental encouragement, and
demonstrates similarities in persistence factors for the two groups.
A similar study by Cabrera et al. (1999) found that factors affecting persistence
for African American and White students were similar although they differed in
magnitude. For both groups, parental encouragement and support positively influenced
the transition into the academic and social realms of the institution, institutional and
graduation goal commitments, and persistence, which they believe contradicts Tinto’s
disengagement concept. Perceptions of prejudice and discrimination existed for both
populations, affecting goal commitments for Whites and social experiences for
African Americans; however, this factor was not primary in shaping students’
academic outcomes and persistence intentions. The model, based on the Student
Adjustment Model (Nora et al, 1996), and the Perceptions of Prejudice-
Discrimination Model (Cabrera & Nora, 1994), explained 56% of the variation for
African Americans and 39% for Whites. According to the authors, this finding
suggests that some current models of persistence are helpful in explaining minority
student persistence.
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The previous two studies interpret the finding that parental encouragement and
support was important to both minority and nonminority persistence to be contrary to
Tinto’s concept of separation. In all fairness to Tinto, although he indicates that
physical and social disassociation from one’s former life are critical to the integration
process, he does not say that all relationships with family must be severed or that
family encouragement is not important. He states that in cases where a student’s
family or community is unsupportive of higher educational goals, then a rejection of
the student’s former associations and habits may need to occur. One can presume then
that if family is supportive, continued encouragement from home is beneficial.
Hurtado et al. (1997) examined the social integration aspect of Tinto’s model.
They note that problems have arisen in past research due to how the concept of social
integration has been conceived and constructs identified and measured. They point out
that Spady’s (1971) model of college dropout, upon which Tinto’s model is based,
conceived of a more psychological view of social integration involving students’
subjective feelings regarding the degree to which they felt a sense of belonging,
enjoyed warm, positive relationships with others, and felt unaffected by differences
between themselves and the environment, yet many researchers have operationalized
social integration as participation in extracurricular activities.
Tinto (1993) notes that the absence of integration has two sources,
incongruence and isolation. Incongruence refers to an individual being at odds with
the institution and consequently having no desire to integrate while isolation refers to
an individual’s interactions within the institution and that individual’s perceptions of
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these interactions. Tinto believes incongruence cannot be controlled by the institution,
but that isolation can be avoided. The fact that Tinto believes incongruence beyond the
institution’s control reinforces the idea that he believes the individual is the one
needing to change rather than the institution. Tinto’s identification of the sources of
integration are general, referred to as interactions or “daily personal contacts” (1993,
p. 98) within the social and academic systems of the institution. Tinto does, however,
include a psychological element, perceptions, suggesting that he views integration as
both behavioral and psychological. He also gives examples of institutional
mechanisms leading to incorporation, such as fraternities, sororities, dormitory
associations, student unions, lectures, sports, and extracurricular activities, suggesting
a belief that participation in mainstream activities is important to integration.
In spite of Spady and Tinto’s inclusion of psychological aspects of social
integration, Hurtado et al. (1997) note that researchers have generally operationalized
the social integration construct as students’ participation in the social and academic
life of the college rather than student self-perceptions of social integration.
Furthermore, researchers have often measured participation in mainstream types of
activities without considering how racial/ethnic barriers may affect such participation
for some groups. Hurtado et al. observe that participation in ethnic student
organizations, community groups, religious organizations, and ethnic cultural
activities has seldom been measured to determine degree of social integration. They
also state that researchers’ views of what constitutes social integration and student
views of being socially integrated may differ.
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In their study of Latino students, Hurtado et al. (1997) examined the
integration aspect of Tinto’s model by measuring the students’ sense of belonging.
They found that students who discussed course content outside of class In the first and
second years, and who tutored other students and talked frequently with faculty in
their third year had a strong sense of belonging. Also, participating in a religious
organization in the first and second years, and in a social-community organization in
the third year strongly affected a student’s sense of belonging. These latter types of
participation demonstrate that involvements external to the campus and those which
link students to their home communities help them feel comfortable in the campus
community, contradicting Tinto’s separation concept. The authors suggest that
interdependence with families rather than independence may be more reflective of
today’s college students.
Results also indicated that participation in sororities, fraternities, and student
government had some effects on sense of belonging depending on the year of college.
Grade point average, which has frequently been used as a measure of academic
integration, did not affect a student’s sense of belonging. Also, independent research
projects, collaborative research projects with faculty, and visits to a faculty member’s
home were not significant indicators of sense of belonging. The authors suggest this
may be due to students not having many opportunities in these areas before their final
year. Perceptions of a hostile climate negatively influenced sense of belonging.
Overall, students’ levels of participation increased with their year in college, similar to
the findings ofMilem et al. (1997). The study demonstrates that different forms of
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participation are important to minority students, and that measuring a student’s sense
of belonging is a way to examine more than just behaviors thought to represent
integration, but to capture the psychological aspect of integration that has been
missing from previous research. The authors did not examine whether a sense of
belonging specifically affected persistence.
The studies discussed in this section offer some support for the validity of
traditional persistence models to minority students. Preentry characteristics, such as
high school rank and/or academic preparation (Allen, 1999; Brown et al., 1997;
Eimers et al., 1997; Nora et al., 1996), and commitment to graduation and/or the desire
to succeed (Allen, 1999; Brown et al., 1997) have been demonstrated to affect
persistence. Academic performance (Allen, 1999), academic and social integration
(Brown et al., 1997; Eimers et al., 1997; Hurtado et al., 1997), affinity of values,
perception of quality, and satisfaction with social and academic experiences (Eimers et
al., 1997) are influential in minority student persistence and also support primary
persistence theories.
In some cases, constructs of the primary theories were not applicable, however,
depending on how Tinto is interpreted. External encouragement, for example, has
been found to affect both minority and nonminority student persistence (Cabrera et al.,
1999; Eimers et al., 1997; Nora et al., 1996), a finding the authors view as opposing
Tinto’s concept of separation because minority students, who are more likely to
possess norms dissimilar from those of the institution, did not perceive a greater need
to separate than nonminority students. However, as explained earlier, Tinto’s
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conceptualization of separation does not necessarily imply lack of encouragement
from family. Other studies that did not support the Tinto model were Brown et al.
(1997), who did not find social integration or family support influential, and Hurtado
et al. (1997) who found that participation in activities external to campus resulted in a
sense of belonging for Latino students, contrary to Tinto’s separation idea.
Variations in the studies make comparisons difficult. Brown et al. (1997)
measured five-year actual persistence rates of Native Americans. Allen (1999) and
Eimers et al. (1997) measured one-year persistence of various minority groups.
Cabrera et al. (1999) and Allen (1999) utilized actual grades and first-year retention
rates while Eimers et al. (1997) used self-reported grades and self-reported persistence
intentions. Institutional size varied from mid-sized to large. Definitions of variables
also differed. For example, Brown et al. (1997) defined family encouragement as
mother’s and father’s education level and students’ perceptions of the family’s
encouragement to attend college while Eimers et al. (1997) defined external
encouragement as family and friends’ encouragement of the student to continue
college at a specific institution. Similarly, Hurtado et al. (1997) operationalized the
social integration construct as psychological rather than the behavioral interpretations
of many previous studies. While some attributes of dominant persistence theories hold
true for minorities, others do not. Variations in studies, including interpretations of
primary theories, definitions of variables, and population characteristics have created
conflicting results and complicated the ability of scholars to draw definite conclusions.
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Hurtado et al. (1997) question whether or not Tinto’s model is still a useful
framework for research due to the numerous criticisms directed at it and the failure of
many of its propositions to be validated. They conclude that although the model
contains important ideas and should continue to be used to initiate research, departures
from it are needed. Allen (1999) contends that if existing retention models were
appropriate only for nonminorities, they would fail to explain factors related to
persistence for minorities, the variables studied would not result in outcomes
consistent with theory, and variable relationships would be different from those
predicted by the model. The fact that some aspects of Tinto’s model are valid for
minority students, and that similarities in retention patterns have been found for both
m in o rity and nonminority students (Cabrera et al., 1999; Eimers et al., 1997) suggests
that the model still has a role in persistence studies. However, Tinto’s idea of
separation seems particularly vulnerable in light of studies demonstrating the
importance of external support to persistence (Cabrera et al., 1999; Eimers et al.,
1997), and of increasing numbers of students who do not participate in the residential
life of the college (Hurtado et al., 1997). Research also supports the idea that the most
successful students are those who share or are able to assimilate to the dominant
campus culture (Allen, 1999; Eimers et al., 1997). Although this is predicted by the
model, the desirability of this phenomenon must be questioned. One must also
consider Tierney’s (1992) contention that the model be replaced with one based on a
critical theory approach so as to shape needed change and promote justice and
equality.
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Studies Focused on the Identification o f Factors Specific to Minority Students
Some studies have focused on identifying specific factors applicable to
minority student retention rather than testing existing models to determine their
suitability to minority student populations. In a qualitative study of Latino college
students, Hernandez (2000) identified 11 major factors that affected persistence.
Themes included: I want to do it (i.e. belief in oneself, feelings of self-efficacy, the
desire to succeed, ability to overcome obstacles, self-esteem), the family (i.e. support,
encouragement, pressure, fear of disappointing), friends and peers (i.e. drive to
succeed, setting an example, providing assistance), faculty and staff (i.e. personalized,
one-on-one relationships), cocurricular involvement (i.e. student clubs and
organizations; volunteering on and off campus), finding a Latino community (i.e.
meeting Latinos of similar backgrounds who were succeeding), money matters (i.e.
scholarships, financial aid, parental support), I’m going to make it within the
environment (i.e. need for students to take advantage of support services and
opportunities), environment equals people (i.e. people affected students’ experiences,
either positively or negatively), personal experiences shape the perceptions of the
physical environment (i.e. positive and negative associations with places on campus),
and involvement as a way to break down the environment (i.e. the more students are
involved, the more likely they are to feel welcome). Of these, the central theme that
evolved was “I want to do it,” or the desire to succeed.
In another study, Hernandez (2002) interviewed 12 Latino college students at a
predominantly White institution as they were completing their first year of college.
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Results indicated that the students faced unexpected academic challenges, which they
attributed to lack of preparation in high school. They also relied on family support
throughout the first year. They went home regularly and stayed connected with their
families, thus missing opportunities to get involved on campus. Some of the students
elected not to be involved in cocurricular activities so as to focus on academic
demands. A final finding was that some students found it difficult to negotiate
between their parents5 cultural traditions and their own cultural values. The study
provides insight into the adjustment process for these students, and demonstrates the
importance of family support. However, because of feelings of being unprepared for
college and strong continued connections with their home communities, the author
believes students missed opportunities to become involved in the campus community,
which has been shown to be important to persistence. Although the importance of
external support has been supported in previous research (Cabrera et al., 1999; Eimers
et al., 1997), further study of these students is needed to determine if they persist
without campus involvement.
Limitations of quantitative studies on persistence include the inability to
discover students’ own perspectives of their experiences. Attinasi (1989,1992) sought
to remedy this by interviewing Mexican American students. He asked persisters and
nonpersisters who were nearing the end of their second year to recount their
experiences related to their own and others’ college-going behaviors. Results fell into
two categories, prematriculation behaviors or getting ready, and postmatriculation
behaviors, or getting in. Attinasi found that background variables influenced students
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in the sense that they provided students with the expectation that they would attend
college and what it would be like. Early socialization to the idea of going to college by
family, teachers, and friends positively affected a student’s persistence. Social
integration, specifically peer and faculty mentoring relationships, helped students
manage the university environment and negotiate the physical (size), social (number
of people), and cognitive (choices of study, hard courses, complicated instruction)
geographies. Finally, persisters developed cognitive maps to help them scale down the
environment, or to simplify and organize it according to their needs and experiences.
Another qualitative study focused on minority student persistence is Lee’s
(1997) study ofHmong women who were either pursuing or had completed higher
education in the U.S. Lee found that the women were motivated to pursue education
by economic need, increased independence, and gender equality. They were pioneers
in their culture, and as such, were influencing change. The researcher draws
comparisons between Hmong American women and Ogbu’s (1991) voluntary
immigrant minorities. Although the women were refugees rather than immigrants,
they shared belief in the folk theory that they can get ahead through hard work,
educational attainment, and individual ability. Consistent with voluntary minorities,
they also had a dual frame of reference, believing their lives as women in the U.S.
were better than in their former countries. In addition to the cultural barriers these
women faced such as being forced into early marriage and childbearing in a male
dominated environment, the cost of education and child care, particularly for those
who followed traditional marriage patterns, complicated educational desires. Hmong
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American women faced stereotypical attitudes about immigrants and welfare
dependency. Welfare reforms had a potential negative impact on the ability of these
women to complete their studies. Persistence in higher education for Hmong women,
then, is strongly related to motivational factors related to economic need, and the
desire for independence and gender equality. Barriers to their educational pursuits
include cultural practices, racism, and finances.
Padilla (1999) argues that retention studies should focus on reasons students
persist rather than reasons they drop out. He advocates developing local models of
academic success for specific groups of students in particular institutions. Padilla uses
the model of a “black box” to conceptualize the college experience. Much is known
about input (what goes into the black box). Output from the black box has two forms:
graduating or dropping out. Less is known about what occurs within the black box, or
the campus experience. Padilla suggests that students encounter a number ofbarriers
within the black box and that how they negotiate these barriers affects output. Students
possessing both theoretical, or book knowledge, and heuristic, or locally given
situational knowledge, are able to successfully overcome barriers in the college
environment. Attinasi (1989,1992) also found that successful students had learned to
manage their new environment, but in his study, they used cognitive maps.
Padilla incorporated a qualitative survey in which small groups of students
dialogued to complete parts of a matrix developed to assess student success. The
participants identified barriers, types of knowledge possessed by successful students
that allow them to overcome the barriers, and the specific actions they took. Findings
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indicated that students encountered discontinuity (transition from high school to
college and/or rural to urban, dependence to independence), lack of nurturing (few
minority role models, perceived low expectations of students by faculty, lack of family
support), lack of presence (racial isolation, lack of minority role models and mentors,
few minority support programs), and resource barriers (lack of money, problems with
financial aid). To overcome these barriers, students demonstrated expectational
knowledge (they expected the barrier), contextualizing knowledge (ability to put
barriers in perspective), and forward looking knowledge (ability to develop strategies).
Actions students took to overcome barriers included building a support base,
developing independence, and becoming informed consumers.
Allen (1992,1996) examined the experience of Black students at historically
Black universities and at predominantly White campuses, and found that although
students at Black universities tended to come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds,
had weaker high school academic records, and had limited choice of majors and
opportunities for advanced study compared to their counterparts on White campuses,
they experienced stronger psychosocial adjustment, higher academic achievement, and
higher occupational aspirations. Black students on White campuses experienced
alienation, isolation, and lack of support, and had to form their own social and cultural
networks. The study points to the importance of supportive social environments.
Although the study did not specifically measure persistence, Allen observes that the
study’s findings support Tinto’s (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993) idea that academic and
social integration are strong predictors of persistence. Those who integrate into
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campus life have stronger academic achievement and greater likelihood of graduation.
Black students on historically Black campuses have a stronger probability of persisting
due to their shared norms and ability to integrate than those on predominantly White
campuses. Allen also observes, however, that successful Black students do exist on
White campuses, suggesting that it is possible for students to succeed regardless of
racial climate and integration.
Finally, in another qualitative study, Hendricks (1996) examined minority
students in professional programs to determine factors that helped or hindered their
academic progress. African American, Hispanic, and Native American students
studying engineering, business, and law were interviewed regarding program choice,
professional goals, personal support, impediments to success, and reflections on the
ideal program. Students’ backgrounds, including family and church, were more critical
to persistence than institutional environment as proposed by Tinto. Three major
themes were identified as influencing choice of field and likelihood of achieving
academic goals: family support, service to community, and determination. Rather than
disassociating themselves from family, strong, positive family relations provided a
foundation and helped students adjust. With the exception of business students, those
in the other professions felt called to their chosen professions and were dedicated to
serving others. Students had a strong determination to succeed and the ability to
depersonalize racist experiences. Their views of an ideal professional program
included personal, one-on-one relationships with professors and cooperation among
students. A strong determination to succeed based on a personal vision of their choice
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of profession and a supportive family background were identified as success factors.
Similar to the Hurtado et al (1997) study, this study demonstrates the importance of
external involvements, such as family and church, to persistence.
The studies in this section have focused on identifying factors that help or
hinder the educational pursuits of minority students. The qualitative nature of the
majority of the studies allows the identification of factors that may not be accounted
for by standardized surveys. A number of similarities are exhibited by students who
have demonstrated the ability to succeed. Generally, they have a strong belief in their
ability, determination to succeed, supportive families and friends, and are involved
socially and academically (Hernandez, 2000). In some cases, they have experienced
early socialization to university life (Attinasi, 1989), and their adjustment has been
facilitated through peer and faculty mentoring (Attinasi, 1989; Hernandez, 2000).
They have also demonstrated skill at implementing strategies to overcome obstacles
(Hernandez, 2000; Padilla, 1999). One study indicated the importance of service to
others and personal vision (Hendricks, 1996). Perceptions of a supportive environment
also play a role (Allen, 1992,1996). Barriers to persistence may include cultural
practices, discrimination, financial difficulties, feelings of isolation, and lack of
mentoring (Allen, 1992, 1996; Lee, S. I., 1997; Padilla, 1999).
Studies on International Student Persistence
As mentioned earlier, little attention has focused on international student
persistence. One study of central importance to the present study is Evans’ (2001)
research on the persistence of international Polynesian students at Brigham Young
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61
University-Hawaii (BYUH). He determined that relationships, family, focus,
institutional factors, and freedom accounted for a 71% departure rate of Polynesian
students over a period of five-year period. Relationships posed problems as Polynesian
students were unfamiliar with dating. Also, it was difficult to say no to friends from
the same country, thus homework was often sacrificed to friendship. Although many
of these students came to school to help their families and this dedication helped keep
them in school during difficult times, family crises back home distracted them from
their studies. The students often lacked focus as most were first-generation college
students and were unfamiliar with what to expect from university life in the U.S. Some
of them came to college as a means of getting away from home or out of their
countries. Institutional factors such as the necessity of employment, the general
education program, and lack of communication among various campus departments
were cited as reasons for departure. Finally, the most significant factor for student
departure was freedom, or independence. Parents in traditional Polynesian homes have
tight control over their children; therefore, students were unprepared for what they
interpreted as an unstructured existence at the university. Factors contributing to
persistence included independence, quality of high school education, and language
skills, although the latter was a weak predictor. Institutional factors positively
affecting persistence emphasized people rather than programs. In keeping with
Tierney’s (1992) position, Evans concluded that institutions need to do more to adapt
to international students rather than expecting them to make the necessary changes to
be academically successful.
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In another study examining the international student population at BYUH,
Andrade (2003) interviewed seniors to determine the influence that background,
institutional factors, and personal characteristics had on their ability to be successful.
Evans5 study focused on one particular group of international students, Polynesians,
and primarily examined reasons for departure. In contrast, Andrade’s study sought to
discover reasons for success for a cross-section of international students at the
university. She interviewed students from Korea, Hong Kong, Mongolia, Indonesia,
Japan, Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa, and identified five major themes accounting for the
students’ ability to overcome challenges and persist to their senior year: a vision of the
future (i.e. belief that an education would get them further ahead in life), a life-
changing experience (i.e. marriage, a religious mission, a work experience), personal
support (i.e. a network of friends, teachers, and family), knowing how to get help (i.e.
utilizing support services, professors, and/or peers), and spiritual strength (i.e. faith,
prayer, reliance on God).
Andrade examined her findings through the lenses of three theories:
persistence, cultural capital, and attribution/self-regulated learning. Persistence theory
had some relevance in the study, most notably the idea of involvement and/or
academic and social integration. Students cited involvement with their professors and
peers, generally in an academic context, as influential to their persistence. Cultural
capital had little bearing on the students’ persistence. The only variables of cultural
capital that the students had in common were study skills and support from parents.
Other variables that have often been operationalized to measure cultural capital such
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as parental education, family background, familiarity with higher education, academic
preparation, and participation in high brow culture, were not shared by the students
nor did they emerge in the interviews as significant factors in persistence. Of the three
theories examined, attribution/self-regulated learning theory fit most closely with the
findings. When students encountered challenges or academic failure, they attributed
their failure to internal, unstable, and controllable factors, and took the necessary steps
to improve. They also demonstrated self-regulated learning strategies such as
motivation, seeking help, incorporating a variety of learning strategies, and effective
use of the environment.
In a study with some similarities to Andrade’s, Stoynoff (1997) examined the
effects of language proficiency, learning and study techniques, and personal
characteristics on the academic achievement of international students. He reported
modest relationships between language proficiency, measured by the Test of English
as a Foreign Language (TOEFL), and academic achievement, and between academic
achievement and motivation, self-testing techniques, and test taking strategies,
measured by the Learning and Study Strategies Inventory (LASSI). Stoynoff used
grade point average, number of credits completed, incompletes, withdrawals, and
pass/no pass courses to measure academic achievement. Although statistically
significant, the correlations reported between the TOEFL and LASSI and academic
achievement are weak rather than modest. For example, the calculation of the
coefficient of determination reveals only a 7% overlap between TOEFL scores and
cumulative grade point average. Also, Stoynoff fails to mention if the LASSI has been
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nornied on international students or if vocabulary used in the instrument could be
problematic for second language speakers.
Personal interviews of nine students with the highest grade point averages and
nine with the lowest demonstrated that students with high grade point averages relied
on peer and teacher help, extended effort, good test-taking skills, and the ability to
identify main ideas in readings and lectures to be successful. The 77 freshmen in the
study were tracked for their first two terms at the university. Fewer than 3% failed to
meet the grade point average or number of credits needed to stay enrolled. Due to the
statistical interpretations in the study and small numbers of students interviewed, only
limited conclusions can be made.
Coreil et al. (2000) conducted a longitudinal study of ESL (English as a
Second Language) students who completed a fundamentals of communication course
designed specifically for non-native speakers of English. Over a six year period,
students who completed this course had higher rates of retention, graduation, grade
point average, and fewer semesters to graduation than the native-speaking peers who
completed the course through the regular English Department track. The course was
required for all students at the university whether it was taken through the ESL track
or the English Department track. This study indicated that international students
outperformed their American peers in terms of academic performance, retention, and
graduation; however, no statistical analyses were included and it is representative of a
single institution. The study, does, however, suggest that international students who
speak English as a second language are likely to succeed, particularly when programs
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are specifically designed with their needs in mind, such as the ESL track
communication course. No information was provided regarding the language scores or
levels of academic preparation with which these students were initially admitted.
Studies on international student academic achievement and retention are few in
number. Those cited suggest that experiences of international students vary widely
depending on the institution, student, and country of origin. Little information was
provided in any of the studies regarding entry characteristics in terms of academic and
linguistic preparation, which could affect outcomes. For example, a student admitted
with a strong academic background, near-native English skills, and a strong desire to
succeed would be more likely to overcome barriers due to cultural adjustment than a
student with weak academic and language skills and a lack of focus. Further research
is needed to determine patterns of international student performance and retention.
This research also needs to distinguish among the background variables of students.
Summary
The literature on persistence, predominantly based on the work of Astin and
Tinto, reveals that although much is known about characteristics of students who
persist, theories and models do not apply equally well to all groups of students.
Attempting to make existing models fit rather than developing new models is an
undesirable approach. As Tierney (1992) observes, current theories and models merely
describe the status quo when what is needed to accommodate today’s diverse student
is institutional change. Studies comparing minority and nonminority persistence
demonstrate that some similarities exist. Those examining the applicability of existing
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persistence models to minority students generally find partial fit, but leave other
factors unaccounted for. Also, findings are inconsistent, populations vary, and
definitions and measurement of variables differ. Studies focusing specifically on
minority students have been helpful in identifying factors affecting persistence.
Finally, international student persistence studies are limited in number and present
divergent results.
In spite of the differences among studies, evidence can be found for several
themes that influence minority and international student persistence, namely academic
preparation (Brown et al., 1997; Eimers et al., 1997; Evans, 2001; Hernandez, 2002;
Nora et al., 1986); commitment, desire to succeed, or focus (Allen, 1999; Andrade,
2003; Brown et al., 1997; Evans, 2001; Hendricks, 1996; Lee, S. I., 1997),
socialization to the expectation of college attendance (Attinasi, 1989,1992), academic
and social integration (Allen, 1999; Andrade, 2003; Attinasi, 1989, 1992; Brown et al.,
1997, Eimers et al., 1997; Hernandez, 2000; Hurtado et al., 1997), the importance of
people and/or mentoring (Andrade, 2003; Evans, 2001; Hernandez, 2000), family
and/or external encouragement (Andrade, 2003; Evans, 2001; Eimers et al., 1997;
Hendricks, 1996; Hernandez, 2000; Hernandez, 2002; Nora et al, 1996), finances
(Hernandez, 2000; Lee, S. J., 1997), use of strategies, study skills and/or personal
characteristics (Andrade, 2003; Attinasi, 1989,1992; Hernandez, 2000; Stoynoff,
1997; Padilla, 1999), environment (Andrade, 2003; Hernandez, 2000), friends and
peers (Andrade, 2003; Attinasi, 1989, 1992; Evans, 2001; Hernandez, 2000), and
language proficiency (Evans, 2001; Stoynoff, 1997). Caution is needed, however,
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when attempting to draw conclusions as terminology, methodology, and research
samples differ.
Further research is needed to determine if it is possible to develop a causal
model that could consistently explain persistence of nontraditional students and how
different this model would be from existing models. Also, could such a model be
applied equally well regardless of the population? Tierney (1992) argues that a new
model which respects diversity and students’ cultural backgrounds is needed.
However, such a persistence model does not currently exist. At this point, Tinto’s
model is still the basis for the majority of models described in this review. The results
of research have shaped the model in new ways and added components, but most of
Tinto’s original constructs provide the basic infrastructure. Exploratory studies have
also identified several of these same constructs as being significant in minority student
persistence. Some studies have found causal models, either Tinto’s or elaborations of
Tinto’s, to be predictive of persistence behaviors for both minority and nonminority
students (Cabrera et al., 1999; Nora et al., 1996). The end goal of the development of
persistence theory and/or models is to inform practice. Persistence studies have the
potential to impact practice in a number of areas including college preparation, access,
racial climate, academic and social support, and equity in outcomes for nontraditional
students. As such, theories and models that go beyond merely describing the
experiences of students on our campuses are needed to provide greater insight into
minority student experiences on our campuses, and direct our efforts towards practices
of inclusion, support, and respect for diverse student populations and their cultures.
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Cultural Capital
Another theoretical underpinning from which persistence may be viewed is
cultural capital. Research has revealed that preentry characteristics affect a student’s
likelihood of persistence. These characteristics may include socioeconomic status,
academic preparation, personal attributes, family background, and commitment to the
institution and goal of graduating. The concept of cultural capital provides insight into
the transition to college and why some students have more difficulty than others.
International students come from cultures that may be very different from
those of their American counterparts, and therefore, possess dissimilar preentry
characteristics. These differences encompass cultural values, beliefs about education,
amount of exposure to higher education, learning styles, expectations about academic
and social life at universities and colleges in the U.S., and personal and academic
behaviors. These characteristics affect the degree to which international students
adjust to the new environment, and consequently, their achievement and persistence.
International students may have varying degrees of cultural capital, which affect their
ability to be successful within the existing structures of the institution. Likewise,
although they may possess what is considered cultural capital in their own country,
this might not be valued or rewarded in American society.
Cultural Capital Defined
Most studies on cultural capital are founded on the work of Pierre Bourdieu
(1977, 1986; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990), who defines cultural capital as the
linguistic and cultural competencies of the dominant social class. Bourdieu describes
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69
three forms of capital: embodied, objectified, and institutionalized. Embodied capital
exists in the “dispositions of the mind and body” (p. 243), and is evident by an
individual’s seeking to become more cultured. Objectified capital refers to material
objects such as art, literature, and music. Institutionalized capital consists of academic
qualifications.
Bourdieu contends that educational institutions aid in the reproduction of the
dominant social class by rewarding students who possess the attitudes, preferences,
knowledge, and behaviors of the dominant class. The ability of the dominant class to
reaffirm its status through the educational system is known as social reproduction. In
contrast, students who are deficient in the attributes of the dominant class often do
poorly in school. Lacking the cultural capital rewarded by the education system, they
fail to attain the institutionalized capital that enables them to progress to higher levels
of society. However, cultural capital can help mediate the effects of social
background. In other words, children from a lower socioeconomic status whose
parents possess some degree of cultural capital may be able to utilize this to achieve
academically. The latter view is referred to as social mobility theory. The distinction
between social reproduction and social mobility was first made by DiMaggio (1982).
In reviewing literature on cultural capital, Lamont and Lareau (1988) observe
that researchers have not operated on a common definition. They define cultural
capital as “institutionalized, i.e. widely shared, high status cultural signals (attitudes,
preferences, formal knowledge, behaviors, goods and credentials) used for social and
cultural exclusion” (p. 156). This includes exclusion from jobs, resources, or high
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status groups. In spite of this proposed common definition, the concept of cultural
capital remains broad, and a multitude of variables have been examined. Cultural
capital may consist of or be referred to as academic, family, human, social, and
economic capital. Each of these is multi-faceted and subject to varying interpretations.
Because cultural capital encompasses an enormous range of factors, exact
definitions and variables in various studies must be distinguished. For example, the
educational background of parents may be referred to as social capital, human capital,
or cultural capital, depending on the study. Similarly, a range of variables such as
possession of books, concert attendance, work habits, and/or knowledge about college
life have been operationalized as measurements of cultural capital. Many elements of
cultural capital have been examined in persistence research although they have not
specifically been referred to by this term. For instance, academic preparation, family
environment, finances, peer and faculty involvement, and study skills and habits, have
been studied both as variables in persistence and as indicators of cultural capital. With
the following review of related research, I set a foundation for the current study, which
attempts to determine if and how cultural capital plays a role in the persistence of
international students at American colleges and universities, specifically BYUH.
Family Background and Parental Involvement
According to Bourdieu’s social reproduction theory, children whose home
e n v iro n m e n t reflects the cultural climate of the school are most likely to be
academically successful. This is because the school rewards children for behavior that
is representative of the dominant social class. This idea is related to Tinto’s separation
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theory in which he contends that college students whose backgrounds are widely
different from those of the institution will likely not persist unless they are able to
separate themselves from the conflicting values, behaviors, and associations from their
past. In both cases it appears necessary, at least under existing educational structures,
for students to possess behaviors of the dominant social class in order to be
academically successful. The acquisition of cultural capital may allow students from
nondominant social classes to overcome barriers and enhance their achievement,
however. Research is divided on this point. Some studies have found that cultural
capital plays a significant role in school success for middle and upper class students,
supporting social reproduction theory, while other studies have determined that it is
effective in helping minority children achieve, evidence of social mobility.
Parental background and involvement determine, to a large extent, the type and
amount of cultural capital a student possesses and how effective it will be in
determining academic achievement. A number of family-related factors may affect
school success. Wong (1998) found that in Czechoslovakia, human capital (father’s
education), financial capital (material possessions), social capital (Communist party
membership), and cultural capital (parents’ possession of books, reading habits,
hobbies, fluency in foreign languages, participation in social organizations, self-
education activities, and high brow cultural activities) increased children’s likelihood
of obtaining a desirable education at both the secondary and higher education levels.
Naturally, these measures of cultural capital, or family capital as Wong calls them,
would not be equally applicable in other contexts, which demonstrates that cultural
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capital is context-dependent. This is of significance to international students, some of
whom may possess cultural capital aligned with that of the mainstream American
educational system, while others may not.
Parents’ reading behavior, another variable of cultural capital, appears to have
a greater influence on children’s educational attainment than participation in high
brow cultural activities, the more traditional indicator of cultural capital identified by
Bourdieu. Parental reading behavior was found to be a more significant predictor of
achievement than beaux arts participation, particularly for children from lower and
middle socioeconomic backgrounds, according to a study of Dutch children in the
Netherlands (DeGraff, DeGraff, & Kraaykamp, 2000). This finding is contrary to
Bourdieu’s social reproduction theory. The authors suggest that parents who lack
schooling may be able to compensate by providing a strong reading climate in the
home, but this reading climate does not matter as much when parents are highly
educated. Success for children of highly educated parents may be due to the parents’
comfort and fit with the educational system. Also, in the context of the Netherlands,
the authors suggest that greater social equality over the past 20 years has lead to
increased similarities in cultural tastes and less regard for high brow cultural pursuits.
In sum, this study indicates that reading habits in the home may aid children from
lower socioeconomic brackets in school achievement, at least in this context.
In a study measuring the effects of parent-child discussions and involvement in
parent-teacher organizations on eighth grade students’ cognitive and behavioral
outcomes, effects on behavioral outcomes were greater, but applied only to
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advantaged students from middle and high socioeconomic backgrounds and intact
households (McNeal, 1999). The data did not indicate whether this was due to the
quality of the involvement or to negative reactions of those in educational institutions
to the involvement of parents from nondominant classes. In contrast to the DeGraff et
al. (2000) study, this finding supports Bourdieu’s cultural reproduction theory. Those
with the most cultural capital, reap the greatest benefits from that capital.
DiMaggio (1982) found that cultural capital, defined as participation in
prestigious cultural activities, positively affected academic achievement for eleventh
grade students. He also found support for both cultural reproduction and cultural
mobility theories. Cultural capital in the form of father’s education was found to
significantly affect the grades of females from high status families. In contrast,
evidence for the cultural mobility model, in which returns on cultural capital are
highest for students who are least advantaged, applied to males in the study. This
finding indicates that well-educated parents pass on more cultural capital to their
daughters than their sons although the authors believe that adolescent rebellion may
have had some effects on findings for males.
Another study offering support for both cultural reproduction and cultural
mobility is that ofRoscigno and Ainsworth-Damell (1999), who found that cultural
capital and educational resources had significant positive effects on both grade point
average and reading-mathematics standardized achievement test scores for all tenth
grade students, regardless of race or class. Family cultural capital was measured by
trips to museums, classes in fine arts outside of school, and household educational
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resources such as subscriptions to newspapers and magazines, and possession of a
computer, pocket calculator, encyclopedia, dictionary, atlas, and 50 or more books.
However, racial gaps were still significant. In general, black students experienced less
return on grades for household educational resources and less return on reading-
mathematics achievement from cultural trips and educational resources than did White
and higher socioeconomic students, indicating the strength of cultural reproduction
theory. The authors attribute large portions of the gap to socioeconomic status and
micropolitical processes inherent in tracking and teacher evaluation. Cultural capital
and family educational resources only moderately explained gaps in performance
among different racial groups and social classes.
Driessen (2001) examined the effects of cultural capital on primary level
students from four ethnic groups in the Netherlands - Dutch, Surinamese, Turkish, and
Moroccan - and found that cultural capital had no effects on achievement. Cultural
capital was measured by educational levels of parents, father’s occupation, financial
resources, reading behavior, pedagogical family climate (i.e. help with homework,
contact with school, talk about the importance of school and school-appropriate
behavior), and cultural/linguistic resources (i.e. language choice, attitude, and
mastery).
In answer to why the possession of cultural capital by minority parents might
not reap expected benefits (McNeal, 1999), two additional studies provide insight.
Even though minority parents may possess cultural capital in the form of educational
knowledge and awareness, their race and/or ethnicity may prevent them from using it
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to their advantage. Minority parents who have a sound understanding of educational
processes, know their rights regarding their children’s education, and exercise
interventionist strategies, may feel marginalized and unsuccessful at having their
requests granted, and have a relationship of distrust with the school rather than
partnership (Crozier, 1996). Lareau and Horvat (1999) found that minority parents
who approached schools with attitudes of mistrust, anger, and criticism, due to
experiences with discrimination, were unsuccessful in accomplishing their goals.
Although they possessed cultural capital, they lacked skill at activating it, focusing
more on the political or racial climate of the school rather than their children’s
performance. White parents, whose relations with the school were based on a higher
level of comfort and trust, approached the educational system with greater cultural
capital.
In summary, research has shown that family characteristics such as parental
reading behavior, parental involvement, father’s education, material possessions,
household educational resources, hobbies, fluency in foreign languages, participation
in social organizations, self-education activities, and high brow cultural activities are
forms of cultural capital that have positive effects on children’s academic
achievement. However, without the necessary skill to appropriately use cultural
capital, benefits may be negligible. Also, these results are dependent on race/ethnicity
and socioeconomic status. Because the studies cited have measured different variables
in several contexts, it is difficult to determine the applicability of the results to the
international student population, except to say that family background does play a role
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in achievement and could affect persistence. Whether that role is negative or positive
and which family characteristics are salient depends on a number of factors. Also, the
studies cited examine achievement for primary and secondary school children, not
college-aged individuals.
Influence o f Schools
In keeping with Bourdieu’s theory that educational systems reward specific
behaviors and attitudes, Farkas, Grobe, Sheehan, and Yuan (1990) found that the
informal academic standards in inner city junior high schools, by which teachers
reward students’ basic skills, habits, and styles, explained much of students’ school
success in terms of coursework mastery and grades. In fact, teacher judgments of
student work habits affected course grades more than cognitive performance. Asian
students had strong basic skills as well as good citizenship, resulting in exceptional
academic performance. The study demonstrates that the educational system rewards
students for particular work habits (i.e. homework, participation, organization, effort,
attendance, appearance), followed by basic skills (i.e. vocabulary, grammar, reading,
math) and coursework mastery. Students who have the requisite work habits are
rewarded directly by teachers and also achieve greater coursework mastery. Students
lacking these work habits demonstrate lower academic performance.
In addition to rewarding students’ work habits, teachers’ beliefs about
students’ academic capabilities affect the way they conduct the classroom and the
learning opportunities offered; in some cases, teachers operate in culture-bound ways
and marginalize students who do not share the dominant linguistic, cultural, and social
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capital (Gutierrez, 1995). In other situations, schools inadvertently subjugate the
cultural and linguistic capital of some students. For example, McCollum (1999)
reports on a bilingual program in which teachers refused to accept students’ working
class Spanish, but instead emphasized high variety Spanish, overcoixected students’
language use, and analyzed language rather than using it for communicative purposes.
In addition, Spanish was devalued by the school’s placing less emphasis on year-end
Spanish assessments in relation to English assessments, and preferential use of English
for school announcements. Peer group culture also placed a higher value on English
over Spanish and was preferred by most bilingual students.
Another example of how educational systems use language to promote
political power and status, in this case purposefully, is the change from English to
Chinese as the medium of instruction in Hong Kong schools after the 1997 return of
Hong Kong to China. The Chinese government is positioning the Chinese language to
be the new form of linguistic capital in Hong Kong although the higher educational
system still uses English as the medium of instruction (Morrison & Lui, 2000). The
fact that the native language is being valued by the educational system reinforces
students’ linguistic capital; however, the fact that English is the dominant language of
higher education undermines this approach.
In contrast to the examples above which demonstrate that educational systems
reward informal academic standards and undermine forms of linguistic and cultural
capital which are outside the norms of the school, educational systems can work with
the community and family to form networks of social capital. Musial (1999) believes
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that schools should have permeable boundaries enabling them to connect with other
institutions in society such as community, family, and church. She cites research
demonstrating that students in religious schools are more academically successful in
terms of lower dropout rates due to the social capital created by church, community,
and school, which assist the family in the education of the child. As social capital in
homes and neighborhoods is shrinking, Musial calls for schools to focus less on
building academic capital and more on building structures that enhance students’
human, cultural, and social capital by partnering with families and communities.
The studies reviewed in this section demonstrate that schools reward students
not only for cognitive performance, but for particular work habits. In addition, the
linguistic and cultural capital of students may inadvertently be undermined even when
the opposite end is sought. Finally, schools should focus on the development of social
capital by networking with families and communities. These studies are not directly
applicable to the international student population. However, they raise a number of
questions such as: What informal behaviors are rewarded in the educational systems of
other countries and how are these similar to/different from those in the U.S.? Do
professors in university and college classrooms reward particular work habits along
with cognitive performance? Does the U.S. higher educational system undermine the
cultural and linguistic capital of international students? Are international students
accustomed to stronger links between home and school? Are they at a disadvantage
due to their separation from social networks within their own country?
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Higher Education
Traditional college and university students. A number of studies have
examined the role of cultural capital on the behaviors and performance of traditional
university students. For example, Zweigenhaft (1993) focused on the role of cultural
capital in the cultural reproduction of America’s elite by comparing prep school and
public school graduates of Harvard. Four groups of Harvard students, those who
attended public schools, elite Grottlesex schools, other elite private schools, and non
elite private schools were studied. Public school graduates had higher grades and were
more likely to go on to earn doctoral degrees, indicating that they invested more in
their college experience to build cultural capital through academic achievement.
Private school graduates had lower grades, were more likely to have law degrees and
to participate in prestigious social clubs, indicating that they placed emphasis on
building social capital. The study supports Bourdieu’s social reproduction theory. The
educational and socioeconomic backgrounds of the Harvard students affected their
academic achievement and the type of cultural capital they chose to pursue. This study
is particularly important in demonstrating how class background is related to the
accumulation of cultural capital, particularly institutional and social capital.
Nespor (1990) examined the curricular structures of two disciplines: physics
and management. The curricular structure for physics required students to take
prescribed courses in a particular sequence. Classes were small and students were
generally acquainted with each other from previous courses and group work. The
curricular structure for physics created pressure for students to develop friendships
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centered on academic tasks. It converted the students’ cultural capital (general tastes,
ways of interacting, and leisure activities) into a narrow, focused type of social capital
(social groups formed on the basis of studying and solving physics problems). In turn,
the social capital was converted into academic capital. Physics students who worked in
groups had higher grades and a better chance of achieving institutional capital in the
form of admission to the best graduate schools. In contrast, students with strong ties
outside of the physics major and those from working class backgrounds tended to
prefer solitary work. These students experienced academic difficulties.
Cultural capital played a different role for management students who did not
participate in group work as the result of the curricular structure of the major. The
curricular structure was much looser than that of the physics major and courses did not
need to be taken in a definite sequence. However, management students formed social
networks to provide information about courses, professors, and tests, share class notes,
and work on projects, thus providing academic capital, but in a different way than for
the physics students whose focus was on studying course material. In addition,
membership and activity in student organizations helped build social capital by
creating job networks and making favorable impressions on corporate recruiters. The
management major, then, helped students generate social capital. Although limited to
only two disciplines, this study demonstrates how disciplines can either convert or
generate cultural capital. The findings also have implications for how specific fields
prepare students for positions of power and aid in the reproduction of cultural capital.
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Minority and/or nontraditional students. Jun et al. (1999) advocate college
preparation programs for at-risk urban students that promote the development of
academic capital such as problem-solving skills and test preparation, and the
development of cultural capital which includes out-of-class activities and family
involvement. The latter is aimed at changing the outlook of many of urban parents
who believe that education is the sole responsibility of teachers and schools rather than
a joint effort between family and school. In a separate article, Tierney (1999) describes
a model of retention for minority students based on cultural capital and cultural
integrity. This model provides minority students with all three forms of cultural capital
delineated by Bourdieu: embodied, objectified, and institutionalized. Cultural
integrity, as opposed to Tinto’s cultural suicide model in which Tinto asserts that
students must reject their cultural background in favor of majority culture to be
academically successful, includes the ability of the institution to use students’ cultural
backgrounds in the teaching and learning process and to affirm, not merely celebrate,
students’ cultural identity. Tierney describes the Neighborhood Academic Initiative
(NAI), a college preparation program for low-income urban African American and
Hispanic American youth built on this model.
Hagedom and Tiemey (2002) observe that many college preparation programs
aim to increase students’ cultural capital; however, the cultural capital needed to gain
access to college may be insufficient to sustain a student in college. They argue that
institutions must examine how they can become more responsive to the needs of these
students, and equip them with additional cultural capital through their educational
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experience. Hagedom and Tiemey advocate a cultural integrity approach, not an
assimilationist position. The former considers students’ home cultures and honors their
identities, seeking to tailor learning to students’ frames of reference rather than
viewing them as “empty vessels” (p. 7) waiting to be filled by mainstream culture.
Valadez (1993, 1996) studied the academic experiences of nontraditional
community college students, defined as minorities, immigrants, working class
students, and those over age 25. Generally, he found that these students lacked cultural
capital in the form of academic preparation, knowledge about college life, study skills,
supportive family backgrounds, and familiarity with higher education. Although
community colleges are meant to provide educational opportunities to a wide range of
students, the structures within them presuppose that students possess a certain degree
of cultural capital that assists them in navigating the college system. Without this,
many of them are not fulfilling their potential. Valadez asserts that community
colleges are structured on the cultural capital of the middle class.
Pema (2000) studied differences in the decision to attend college based on race
and/or ethnicity. She expanded an econometric model according to which individuals
decide whether to attend college based on a comparison of the benefits and costs of
college as opposed to other alternatives, to include measures of social and cultural
capital. Econometric variables measured included tuition, financial aid, state
unemployment rate, expected future income, family income and academic ability.
Measures of social and cultural capital included knowledge and information about
college, expectations of educational attainment, parental encouragement and
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involvement, peer influence and encouragement, interactions with and encouragement
from teachers and counselors, and admissions test preparation tools. Results
demonstrated that lower enrollment for Hispanics was based on lower levels of the
capital necessary for college enrollment such as test scores, curricular programs, and
educational expectations. Academic ability was a critical determiner for African
Americans, Hispanics, and Whites. However, for African Americans and Hispanics,
social and cultural capital was equal to academic ability in the decision to enroll in a
four-year college. Finally, financial aid itself was not enough to increase enrollment
decisions. The study provides a new model for examining differences in enrollment
decisions among ethnic groups. The model accounts for social and cultural capital, not
only financial factors, as determinants in the decision to attend college.
Studies related to cultural capital in the context of higher education
demonstrate that students themselves use their college experiences to build certain
types of cultural capital. This is indicated through students’ involvement behaviors
such as focusing predominantly on academics to build academic capital, or on social
activities to build social capital. Similarly, curricular structures of specific academic
disciplines lend themselves to the greater development of one type of cultural capital
over another. For minority students, it may be critical to develop cultural capital
through college preparation programs as studies have demonstrated that a lack of
cultural capital presents difficulties for many nontraditional students. Institutions must
ensure that the development of this cultural capital continues throughout the college
experience to help students persist. Another reason the development of cultural capital
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is important for minority students is that enrollment decisions themselves may depend
on it. Other than the examination of various preentry characteristics in Tinto’s (1975,
1986, 1987, 1993) model, however, research has not specifically examined the effects
of cultural capital on persistence, nor has research regarding the effects of cultural
capital on international student persistence been conducted.
Summary
Cultural capital is closely related to the preentry characteristics treated in many
persistence models. Both focus on variables related to a student’s family background.
Furthermore, educational systems either reinforce or exclude students based on their
cultural capital. This aspect may be related to concepts of involvement and integration,
which have been demonstrated to affect persistence in higher education. Another
interesting feature related to persistence is the idea of separation. Students arrive on
campus from a variety of backgrounds in which they have learned specific behaviors
and values. These may or may not be similar to the norms of the institution. If they are
dissimilar, students may experience isolation and alienation, affecting persistence.
What types of institutional changes are needed to help these students be successful? Is
integration necessary, or can the institution accommodate students from a variety of
backgrounds? If so, how?
International students in particular come to American college campuses from
cultural backgrounds that may be at odds with those of the institution. Generally, the
expectation has been that these students need to learn what is appropriate in American
culture, especially the culture of higher education, and adapt to the institution. Some
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85
may be able to navigate university bureaucracies and academic systems adequately to
achieve their goals and then return home. Others may not. Institutions of higher
education must recognize that existing cultural standards, curricula, pedagogy, and
assessment methods are not neutral (Olneck, 2000). Institutions have a responsibility
to not only provide support for those they admit, but to ensure that all students on the
campus benefit from the intercultural learning opportunities available through the
contributions of international students.
Some scholars believe that changing demographics will cause what is now
recognized as cultural capital in American society to be redefined. Rather than
viewing immigrants and minorities as handicapped and lacking the cultural capital to
succeed in society, in the future these populations will have greater cultural capital due
to their ability to overcome challenge and adversity, speak multiple languages, and
navigate successfully in more than one culture (Trueba, 2002). Similarly, international
students have the potential of possessing a new type of cultural capital - global
cultural capital. The development of this form of cultural capital should be encouraged
by institutions. Having international students on campus not only provides the
opportunity for international students to develop global cultural capital, but for
American students as well. Both international students and American students should
be provided with opportunities for intercultural learning.
It is clear that cultural capital plays a role in academic achievement in spite of
varying interpretations of the concept and differing results depending on context and
populations. The attitudes, behaviors, values, and experiences that students bring to
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the educational experience affect their academic success. The current study seeks to
understand this relationship more folly, specifically how cultural capital affects the
persistence of international students in institutions of higher education in the U.S.
Attribution Theory and Self-Regulated Learning
Academic achievement is related to how students views their successes and
failures and the responsibility they takes for their own learning. Students who attribute
their failures to external causes beyond their control such as the teacher or
environment are likely to believe they cannot change their performance and will
therefore be unmotivated to change. In contrast, those who view their failure as a lack
of effort believe that they are responsible for their own performance and that it is
within their control to do better. Similarly, students who practice effective learning
strategies demonstrate increased achievement.
Students enter institutions of higher education with a variety of psychological
attributes (Bean et ah, 2002). As they interact with the academic and social systems
within the university, students form general feelings about their experiences and make
adjustments in order to feel comfortable and integrated (Bean et ah, 2002). The
adaptive strategies students engage in can be described by a number of psychological
theories such as attribution and self-regulated learning. Viewing persistence through
these lenses may increase our understanding of why students either persist or depart
from institutions of higher education. Little research has examined this relationship for
either domestic or international students.
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Attribution Theory and Self-Regulation Theory Defined
As people attempt to make sense out of life’s experiences and events, they
search for causes. Attribution theory (Weiner, 1979, 1986) examines this process of
attributing causes and its impact on individuals. The explanations (causal attributions)
that people make for outcomes and events in their lives, impact their subsequent
thoughts, emotions, and behaviors. Wiener specifically studied how causal attributions
affect motivation in academic achievement. He identified attributions according to
three dimensions: stability (stable/unstable), locus (internal/external), and control
(controllable/uncontrollable). Stability refers to the degree to which a factor is fixed.
Examples of stable factors are ability, task difficulty, and family. Effort, attention, and
mood are less stable. Locus refers to whether the causes are attributed to internal or
external factors. Internal factors may include ability, effort, maturity, or health while
external factors may include a teacher, a specific assignment, or family. Finally,
control is related to the ability of the individual to manage the situation and outcome.
Menec et al. (1995) offer an illustration. If a student fails a test and attributes
the failure to lack of ability, the causal attribution would be classified as internal,
stable, and uncontrollable, likely resulting in lowered self-esteem and decreased
expectations of future success. Since the student expects failure to occur regardless of
effort, the response will likely be to study less, miss class, and/or pay less attention in
class. The latter behavior will result in poor performance on future tests and possibly
dropping out of the course. In contrast, a student who attributes his poor test score to
lack of effort or ineffective study strategies, which are internal, unstable, and
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88
controllable causes, will likely adjust the behavior causing the poor performance, try
harder, and feel that fixture success is possible. This results in increased persistence
and achievement (Weiner, 1986).
In addition to causal attributions, self-regulated learning strategies have been
demonstrated to affect achievement. Zimmerman (1994), Zimmerman, Greenberg, and
Weinstein (1994), and Zimmerman and Risemberg (1997) argue that research on
learning and motivation should focus on teaching students to manage their
achievement through self-regulated learning strategies rather than on the learner’s
ability and social environment. They propose a framework for self-regulated learning
consisting of six psychological dimensions: motivation, methods of learning, use of
time, control of one’s physical and social environment, performance, and social
aspects. Students who are able to motivate themselves, possess a large number of
learning strategies and know when and how to use them, manage their time
effectively, seek assistance from others, restructure their physical environment to
make it conducive to study, and monitor and evaluate their own learning are more
successful academically than students who do not possess these qualities (Dembo &
Eaton, 2000). Academically successfully students are more likely to be integrated into
the university and committed to graduating.
Psychological Attributes and Academic Achievement
Perry et al. (2001) found that academic control, the belief students have about
their ability to influence their educational outcomes, as well as action control, degree
of preoccupation with failure, was related to grades. High-control, high-failure
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89
preoccupied students outperformed all other students on achievement measures. The
authors attribute this to the students’ ability to identify the causes of their failures as
controllable. Thus their achievement increased once they identified what caused the
failure and sought to rectify the problem. Students with lower levels of academic
control with a high-failure focus may attribute their failure to less controllable causes
such as poor quality teaching or their own lack of ability.
The specific type of self-regulation students possess may also have an effect on
their achievement. Schapiro et al. (2000) identified dynamic self-regulation, an
internal tendency that promotes interest, curiosity, risk-taking, and enthusiasm, as
more influential on student grades than active self-regulation, consisting of the use of
learning strategies. In fact, active self-regulation did not contribute to grade point
average at all. Another interesting finding of the study was that dynamic self
regulation can be taught. Nearly half the students who began a learning skills course as
low-dynamic were high dynamic by the end of the course. The study demonstrates that
curiosity, enthusiasm, and risk-taking have positive effects on academic performance.
Perry (1999) suggests that instructors have an important role in assisting
students by listening and responding to their comments. For example, students who
feel their behavior is uncontrollable may make comments reflecting a belief that they
lack the ability or intelligence do to well, do not have what it takes, or that the
instruction was poor. These explanations, or causal attributions, result in low
motivation and low performance. In contrast, students who believe their behavior is
controllable attribute failure to lack of effect, weak strategies, or poor note-taking
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90
skills. They believe they can change the behavior by trying a different strategy or
working harder. In this way they strengthen their motivation and improve their
performance. Students who attribute failure to uncontrollable causes may experience
low self-esteem, low expectations, shame, hopelessness, poor effort, and more failure.
If these features all exist, learned helplessness, a serious problem, may occur.
Attributing failure to controllable causes, on the other hand, leads to mastery and
academic success. Teachers need to be cognizant of the types of statements they make
to students and encourage students by making positive comments when they fail.
Attribution Theory in Higher Education
Little research has focused on the relationship of attribution theory or self
regulated learning to persistence. One such study, however, is that of Bean et al.
(2002), who propose a model of retention incorporating the psychological processes of
self-efficacy, coping, and locus of control. They hypothesize that as students interact
with the academic and social environment of the institution as well as continue to
interact with people outside the institution, they engage in a process of self-
assessment. When students develop feelings of capability and competence through
their experiences, they gain self-confidence. These feelings lead to greater academic
and social integration, which consequently impact institutional fit and commitment,
and finally persistence. The authors propose that institutional programs should focus
on helping students develop self-efficacy, an internal locus of control, a positive
attitude towards school, and to approach rather than avoid social and academic
activities. Programs that have the potential to positively affect these psychological
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91
processes include service-learning, learning communities, freshman orientation
seminars, and mentoring activities. The authors believe that self-efficacy, coping, and
locus o f control are critical to developing institutional fit, loyalty, and commitment to
graduation. No empirical research has tested the validity of the model.
Attribution theory can be used to understand college students’ reactions to
academic probation. Kelley (1996) presents a three-stage model of academic probation
consisting of precursors, immediate reactions, and long-term consequences. Precursors
can be described according to four factors: intemal-uncontroliable, internal-
controllable, external-stable, external-unstable. These factors combine both personal
and environmental elements and are based on Weiner’s three-dimensional model of
attribution. Immediate reactions to notification of probation are generally affective and
include anger, depression, shame, and sadness. The reaction is particularly strong if
the outcome is unexpected. Following the initial negative reaction, students try to
understand the causes for their performance by attributing their failure to
external/internal causes which may or may not be stable and controllable. Generally,
external causes that are beyond the control of the student are cited. The result is that
students believe they are unable to control future performance, lack motivation to
improve, and feel incompetent. Long-term consequences can be divided into affective,
cognitive, and behavioral categories. If failure is perceived as internal-uncontrollable,
the affective response is generally increased shame. If failure is attributed to
controllable causes, negative feelings generally decrease. Cognitively, attribution to
uncontrollable factors results in weakened self-efficacy and self-esteem. Students who
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attribute their performance to controllable factors expect improvement over time.
Regarding behavioral consequences, students who emphasize uncontrollable factors
tend to give up more easily and are less likely to seek help because they do not believe
effort will result in improvement. The model has implications for possible
interventions but needs further empirical support.
Assuming that psychological factors such as causal attribution and self
regulated learning affect students’ college experiences and the degree to which they
integrate academically and socially, it is critical to understand how the first year of
college influences the development of specific psychological attributes. Pascarella et
al. (1996) found that attendance at a two-year institution, amount of exposure to higher
education in terms of credit hours and hours spent studying, instructional skill and
clarity, instructor organization and preparation, instructor support, work
responsibilities, and participation in intercollegiate athletics had significant positive
effects on students’ internal locus of attribution at the end of the first year. Some
variables differed depending on age, ethnicity, and gender, however. This study
demonstrates that the institutional environment has a definite effect on the
development of students’ attributions; therefore, institutions need to identify how they
can contribute in a positive way through both academic and social interactions with
the students.
Locus of control has also been found to predict students’ use of study skills.
College students with a strong internal locus of control had more motivation to study
and the ability to concentrate (Jones, Slate, & Marini, 1995). In the Jones et al. study,
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the locus of control variable proved a better predictor of use of study skills than social
interdependence, academic preparation, age, and study time. These results indicate
that study skill courses must include attitudinal and motivational issues in addition to
study techniques.
Attribution Theory and Diverse Students
A study that may have bearing on international student persistence is Eaton
and Dembo’s (1997) investigation of the motivational beliefs of ninth grade Asian and
non-Asian students. Fear of academic failure was the best predictor of achievement for
Asian American students, but least explained the achievement behavior of non-Asian
students. The authors attribute this finding to the focus of Asian American parents on
their children’s academic achievement and their belief that performance is linked to
effort, which is controllable and internal. Asian American students were found to have
lower levels of situational self-efficacy than did non-Asian students, suggesting that
Asian American students’ collective identity may be more influential to achievement
than their self-perceptions of ability. This study demonstrates that cultural beliefs have
bearing on motivation, which could be a key issue when studying international
students.
For African American male college students, high emotional intelligence (EQ),
consisting of qualities such as sociability, sensitivity, inner control, and
cooperativeness, had a significant influence on academic resiliency (Ford et al., 1996),
or the ability to succeed academically in spite of adverse circumstances. Bicultural
behaviors (i.e. interactions with authors and people of both cultures), locus of control,
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and social support (i.e. from family, friends, and school) did not significantly affect
academic resilience. A related study (Davis, Johnson, Miller Cribbs, & Saunders,
2002) found that for African American youth, belief that school was rewarding and
beneficial predicted their intentions to remain in school. Also, the perceived control
component of the theory of planned behavior, which refers to the level of difficulty in
carrying out a behavior, predicted intentions to stay in school, specifically the belief of
students in their ability to overcome obstacles related to school completion.
High grade point averages for freshman international students were linked to
reliance on peer and teacher help, extended effort, remaining current in class work,
good test-taking skills, and the ability to identify main ideas in readings and lectures
(Stoynoff, 1997). These characteristics all reflect self-regulated learning strategies.
The latter characteristics were identified in interviews of students in the study who had
the highest and lowest grade point averages. Stoynoff also examined the relationship
between academic achievement and motivation, self-testing techniques, and test taking
strategies, as measured by the Learning and Study Strategies Inventory (LASSI), and
identified a modest relationship.
Cheung and Kwok (1998) examined the relation of self-regulated learning to
academic achievement by studying first-year undergraduate students in Hong Kong.
Variables in the study included studying, interactions with faculty, family, and friends,
participation in sports, organizations, part-time work, and indoor games, use of media,
and use of elaborative learning strategies. The latter refers to how the student
processed information by synthesizing and using elaborative learning strategies.
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Academic achievement was measured by students’ own assessments of the value of
what they had learned and their expected grade point average. Results indicated that
studying and elaborative learning strategies had positive significant effects on self
assessed learning. Studying affected expected grade point average. The authors
suggest this may be due to students’ striving for high scores rather than focusing on
real learning. Participation in all other activities had negative, but nonsignificant
effects, on self-assessed learning. Grade point average, however, was negatively and
significantly influenced by interaction with family. Other background characteristics
such as field of study, age, sex, provisional acceptance, father’s education, and father’s
occupation had no effect on self-assessed academic achievement.
This study is interesting in that it involves students outside the U.S. Contrary
to many of the findings of persistence research, in which external encouragement and
the family exert a positive influence on both minority and nonminority students in
American universities (Andrade, 2003; Evans, 2001; Eimers et al, 1997; Hendricks,
1996; Hernandez, 2000; Hernandez, 2002; Nora et al., 1996), in Hong Kong, students’
family interactions negatively affected their self-assessed learning. Also, typical
involvement and participation behaviors had negative but insignificant effects on
learning, contrary to Tinto’s model (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993) and Astin’s theory
(1975,1984, 1993,1999), and the findings of other research in which social
integration was found to be positively related to academic achievement and/or
persistence (Allen, 1999; Andrade, 2003; Attinasi, 1989, 1992; Brown et al., 1997,
Eimers et al., 1997; Hernandez, 2000; Hurtado et al., 1997). Also of note is that the
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authors hypothesized that non-studying types of behaviors would be negatively related
to academic achievement. This may be due to the cultural orientation of the Hong
Kong university context. This study demonstrates how theories and models developed
in American contexts may not be transferable internationally.
Attributional Retraining
One of the major areas of research related to attribution theory, particularly in
higher education, has been attributional retraining (Menec et al., 1994; Menec et al.,
1995; Perry, et al., 1993; Van Overwalle et al., 1990). Attributional retraining
commonly entails having students watch a video in which other students are
discussing their weak academic performance and explaining how they took steps to
improve. The students in the video attribute their failure to controllable factors such as
lack of effort and use of inappropriate strategies. By modifying their behavior, they
state that they were able to improve their performance. The purpose of the retraining is
to change stable attributions, or perceptions that grades are determined by factors that
cannot be changed, to unstable attributions such as poor performance is due to
homesickness, the new environment, or ineffective study habits (Menec et al., 1995).
Research demonstrates that after attributional retraining, students experienced
improved academic performance. However, the training is generally effective only for
academically at risk students with an external locus of control. It has no effect on
those who are low risk or have an internal locus of control. Variations of the training
examined by research have included a discussion and/or written response to the video
(Menec et al., 1995; Van Overwalle et al., 1990), more than one retraining session
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(Menec et al., 1994), and the inclusion of a quality of instruction variable (Menec et
a l, 1994). Measurements of academic success have included pre and post achievement
tests (Menec et al, 1994), actual course grades (Menec et al., 1995), and final exam
performance (Van Overwalle et al, 1990). The addition of discussion sessions was
shown to increase performance (Menec et al., 1995). The inclusion of more than one
retraining session did not improve performance; however, quality of instruction has
been shown to moderate the benefits of attributional retraining with high-expressive
instruction supporting the training and low-expressive instruction negating it (Menec
et al., 1994).
Attributional retraining can be particularly effective in situations in which
students believe their weak academic performance is due to ability. Menec et al.
(1995) explain that during the years of early schooling, attributions can be established
and cause students to view certain disciplines such as math or science as difficult and
beyond their ability. For example, a female student may be told she failed due to lack
of ability whereas a male student’s failure may be attributed to lack of preparation.
Students can be at risk in these disciplines if they feel they lack the ability to do well.
Instructors should monitor the statements they make to students. For instance, Perry
(1999) observes that teachers who tell students that material is easy or straightforward
may cause those who did poorly to think they are stupid. Similarly, making comments
such as, “This course is extremely difficult. You’ll be lucky to pass,” has a negative
impact on students’ development of an internal locus of control.
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Perry et al. (1993) observe that other factors need to be taken into
consideration in attributional retraining research. For example, selecting students for
retraining on the basis of low grades does not account for student perceptions of the
importance of grades. Students who are content with poor grades are unlikely to be
motivated to improve. Nonacademic differences such as gender, age, cultural and
educational background, and attributional style have also not been examined. The
authors observe that retraining techniques of varying duration and frequency should be
considered, and students’ attributions and expectations prior to retraining must be
assessed. Finally, long-term effects of the training, the transfer to other tasks, and
context variables such as instruction method are needed.
Summary
According to the literature, a number of psychological factors contribute to
students’ academic achievement as follows: fear of failure for Asian American ninth
grade students, sociability, sensitivity, inner control, and cooperativeness (emotional
intelligence) for African American male college students, belief in the ability to
control obstacles related to school completion for African American youth, belief in
the ability to influence educational outcomes (academic control) and preoccupation
with failure (action control) for college students, and curiosity, enthusiasm, and risk-
taking (dynamic self-regulation) for freshman and sophomores. In addition,
attributional retraining has proven effective in improving academic performance.
Although factors related to attribution and self-regulated learning have been
demonstrated to affect academic achievement under certain circumstances and for
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specific populations, linking these psychological factors to persistence has only been
theorized (Bean et al., 2002). The indication that students’ experiences in the first year
affect their internal locus of attribution (Pascarella et ah, 1996), suggests that the
institution plays a role in the degree to which a student integrates academically, or at
least succeeds academically. However, the latter findings are preliminary. A number
of existing initiatives in higher education, such as service-learning, learning
communities, freshman orientation seminars, and mentoring, have been identified as
having the potential to help students develop attributes such as self-efficacy, coping,
and internal locus of control, which will lead to social and academic integration and
persistence (Bean et ah, 2002). Further research is needed to determine if and how
attribution and self-regulated learning are related to persistence and for what
populations of students.
Results of the studies reviewed in this section are limited in some cases by
self-selection of participants (Bean et al, 2002; Eaton et al., 1997; Perry et al, 2001;
Schapiro et al, 2000) self-reported grades and/or questionnaire data (Bean et al., 2002;
Cheung et al., 1998; Eaton et al, 1997; Ford et al., 1996; Perry et al., 2001), small
sample size (Davis et al, 2002), data from a single institution (Cheung et al., 1998;
Davis et al, 2002), students enrolled in a single course (Perry et al, 2001; Schapiro et
al., 2000), and intentions to stay in school rather than actual persistence (Davis et al,
2002). In addition, few studies specifically focus on diverse students, let alone
international students. Finally, not all the studies are based on students in higher
education.
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Conclusion
In this chapter, I provided an overview of persistence theories and models,
cultural capital, attribution theory, and self-regulated learning. Persistence theories
have largely focused on mainstream college students rather than the more diverse
student found on college campuses today. Also, although some persistence models,
such as Tinto’s, have widely influenced the way institutions think about and react to
student departure, few propositions of the model have been empirically supported.
Also, the model suggests that students need to adjust to the institution rather than the
institution making changes to accommodate the student. Research on the persistence
patterns of minority students generally indicates they share some similarities with
mainstream students regarding factors that influence persistence, but notable
differences exist. International students have largely been ignored.
The many variables that comprise cultural capital overlap with factors that
have been identified as contributing to persistence. However, the relationship between
cultural capital and persistence has not specifically been explored, nor has research
addressed how cultural capital affects the adjustment and achievement of international
students in U.S. colleges and universities. Similarly, a student’s causal attributions
have been hypothesized to affect persistence, but this has not been supported by
research. Finally, although self-regulated learning has been shown to affect academic
achievement for a variety of populations, it has not been studied as a factor influencing
persistence. This study hopes to determine if and how these theories may help to
explain the success of international students.
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CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
Much research investigating persistence in higher education has followed the
quantitative paradigm. This paradigm is most appropriately used in studies which seek
to test hypotheses or theories (Creswell, 2003; Peshkin, 1993). Tinto’s (1975, 1986,
1987,1993) interactional model of retention has been at the center of persistence
research for nearly 30 years. Astin’s (1975,1984, 1993, 1999) theory of involvement
has also influenced research in this area. Because these two theories have been integral
to the study of persistence, the majority of research has focused on testing the
propositions of the theories, particularly those of Tinto (Braxton et al., 1997; Elkins et
al., 2000; Thomas, 2000). Other studies have presented modifications to Tinto’s model
(Nora, 2002), or combinations of Tinto’s model and Astin’s theory (Berger et al.,
1999; Milem et al., 1997). Another group of studies, also predominantly quantitative,
has sought to determine the applicability of Tinto’s model to non-mainstream
populations such as minorities (Allen, 1999; Hurtado et al., 1997). Some of these
studies combine aspects of Tinto’s model with factors derived from research on
minority persistence (Brown et al., 1997; Eimers et al., 1997; Nora et al, 1996). All of
these studies have sought to test theory with the goal of generalizing the results to
larger populations, thus quantitative methods have been most appropriate.
Another category of studies related to persistence has employed the qualitative
paradigm. Research in this category is distinct from that discussed previously. While
quantitative studies seek to verify knowledge through experimentation, to move from
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empirical generalizations to general laws, and to theory, qualitative orientations seek
understanding from the view of the participants and active participation in the lives of
those being studied or observed (Rist, 1977). Thus qualitative studies on persistence
seek to explore the experiences of students, often those who are less represented in
higher education, with the purpose of understanding the factors that help and hinder
their progress (Attinasi, 1989; Hendricks, 1996; Hernandez, 2000, Lee, S. J., 1997).
Some of these studies also present new models to explain persistence behaviors
(Padilla, 1999). Creswell (2003) observes that if understanding is sought in an area in
which little research has been done, the qualitative approach is most appropriate.
Attinasi (1992) argues that persistence research has suffered from the
limitations of quantitative studies in that the context of the students’ persistence
decisions and their own perspectives on the persistence process have been largely
ignored in favor of forced-choice surveys representing the researcher’s views. Tinto
(1986) suggests that although much merit exists in quantitative tests of existing
persistence theory, grounded qualitative research has much to contribute to the
development of theory, but such studies have been infrequent. He encourages
qualitative research based on different types of students such as adult, minority, and
part-time, as well as research examining persistence at different types of institutions
such as two-year and nonresidential. He also advises that theories must demonstrate
how the college experience strengthens and hinders student involvement so that
institutions can address how to educate students to change their behaviors
appropriately.
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The current study sought to understand the persistence behaviors of one
particular group of students in U.S. universities, who have been referred to as “one of
the most quiet, invisible, underserved groups on the American campus” (Mori, 2000,
p. 143). These are international students. Padilla (1999) argues that retention studies
should focus on reasons students persist rather than reasons they drop out. This study
has done that by interviewing international students in their senior year at Brigham
Young University-Hawaii to determine key factors influencing the students’
persistence, both prior to arrival on campus and throughout their years of study.
In Chapter 3 ,1 provide the theoretical foundation for the research process and
rationale for using qualitative methodology. I then explain the specifics of the research
design including site selection and student selection. Next, I treat data collection,
trustworthiness, and limitations of the research followed by an examination of the
findings of a related pilot study. In the conclusion, I provide a summary of the chapter.
Qualitative Research
The knowledge claim for this study is constructivism, “which portrays a world
in which reality is socially constructed, complex, and ever changing” (Glesne, 1999, p.
5). Constructivism assumes that individuals come to understand the world and form
subjective meanings in response to their experiences as the result of interactions with
others (Creswell, 2003). Researchers adhering to the constructivist paradigm ask open-
ended questions and rely on the views that participants make of the phenomenon
studied (Creswell, 2003). They also seek to understand the context, setting, and/or
culture of the participant (Creswell, 2003). Interpretation is influenced by the
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researchers’ own experiences (Creswell, 2003). The constructivist stance lends itself
to qualitative inquiry rather than quantitative.
According to Patton (1982), qualitative or naturalistic inquiry does not
demand that researchers be distant and detached, but rather allows researchers to gain
insight “into the varied meanings of human behavior” (p. 197) by being empathetic
and sympathetic, so that they can understand the way others think, feel, and behave.
The researcher’s insights and impressions inform data collection and analysis (Whitt,
1991). Lofland (1971) suggests that qualitative research involves getting close to those
being studied, accurate and truthful observations, description of people and actions,
and direct quotations from participants. Qualitative methodology is derived from a
subjectivist view of human nature, one that sees humans as actively contributing to
creating the social world as opposed to an objectivist view which holds that humans
are subject to deterministic forces (Morgan & Smircich, 1980). In qualitative studies,
the researcher remains open to the information that emerges, rather than examining
prior hypotheses (Patton, 1990), thus when research questions are exploratory,
qualitative methodology is more appropriate than quantitative, which is based on
observable, measurable facts (Glesne, 1999). Researchers do not begin with a theory,
as in the postpositivist paradigm, but have as their goal to generate a “pattern of
meaning” (Creswell, 2003, p. 9).
Qualitative research has most often been criticized for not being scientific,
valid, or reliable. Amidst the quantitative/qualitative debate, a variety of responses to
these accusations have been presented. Krueger and Casey (2000) argue that many
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forms of scientific research exist, and that research in the social sciences adapts
scientific approaches to the human experience. Although Krueger et al. specifically
address focus group methods, their observations apply generally to qualitative
methods. They point out that such research is scientific in that it is “a process of
disciplined inquiry that is systematic and verifiable” (p. 198).
Crowson (1987) argues that traditional measures of reliability and validity do
not apply to qualitative research rather credibility, or an accurate account, is a more
appropriate measure of trustworthiness. Creswell (2003) states that reliability and
generalizability play only minor roles in qualitative research. Peshkin (1993) argues
that qualitative research is not intended to test a hypothesis or produce a
generalization. It has a more open nature with four types of outcomes: description (i.e.
of processes, relationships, settings, situations, systems, people), interpretation (i.e. to
explain concepts, provide insights, clarify or elaborate theory), verification (i.e. to test
validity, verify theory, establish usefulness of assumptions), and evaluation (i.e. to
explore and evaluate policy, practice, innovations). He adds that qualitative
researchers may provide information to explain generalizations derived from
quantitative research. They do not make generalizations out of a sense of necessity or
to create theory. The reader of the research decides if the results are applicable in other
contexts. Krueger et al. (2000) agree with this viewpoint, noting that the intent is to go
into a topic in depth with a small number of people in contrast to other methods which
use closed-ended questions with limited responses, offering breadth as opposed to
depth.
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Rather than debating the merits of the two paradigms, Patton (1982) advocates
a “paradigm of choices” (p. 195), which recognizes that the research orientation
should be selected appropriate to the situation. Both the quantitative and qualitative
paradigms must be recognized as valid in their own right, but their appropriateness
depends on the purpose of the research. Because little research has focused on the
international student experience in American higher educational institutions, the
present study was exploratory in nature, and thus appropriately utilized qualitative
methodology, which seeks to understand how participants in a particular social setting
understand the world around them (Glesne, 1999; Whitt, 1991). This necessitates the
researcher interacting and talking with participants about their views (Glesne, 1999).
A sampling of international students at BYUH were asked to share information about
their families, homes, and cultures, and their experiences at the university to determine
how their backgrounds, institutional characteristics, and/or their personal attributes led
to their persistence in spite of challenges they may have faced.
Data was collected through interviews so as to learn first-hand about the
elements students identify as contributing to their persistence. The interview questions
were designed with three theoretical perspectives in mind: persistence, cultural capital,
attribution/self-regulated learning. Although qualitative research does not have the
substantiation of theory as its goal, it may be employed by the qualitative researcher in
a variety of ways: as a broad explanation of behavior and attitudes, and/or as a lens or
perspective to guide the study, raise questions to be addressed, or issues to be
examined (Creswell, 2003). Theory can also help the researcher interpret the data in
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conjunction with the interviewee’s self-understanding and the researcher’s
interpretation (Attinasi, 1992). In other words, theory can inform a qualitative study
(Creswell, 2003). This study will be informed by the three theories mentioned, which
are used as a framework for collecting and interpreting the data.
Research Design
Research designs using qualitative methods should be flexible (Patton, 1990).
Although researchers need a working framework which identifies their focus, stages of
the study, data sources, plans for collection and analysis, and plans for maintaining
trustworthiness, they must stay open to possibilities that emerge as data is collected
(Patton, 1990). In the following section, I describe specifics regarding the research
design such as how the site and participants were selected.
Site Selection
This study can be classified as backyard research as I am investigating my own
institution. Backyard research has many advantages such as easy access, established
rapport with gatekeepers, usefulness of the research to the researcher’s professional
life, and efficient use of time (Glesne, 1999). The site was also ideal for other reasons.
Brigham Young University-Hawaii (BYUH) was selected for this study due to its
large population of international students, approximately 40% of the total enrollment
(BYUH, 2001). The university has a specific charge to provide educational
opportunities for qualified individuals, especially those from Asia and the South
Pacific, the majority of whom are members of the sponsoring church, The Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. BYUH is committed to providing intercultural
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learning opportunities by helping students “acquire knowledge and appreciation of
one’s own and others’ cultures” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). This educational commitment
helps the university fulfill its prophetic destiny. In 1955, President David O. McKay
(1998), prophet of the church, gave a dedicatory address at the groundbreaking
ceremonies for BYUH, then The Church College of Hawaii. On that occasion he said,
. .from this school, I’ll tell you, will go men and women whose influence will be felt
for good towards the establishment of peace internationally” (p. 11).
Because BYUH is committed to serving students from its international target
areas, it has an interest in understanding the adjustment process of international
students and in learning about their experiences while at the university. The
university’s strategic planning document states that “the University will become
highly sophisticated in the way that it promotes and supports student success -
especially the success of its international student population” (BYUH, 2002). In
addition, the university administers a survey to all graduating seniors prior to
December and June graduation to get students’ perspectives on their experiences at
BYUH. Additionally, many department chairs conduct exit interviews of students in
the various majors offered to determine needed improvements in academic programs.
Departments are also strongly advised to track their graduates to determine their
success beyond the university, promote networking and job contacts for current
students, and get feedback regarding the level of preparation these students received.
Information from these sources is used individually by the academic units on campus
and by the strategic planning committee and other related groups to respond to issues
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and concerns raised. Not only do these sources of information establish the
university’s interest in students, they also set precedent for inviting student input.
Although the university has been committed to the education of international
students since its establishment in 1955, few attempts have been made to formally
gather and analyze information regarding the adjustment, success, and persistence of
international students so as to inform institutional policies and programming. One
such study, however, was that of Evans (2001), who followed a cohort of Polynesian
students, 71% of whom had left the university without completing their studies. As a
group, international students at BYUH have higher retention than that of the overall
student population. For example, first-year retention rates for freshman cohorts from
1996-2000 for the entire student population range from approximately 40-50%
(BYUH, 2001). For international students, the range is 60-73% (BYUH, 2001). First-
year retention rates for non-Hawaiian Polynesian students range from 57-73%
(BYUH, 2001). (This group could include American Polynesian students who are not
from Hawaii). For Asian students collectively, the one-year retention rate is 52-66%,
slightly lower than that of Polynesians (BYUH, 2001). Asian students are not tracked
separately as residents of the U.S., Hawaii, or foreign nations.
While first-year retention rates are fairly respectable, graduation rates for those
who begin at the university as freshmen are low. The only graduation figures available
are the five-year graduation rate for the 1996 freshman cohort and the four-year
graduation rate for the 1997 cohort. The five-year graduation rate for the 1996 cohort
is 6.5% with foreign students at 10.1%. The four-year graduation rate for the 1997
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cohort is 11.9% with foreign students at 18.2%. Although the university is doing a fair
job at retaining international students to their second year, it is losing the majority of
these students before graduation. Given institutional statistics, it is difficult to
determine actual retention and graduation rates for separate groups of international
students. This study examined international students in general rather than a specific
population, focusing on those who have been successful in their adjustment to the
university and have elected to stay and complete their degrees.
BYUH is a largely residential campus. All students are required to live in
residence halls during their first year, and international students receiving sponsorship
from the university, about 75% (BYUH, 2001), are required to live on campus for the
entire four years. Sponsored students also work 19 hours per week at the adjacent
Polynesian Cultural Center, a tourist attraction. During their final year, they can be
excused from work at the Center in favor of work on campus related to their major.
Most international students work either at the Center or on campus. Laie, the location
of BYUH, is a small community about an hour’s drive from Honolulu. Few social and
entertainment opportunities are available in the community. Thus the campus provides
most of the social activities in which students are involved. In addition, the church
plays an important role in students’ lives, involving students not only in Sunday
worship services, but through a variety of programs, social events, and callings, or
church-related responsibilities. Prior to admission and annually while at the university,
students voluntarily sign an agreement to abide by the university’s honor code, which
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commits them to maintaining “the highest standards of honor, integrity, morality, and
consideration for others in personal behavior” (BYUH, 2003, p.25).
Although students at BYUH are diverse, representing a wide variety of
countries, languages, and cultures, their religious beliefs serve as a strong unifying
force amidst this diversity. The presence of this unifying factor makes BYUH unique
compared to other institutions with large populations of international students.
Sometimes, however, administrators, faculty, and staff may presuppose this link to be
stronger than it is and ignore or deemphasize differences that need to be acknowledged
and addressed. In any case, BYUH presents an appropriate site for this study due to its
population, accessibility, retention patterns, and mission.
Student Selection
Qualitative research does not incorporate large samples or attempt to produce
generalizations (Glesne, 1999; Creswell, 2003), but selects cases purposefully to
identify rich sources of information that inform the central issues of the research
(Krueger et al., 2000; Patton 1982). Students were selected for this study based on
maximum variation sampling. This strategy entails selecting participants who
represent a range of variation, such as different ethnic backgrounds, who are enrolled
in a particular program of study or institution, to determine common patterns (Glesne,
1999). Participants were international students from Asia or the South Pacific who
were enrolled as seniors at the university, and spoke English as a second language.
Maximum variation sampling does not necessitate selecting participants at random or
including a representative sample. As such, the results do not represent the
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experiences of all international students, but only those interviewed. The purpose of
the study was to determine commonalities amongst the participants that explain their
success.
I e-mailed a total of 95 invitations to participate to international students in
their senior year at BYU-Hawaii. I sent invitations to students from French Polynesia,
Samoa, Fiji, Tonga, Kiribati, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, China, and
Mongolia. Although the university enrolls students from approximately 68 different
countries (BYUH, 2001), these can generally be divided into two geographical areas:
Asia and the Pacific. Of these, the countries mentioned above are fairly typical of the
student population. Twenty students responded to the invitations. Seventeen of these
followed through with scheduling arrangements and were interviewed. All participants
signed a consent form informing them of the purpose of the study, procedures,
potential benefits, risks and discomforts, and right of subjects such as the option to
withdraw, to refuse to answer any question, and to remain anonymous when results are
published and discussed (see Appendix B). They were also given the opportunity to
ask questions regarding the study before the interviews commenced.
Data Collection
In qualitative research, the quality of the study is not dependent on sample size
(Krueger et al., 2000). The goal is to watch for patterns until the researcher feels the
information is becoming redundant (Krueger et al, 2000). In this study, I determined
the number of interviews needed as I reviewed the data on an on-going basis, and
noted redundancy. I was also limited in that I could only interview as many students as
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volunteered from my sample pool of non-native-English-speaking international
students in their senior year. I obtained names of international students in their senior
year at the university from the registrar’s office. I explained the purpose of the
research in an e-mail to the students who were invited to contact me by phone, e-mail,
or in person to set up an interview time. As mentioned, invitations resulted in 17 in
depth face-to-face interviews of seniors. Approximately 53% were from Polynesian
countries (2 - Fiji, 2 - Kiribati, 2 - Tonga, 2 - Samoa, 1 - Tahiti), and 47% from Asian
countries (4 - Hong Kong, 2 - Taiwan, 1 - Japan, 1 - Mongolia). Gender was almost
equal - eight males and nine females. Each interview lasted approximately 45
minutes. I invited students to select a location of their choosing for the interview, so
that they would be in a comfortable environment. All elected to be interviewed in my
office as a matter of convenience. Neither the campus nor the surrounding community
offer many appropriate gathering spots. In spite of the use of my office for the
interviews, students did not confuse my role at the university with my role as
researcher. Many were interested in learning more about my studies and the
dissertation process.
The ethnographic interview was employed for this study. Tiemey (1991)
defines an ethnographic interview as a process of exploring the concerns of the
interviewee, addressing subjects as they emerge in conversation, allowing the
researcher to pursue various leads, and developing and testing new hypotheses during
the interview. Ethnographic interviews provide the researcher with a holistic
understanding of what is being studied (Tiemey, 1991). Because it is not possible to
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observe everything, researchers need to ask questions to enter another person’s
perspective and discover the meanings they attach to the world (Patton, 1982).
Interviewing provides the researcher with a framework from which participants can
“express their own understandings in their own terms” (Patton, 1982, p. 166).
Patton (1982) describes three types of interviews: informal conversational,
general interview guide, and standardized open-ended. The conversational interview is
spontaneous with no predetermined set of questions. Often the person is not even
aware an interview is taking place. The general interview guide is a list of questions or
topics that will be explored in the interview. It acts as a basic checklist for the
interviewer who is free to explore, probe, and ask questions in any order. The
procedures for the present study most closely followed the standardized, open-ended
interview in which a standardized set of questions was employed for all who were
interviewed, thereby allowing the researcher to check for similar answers and identify
dissimilarities. This type of interviewing minimizes bias and variation in the questions
asked. It also allows for easier data analysis since the information asked of all
participants is consistent. In the structured, open-ended interview, the interviewer is
free to probe points of interest, but follows the interview protocol by asking each of
the set questions in a particular order to each participant.
In qualitative research, trustworthiness of the data is critical. Patton (1982)
warns that the purpose of an interview is to find out what someone else is thinking, not
to put thoughts into their heads. As such, questions must be designed so that they are
open-ended and nondirected as much as possible (Tiemey, 1991). For example, asking
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an interviewee about their negative experiences in an organization presupposes that
the individual has had negative experiences. The response has been limited by the way
the question is worded. An open-ended question allows the respondent to go in any
direction, using any words he chooses to represent his thoughts (Patton, 1982). I
designed the interview questions with these principles in mind.
In keeping with the good interviewing protocols described by Glesne (1999),
the location for the interviews was comfortable and quiet - my office, the time of the
interview was identified by the student as convenient, and I made every effort to
establish rapport and to act naive (i.e. set aside assumptions and seek for information).
This was accomplished with small talk at the beginning of the interview and
explanations of the purpose of the interview to relax the respondent as well as efforts
to not second-guess the meaning of students’ responses. In addition to asking
nondirected questions as discussed previously, the interviewer must interact with
participants without preconceived notions (Tiemey, 1991). I made every effort to
“unearth data” (Tiemey, 1991, p. 16) rather than to validate prior opinions. I also
assured students of the privacy of their responses to allow them to speak openly.
Other techniques of good interviewing, recommended by Glesne (1999), are
considering the purpose of the interview (i.e. to gather data rather than have a
conversation), withholding negative reactions and personal views, minimizing status
differences, incorporating member checks, and patiently probing (Glesne, 1999).
Patton (1982) advises interviewers to constantly keep the purpose of the interview in
mind so as to direct the interview to collect the desired data as it is sometimes possible
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that responses do not provide the kinds of information needed. Rapport can be
established by wording questions clearly, being sensitive to the interviewee’s views,
and maintaining neutrality about the content of the responses (Patton, 1982).
In the current study, I adhered to the principles outlined above. Every effort
was made to actively listen while minimizing my participation to allow the
interviewee to respond at length. Students were helped to feel comfortable as they
arrived for the interview. I reviewed the purpose of the study, the kinds of questions
that would be asked, and inquired if the interviewee had any questions. I assured
students regarding their anonymity. I also incorporated member checks at appropriate
times during the interviews and at the end, by summarizing the respondent’s
comments to insure I had understood correctly (Glesne, 1999; Tiemey, 1991). This
technique invited elaboration when the respondent felt further explanation or
clarification was needed. Probing consists of asking the interviewee to provide details,
elaboration, or to clarify a response (Patton, 1982). I exercised patience so that
answers to each question and probe were unrushed and the respondent was encouraged
to speak at length and in detail. I invited interviewees to reflect on the interview at the
end and provide additional information that did not emerge during the interview. I tape
recorded all interviews to allow for review, to insure accuracy, and permit
attentiveness to the respondent (Patton, 1982).
I asked students to participate in one interview and a focus group. Marshall and
Rossman (1999) observe that using a single in depth interview to gather data is
permissible when the subjective view of participants’ understanding of events is the
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goal. Studies desiring an objectivist view need to triangulate by gathering data through
other means. In this study, the primary means of data collection was the interview with
the focus group providing a means for participants to clarify, elaborate, and check
accuracy of the findings. Also, although a single-interview format restricts the ability
to build trust through extended contact, I made a sincere effort to establish rapport and
make the interviewee comfortable. The fact that the campus is small and that some
students had been in the EEL program In which I teach, resulted in a degree of trust
and comfort. None of the participants were my former students, however.
Data Analysis
In qualitative research, data is analyzed as it is collected (Attinasi, 1992;
Kvale, 1996; Marshall et al., 1999). As interviews were in progress, I noted potential
key ideas, and identified topics and areas for probing and follow-up questions.
Additionally, I conducted member checks during and at the end of each interview so
that respondents had the opportunity to check the accuracy of the material (Tiemey,
1991). The member check at end of the interview consisted of asking participants to
reflect on what we had discussed, and summarize what they saw as the key factors
related to their persistence. This enabled me to determine if my understanding of key
factors coincided with theirs, and ask further questions as needed. I took detailed notes
during the interview to identify key ideas and points for further probing, and reflected
on the interview and summarized findings that seemed particularly important
immediately following the interview (Patton, 1982; Tiemey, 1991). The period of time
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directly following the interview is critical for reflection and elaboration to insure
quality control and reliable, valid data (Patton, 1982).
1 recorded and transcribed the interviews in order to analyze the transcripts and
identify common themes and information that informed the research questions.
Transcriptions allow the researcher to “capture the actual words of the person being
interviewed” (Patton, 1982, p. 179). Quotations are the primary data of the open-ended
interview, capturing what people say, think, know, and how they feel, thereby
allowing their perspectives and experiences to be better understood (Patton, 1982).
Thus transcripts are valuable for both analyzing and conveying data.
Various guidelines for coding and analyzing data have been recommended
(Glesne, 1999; Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Tesch, 1990), and were followed in my
analysis. First, I reviewed my notes and transcripts to identify key areas that emerged
from the interviews, and assigned them a code (Glesne, 1999; Tesch, 1990). The
research questions and literature review were used to suggest potential categories for
initial coding (Marshall et al., 1999).As I worked through the data, I continued to
redefine the categories, noting areas of overlap, data that was unique to individuals,
and/or data that did not fit into existing categories (Tesch, 1990). Through an ongoing
process of sorting, defining, and redefining, I identified potential themes, which were
composed of subcategories or identifying characteristics. I used the constant
comparative method to determine the appropriate category for each piece of
information, trying to make categories internally homogeneous and externally
heterogeneous (Lincoln et al., 1985).
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Another aspect of data analysis was to compare the findings of the study to the
three theories introduced in Chapter 2: persistence, cultural capital, and
attribution/self-regulated learning, to determine if these theories applied to the
persistence patterns of international students. Therefore, I compared the factors the
students identified related to the background features, institutional factors, and
personal attributes that contributed to their success, to persistence, cultural capital, and
attribution/self-regulated learning theories. In sum, data analysis for this study had two
purposes: gaining a greater understanding of success factors for international students,
and viewing the data through the lenses of three specific theories thought to have
possible relation to the outcomes of the study. The system of data analysis selected for
a study should lend itself to the development of themes or findings that result in a
more in depth understanding of the topic being investigated, and should relate to the
theory underlying the study (Jones, 2002). The data analysis system selected for this
study accomplished this goal.
Trustworthiness of Data
Qualitative research employs a variety of strategies to ensure trustworthiness.
Six of these, identified by Creswell (2003), are most applicable to this study. The first
is triangulation. This procedure entails using multiple data-collection methods,
sources, investigators, and/or theoretical perspectives (Glesne, 1999). The current
study consisted of a single face-to-face interview and a focus group. As noted earlier,
a single interview may be acceptable when the subjective view of participants is
sought (Marshall et al., 1999). The focus group was included primarily as a means of
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checking data; however, triangulation was incorporated in the sense that further data
was collected in the focus group as students shared their experiences and responded to
the findings. Triangulation was also incorporated as the data was viewed from
multiple theoretical perspectives - persistence, cultural capital, attribution, and self
regulated learning theory.
Another technique used to address trustworthiness - member checking - was
incorporated within each interview and to close the interviews to ensure that I
understood the information accurately. In addition, after the data were analyzed, I
shared preliminary themes with participants in the focus group to determine if I had
represented both participants’ individual and collective experiences accurately and/or
if any important elements had been omitted (see Appendix E for focus group
questions). Rich, thick description (Geertz, 1975), a third indicator of trustworthiness,
refers to the writing of the researcher and the degree to which it allows the reader to
enter the context of the research. I employed this technique by describing the
university, the students’ backgrounds, and their experiences in detail. The students’
own voices were used predominantly to help the reader gain greater insight into the
students’ lives and experiences. Thick description also allows others to make informed
judgment regarding transferability based on the depth of the material presented
(Lincoln et al., 2000).
Creswell (2003) mentions that prolonged engagement in the field enables the
researcher to develop trust, become familiar with the culture, and test hunches, thus
providing another source of trustworthiness. I have spent 15 years working with
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international students at BYUH, and thus am familiar with the institution, its mission,
culture, and students. I also share the same religious background as the students. In
addition, I spent two years living in Samoa, and have traveled to other Polynesian
countries in work-related capacities. Although this prior involvement can be seen as an
advantage, it could also interfere with the research if prior opinions are not examined.
To avoid prejudgment of outcomes, I made particular effort to set aside my
assumptions and seek explanations from the respondent’s perspectives (Glesne, 1999).
Instead of assuming I knew what respondents were saying, I asked for clarification,
thereby acting as a learner rather than an expert (Glesne, 1999). I did not reveal to
students that I had any prior experiences with their cultures and countries, thus they
perceived me to be completely unfamiliar with the information they relayed about
their backgrounds and experiences.
The fifth procedure for incorporating trustworthiness in the present study is
clarification of researcher bias. By reflecting on my own subjectivity, interest, and
experience with the topic and population being studied, I addressed my preconceived
ideas about what causes difficulties for international students and what accounts for
the academic success and/or failure of various cultural groups. For example, I had the
impression based on my position as a faculty member at the university that Asian
students generally have good study skills, yet have difficulty learning English while
fluency in English comes fairly easily for most Polynesian students, yet they tend not
to have good study skills. As far as student backgrounds are concerned, I believed that
higher education is emphasized more in the homes of Asian students than Polynesian.
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These are stereotypical views, which the findings of the study did not support.
Keeping the possibility in mind that my previous experience may interfere with the
ability to listen to and analyze responses accurately, I kept my own opinions and
subjectivity at bay. The interviewing techniques discussed earlier also addressed the
potential problem of researcher bias.
The final method of determining trustworthiness that I employed was having
an auditor check the data by reviewing transcripts, identifying common threads that
emerged in the interviews, and then meeting with me to discuss our separate analyses.
The auditor shared commonalities that she had observed in the students’ experiences
by reading the transcripts, and I shared the results of my analyses. The role of an
auditor is to review materials to determine if documents support the findings, and
interpretations are logical and acceptable (Lincoln et al., 1985).
Several concerns have been expressed concerning backyard research, of which
this study is an example (Glesne, 1999; Jones, 2002). Researchers must be careful not
to let their current role in the institution interfere with data collection by not having
preconceived ideas regarding the phenomena being studied, which blind them from
seeing and interpreting the experiences of the participants in a newer and more
accurate way (Glesne, 1999). Also, confusion may occur for either the researcher or
the participant regarding which role is being played at the time of the research
(Glesne, 1999). For example, students may fear academic reprisals if they reveal
negative information, or they may make comments related to the responsibilities of the
researcher’s institutional role rather than to the researcher role (Glesne, 1999). Also,
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sometimes information may have political consequences, leaving the researcher
wondering if it is best reported or omitted (Glesne, 1999). Jones (2002) observes that
in backyard research, researchers are often assessing their own institutions or
programs rather than doing research, and their sampling is based on convenience, not
sound methodology.
I was aware of these potential conflicts and emphasized my role as researcher
rather than my role as a member of the institution. None of the students I interviewed
were my current or former students, thus sampling was not based on convenience, but
on specific criteria already mentioned. Similarly, I was in no way assessing the
program in which I work, although many students made mention of it, but was seeking
to understand the experiences of respondents prior to and during their years of
enrollment to determine factors that helped them persist. This is apparent from the
interview protocol. Any negative information revealed could have no have
repercussions for students as I was not in any position of authority over them nor were
the questions or the nature of the study such that would reveal any unethical behavior
on their part. Several students were aware of my institutional role, but also knew that
this research was related to my doctoral work at another institution. This was made
clear in the invitation to participate.
Limitations
Limitations exist in all research. I have addressed several potential concerns of
the qualitative research methodology used in this study by the inclusion of strategies
of trustworthiness. I have also noted and discussed other potential difficulties, such as
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those associated with backyard research and researcher bias. The study was also
limited in that potential bias of the sample exists since participants were self-selected.
Those agreeing to be interviewed may be students who had either very positive or
negative experiences to relate. Also, I was the primary person to analyze the data
although my analysis was checked by an auditor. Limitations of the study also include
lack of generalizability. The research was not designed to be representative of all
international students, but only those interviewed. The uniqueness of the sample and
the site make the findings primarily beneficial to BYUH. Few other institutions share
a student population who are diverse yet united by religious beliefs. However, the
themes identified are likely to share some commonality with other populations of
international or even minority students.
A Pilot Study
I completed a pilot study for this dissertation at BYUH during winter semester,
2003.1 purposefully selected students for the study according to three criteria: 1) they
were enrolled as international students at the university, 2) they were in their senior
year, and 3) they spoke English as a second language. I e-mailed invitations to
participate to a total of 63 students from the following countries: Tahiti, Samoa, Fiji,
Tonga, Kiribati, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, and Mongolia. Although
the university enrolls students from approximately 68 different countries (BYUH,
2001), these can generally be divided into two geographical areas: Asia and the
Pacific. Of these, the countries mentioned above are fairly typical of the student
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population. Approximately 18 students responded to the invitation, and thirteen
followed through with scheduling arrangements and participated in an interview.
The interview sample consisted of two students from Fiji, one from Tonga, one
from Samoa, two from Mongolia, three from Korea, two from Hong Kong, one from
Japan, and one from Indonesia. One of the participants was male and the rest were
female. BYUH statistics indicate that approximately 60% of the student body is
female (2000). I do not know why so few males responded to the invitation to
participate. I followed a standardized, open-ended interview procedure in which I
employed set questions, but which also allowed me to explore, probe, and clarify
responses. The structured interview format simplified data analysis and reduced
interviewer bias since the same basic questions were asked of all the participants.
I analyzed the data while in the process of interviewing. During the interviews,
I noted key ideas, and identified areas for probing and clarification. At the end of the
interview, I gave the participants an opportunity to reflect on what they had said and
elaborate and clarify. Following the interview, I reread my notes to ensure they were
clear, and summarized key ideas and impressions. I also recorded and transcribed the
interviews. Using my notes and transcripts, I coded key points, which I then grouped
into larger categories or themes. I identified five themes as being critical to the
persistence of those interviewed: a vision of the future, a life-changing experience,
personal support, knowing how to get help, and spiritual strength.
Although students came from a variety of educational and cultural
backgrounds, they all possessed a strong belief that a degree would benefit their future
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lives. Some of the students had this conviction upon their arrival while others
developed the vision through a life-changing experience. Those in the first category
had generally arrived at their vision as the result of observing the lives of those around
them in community and church contexts, and noting that those who were better
educated enjoyed greater security and financial success. Others sought to improve the
standard of living of their home environment. Another common factor was
membership in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Due to the teachings of
the church, students felt encouraged to improve their lives and develop their talents.
Although in most cases parents supported their children pursuing a post-secondary
education, parental pressure was not a key factor. The students’ parents had a variety
of educational backgrounds with some parents having had higher educational
experiences while others had not.
Some of the students indicated a lack of focus during their first year on
campus. They were not committed to the institution or the goal of graduating.
However, these students encountered some type of life-changing experience that
turned them around. For some it was a mission for the church which helped them
develop discipline and leadership abilities. Students also commented that on their
missions they were exposed to a greater variety of lifestyles and were positively
influenced by the examples of church members and leaders. Other students were able
to refocus due to the responsibilities of marriage or a work experience, which helped
them identify a need for further education.
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The third theme, personal support, encompassed personalized attention from
professors, having a sibling or spouse attending the school, close ties to friends from
one’s own or other cultures, and support and encouragement from home. For most
students one of these was stronger than the others, but all of the students emphasized
at least one source of personal support as being critical to their experience at BYUH.
Networks of personal support enabled the students to navigate the university system
and receive the encouragement needed to continue in their studies.
The fourth theme, knowing how to get help, is related to personal support. The
students reported that when they had difficulties with their course work, they relied on
a variety of sources. These included professors, classmates and friends, and support
services on campus. Each of the students interviewed demonstrated the ability to ask
for help when they needed it. The most common source of help was asking the
professor. Although initially some students felt shy about this, they were able to
gradually overcome this hesitancy and form strong relationships with their professors.
Some students preferred studying alone, but when necessary, such as in the case of a
low test score or grade, they would find help from another student who was in the
same class or strong in the subject area. Finally, although not all students made use of
the support services offered on campus, others relied on them heavily. The type of
academic help students sought depended on their personal preferences, but all of them
recognized when they needed help and had established resources of assistance. Also,
in most cases, students demonstrated the ability to get help from more than one source,
depending on the situation.
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The final theme identified in the study was spiritual strength. Since BYUH is a
religiously-affiliated university, it is not surprising that the students identified reliance
on God and spiritual strength as having a positive effect on their persistence. Before
they even arrived on campus, the influence of the church, its leaders and teachings,
had bearing on the students’ decisions to pursue higher education and informed their
vision of what they could become. All of the students interviewed share the same
religious faith. The mission of BYUH is to provide both academic and spiritual
development, or to enlighten students’ “minds and spirits” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). The
students had learned through their experiences to rely on God for strength. The
spiritual atmosphere of the school, particularly some of the structured religious
activities, was central in helping students overcome disappointments and trials.
The results of the study suggest that cultural capital was not a key factor in
persistence. Students came from a variety of backgrounds, but no similarities in their
preparation or previous environment seemed to account for their success. Regarding
persistence theory, the students identified commitment to the goal of graduating as
critical, but not all of them had an initial commitment, which is contrary to Tinto’s
(1975, 1986, 1987,1993) model. Personal support networks confirm Astin’s (1975,
1984, 1993, 1999) involvement theory and the academic and social integration
component of Tinto’s model. The most significant finding was that these students had
identified strategies for meeting challenges and getting help. This finding provides
support for attribution and self-regulated learning theories. All of the students
experienced academic and adjustment challenges, but attributed them to unstable,
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controllable, and internal causes. They demonstrated self-regulated learning behaviors,
or the ability to take responsibility for their own learning, although strategies differed.
The findings related to the religious beliefs of the students and the religious
environment of the institution, which primarily impacted three themes - a vision of the
future, a life changing experience, and spiritual strength, are unique to this study. In
sum, the students’ vision of the future, life experiences, personal networks of support,
strategies for obtaining help, and faith in God helped them persist.
In the current study, I sought to extend the pilot study by interviewing
additional students as a means of triangulating the data and gaining insight into the
variety of experiences represented by international students on the BYUH campus. I
also modified the interview protocol (see Appendixes C and D) to focus more
specifically on the three background theories for the study: persistence, cultural
capital, and attribution/self-regulated learning. Although the initial protocol was
focused around the three theories, it was not focused explicitly on the three research
questions. Organizing the questions specifically around the three research questions,
which are linked to the three theories for the study, improved the efficiency of data
analysis and assisted in writing up the study. The rewording of the grand tour question
also directed focus on the three primary questions of the study whereas the grand tour
question in the initial protocol was general in nature. Although the intent and general
content of the questions did not change, regrouping the questions around the research
questions resulted in a firmer focus.
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Other changes in the interview protocol reflect clarification of questions that
were somewhat unclear in the pilot study. The question asking about how students
would describe their experiences with education in their country was too broad.
Rephrasing it as, “Tell me what it was like to go to high school in _______ ?” allowed
the question to remain open, but added more specificity. Another question students
had difficulty with was “How would you describe your experience at BYU-Hawaii
regarding both academic and social life?” This was a lengthy question, and one that
required additional explanation. The revised protocol asked students to describe their
first year and their overall experience at BYUH. Also, some of the questions in the
pilot study protocol were leading in nature, asking about what surprised the student, or
what seemed harder or easier than expected. These were rephrased in a more open
way, in the questions “Describe your first year at BYUH,” and “Overall, how would
you describe your college experience at BYUH?” The inclusion of more probes in the
revised protocol assisted me in identifying possible follow-up questions, particularly
when questions were general.
Another example of a modification in questions occurred in the first section.
Asking about parental views of education focused more specifically on the educational
values in the home whereas “What did your parents think of your coming to BYU-
Hawaii?” could be interpreted as an inquiry about parents’ feelings towards their child
leaving home and going to a different country, or their opinions specifically about
BYUH. Also in the first section, having students describe their home life rather than
asking them expressly about school achievement and the place of education allowed
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them to give a broader response, and had more potential for identifying cultural capital
variables. In the second section, the revised question asking if students felt their needs
and concerns had been addressed was a more explicit way of asking what the
university could do to better support students. The latter question did not glean much
information in the pilot study.
In analyzing the data from the pilot study, I determined that information had
not been collected in sufficient depth on certain aspects of the research questions. To
address this, an additional question, “Did you have to make any changes in your
behavior or habits to be successful at BYUH?” was added to focus more directly on
the cultural integration vs. integrity issue identified by Tierney (1992), and is a critical
one for a persistence study on nontraditional students. A second addition to the
protocol was, “In __________ , when you weren’t working or studying, what types of
activities did you do?” This question helped identify variables of cultural capital, an
aspect missing from the pilot study protocol.
Overall, this study expanded on the pilot study by interviewing additional
students both for comparison purposes and to provide a more focused examination of
the three theories. By piloting the interview protocol with international students
similar to the participants for the current study, I enhanced the content, wording, and
organization of the questions, thereby contributing to the trustworthiness of the study
(Jones, 2002). Changes in the protocol allowed more direct focus on the research
questions, improved the quality of the questions, and addressed issues that did not get
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sufficient attention in the pilot study. The addition of more probes was also helpful in
reminding me of the types of follow-up questions needing to be asked.
Conclusion
In this chapter, I outlined the theoretical foundation for the research process
and the rationale for the use of qualitative methodology. I also described the sample
population and site in detail. I identified interviewing techniques in the section on data
collection, and discussed the methods I used to analyze the data. I addressed concerns
with validity by the inclusion of six techniques to ensure trustworthiness, responded to
concerns associated with backyard research, and acknowledged limitations of the
study. Finally, I shared the results of a pilot study and provided the rationale for
proposed changes in interview protocol.
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CHAPTER 4
INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS SHARE THEIR EXPERIENCES
The 17 students who responded to the invitation to be interviewed for this
study represented a cross-section of the international student population at BYUH.
Table 4.1 provides demographic information about the participants. Approximately
53% were from Polynesian countries (Fiji, Kiribati, Samoa, Tahiti, and Tonga) and
47% from Asian countries (Hong Kong, Japan, Mongolia, and Taiwan). Gender was
almost equal - eight males and nine females, and most of the students were unmarried.
Table 4.1
Demographics
Country Gender Marital Status
Male Female Married Single
Fiji 2 1 1
Kiribati 1 1 1 1
Samoa 1 1 1 1
Tahiti 1 1
Tonga 2 2
Hong Kong 1 3 1 3
Japan 1 1
Mongolia 1 1
Taiwan 2 1 1
Total 9 8 5 12
All of the students interviewed were members of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter-day Saints with the majority being bom to parents who belonged to the church,
and the minority being converts. All but two had served missions for the church, and
the majority of these served English-speaking missions. Table 4.2 provides
information on the students’ religious backgrounds.
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Table 4.2
Religions Background
Church Membership
Non-convert Convert English
Mission
Non-English No Mission
10 7 11 4 2
The students’ previous experiences in higher education varied. Table 4.3
indicates the students’ prior studies and the educational levels of their parents. Eleven
students had attended institutions of higher education in their countries. Of the parents
who had enrolled in post-secondary studies, the fathers were more likely to have
completed graduate degrees. Overall, however, less than a third of the parents had
post-secondary degrees.
Table 4.3
Educational Levels
Highest Level of Education Number of Participants Number of Parents
Father Mother
Master’ s/Professional 0 4 1
Bachelor’s 0 1 3
Technical Training/Certificate 1 1 1
Associate’s 1 0 0
One Year of College 7 0 0
Some College Courses 2 0 0
High School 6 3 4
Junior High/Elementary - 8
y
No Education - 0 1
The students represented a variety of majors as illustrated in Table 4.4. Nine
students expressed an interest in graduate school, while three wanted to stay in the
U.S. to obtain a year of practical experience.
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Table 4.4
Major
Major Number of Students
Biochemistry 2
Computer Science 2
Exercise and Sports Science 1
Hospitality/T ourism 3
Instructional and Information Science 1
International Business Management 2
International Cultural Studies 1
Mathematics 1
Pacific Island Studies 1
Political Science 1
Psychology 1
Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages 1
All of the students worked 19 hours per week. Nine students were employed
on campus and eight at the Polynesian Cultural Center. Table 4.5 illustrates the types
of positions held by the students.
Table 4.5
Employment
On Campus Number of Students Polynesian Cultural Center Number of Students
Accounting Lab 1 First Aid 1
Biochemistry Lab 1 Security 1
Computer Support 2 Stage Crew 1
Human Resources 1 Night Show 1
Intramural Office 1 Theater Sales 1
Math Lab 1 Tour Guide 3
Physical Plant 1
Residence Advisor 1
This chapter has two major sections. In the first section, I identify and discuss
the major themes that emerged from the data. Because qualitative studies seek to
explore rather than to test hypotheses, the researcher must be open to the discovery of
new information that informs the subject of inquiry as the result of questioning,
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listening, and probing. I will illustrate each theme with stories of the students who
most closely typify its characteristics. In the second section of the chapter, I address
the three research questions introduced in Chapter 1, namely: 1) What influence does
family background, educational background, expectations about university life in the
U.S., and country of origin have on international student persistence? 2) How does the
institution itself facilitate the persistence of international students, if at all? 3) How do
personal characteristics affect the persistence of international students? I conclude the
chapter by summarizing the major themes and commenting on the results.
Themes from the Data - The Students Share Their Experiences
An analysis of the data revealed several recurrent themes regarding the
students’ ability to overcome obstacles and persist to their senior year at BYUH. The
students’ cultural, educational, and home backgrounds varied, yet most had similar
adjustment issues when they arrived on campus. When asked to describe their first
year at BYUH, typical responses were “horrible,” “tough,” “I was a nervous wreck,”
“homesick,” “I was just trying to adjust,” “scary,” and “hard.” Kevin, from Taiwan,
described his experience:
The first semester was kinda scary because, well, I was in the military for four
years, and a mission for two year, so six year, almost seven years away from
my previous school experience, so it was kinda strange, and then people were
speaking different languages. I remember I signed up for a humanities class,
and I was sitting in class and people were raising their hands, contributing to
the class, and talking about stuff, and it was kind of foreign to me, so I dropped
the class, and I was like, I’ll never get it at this point.
In spite of the fact Jacqueline, a student from Tahiti, had two brothers at BYUH, she
described her first year as follows:
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It was horrible. The first day I got In Hawaii and my brothers took me to my
dorm, I just cried. Like it wasn’t the same. There was like a culture shock also.
My roommate was American, and she was very nice, but back home, you
wouldn’t open the door [leave the door open], and she just used to open the
door wide open, and the floor was just full of dirt. It wasn’t like that with my
neighbors. They were Americans, too. That was her. And back home also, you
don’t touch other people’s stuff without asking, and I always come back to my
room and find my bed and just my stuff moved around. I just wanted to go
home. I was very shy. That was one problem, too. I would always be with my
brothers, not wanting to go with other people and try to really learn the
language. I wouldn’t go to the dances. It took me about a year to really adapt.
In spite of these challenges, the students overcame the obstacles they faced and
were close to graduation. What made the experiences of these students different from
those who left the university? For each student, the story is unique. For some, it was
commitment to degree attainment, while for others it was friends, support from home,
or reliance on spiritual strength. In spite of the differences, some commonalities in the
experiences of the students were identified. This section will analyze the key areas that
contributed to the persistence of the 17 students interviewed. The major themes are: a
vision of the future, home and educational background, religion, personal support,
attitudes and abilities, and institutional factors. Although some overlap amongst the
categories exists, I will discuss each theme separately to highlight its particular
features. However, to provide thick, rich description (Geertz, 1975), I allow the
students to illustrate each theme by setting it in the larger context of their experiences,
thus information shared under one theme may also have bearing on other themes. In so
doing, I go beyond mere description and identification of themes to demonstrate
complex connections among themes (Cresweli, 2003).
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A Vision o f the Future
In every case, the students mentioned that they continued with their studies
because they saw the value of education in their future. They recognized that to get a
good job, have the ability to support themselves and their families in a comfortable
way, and to be happy in life, they would need an education. This was probably the
most critical finding of the study. In a number of cases this desire for an education was
due to the encouragement of parents, teachings of the church, an interest in academics
in high school, or humble beginnings. Most of the students had formed the goal of
going to university although few had parents with experiences in higher education. In
some cases, the goal was in opposition to parents’ wishes while in others, it was out of
a desire to make their parents proud and/or serve their families, countries, and the
church. In any case, obtaining a degree was something that each student valued. The
stories of three students, Mandy (Hong Kong), Elisapeta (Samoa), and Aldko (Japan)
illustrate this theme.
First, Mandy (Hong Kong) states how she developed a commitment to
obtaining a degree and how this commitment kept her focused.
They’re [my parent’s education level] only elementary school level, and they
are both factory workers. And since they don’t have much education, when I
was young they worked so hard to send me to tuition center, and then that’s the
time where I really studied hard. And because they always believed that the
higher education that you get, the easier that you can find a job. So that’s a
great encouragement for me.... I have high expectation of myself. I feel that I
have an obligation since I’m an only child and I really see the importance of
having high education, so that’s why I insist on coming here [to BYUH]... .
[Going to high school in Hong Kong] was very much study all day . ..
‘cause like in high school we had to take the public exam and it was a big thing
for every student in Hong Kong, in order to get to a higher level like college
level. I was so nervous. We had to prepare for two years to take that exam .. . .
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[I developed the feeling that I wanted an education] because of the Hong
Kong education. Because of the trend, more and more people get to receive a
high education, but still they can’t find ajob. In high school we have to take
lots of entrance exams in order to get to higher level, so it was competitive. So
in order to be capable of higher education, you had to be really competitive and
really had to study hard. So that’s the time when I realized that studying is so
stressful there, so I don’t want to live that kind of life, so that’s why I came
here.. . .
Your goals remind you of why you are here. ‘Cause there are times
when I was really stressed, that I felt like I wasn’t able to accomplish what I
want here, and I almost quit, and I felt like after like reviewing your goals that
reminds why am I here. And everyday I just skim through the goals and they
remind me. “Why should I be here? Why do I have go through all this, for
what?” I think they help get myself motivated.
Next, Elisapeta (Samoa) describes her background and perseverance in
pursuing a degree.
I have a very strict mother and father, but separated when I graduated from
high school, and it’s been tough for our family to see my mother go through a
lot of pain. And I learned to be a mom. I stayed home, I didn’t go to college, to
help my mom, to be the mom while she works and pays and put food on the
table and for my brother’s school, who was still in high school, and now
married. . . . I graduated in ’93 and in fall ’94, my mom told me I could go to
school, and spring ’95 ,1 took like two classes, only because I drop off my little
brothers and sister at my cousin’s house, go to my class, come pick them up,
come home, cook food, and you know, it was a daily routine, so I told my
mom, “I can’t do this... . I’ll go to w ork.. . . ”
After my mission in ’98 ,1 went back to work, and then I decided to go
to school. I didn’t want to be a secretary for the rest of my life. Before I left the
mission field, my mission president told me, “Don’t go to school without
getting married. Don’t get married and forget school. You have to do both
things. . ..” After my mission I definitely had a different view on life and
education especially.. .. Before I left, I didn’t know what my strengths were
and I guess I knew what my weaknesses were, but I didn’t know how to step
up the ladder. When I went on my mission we were taught to figure things out,
to figure things out in life, then we’ll be fine, and when we know what our
capacity is. I guess I realized how much I can do and what I can do. When I
came back, I said, “I gotta do something to keep it.” And I improved a lot, a lot
after my mission, academically. . . . The church has taught me the importance
of education that my family would have never taught m e.. . . I thought, “Oh,
my gosh. The Lord doesn’t just want faithful members. He wants people who
are intelligent, too.”
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I came home. I registered that semester, but my mom couldn’t afford
the books and the tuition.. . . She was always complaining and whining so I
withdrew all my classes, and I told her, “I’m gonna go back to work.” So I
worked for a whole year and a half, and then I felt I wasn’t progressing and I
thought, “Ah, I have to get my degree,” but my mom was against it. And so I
told my mom, “Help me for two years. Give me two years. Pay for my school.
If I don’t graduate in two years, I’ll go back to work.” So that was the deal. I
had no intention of coming to BYU-Hawaii, or getting any farther than that. I
just wanted something, some background.. . .
My stepfather and my mom still told me, “You’re wasting your time.
Stay home. Go to work. Get some money,” especially when I asked them for
tuition money. My dad said to me this one night, “Why are you so worried
about getting an education, just find yourself a good husband and marry and
he’ll take care of you,”. . . They still complained until the day I graduated,
financially, but when they saw me graduate, my mom was happy and I was
happy, especially when I got into BYU-Hawaii, she was more happy, and I
never expected when I went back to school to come this far, and I cannot give
it up just to have fun. I cannot afford to be distracted. I want to be a good
example to my little brothers and sister, to o .. . . It’s not the beginning of the
race that’s important. It’s the end.
Finally, Akiko (Japan) explains how she was unable to meet her goal of
university attendance initially, but her desire for education and mission convinced her
she could still obtain this goal. The fact that she was given the opportunity to fulfill
her dream has strengthened her commitment.
Going to university was biggest goal when I was in high school, but I wasn’t
made it. I wasn’t able to do it. I kind of gave up go to university when I failed
[the entrance tests], but then always my education kind of took opportunity
away from me. I was able to get good job. I thought I was lucky. Those who
got ajob the same time as me were those who graduate from one of highest
university in Japan.. . . I had the same quality job, but the salary was lower
than them of course, and I thought that that wasn’t fair. I’m doing same work
and some of the things I can do better than them, so I thought that was not fair,
but there’s nothing I can do about my education. Then I decide to go on a
mission. That was something different from my plan, but I was inspired.. . . So
when I was on my mission, I was served in California. I met many people who
graduated from high school.. .. They got a full time job, but then they couldn’t
give up their dream or they wanted to continue to have education, so they went
back to university, age of like 37 or like maybe after they had children, so
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that’s kind of gave me idea there’s a way I can go back to university and get
education.
Then I came back from my mission and then the day I gave my
homecoming talk, the President [Name of the BYUH president] was at my
home ward [congregation]. He made a light, casual invitation. He asked me
what you going to do after now. “Well, probably get ajob.” That was only
option. I had an idea I could go back to university, but reality, well that’s
impossible. Do I want to study for another year to take exam? Probably not,
I’m forgetting so many things. I don’t want to go through such a hard study
again. Then President [Name] said if you haven’t decided, come to BYU-
Hawaii. . . . BYU-Hawaii wasn’t my first option, but I think right before
deadline I remembered I had an application form, so I opened it and just filled
out. I prayed about it and felt good about BYU-Hawaii.. . .
I know what I want to get because I wasn’t able to get it before. This is
the second chance I can get it, so I know where I want to go, and I know how
important it is to get degree now. That keeps me going. Never quit.. . . I
always want to graduate. It’s not easy. I think if I can make one semester.
During semester it’s hard, many times I wish semester would be over soon, but
when I finish final then if I look back at the semester, maybe that wasn’t hard
than I was thinking, so kind of motivate to take classes next semester. Then I
realize wasn’t too hard.. . . Then I think when I look at grade, then I just,
“Hey, I can do it.”
In sum, one of the most pervasive factors that influenced students to persist
was having a vision of the future. Students could see how further education would
benefit their lives and families. None of the three students we met in this section had
parents with advanced levels of education. This appeared to motivate them to strive
for further education to better their lives. As a convert to the church, Mandy wanted to
come to BYUH, but her parents preferred her to stay in Hong Kong. Elisapeta
(Samoa) faced the most opposition from family, but her determination led her to
complete an associate’s degree and transfer to BYUH. She was influenced by the
teachings of the church and her mission president. Akiko (Japan) had always wanted a
degree, but lacked the opportunity in her country. Her work experiences had taught her
the importance of education in being successful. Due to her mission experience and
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the suggestion of the president of BYUH, she realized that she could still obtain her
dream. In each case, the students5 goal to graduate helped them overcome opposition,
and positively affected their focus.
Home and Educational Background
As mentioned in the previous section, the students were committed to their
education and felt the importance of it for their futures. The stories of Mandy (Hong
Kong), Elisapeta (Samoa), and Akiko (Japan) indicate that home and educational
background played a role in their desires for further education, but in their cases, the
influence was not due to their parents’ being highly educated or strongly emphasizing
education. Overall, the educational backgrounds of parents differed, with some having
little education and others advanced degrees. Based on descriptions of their parents’
jobs and also their home lives, the students’ socioeconomic status ranged from low to
average. The educational systems in both Polynesian and Asian countries can be
stressful and competitive with external exams determining students’ advancement to
higher levels of education. The stories of Sela (Tonga), Amy (Hong Kong), and Mele
(Tonga) demonstrate further the influence of home and educational background on
students’ decisions to enroll and their persistence at the university. Both positive and
negative home environments were motivational, as will be illustrated.
Sela (Tonga) describes how the examples of older siblings, a family
commitment to education, church teachings, high school preparation, and home
environment influenced her educational vision.
I’m from Tonga and there’s seven in the family, three brothers and three
sisters, and I’m number five in the family. The four older than me, I think it
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was . . . I would say a tradition in my family to graduate from high school, go
to BYU, get married in the temple, go on a mission. So it’s pretty much, it was
like expected of us. But again it was something I prayed about and received an
answer. It was really what I needed. Because of the positive influences of my
older brothers and sisters that I saw in their lives growing up with them, and
seeing them grow. I decided that I wanted that in my life, to o .. .. My parents
graduated from here. They met here. They graduated from here. And then they
got their masters in Provo.
I think like in my own personal life, all my other brothers and sisters
they had good grades, and we all went to the same high school, and so it was
kind of expected of me. So I was trying to keep up to that, to that expectation
‘cause they all know the whole family. In Tonga it’s very small, everybody
knows everybody, especially if you say that last name, oh that’s so and so’s
daughter, so and so’s son, and so you kind of have to keep up with that
expectation that everybody expects of you.. . . I think, especially with my
surroundings and friends and family, everybody went to school. And to me
growing up like that I thought it was part of life, like everybody has to be in
school, everybody has to graduate, everybody has to go on, go to college. So it
was pretty much something that I thought was part of life that I need to fulfill.
And education was always something that Fd hear my parents talk a lot about.
And listening to the prophet [president of the church] as well, talk a lot about
the importance of education.. ..
I remember that [chemistry] was the class that I would spend most of
my time. And we have seminars or late night classes for chemistry, just for
questions. Tutoring, something like that. We have external exams, kind of like.
To go from elementary up to high school you have to take an exam, the whole
Pacific Islanders. It was called school certificate, from Form 5 to Form 6 ... .
And there was PSSC, Pacific something, I can’t remember now, but like an
exam we all have to take, and they grade us to see If we pass or not. The whole
Pacific Islanders have to take it .. . . [We did] group studies a lot. And that’s
when your parents kinda like let you not really work at home like have all the
other siblings work and you kinda like give you time to study and have all your
friends over and study all day, all night.. . .
My mom always has a list of chores for us to do before we doing
homework, which I did not like at the time, but I appreciate it now. It taught
me how to work. Even Saturday I thought it was going to be my day off from
working and school, play day, but that’s when the chores get harder and
longer. Longer list. And that was pretty much our life. Six o’clock we have to
back at the house showered and get ready to do homework. In bed by eight
o’clock or nine. We have to get up at like around five o’clock to read scriptures
and six o’clock to get ready to go to class, go to school.. . . We read the Book
of Mormon in English, but we try to speak English at home, but we always
make fun of each other, so no one wanted to speak English anymore. So that’s
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the only way we learned English, was by reading the Book of Mormon in
English. . . .
For Amy (Hong Kong), low socioeconomic status, uneducated parents, and a
family tragedy resulted in her desire for an education. She explains:
My dad, I think, actually he never talk about this [his education] at home, so
I’m guessing [he had] junior or high school education. He really encouraged us
to read, but he passed away so early, so we don’t know much about his
background. And my mom, because about maybe two years since she was
bom, and then my grandma lost her birth certificate, so she couldn’t attend any
school at all. Anyway, it’s kinda dumb because I think my grandma should
know that you can reapply, but she didn’t do anything, so my mom never go to
school. She doesn’t write or read. So she just watched TV to learn knowledge,
basically, or talk to people.. . .
My background, my family’s not really that rich, my family’s pretty
poor. We rely on the government welfare thing, and so both of the parents
didn’t go to w ork... . My mom doesn’t encourage us [to study] a lot. Just go
out to work. Earn money. My dad, he does encourage us to study and have to
get up in the morning at four a.m. to study hard, if that day have examination.
So I think he really encouraged us, and because I was baptized at nine years
old, and during that time I had a Book of Mormon, and whenever I pull out the
Book of Mormon to read, he didn’t disturb me or say, “Come here and wash
dishes, clean up.” Ask me to do the chores. He just let me to read the Book of
Mormon, so I was kinda impressed. But my mom, well I told you, she
didn’t . . . .
So after high school, I went to nursing school, so study for three years.
At first I didn’t know .. . I’m going to paid [in nursing school], didn’t know
anything about that. But I only had one hope, because my dad had passed away
because he had a stroke. One night he just cooking something and he fell on
the floor, and we didn’t know what to do. I was young. So my sister, my older
sister and my mom just put him lying on the bed for hours. Didn’t know what
to do. Are you OK? You’re lying asleep for a while, you know. We didn’t
know what to do at all. And I couldn’t say anything, because I had shut up, you
kno w .. .. All the little kids didn’t want to disturb the adults. Anyway, so after
that I realized that I need to know more about medical things to help my family
if they have anything wrong in their bodies. So that’s my only hope. So if I
study nursing to know more about these things, so I can help my family
because we have to be really independent and rely on ourselves. That’s how I
grew up, have this attitude.
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Educational background, parental support, and peers were instrumental in
helping Mele (Tonga) develop the goal of attending university.
I went to a church school, Liahona High School, and that’s where I learned
English because you kind of have to speak English, but I really loved it. The
church high school is one of the best in the island. I just remember it was hard
to speak English. I was so embarrassed to speak English because when I go
home, we speak Tongan. There’s no way I could practice it with anybody apart
from my friends at school, but I read a lot ofbooks. I love reading. In high
school in Tonga, it’s different. We wore uniforms and rules were really strict.
The British system that we have in Tonga, I think it was a little bit harder than
here. I mean science and m ath.. . . To me they were a little bit harder than it
was here, compared to my GEs that I’m taking now .. . .
Education to my parents was very important. They force all of us to go
to school, but I guess I’m the only one that like, “Yes, mom and dad. I’m
going.” When we were growing up, they would say, “It would be good to go to
college,” but they didn’t really enforce it until I was in high school. My older
sisters, I remember they graduated from high school, and they wanted to come
[to BYUH], but my parents said, “No, you get ajob and support the family.”
And so when it got to me, I remember they would always, when I got home my
mom would do my chores. She sent me back to my room, “Go do your
homework. I’ll do your chores for you.” They were very supportive of me. I
don’t know why they didn’t do that to the rest. I’m thankful for that, though. I
always thought, “I want to go [to university].” My friends were all the same,
and we’re all here.. . .
I remember when I was little my dad would always do math with me.
He was really good at math. When we’d go to the beach or go to the farm, he
would always say, “OK. If I take these three taros, and I eat one, how many
left? One? No, two.” Little things like that. We’d go to the beach and he’d
pick up rocks, and he was like, “Look at this. I have five. What’s left?” And
he’d tell me little stories. My mom, I think the way that she supported me, she
was always trying to do my chores, especially in high school. She’d like, “It’s
your turn to wash the dishes, but I’ll do it. You can go do your homework.”
And she’d wake me up at four o’clock in the morning, “OK. Did you finish
your homework?” They bought a computer when I was in Tonga. They bought
a typewriter when they first came to Tonga. They would look for tutors when I
was in high school to help me with my exams. That’s pretty much how they
supported me, and financially. . . . I did a lot of group study with my friends.
Some of my friends’ parents were teachers. They tutored us. One was a math
teacher, one an English teacher, and one taught chemistry. I didn’t go to dances
or parties, just group study. We always spoke English because we wanted to
improve it, even though it was broken English.
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Sela (Tonga), Amy (Hong Kong), and Mele (Tonga) are representative of
students whose home and educational backgrounds had clear effects on their desires to
pursue higher education. In Sela’s case, family tradition, parental education, home
environment, and church teachings played an important role. Amy’s motivation for
pursuing a degree was the result of a number of factors related to her home life -
growing up in poverty, the support of her father before his death, and the desire to help
her family by gaining medical knowledge. Strong parental and peer support as well as
academic preparation influenced Mele. For all but two students, an expectation that
they would attend university was apparent early in life, and this was primarily the
result of their home and educational environment. In the majority of situations, this
goal was the result of students’ desires to improve themselves and enjoy a better
lifestyle than their parents, or their parents instilling this value in them. In this sense,
parental educational levels and socioeconomic status had an unexpected effect in that
low parental education and low socioeconomic status motivated students’ educational
commitments.
Religion
The theme of religion, as might be expected given the mission of BYUH,
permeated all aspects of the students’ lives. Some reference to religion has already
been made in the stories related in the previous two themes. Students mentioned
various aspects of their religious beliefs and faith throughout the interviews. Before
they even arrived on campus, the influence of the church, its leaders and teachings,
had bearing on the students’ decisions to pursue higher education and informed their
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vision of what they could become. The encouragement of specific church leaders,
presentations and talks given in church contexts about the importance of education,
and an awareness of their potential motivated students to set and fulfill educational
goals. Students commonly expressed gratitude for the religious atmosphere of the
school, and attributed their ability to be successful to their faith and religious practices.
Due to their experiences at BYUH, their knowledge of the church increased, and they
felt they had not only grown intellectually, but also spiritually.
An often mentioned experience that students identified as influential to their
persistence at the university was a mission. As members of the Church of Jesus Christ
of Latter-day Saints, young people commonly serve missions for 1.5-2 years. Young
men generally go on a mission at the age of 19 and young women at age 21. They may
be called to serve in any area of the world and pay their own expenses. Missions are
very structured and provide young people with discipline and breadth of experience.
They leam to serve others and gain insight into the lives of people of different cultures
and walks of life. Missions had a variety of positive effects on students such as
building confidence, improving English-speaking skills, developing communication
skills, broadening horizons, providing structure and discipline, establishing good study
habits, and helping students become more responsible. They were also influential in
that mission presidents often encouraged the students to pursue higher education. The
stories of Joanne (Hong Kong), Joseph (Kiribati), and Mele (Tonga) illustrate the
impact of religion on persistence.
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First, Joanne (Hong Kong) explains how her mission helped her realize the
importance of an education, influenced her choice of major, and changed her approach
to learning. Also, the religious environment at the university had a positive impact.
I think to prepare myself to go on a mission [has been my greatest
accomplishment at BYUH]. My mission helps me to realize how important to
get education. That’s why I look at in a more serious way to know the real
reason why I need to get education. Before I study because that’s what my
coach help me to decide, “OK. You can be a better person. You can get a better
job.” And so I study, but I struggle in the beginning. . . . After my mission, I
know the main reason why I want to get education because I want to have that
knowledge to be able to apply in my future life. And that motivate me because
I have the interest to leam those things because I want to apply the knowledge
that I’ve learned, so I make sure that I really know it instead of just being able
to do the test, to get good grades. I expect more from myself more than
before.. . . I study more. I just won’t wait until before test because really I
want to leam, not just study for the test. . . . On my mission you have set
schedule to study.. . . You have a better time management to set what you
need to do and to make goals, then we will make that study better. You will
leam m ore.. . .
And also mission helped me to decide to have an education.. . . Before
I just take EXS [Exercise and Sports Science]. I didn’t have the education in
it.. . . But then on my mission we have opportunity to be in some leadership
position, like zone leader, district leader. You need to give training. I realized
how important it is to be able to teach.. . . And so decided better to have
education major with my major ‘cause the thing that I study, I know it, but to
be able to teach is different thing, and so that helps. That’s why I really want to
know the material and be able to teach, to apply, and that’s why I say it [my
mission] has changed my learning style.
[When I encounter something difficult] it’s the religion background, I
pray about it.. .. Religion set the standard for all the students, and also people
have that religion background, and they’re more accepting and they’re more
patient and charitable to help you. And also they know we’re all brothers and
sisters. They will be willing to help instead of, I think if you’re in other school
they don’t have that.
Religion had a positive impact on Joseph (Kiribati) through a church leader in
his country, his mission, and gospel insights shared by his professors.
I earned my scholarship to go to Australia, but then I joined the church in ‘96.
That’s like a year before I came to BYU-Hawaii. And during that year, the
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bishop encouraged me to come to BYU-Hawaii, and asked me to apply for a
scholarship, and try out. I earned a scholarship, the David O. McKay
scholarship. I was able to come. That’s how I funded my education here....
He [my bishop] made me take the Michigan test [measures English language
proficiency], interviewed with me several times, and talk with me stories about
BYU-Hawaii, his BYU-Hawaii experiences. I see a leader there. When I talk
with him, I saw a leader before me who went through college experience at this
university, so I see myself as someone like him. He encouraged me with
confidence, and he build that confidence in me, too, that I can become a leader.
That coming to BYU-Hawaii is not at all a bad idea.. ..
Seeing friends going on their mission made me have the desire, or like
do more finding o u t. . . about why, what’s the purpose, and like kind of
motivated me to want to g o .. . . I was able to overcome that fear, I felt like Fm
so inadequate... . [My mission] influenced, the thing that it helps with my
study is all this times that I spend with the teachers and try to get to know them
and find out, it’s all from experiences that I learned from my mission, from
how I dealt with the people, finding out what their concerns are, and really be
able to feel worthwhile and helping on my mission, not just with the gospel,
‘cause a lot of times we did a lot of service, and I thought that meant more than
just sharing the gospel to me. That’s one of the reasons why my mission was a
great accomplishment. I was able to do things that I never really did in my life.
I always do things for myself, but you never realize that doing something for
someone else is different, helps you leam to leam a lot, too.
I think teachers play a great part, too. I think that’s one of the reasons
why it’s included on the evaluation sheets, how teachers apply the gospel
insights. To some people, they think talking about gospel principles make the
lesson sound preachy. To me I think it creates a different environment. It
creates an environment that will help the student have a positive mind. And
how they’re gonna be willing to work toward their goal, or setting a goal with
them, and help them see what they can d o .. . . It doesn’t have to be so preachy,
but maybe just helping them see why. It’s just important for them to leam that
it does make a difference in their life, and if they don’t leam it, and try to
absorb and apply it [gospel teachings], it’s their fault, not the teacher’s fault.
Finally, Mele (Tonga) describes how the religious environment at BYUH and
her mission changed her in positive ways that had an impact on her education. In
particular, her mission motivated her to consider graduate school and taught her study
and planning skills.
I’ve had some of my best experiences here [at BYUH].. . . The most important
thing I learned was to know my potential and what I’m capable of. It [being at
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BYUH] strengthened my testimony a lot. I prepared here to go on my mission.
My bishop and leaders helped me a lot. Fm so grateful for the church. Fve
gained and learned a lot of things here. Before my mission I was a typical
islander, very reserved, very shy. I would never ask questions in class in front
of everyone. I would wait until everyone leaves the room, then I would go up
and ask the teacher or go to his office. I would never go to dances. I was
always reserved. But on my mission I learned to speak up, and to voice my
opinions, and come out from my comfort zone. When I got back all my friends
were like, “Are you the same person?” I feel like I have so much confidence. I
can just ask questions in front of everyone, and also leam to participate in
school activities. I could still have fun and do my school work. I wanted to go
to school before, but I didn’t think of grad school. I just thought getting a BA
or BS was fine, but when I got there [on my mission] and I see a lot of people
that go to school, especially in Utah. I thought, “Oh, that would be cool to
come back and go to grad school. There’s more out there than undergrad
school. . . . ”
I think, first of all I just plan out like on my mission, like before I go to
bed at night, I would plan my day out. IT1 get up in the morning, I’ll go work
out. I’ll work out an hour. Then I come and I’ll do my scripture reading stuff.
Just planning every minute, so I don’t feel like, “What can I do now?” Plan the
whole day, and the best thing is like study right after class. ‘Cause in class,
you’re trying to catch up to the teachers, and then right after that if you don’t
study then, you might forget. Not really study, but just complete your notes
because sometimes you just, he said this and blank, but then if you do it right
after class, you remember so much. So I do that if I don’t have classes right
after. I won’t go to bed until I do my homework. And I get up and study in the
morning. I do my homework late at night and then study in the morning.. . .
I would say what really helped me is the church, really helped me.
Devotionals they give you spiritual help.. . . Even though I do what I can do,
study and prepare, but without Heavenly Father’s help, I can’t accomplish a
lot, get where I am today.
In sum, all of the students interviewed shared the same religious faith. The
mission of BYUH is to provide both academic and spiritual development, or to
enlighten students’ “minds and spirits” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). Joanne’s (Hong Kong)
initial experiences at the university influenced her to serve a mission, which resulted
in greater focus and commitment to her studies when she returned. For Joseph
(Kiribati), the example and encouragement of a church leader was instrumental in his
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decision to attend BYUH. On campus, Ms friends were role models who influenced
Mm to serve a mission. His mission taught him how to work with people, serve others,
and be more confident, skills that have assisted him in his studies. He also saw
teachers as being critical in helping students apply gospel teacMngs in their lives.
Similar to the others, Mele (Tonga) was influenced by the BYUH environment to
serve a mission. Her mission helped her gain confidence, see her potential, consider
the possibility of graduate school, and develop planning and organizational skills.
These stories illustrate how the religious environment, and the students’ religious
beliefs and experiences helped them be successful in their studies.
Personal Support
The fourth theme that emerged from the data, personal support, is fairly broad
and includes support and encouragement from parents, family members, peers,
professors, staff, and church leaders. This support was both external to the university
and internal. In many cases, students demonstrated that connecting to an English-
speaking individual was important. In a few situations, professors, staff, and church
leaders who were from a student’s own country, or even people of color in general as
opposed to those who were White, helped students feel more comfortable as they
adjusted from an environment in which they were the majority to one in which they
were a minority. Students also frequently mentioned the examples of others, or the
influence of role models. For most students, one of these areas of personal support
stood out stronger than the others, but all of the students emphasized at least one of
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these sources as being critical in their experiences at BYUH. Mandy (Hong Kong),
Inoke (Fiji), Joanne (Hong Kong), and Sela (Tonga) illustrate this theme.
Mandy (Hong Kong) appeared to have greater difficulty adjusting than most of
the other students. In the following excerpts she illustrates the importance of
connecting to teachers of color and to peers, both international students and native-
English-speakers:
In my English 201, literature was so hard. I wasn’t really motivated to attend
the class, ‘cause I felt like I really ignored as an international student, so I
didn’t really put much time in it.. . . I felt like I had to make a choice, I mean, I
would be really suffering if I still go on, and plus I felt I wasn’t really welcome
in the class and couldn’t really adjust myself, so that’s why later I quit the
class.. . . [I took the class again from] another teacher in the summer, and it
was better because, well, I felt like maybe, because she’s Asian looking. But
her language, she’s native speaker of English, but she’s Asian looking. At first
physically I felt more a sense of belonging, though she doesn’t really speak my
language. Next is, I felt like she has more concern about how we feel towards
her class, so we would just write response to her, and our expectations on the
first day of class, so she would know how we felt.. . . If we have a reading
assignment, like poem, and I would just normally go to other international
classmates and then we would just discuss about the poem, perhaps we talk
about it a lot. And had some challenges for yourself, for example, “If the
teacher ask some questions tomorrow, OK, it’ll be your turn to answer it first,
and then my turn.” It’s kind of like little encouragement or motivate each other
to get participative.. . .
Have friends that really have good influence on you. Fm glad that I
have found friends that we are all the same major. One of my friends is also
native speaker, but, you know like, she’s from New Zealand and I don’t know
maybe because she has a British accent and I feel more welcome, more nice to
me. We are in the same classes that pretty much sometimes when I feel kind of
left out in class, like when I don’t really participate and she would just sit
beside me and we would just encourage each other. Yeah, I think it’s important
to have friends that really support you and help you.
When I first came here as a new convert, and the environment, and we
attend church here, singles ward, and it was completely different from home
ward and felt like kind of left out and especially the terms that I really don’t
understand in English. So I felt like, nobody really cared if I go to church or
not, and plus the first time, my roommate was kind of inactive [in church], so
we pretty much just stayed in the room on Sunday. And later I had a friend,
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she’s a return missionary, and she came to my room on Sunday, and every
other day we studied the scripture and attend church together. So because of
her fellowship, I came to know more about I should keep the commandments
and not to be influenced by the environment.. ..
I intended to stick with some Hong Kong people, at first when I came
here. But later on I found out that it’s not really, you know, it’ll be a waste of
time if you still spend 3 years hanging around with only the Hong Kong
people. I’m not actually sociable, but I make lots of friends from the place
where I work in PCC, and mainly they are from Asia, New Zealand. I seldom
have really true friends from the United States. . . . Mostly I would make
friends with people from Taiwan, China, Japan, Korea.
Inoke (Fiji) demonstrates how connecting with his professors and church
leaders helped him gain confidence and be academically successful. Having peers
from his country who acted as role models was also significant to his BYUH
experience.
I remember one time I went home after class because I couldn’t speak in
English in class. I couldn’t do my presentation, so I ran away from my English
class. I just went to my room and prayed. . . . The one biggest thing that I
would say out of everything that changed was the confidence to express
myself. That was the hardest one that comes along.. . . I couldn’t stand in front
of class and express myself, but the adjustment that helped me to do that a little
bit was just the presentation that we have in class. It really put me on the spot.
And with the same kind of teachers that we have here, they make you feel
special. I come from a background where the teachers is right, that’s it. If you
talk back to the teacher or ask a question, it’s like, I’m kind of disrespecting. I
don’t talk back, just sit there and listen to everything the teacher says is “that’s
right.” But in here, the teachers build that confidence, they help you feel
appreciated, they try to make you leam, and the only way you leam is to ask
question, to express yourself, to stand in front of other. That’s when the
confidence start building up a little bit. I just love it when I’m sitting there and
the teacher just say, “Man, you’re doing good, but you can do even better.
These are your weaknesses. You do your homework. . ..”
Here we have the advantage of having that one to one face time with
our lecturers and teachers. Even though I tend to speak little bit better English
[now], sometimes the language still barrier, or if there’s students teaching the
class, trying to express, still hard for me to grasp what they’re thinking, but the
things that help me overcome those things is just because of that opportunity
we have a lot of face time with our teachers. Classes are small. We have
advantage of meeting with our teachers often, and the other thing was the thing
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that I mentioned before. The hardest thing was just to build that confidence to
stand in front of people and express your thoughts, and express what you have.
That was the hardest thing, but I learned to overcome that by going on a
mission, and the opportunities are provided here that if you evade those
opportunities, you won’t be getting good grades and you won’t be learning
anything from class, so the curriculum is set in a way that you have to do it,
there’s no other way. So that just helped me to start to overcome that obstacle
of having that confidence to express yourself.. . .
And even when we visit with our church leaders in our wards, the
bishop would be, for example, your IS [information systems] teacher, and he
was my bishop, and he was, “How are you doing with your IS?” It’s just like,
you can tell that in every aspect of your life here, they want to be well-
informed. They want to be close to you. You want to be close to them also.
And it start making that transition more easier for me. They have faith in me.
Then I can do it. That was the biggest thing, was just the building of that
confidence. To know that I can make a difference for myself. I’m here for a
purpose. These people are seeing this in me. How can I see these things for
myself? That was one thing that I adjusted to. That was a big milestone for me.
Back home, I wasn’t associated with other member friends. I think the
biggest influence was that, I went to a boy’s boarding school, and play rugby
in high school. That was like, “OK. You guys are down here, and I’m up here.”
And with those kids that went to church school, which were close friends of
mine. They were always been in the church. When I came here I saw them
coming back from their mission. Having this glow in them. And I saw them
doing good in school. It totally humbles me. I think that plays a big impact on
me. The achievements of others whom I always looked down to .. . makes me
desire to be like them, and that helps me to stick with it. If this person who
went to, in Fiji, this school wasn’t categorized as one of the good school, didn’t
have good graduates from there. He finished before me now, and doing good
things. How can I be like that also? It was just basically friends who being
good examples to me. And that’s who I learned the most from and that’s what
helps me to stick, is just the examples of my friends whom I grew up with. Just
look back at the stages they come through. I stick with it because I know I can
be like that or I can be better than that.
Joanne (Hong Kong) explains how friends from other cultures and her home
country as well as professors in her major helped her adjust and be academically
successful.
I remember first day [at BYUH] got lost, but I have good roommates and unit
mate. My roommate was from California. And even though I speak little
English, but she was very patient with me. And we talk sometimes, and my
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unit mate is friends because it’s all our first year, and so that helps because if
you get someone that has been here for awhile, then they kind of forget how
they felt when they first got here and won’t help you as much, but if all of you
are first year then you’ll help each other and that helps a lot to get you adjust
into this school.. . . My roommates and unit mates we go to the Caf [cafeteria]
together, we spent a lot of time together doing things together. That helps me
with my language [English], too, because I don’t speak my [native] language
all the time. I have chance to practice my English. They helped me to correct
my papers. I enjoyed my first year here even though it was hard... . And then,
of course I joined the Hong Kong club, which is good because you get to know
people from your own country. That helps because sometimes if you just have
American groups, it’s just so hard because some thing they won’t be able to
understand you fully, and we can talk to people from your country. That helps
you to have a balance.
I think in my EXS [exercise and sports science] major classes is the
hardest time. Even though I was good in sports in Hong Kong, but I wasn’t
that good here, and I was actually the only Asian [in the major]. During first
two semesters in my major class, I always feel left out. Whenever you get into
groups, and you don’t know where to go. And a lot of sports that they play
here, I never play it before. I remember in the softball class, I just didn’t know
what I was doing. Everyone seems like they knew how to play, but I don’t.
And so that was hard, but the professors helped a lo t.. . . In the beginning, I
had hard time to go up and talk to them [teachers] because in Hong Kong
teacher and student is like very distant, like you don’t really approach them
unless they ask you questions. And so they saw that, I guess, and they come
over and talk to me, and say, “If you need anything, we always there.” And
they encourage me because I do well In the test, everything that requires study,
I did pretty well on it, and so they say, “You really did well on that, and so it
just takes time to practice the skills and drills,” and so that helped me a lot.
My professors have been very helpful. That’s one thing I like about
here. I was thinking about transfer to Provo, but I like here because we have
smaller classes, and you get to know the professors very well. They know you
well and they know how to teach you in a way that will help you to progress.
My professor they are so caring, and they will find way to help me to feel
better. Sometimes I wasn’t up to their standards in the beginning. They will
help me to reach the standard that I need to be. That helps a lot. Even though I
struggle in the beginning, with their help, then I can do better, and I can see the
improvement at the end.. . . After just explaining, they would do it once or
demonstrate for you, and so that helps me to picture it and to be able to do
what they want us to do. And also, I remember in some classes I just can’t take
notes as fast, and so they would give me the notes, and then they say, “If you
want notes, just come at the end of class,” and they would give me the notes, or
some other students, so then I won’t feel it’s just for me, you know. . . .
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Family support, staff and professors, particularly those from her culture, and
church associates provided support for Sela (Tonga). She shares her experiences:
I think that was one of the things that helped me so much. I still felt, you know,
some days I still feel homesick, and I don’t know why. But I think it helped
when I had my sister as my roommate. She helped me out. And I think that
really helped, just to see the importance of school, doing homework. Makes me
start my school year, my first year, with good adjustments, I guess.. . . And I
have a brother in TV A that we always go and visit. . . . I didn’t have to really
adjust ‘cause I still feel like I have my family here.. . . In fact, I have a little
sister who’s my roommate now. . .. When I went to the housing, I asked them
if we can be roommate, and I told them all my reasons, and how my older
sister helped me out, and so they put us together. . . . And I’m kind of nervous
now because I’m the oldest now, I have to take their position. It was always
people, my brothers and sisters who were older than me but now I’m the oldest
now here, trying to take of my little sister, to teach her responsibility. . . .
My mom, every time she writes a letter, I know she misses us, but so
she always reminds us that school is important and obey your teachers, you do
your homework, you go to work and make your hours, and don’t call in sick
and lie. And just to feel that she has faith in us, in myself, that she encourages
us to finish. And she knows that we will finish, just to feel that, makes me,
motivates me to graduate.. . . I think it’s my parents’ support. My siblings
influence, everybody graduates, so it’s kind of expected of me, but I really like
that, good motivation to graduate. And I want that for myself as well, for my
fixture, I want a good fixture.
Most of my teachers help me as well, I don’t really want to say, my
advisor was, I wasn’t really comfortable with her, so I always go to my
professors, go straight to them. They help me out with my four-year plan. But
now I like my advisor. And I have, at the Student Development Center,
[Name]. She always helped out, she’s the one helping me with my GRE ‘cause
she had a daughter who was biochemistry major as well, so she kind of helped
me out with that as well. Brother [Name] as well. He was my mission prep
teacher. I would always ask him questions about me and my school, and what I
should do continue on and be strong and hang out. So he’s a good advisor.
[Staff and teachers from my country] know where I’m coming from and how I
feel to adjust to another life, I guess.. . . And especially my bishops. I’ll
always remember them. They’ll always be there for me. I talk to them about
anything. . . . I think with the environment alone, I love the spirit here. The
friendliness of everybody that helps want to continue, I feel like I belong here.
I think even with my ward, I really love my bishop and the ward members, it
keeps me going. I think just the spirit itself in general is what keeps me going.
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In sum, the experiences of the students related here demonstrate a variety of
sources of support. For many, such as Inoke (Fiji) and Joanne (Hong Kong), peers and
professors had a positive impact. Connecting with English-speakers was important
also, as related by Mandy (Hong Kong) and Joanne. Both Mandy and Sela (Tonga)
appreciated staff and faculty of color. Sela illustrated the importance o f family, and
both Inoke and Sela recognized the support of church leaders. As depicted in previous
sections, support from family and church leaders was evident both before enrollment,
in many cases influencing students to study at BYUH, and after enrollment. The theme
of personal support also includes the idea that students, such as Inoke, had role
models, both from their own peer group or siblings, and from those in positions of
leadership and/or authority. In some cases, role models were from a student’s own
country, and in other cases students saw much good in people who were different from
themselves, which created a desire to emulate them. Mandy (Hong Kong) and Joanne
(Hong Kong), as well as others, saw the value of getting outside their own circle to
broaden their learning experience. They watched others, got to know them, and saw
what made them successful. Overall, networks of personal support had a huge impact.
Attitudes and Abilities
Also of note in the interviews were students’ attitudes and abilities. Some of
the primary attitudes identified included having a positive outlook toward the
university in spite of its imperfections and any bureaucratic problems the students
encountered, being grateful for opportunities afforded by the university, evidence of
selfless motivation, meaning that students were pursuing a degree not only for
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themselves, but for their families, the church, and/or their countries, and an attitude of
open-mindedness or flexibility. Abilities exhibited by the students consisted of the
way they structured their environment by using various study skills and strategies,
being organized, managing time effectively, and getting help when needed. Naturally,
not all of the students possessed all of the attitudes and abilities mentioned; however,
they displayed one or more of these characteristics as Sela (Tonga), Inoke (Fiji), and
Elisapeta (Samoa) illustrate.
Sela (Tonga) exhibited the ability to overlook institutional imperfections,
structure her time and responsibilities, and get help when needed. The following
quotations illustrate these abilities:
Sometimes I just get frustrated when they [university staff] send us around and
not just call and see, like especially with Financial Aid, or Administration
Building, pay check. I don’t see why they can’t just call them up and ask them
questions instead of sending us back and forth, back and forth, and we find out
it’s not really our fault, but it’s a mistake. And every time I check the mail, and
there’s a letter from the school, my heart drops every time. Like what is it this
time, you know? Everything is good except for that. . . . Like now I expect it
every time I get a letter, like “OK, I’ll go and get this over with. I don’t want
to have it in my mind.” ‘Cause it always gets me, it always stays in my mind,
every time I get a letter, and always you just go in and just tell them, “Oh no,
this is it,” and all they do is clear your account. Even though it was just that
easy, but you just, you know .. . . I like to get things done.. . .
I try to read, (this is for my lab), I read before class starts, and when I
do my lab reports, I do it right after class, even though it’s due next week. So I
don’t have to forget. Because usually lab lasts about three hours, and we get
out an hour early, and so that still counted as my lab, so I take that hour to type
up my report and get it done with, get it out of my mind. But my exams, even
though I try to study, but then at the last minute that’s when I really sit down
and read and try to do some problems. Even though sometimes I just skim
through it, but that’s when I really read when exams come. Kinda wait ‘til the
last minute thing.. .. And I have a little planner that I jot down everything that
I do and I check everything, and mark it off. It makes me feel good that I’ve
accomplished something. Even small stuff like that, like, “Oh I’ve gotta check
with Financial Aid about the letter that I just got.” Even if it didn’t get
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resolved, but I checked with them, I checked it off my list. It makes me feel
better.. ..
I kinda schedule out my day starting from three in the morning all the
way to 12 o’clock. Well, at 3 ,1 still say sleep, sleep, sleep. Like I have to plan
out my whole 24 hours. And then I put down from Monday, Wednesday,
Friday, I would put down my classes and my work, like everyday, and then
actually I brought it with me. I have my sheet of what I should do everyday.
And then I have this two hours block of this class for doing homework, two
hours for this class doing homework, and I have time to go to the gym, or eat.
And then I follow that schedule. Sometimes I change it a little, adjust a little
for the specific week. Then I just look at it everyday to remind myself what I
need to do at this time. So pretty much every hour is almost something to do. I
block my time out.
[When I do poorly on a test], it just ruins my whole day. You know I
try to get over it, but I can’t do much about it. But it’s a terrible feeling,
especially when I know that I really studied and I thought I was prepared, took
a lot of time studying for that exam and I really didn’t do was well as I
expected. I don’t know, bad day. I feel very bad. I feel like I deserve better. . . .
I usually go talk to my teachers about it. And then sometimes found that the,
makes me feel good when they found out that some of the answer sheets was
wrong. So that was good. Sometimes I just make silly mistakes.. . . I include
more people in the study group that I found out that they were doing great in
their exams.
Inoke (Fiji) was grateful for his learning opportunities and had developed
appropriate study strategies to compensate for his weaknesses. The latter involved
taking advantage of the campus environment in terms of diversity and religion.
[My experience at BYUH] has made me a good person. It turns me from a
good person to be a better person, physically, spiritually, mentally,
emotionally. Maybe it’s like the gospel, it makes a better man good, it makes a
good man better. I think I was a good man when I came. It’s just recognizing
that I am something. I don’t only mean a lot to myself, but I can mean a lot to
others as well. . . . The first thing [that has helped me be successful] is the
church, and secondly, constantly associated with people here that you know
who give me the desire to continue to do good . . . maybe a teacher, maybe a
student. Also the responsibility that I have been given throughout my years
here, not only class level, but church level also, and now in my home. I’m a
father, I’m a husband, and those are the motivators for me moving up. The
more responsibility for me, the more blessing. That has kept me on my toes,
and that has kept me going... .
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I have a very changed life, in terms of I came here by myself. I feel like
I didn’t have anything. Now, I have a wife, I have a kid. I have been facilitated
with knowledge that I didn’t bring with me, not only knowledge, but
knowledge that I can use in the future when I leave this place. And I don’t
know where to rank this, but speaking English was one of the top things.. . .
Technology itself, compared to Fiji. If I went back home, I’m privileged here
because I have the hands-on experience with those things here. If we don’t
have at home, but at least I’m a little bit in front of the applications of things
that we might have back home. And one thing I start to feel the real value of
education, what education really is, and that’s what BYU-Hawaii provide for
me, not only in classroom setting, but in other extracurricular activities, and
that’s what education is all about, is to expand our horizon in every aspect of
our life, not only to our minds, but intelligence in whatever field we can
pursue.. . .
Study habits are my downfall. [When I came here], I know I have to
change a few things.. .. That point of associating with other people has to
come up because here is very diverse. I won’t be talking to Fijians all the time,
so that will be a weakness. So I have to leam how to communicate.. . . I leam
more by teaching what I leam. So I prefer studying with somebody... . The
places that I leam the most is maybe when I’m sitting with a Hawaiian, a
Caucasian, a Filipino, and we’re talking about the same thing. If somebody
explain it, then I explain it back to them .. . . Every time I study, I need to pray
first, and read the scripture a little bit, and make sure at the end I say a prayer
also.. . . I prefer studying at night when everything is quiet. I only can
remember things that I write, so when I study I make sure that things that Fm
reading, Fm writing it also. That’s when things come to mind ‘cause I think I
leam that the more ways you can remind yourself, the most likely you can
remember it after, so not only reading, but writing at the same time and
rereading it again, those three times, can make sure that things sink in.
Elisapeta (Samoa) illustrates the attitude that students should be motivated to
obtain a degree to help their families. The abilities she exhibits include the formation
of specific strategies for getting help, and discipline in structuring her time to meet
both academic and employment obligations.
Personally, I think that if Samoan students who come from home would stay
close to their families, it would make a lot of difference in their progress here
in school. I think those who are not progressing and those who are not
graduating don’t really have . . . that much love for their family. They’re just
really selfish. . . . Because they don’t want to be reminded, they don’t want to
be instructed again and again, and so they tend to think, “Oh, I already know. I
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know better,” but really they don’t know and It slowly takes them apart from
the important reasons why they’re here.. ..
I wasn’t sure if I was doing what I was supposed to be doing in class.
The level of education was a bit higher than back home. . . . Fm always the
talkative one In class, asking questions, then I come here and It’s really
different. I just sit back and listen. I do comment every now and then when I
think it’s interesting . .. but I guess not as open as I was back home. Maybe
not very confident.. . . I talk to my friends. I have really good friends . . . who
have the same focus as me, and all we ever talk about when we get together is
stuff that we leam in class and it really motivates us, like a brain bash, see who
knows a lot, and it really motivates me to leam more about what Fm majoring
in, and always go to class, never miss class. I just ask when Fm in doubt.. . .
Usually I ask my classmates. If I don’t understand what they’re saying, then I
ask the teacher.. . .
If I get a low score, I understand why because I didn’t maybe study too
much or study last minute, which is bad, but I understand when things happen,
and when I don’t I just ask somebody or ask the instructor. I guess for me, I
have no confidence in being here at all. Every semester it’s like a new whole
set of confidence that I need to have ‘cause it’s always something new and it’s
always a little bit harder than before. I guess too much assumption, but it gets
me by. It’s like I walk a knife, and I, “Oh yeah. I gotta do this. I gotta do this.”
That’s my motivation, I guess. I worry.
First semester I got here, every time I get out of class if I’m not
working, I’m at the library because I have, I kept telling myself, I have to at
least maintain 3.0 and above. I will never go below 3.0, and I knew in order for
me to do that I had to study, study, study even though it becomes tiring
sometimes, but it’s the only way to go. My first semester here was just class,
work, and library, class, work, and library. Every chance I get I go to the
library. And then the second semester since I had my own room, I studied in
my room more ‘cause I didn’t have a roommate, and only go to the library or
computer lab when I need to use the computer, which I still did OK. But I
make sure I study every day and rest, too. And make sure not to sleep too
much. Do enough study to leam something every day.. ..
In sum, Sela (Tonga), Inoke (Fiji), and Elisapeta (Samoa) demonstrated a
variety of attitudes and abilities that positively affected their college experience. Sela
had a positive attitude towards the university in spite of bureaucratic procedures and
sometimes poor customer service. She structured her life by using her time efficiently,
planning and setting goals, and remedying academic difficulties. Inoke demonstrated
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gratitude for Ms opportunities at BYUH, and a recognition of his growth. He had
formed study strategies to compensate for Ms weaknesses. Elisapeta illustrated the
concept of selfless motivation by expressing her belief that students should not only
consider their own happiness, but should consider their families and consequently be
diligent in their studies. In all cases, various academic and organizational strategies
allowed the students to structure their environment and maintain satisfactory academic
performance. In particular, students recognized the need to get help and had specific
methods for doing so.
Institutional Factors
The final theme identified from the data was institutional factors. These
included the formal elements of the institution such as courses, support services,
programs, and extracurricular activities. The areas related to this theme were weak, but
did get mentioned, particularly the EIL (English as an International Language)
program and the Student Development Center. Other services noted were the
Language Center and the Reading/Writing Center. Only one student mentioned
orientation. Students also described some involvement in student clubs, competitions,
sports, or performing groups. Few identified these forms of involvement as being
instrumental to persistence, however. For the most part, people - peers, faculty, church
leaders, and staff- were far more influential in the sense that they offered
encouragement and support and acted as role models. The creation of a diverse
environment could also be considered an institutional factor although an informal one,
as other than creating it, the institution does little to structure student encounters with
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each other or help them leam about diversity. The diverse environment was an
important factor in the students’ experience.
Another aspect of institutional life was student employment. All of the students
had jobs either on campus or at the Polynesian Cultural Center (PCC), typically for 19
hours per week. Some of them were required to work because they were financially
sponsored by the institution while others chose to work. Amy (Hong Kong), Joseph
(Kiribati), and Mele (Tonga) illustrate the impact of institutional factors in the areas of
support services, extracurricular involvement, a diverse environment, and
employment.
In the following excerpts, Amy (Hong Kong) expresses appreciation for the
diversity at BYUH, reflects on her experiences with support services, and shares her
belief in the importance of connecting with English.
Then I came here [to BYUH after living with my American in-laws for three
months], I was so happy, no kidding, because so many people are black here.
A lot of friends studying here too at the time, so I feel like I’m kinda going
back home, but it’s not real home. Oh, at least I can see an Asian around me, a
lot of Asians. Because back in his [my husband’s] house, his home, [Name],
there was no Asians. I was the only one. I was so down. So I came here, I was
so happy. I saw so many friends, even Americans, I mean Africans, I didn’t
really care because they’re different colors. And they so friendly.. ..
I start in EIL classes for eight months, because of my writing skills, so
bad. Anyway, and then the first year, it was really fun. I liked it a lot because I
like the teachers, they really encourage you, especially Brother [Name]. When
you go to school, go to class, you don’t feel you’re in class, you can joke
around, laugh, but he’s teaching you. The thing is he’s teaching you. So I was
like, it’s so different the learning style in America. That’s the first impression
for me. Anyway, EIL classes, I remember Brother [Name]. He taught me the
writing classes. He’s a really, really good person. Always share with us about
his stories . . . in EIL classes you can just make friends everywhere, and they
will last long. Even right now I can still say hi to my friends who I met in EIL
class. We’re still really good. I kinda happy to study in EIL classes. It’s just
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like a transition between the college life of classes, and your former life....
Then I attend those GE classes....
[The Reading/Writing Center] was a good place at first. Right now it’s
not really, because for example, I had paper, come to this tutor, and she
corrected with me. I was so happy, I went home, and turned in the paper. And
then the professor turns back the paper to me and it had a lot of mistakes, and I
said, “No, I went to the Reading/Writing Center.” With different tutors your
paper will corrected differently. And professor still not really satisfied. So I
didn’t anymore after the EIL classes, I just gave to husband to correct it. Since
he’s American, and I don’t mind if there’s some mistakes because the
professor has different.. . . requirements, standards. So the Reading/Writing
Center at first it was good.
Language Center in the GCB, it was not that helpful, honestly. Even
though they had the news, CNN, it wasn’t really that helpful because I couldn’t
understand at first, and no one’s going to help me to, no one gives me feedback
afterwards. Just turn it in, that’s it. Every week assignments, I don’t have
feedback from the teacher. And at the end you have the grade. There’s one
thing I heard from other seniors when I came, they said they had a tutor, an
American tutor, to be with them, to talk in English. So I think it’s really good. I
didn’t have that chance, I don’t know why, maybe they stopped i t .. . .
They [the university] should arrange the international students with the
haole [White] or English-speaking person, in the same room, in the dorm. Not
speak your language is very important if you want to leam another language,
right? Speak the language that you’re learning, but when we walk around the
campus we still hear a lot different languages, which means they don’t really
doing that. Sometimes you talk to a senior student, for example from Hong
Kong, and her English is terrible, you can still tell. Speaking English, that’s my
friend actually, and because she always hang around the Chinese, her social
group is Chinese. She has friends from other countries, but she speaks Chinese
all the time. I think the most important thing is to have a commitment with the
school, with the teacher, whatever, with yourself, the most important is that
you speak the language, speak English here, no Chinese, or no your former
language, then you’ll be successful.
Joseph (Kiribati) emphasizes the importance of broadening one’s circle of
friends, and discusses the benefits of employment, extracurricular activities, and
support services.
That’s one thing that most international students straggle with. They have their
circle; you see it all the time. And they can never ever break that barrier. It
seems like they try to, like for a week, and after that they go back to their own
circle. And it’s a cycle, over and over again. And I was grateful because I
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learned to break that barrier... . The first month, I always hang around with
the Kiribati circle, Kiribati group. And then I found that my uncle has different
races of friends, and I wasn’t courageous to really go. [Eventually] I was able
to break the barrier on my own, but there was so much I didn’t know about this
foreign country.. . . The whole first month I was not trying at all to break the
barrier because I thought I didn’t know so much. So I stayed within the
Kiribati group and see how people react to other races, and then I found out my
uncle was very social and he had different races of friends.. ..
My work experience [at BYUH] really stood out because I worked as
an RA [residence hall assistant] before my mission, and I thought that wouldn’t
be a hard job to be an RA, but there are different issues, and I am stubborn.
Like when I cannot fix a problem, I will think about it forever, and it kind of
trained my mind to be more accepting of the challenges that I’ve been through
life.. . . [There were] cultural issues [to resolve] like how people do not ask
before they use something, your personal belonging, and which is a cultural
shock to me because I just never realized that there is such a culture. It just
opens up my mind, too, to understanding more about different cultures. . . .
I never really thought the choir would help me leam so much about
some principles of life, good principles of living a good life. It helps build a
positive mind about the things I have to face, kind of builds upon the
confidence that I have about myself and who I can become. .. . We sing the
songs that has a story behind it.. . . I try to relate it to my life and apply it, and
it does make a difference. It helps, too, with my job right now. I’m working at
the Human Resources, and I have deal with different people. Sometimes
people just call and start yelling over the phone. That’s difficult to handle those
situations, but when you’re more positive-minded, you would think differently
and you want to understand the customer and different perspective than to say,
“Oh, what’s wrong with this person on the phone, being rude?” Instead of
thinking that, you will ask, “How can I help this person, so that the tone of
speech gets changed?”
I think the Student Development Center works w ell.. .. For
counseling. I think students didn’t realize that it’s such a great facility. When I
say counseling, it’s more like getting more advice on how you can reach a
certain goal you have. Things like you can adjust the plan you have to them,
and they can basically lay it out to you and this is what you can do. And to be
honest, if you follow every step they tell you, it usually helps you accomplish
the goal you wanna achieve.. . . We have lots of good facilities on campus, the
Reading/Writing Center definitely.. . . Proof-reading, just basically proof
reading. I would consider that an extra mile, ‘cause you can always find your
friends to proof-read, there are lots of ways, but you never know how much
help you can get in the Reading/Writing Center.
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Mele (Tonga) shares her opinions about the benefits of working part-time
while attending university.
I remember one of my friends [in Tonga] had a tape of the PCC, and we
watched it. “Haaa. That’s so cool. You get to work.” Because in the islands we
never worked. You get to work and study at the same time, and dance, and see
all the palangis [White people] coming.... I never had a job before I came
here. I was used to coming home . . . my mom would do everything.. . . When
I got back from my mission, I worked there [PCC restaurants] for a year, and
then I moved to the PCC Human Resource. Then, I got ajob with ITS
[Information Technology Services].. . . [One accomplishment I’m proud of is]
I work at ITS. When I came here, I didn’t know anything about computers. I
feel like I’m ready to go out there, and very marketable, I think, to get any job
with a computer company because of that.
I think it’s [working and going to school] awesome. You struggle with
it a little bit, especially us from the islands, we never had to have ajob in high
school, but you leam to discipline, you leam to balance, and you leam to plan
out your day, be prepared. It gives me experiences for the real world. I have to
work. I can’t just rely on my parents. It [the practice of working and studying]
should continue. I think when you have more time on your hands, then you get
lazy, you put off your homework. “I have all day. I can do it,” but when you’re
busy, you think, “I only have this much time. I can’t go to the beach, I can’t go
to the dance. I have to do my homework.”
In sum, institutional factors that emerged in the interviews included support
services, various types of involvement in academic and social organizations and
activities, the diverse environment, and student employment. In general, students who
used support services found them helpful, although some evidence exists of students
with somewhat negative experiences as was illustrated by Amy (Hong Kong). The EIL
program and Student Development Office were generally the most frequently
mentioned, and in a positive way. Some students saw benefit in their participation in
formal, organized activities of the institution such as Joseph (Kiribati), who
participated in choir, but this was not a major factor. Students such as Amy and Joseph
made the most of the diverse environment at BYUH, and emphasized making friends
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167
from a variety of cultures. The diverse student population was also helpful in
promoting a sense of belonging, particularly in Amy’s case. Both Joseph and Mele
(Tonga) demonstrated that employment was viewed as a positive factor although
initial adjustment to the practice of working and studying was needed. This feeling
was shared by all the students.
Summary
In this section the students shared their experiences. Not all the students were
represented. Considerable data were generated from the seventeen interviews. Instead
of attempting to give each student a voice, I selected nine students to share their
stories, thereby illustrating the themes that emerged from the data. Five of the students
I introduced were from the Pacific islands - Sela (Tonga), Mele (Tonga), Inoke (Fiji),
Elisapeta (Samoa), and Joseph (Kiribati). Four were from Asia - Amy (Hong Kong),
Mandy (Hong Kong), Joanne (Hong Kong), and Akiko (Japan). Their cultural, family,
educational backgrounds, and experiences at BYUH varied, yet all overcame obstacles
to persist to their senior year.
The stories of these students revealed that six areas were influential to their
success: a vision of the future, home and educational background, religion, personal
support, attitudes and abilities, and institutional factors. It is important to note that not
all of the findings apply to all of the students. However, the six themes identified
weave their way throughout the experiences of the students, some having greater
influence on one student than on another. Also evident from the stories shared is that
although the stories were selected to represent a particular theme, they also invariably
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provided additional support for other themes. Isolating and decontextualizing the
themes too much would detract from presenting a rich picture of the student. My
purpose was “thick description.”
All of those interviewed expressed a vision of the future which focused on a
university education. Most had a commitment to graduation before their arrival on
campus. A few came as a result of their parent’s persuasion, and some in opposition to
parents. Generally, their home and educational backgrounds had some influence in
their desire to pursue a degree. However, additional sources of influence were needed
to help students adjust to college life in a new country and fulfill this goal. The
influence of religion was instrumental in providing students with faith and confidence
in themselves and their abilities. All of the students relied on one of more sources of
personal support such as family, peers, professors, staff, and church leaders. Attitudes
and abilities possessed by the students allowed them to have a positive outlook, make
friends, and be academically successful. Finally, institutional factors such as support
services, extracurricular involvement, the diverse environment, and student
employment played a part in student success.
The six themes are intertwined, but some are more significant than others.
Primary themes are vision of the future, religion, and personal support. Vision of the
future was mainly influenced by home and educational background, religion, and
personal support in that these areas largely influenced enrollment decisions, and
continued to positively affect persistence after enrollment. In addition to influencing
vision, religion was also a major factor in personal support and attitudes and abilities.
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Church leaders, church members, and spiritual strength were sources of personal
support, and mission experiences in particular helped students develop the skills
needed for academic success. The third primary theme, personal support, was derived
from three sources: home background, religion, and the institution, primarily peers and
professors. The three secondary themes were home and family background, attitudes
and abilities, and institutional factors. While these areas were important, they worked
in concert with the three primary themes. Home and family background influenced
vision and personal support, attitudes and abilities were derived from religion and
institutional factors, while institutional factors influenced the development of personal
support networks and attitudes and abilities. The relationships among the six factors
are pictured in Figure 1. Defining details of each theme are summarized in Table 4.6.
Figure 1
Conceptual Model Among Themes
vision of
the
v future j
religion
attitu d es &
abilities
/ home
educational
background-
personal
support
institutional
facto rs -
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Table 4.6
Summary o f Themes
Theme Defining Details
Vision of the Future
Home/Educational Background
Religion
Personal Support
Strong goal or desire for education
Educational commitment influenced by:
aspiration to improve socioeconomic status
encouragement of parents/church leaders
culture of home country (for Asian students)
role models (church members, siblings)
work/mission experiences
Desire to serve family, country, church (stronger
for Polynesians)
Primarily low levels of parental education
Low/middle socioeconomic status
Both parental support and opposition
Home factors - religion, discipline, English,
educated siblings, home responsibilities,
parental involvement, learning tools
Prior educational experiences - exam systems,
peer influence, tutoring, reading, English,
academic interest
Church teachings/influence of leaders prior to
enrollment
Mission - confidence, English, communication
skills, people skills, structure, discipline,
study skills, vision, service, broader horizons,
examples of church members, mission
president, importance of education,
consideration of graduate school
BYUH religious environment - gospel insights
in class, examples of teachers, peers, and
leaders, religious activities, spiritual feeling
Prayer, faith
Parents, siblings, spouses
Peers (from own cultures and other cultures)
Professors, staff, church leaders
Professors/staff of color
Native-English-speakers
Role models (alumni, peers, leaders)
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Table 4.6
Summary o f Themes (Continued)
171
Theme Defining Details
Attitudes and Abilities
Institutional Factors
Positive attitude towards institution
Gratitude
Selfless motivation (family, country, church)
Open minded to cultural diversity
Academic skills (goals, plans, focus, study skills,
learning strategies, getting help)
Structure (balance study, work; manage time)
Support services (EEL, Student Development,
Reading/Writing Center, Language Center)
Formal extracurricular activities
Diverse environment
Employment (real life experience, people skills,
friends, finances, support, time management,
variety/balance)
The Research Questions
The purpose of this study was to explore the backgrounds, experiences, and
personal characteristics of international students to discover factors that affect their
persistence at colleges and universities in the U.S., specifically at BYUH. As
mentioned in Chapters 1 and 2, little information is available about international
students in general as they often account for only a small percentage of the total
student population and are frequently not tracked by institutions. Although
international students are critical to the mission of BYUH and encompass a large
percentage of the student body, statistics for the Fall 1996 freshman cohort at the
university demonstrate a 5-year graduation rate of approximately 10% for
international students (BYUH, 2001). The rate for non-Hawaiian Polynesians is 8.3%
and the rate for Asians is 10.6% (BYUH, 2001). Specific statistics for international
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Polynesian and Asian students are not available. Five-year graduation rates for the
cohort as a whole is 6.5% (BYUH, 2001), indicating a major institutional retention
problem. Low retention rates for domestic students are attributed to students from the
Mainland, U.S. coming to Hawaii for short-term study opportunities, referred to as
“fun in the sun.” They attend BYUH for its location, but return to schools on the
Mainland for more serious study. The university has addressed this by primarily
admitting transfer students from the Mainland as they are more likely to stay and
graduate. This study limited itself to the international student population by examining
the experiences of 17 international students in their senior year to gain insights into
their backgrounds, their lives on campus, and their personal characteristics to
determine the factors that have affected their persistence. In this section, I discuss the
three research questions introduced in Chapter 1 in light of the findings of the study.
Experiences and quotations from all 17 students will be used to support the findings.
Research Question One
1) What influence does family background, educational background, expectations
about university life in the U.S, and country of origin have on international student
persistence?
Family background. Three primary aspects of family background examined in
the study were parent’s educational level, parental emphasis on education, and
socioeconomic status. Information for the latter was derived from asking students to
describe their home life. Family background was related to persistence, and was
discussed in depth in the theme home and educational background. Further discussion
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and illustrations follow. In general, the students who were interviewed did not have
parents with experiences in higher education. Eleven were first-generation college
students, meaning neither of their parents had attended or completed any type of post
secondary education. Aketa (Kiribati), Sela (Tonga), Justin (Hong Kong), Taylor
(Taiwan), Kevin (Taiwan), and Bataa (Mongolia) had at least one parent with a
minimum of a bachelor’s degree, while Akiko (Japan), Mele (Tonga), Joanne (Hong
Kong), Joseph (Kiribati), and Ioelu (Samoa) had at least one parent who had
completed high school. The parents of the remaining students, Jacqueline (Tahiti),
Parvin (Fiji), Elisapeta (Samoa), Mandy (Hong Kong), Inoke (Fiji), and Amy (Hong
Kong) had one or both parents with a junior high or elementary school education, or
no formal education at all.
Parents’ attitudes about their children getting a degree varied. The majority of
parents wanted a good life for their children and encouraged them in their studies and
desires to attend university, but did not exert undue pressure on them. For example,
although Inoke’s (Fiji) parents did not graduate from high school, they knew education
was important and persuaded him to attend BYUH. Mele’s (Tonga) case was similar.
Her mother excused her from household chores so she could study, and her father
provided her with learning tools in the home. Mandy’s (Hong Kong) parents, factory
workers with limited educational backgrounds, wanted her to be successful in school,
and worked hard to provide her with extra tutoring in high school.
Most of the parents of the Asian students shared similar attitudes to those of
the Polynesian students. Although a stereotype exists of Asian parents emphasizing
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education at all costs, the Asian students in this study viewed their parents as not being
pushy about pursuing a degree. Kevin (Taiwan) says:
My dad, he really emphasizes a good education, but he didn’t really push me,
and my mom, she doesn’t like to push either, so I was kind of not being pushed
very hard at hom e... . They left that [going to university] up to me, and after I
served in the military and served mission for the church, I decided to pursue
high education. So it was my decision.
Similarly, Taylor (Taiwan) reported that his parents were open about education. He
says:
She [my mom] always told me before I came here that that this is your choice.
If you want to go to college, you can go, if you want to get a good job, that’s
your choice. And if you want to work hard for the rest of your life, then that’s
your life, it’s your choice, it’s your call.. .. [My dad told me] just do whatever
you can d o .. . . Probably [I decided to go to university] because I didn’t want
to work hard for the rest of my life, like a construction worker or something
like that, and besides, I think going to university was the only thing I could do
at that time. Going to school was the only thing I was good at it. I didn’t know
how to fix cars or that kind of stuff.
Joanne (Hong Kong) said her parents “would mention about it [university], but they
wouldn’t know how to prepare you [their children] to go.”
As for Polynesian parents, some were supportive while some were not.
Parvin’s (Fiji) parents were happy he was getting an education. He says:
In Fiji, it’s like compulsory thing. Not really for every parent, but they would
like their child to be educated, and have a good job. Going to a university,
that’s a big thing.. . . I kind of come from a poor family, we have some
hardship, like paying the tuition of the [high] school and there were some
situations when really struggled to pay our tuition. Mostly our parents paid our
tuition, but sometimes we get some jobs to pay the tuition, too. Like the basic
work in Fiji might be sugar cane plantation, so we pretty much worked there
and paid our tuition... . We have two weeks break, so that’s the time we can
work in sugar cane field, and maybe on Saturdays . . . any kind of job we can
get.
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Like Parvin’s parents, other Polynesian parents, those of Aketa (Kiribati), Sela
(Tonga), Mele (Tonga), Inoke (Fiji), Jacqueline (Tahiti), and Joseph (Kiribati), also
emphasized higher education and encouraged their children to pursue a degree.
It was less common for parents to be unsupportive of their children’s desires
for higher education, but instances of this did occur. As explained earlier, Elisapeta
(Samoa) stayed at home after high school graduation to help because her mother had
to work to support the family. Elisapeta had a strong internal desire for education,
partly as the result of her mission. She enrolled at a community college in opposition
to her parents, who thought that school was a waste of time for girls. Similarly,
Akiko’s (Japan) father did not think it was too important for girls to get an education.
These were the only two instances where gender played a role in parental attitudes. In
other cases, parental opposition was motivated primarily by financial considerations.
For example, Ioelu’s parents felt like he had a good career as a policeman in Samoa,
and recommended that he keep his job. He explains:
They liked it [the idea of going to BYUH], I guess. It’s an amazing step, but
they didn’t like it, too, ‘cause they were trying to get me to stay with my
present job, then they didn’t want me to come. They’re gonna miss me. I mean,
Fd been gone for two years [on my mission], and now I’m gonna go again. I
knew it would be a good opportunity for me. They see it differently. My dad
would say, “Ahh, that’s a good career right there. You can stay here and
work.” And I see something he doesn’t see.
Similar to Ioelu’s parents, Amy’s mother also emphasized work opportunities over
education. Amy (Hong Kong) says, “My mother doesn’t encourage a lot. Just go out to
work. Earn money.” In spite of opposition, the students reported that their parents now
support their decision.
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In the case of Inoke (Fiji), Jacqueline (Tahiti), and Sela (Tonga), parents
exerted some pressure. Inoke attended a boys’ boarding school in Fiji, which was
considered one of the best. He enjoyed his years there although he admits to focusing
more on rugby than academics. In his last year, he got suspended. Inoke said his mom
was devoted to the church and persuaded him to come to BYUH because she thought
he was on the wrong path, and wanted him to associate with church members.
Jacqueline reflects on what happened when she graduated from high school:
I remember one day when I told my mom, “That’s it. I’m done with high
school. I succeeded. Now I’m not going to college. I’m just stay home and
work.” My mom looked at me and say, “Are you kidding? You’re going to
college.”
Although her parents had told her when she was young that she would go to BYUH,
she had forgotten about it. When her mom first told her she would be going to college,
she was not happy. However, she enrolled at the university in Tahiti and studied for a
year, and then transferred to BYUH. Finally, in Sela’s case, it was a family tradition to
attend BYUH. Growing up in Tonga, she knew she would follow the examples of her
brothers and sisters, and she liked that. Her mother helped her fill out the application
for BYUH, and she was on her way. Sela was socialized early to the goal of attending
BYUH.
Except in a few cases, parental educational background was not strongly
related to persistence in the sense that those with the most education set an example
and level of expectation for their children. Both of Sela’s (Tonga) parents had master’s
degrees, but this level of education was rare. Also, Bataa describes his family as
having an “academic tradition” in that his grandfather was a noted monk in Mongolia,
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and his father and brother had both received university educations in Europe. The
majority of students, however, were not raised in families with an academic tradition.
One could say, however, that a lack of education motivated many parents to
emphasize the importance of education to their children. Parental emphasis on
education played a role in students’ decisions to pursue higher education. In some
cases, for example, those of Inoke (Fiji), Jacqueline (Tahiti), and Sela (Tonga),
students pursued a degree in support of their parents’ wishes. In other cases, such as
those of Elisapeta (Samoa), Ioelu (Samoa), and Amy (Hong Kong), students’
educational goals were in defiance of their parents’ counsel. In the majority of cases,
parents encouraged and supported education and influenced enrollment decisions, but
students generally felt like pursuing higher education had been their choice.
The third aspect of family background, socioeconomic status, had some
influence on shaping a student’s vision of the future, one of the themes discussed in
the previous section. This was most evident in the sense that the students wanted an
easier life for themselves and their future families. For Amy (Hong Kong), her
motivation stemmed from growing up in poverty and having her father die of a stroke,
which gave her the realization that her family had no medical knowledge. Inoke (Fiji)
was grateful for his educational opportunity, knowing that his parents could have done
better in life had they had the same advantages he has. Ioelu also came from humble
origins as he explains:
I grew up in a poor environment, a poor family. We struggled to live. To earn a
living, my dad work, and work so hard, but he is getting nowhere. You know
how it is in Samoa, a developing country, you pay very low amount of money.
It’s useless. Like you work and spent your life working for someone else, but
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you just get this pay and it’s not enough to get you anywhere. That was the
kind of life we had. Plus he was out of the church, and he was drinking at the
time.
Ioelu remembers frequently feeling hungry in his childhood. Through his mission
experience, he formed goals, and took the necessary step of attending a local
institution in order to get admitted to BYUH. Once again, in the traditional sense,
socioeconomic status was not a factor in persistence, meaning that students from high
socioeconomic backgrounds were not more likely to persist than those from low
socioeconomic backgrounds. Low socioeconomic status was a motivator in the sense
that students wanted to better their lifestyles.
In sum, both students whose parents had degrees and those whose parents had
low education levels persisted. Parental education level and socioeconomic status
tended to work in the reverse effect expected. Rather than persistence being positively
affected by family background in that students whose parents had high levels of
education and who were well-off financially were more likely to persist, the majority
of students in this study persisted as a way of overcoming their backgrounds and
improving their status. Similarly, although early socialization to the goal of pursuing
higher education and parental views on the importance of education played a role,
parental opposition did not deter students from achieving their goals. Overall, parental
education level, socioeconomic status, and parental emphasis on higher education
were factors in the persistence of international students, but in rather unexpected ways.
Educational background. The effects of educational background on persistence
were discussed in relation to the theme of home and educational background.
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Although all the students noted differences in educational systems in their home
countries and the U.S., prior educational experiences did have some effects. In most
cases, education in the home country was described as teacher-centered, with the
teacher lecturing and the students expected to listen. The Asian students in particular
described their schooling as filled with days of study and memorization. Passing
exams created stress. Taylor says:
It’s [education in Taiwan] really competitive. Everybody studies a lot ‘cause
that’s the only way you can go to university in Taiwan, and we have probably
a few exams every day. So basically you go to school, you take exams, you
study, and you go home. And do the same thing over and over.. . . I didn’t like
it. That’s why I came here ‘cause it’s just too competitive. And you just read
and memorize and you don’t really learn anything. That’s the biggest problem
I think. . . . The background makes me more diligent in study ‘cause that’s just
how I grew up. So I can study for a few hours straight. Doesn’t bother me at
all.
Kevin concurs with Taylor. His description of education in Taiwan follows:
Intense. Very intensive learning. Basically we spend 10, 12 hours on average
studying. Memorizing, a lot of cramming, all sorts of knowledge. Basically
from book and from class lecture. Didn’t really emphasize extracurricular
activities, or physical education. We do have those kinds of classes, but we
don’t really pay attention to them. It’s not a really balanced education, as far as
a balanced education is concerned here in the U.S.
Kevin said he just sat in class and did what he was told. The whole point of education
did not click until he was older and attending a junior college in Taiwan. He started to
feel that he could “actually understand the books,” and learn by himself, “not just
through liste n in g to the teachers.” As reported earlier, Mandy also had a strong desire
to escape the competitive environment of the Hong Kong educational system.
The high school experiences of the Polynesian students were less predictable.
Some students simply did enough to get by, others focused on having fun with friends,
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while in some cases emphasis was placed on sports rather than academics. Even so,
the students from Polynesian countries described their educational system as strict.
Parvin (Fiji) explains:
The teachers are pretty strict. If you make a wrong move, they might beat you
up . . . if you don’t do assignments, especially if you are young, you might get
some hidings from the teacher. .. . As you go to the higher level classes, it’s
pretty much relaxed, like in the university . . . but they still ask you to do
certain things. They give you punishments if you don’t.
Also, the process of getting accepted to university is rigorous and based on an exam
system similar to that in Asian countries. Sela explained that in Tonga exams are
required at various points to determine how much further a student can go with their
education. Exam preparation is rigorous in Tonga, and for Sela and Mele, merited
extra tutoring and being excused from household chores.
The primary difference between educational systems in Asian countries as
opposed to Polynesian countries is the emphasis on university attendance. Sela
reported that in Tonga, high school graduations are huge celebrations. Few students
consider higher education. University attendance in Polynesian countries is not as
emphasized or as readily available or even visible. The top students win government
scholarships to New Zealand and Australia. These are so few in number that most
students do not even strive for them. Although most Polynesian countries have an
extension of the University of the South Pacific or a national university, these
institutions are also selective. Even though both Polynesian and Asian students have
rigorous exam processes for university enrollment, cultural emphasis on higher
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education and the value of a degree differs. Furthermore, in Polynesian countries, a
university degree is often considered out of the financial reach of most families.
Students from both Asia and Polynesia noted differences in teaching styles in
classrooms in their countries and in the U.S. Aside from the fact that American
university professors are not as strict as those in those in the students’ countries, the
students also found the approachability of teachers a welcome change. Parvin (Fiji)
expressed this idea by saying, “Even the professors, they just don’t get mad at you.
They help you out.” Students were also used to passive learning, and initially found
class participation a challenge. Kevin (Taiwan) says:
First of all, you’ve gotta participate. I think. Instead of sitting over there in the
comer, you have to contribute to the class, ask questions, being active. And
that was a big adjustment, but I think that helps because when everyone
participates it makes the class interesting, and then makes the teacher wanna
teach, instead of just lecturing.
Akiko (Japan) describes her reaction:
I was a little bit shocked when I was taking math class. Mainland students,
some haole [White] student, they always ask questions. . .. They didn’t
hesitate to ask, like If they don’t understand it, they can stop teachers, stop
class, and they will ask questions until they will get it. That something I’d
never done it, sometimes it seems rude, but sometimes it’s good to kind of
express their own feeling, their own concern, have more confidence.
All of the students had to adjust to differences In education systems. Most frequently
mentioned was the participative nature of classes.
Differences in pace and the need for greater application were also noted. For
Akiko (Japan), the pace at BYUH was too slow even though she worked part-time and
took classes. She says, “I had assignments almost every day, but I didn’t feel pressure
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on it. It was a little bit slow.” For Elisapeta (Samoa), however, the pace was too fast.
She explains:
The teachers are very consistent from the first day to the last day. Back home it
takes the whole first week to get the syllabus and introduce and come in and
out of class, and so we’re so used to that. We don’t settle into the class until the
second week so we’ll just cruise the first week. Come here and the first day of
class you go in there and you’re already taking notes. It’s like, “Ooooh, This is
gonna be hard.” And then sometimes the English, the language barrier. I can’t
understand. There are some things that I don’t understand. That would be a
barrier to understanding the subject.
Mandy (Hong Kong) recognized that she had to apply herself in order to get good
grades, and could not spend too much time with friends. Although academic
adjustment was different for each of these three students, for all of them change was
needed.
The language barrier was perceived as a greater obstruction to performing well
academically, particularly in the first year, than was academic preparation. Inoke (Fiji)
shares his experience:
When I first came here, I couldn’t even talk English. I still cannot speak
English well enough, but it has come to a point where I can relate and present
myself and people understand. My dad was very traditional. English was
something just taught at school, so coming home was pretty much, learn your
dialect, and the traditions and cultures of our people. And even in school, I
learned to read and write and teachers emphasized on talk in English. They
even have rules. Those who caught not speaking English during school hours
will be punished. I went to a boarding school, for example, in high school. If
we’re caught, then our punishment would be weeding grasses or doing clean
ups. They help us try to learn English, but it doesn’t have any effect on us
because straight after the teacher turns away, we speak Fijian. But still I cannot
really fully interpret most of the time what is said in English.
Justin says:
It’s [BYUH] a total English environment, even I was taught English in Hong
Kong since I was three, but still hard to handle. I got bad grade the first year
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until I decide to serve mission. . ., Luckily I serve in California, so basically I
have more cultural knowledge or more confidence in speaking and listening in
English to communicate with American friends and teachers. Like the first
year I was very shy to ask teachers questions, very shy to speak in English
because I was teasing by my first roommate.
Only one student, Mele (Tonga), remarked that her course work in high school
had prepared her well for general education classes, particularly in math and science.
Differences in education systems and the lack of English seemed more salient to the
students than whether or not their previous education had prepared them academically.
Rather than feeling they were either well or ill prepared, in general students mentioned
specific classes as being tough. Sometimes students dropped these classes, and took
them from a different teacher the next semester, as Mandy (Hong Kong) described
about her English class in an earlier section, or they simply got through them as best as
they could. Inoke (Fiji) used the latter strategy in his analytic chemistry class. He says:
People next to me were crying. That’s how hard the class was. I was telling
myself, “These people are smarter than me. I don’t know why they’re crying.
I’m the one supposed to be crying.” But I think that’s just my attitude towards
things. If I don’t know it, then hey, I still can do as much as I can, and teachers
can help me. That’s why they’re here.
Academic preparation was not a major factor in persistence in the sense that course
work in high school prepared students for university course work. More critical was
English language ability, which developed gradually. Also, students used support
networks consisting of peers and professors, and study skills to help them overcome
challenging academic situations. These were addressed in the themes personal support
and attitudes and abilities.
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Another factor related to educational background was that negative and
positive educational experiences in the students’ home countries influenced them to
pursue education in the U.S. Taylor went to college for two semesters in Taiwan. He
explains about the university system there:
I dropped out ‘cause it was a ridiculous experience ‘cause after you pass the
exam to go to college, you are pretty much guaranteed you can graduate. You
don’t need to learn, you don’t need to attend classes at a ll.. . . The whole
system was just weird for me. No one was really studying, everybody was
playing ‘cause they say, “We have been studying for six years, so this is our
reward.”
Aketa (Kiribati) described herself as having a “hunger for knowledge.” She felt
education was more laid back at home with fewer challenges, and she wanted to
challenge herself. She also desired to broaden her horizons. She says, “I was thinking
that maybe if I go [to BYUH], then I can absorb a different way of learning, and a
different way of thinking, and then maybe I can come [home] and contribute in a
better way.” Other students, Sela (Tonga) and Mele (Tonga) in particular, worked hard
in high school to get good grades so that they could enroll specifically at BYUH.
In sum, the educational systems in Asian and Polynesian countries share some
similarities with exam systems and teaching styles. An important difference is that
university enrollment, is emphasized more extensively in most Asian countries than in
most Polynesian countries. Students often had to adjust their learner behaviors from
passive to active styles, and adjust to differences in the pace of course work.
Regardless of preparation, English language proficiency was a challenge for most
students even those where English is used in the educational systems such as Fiji,
Samoa, Tonga, Kiribati, and Hong Kong. Academic knowledge did allow students to
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navigate course work and compensate for lack of English proficiency in some cases,
however. Also, educational background influenced persistence in the sense that study
habits carried over, with some adjustment for learning expectations of American
professors. Prior education also had an impact on enrollment decisions in the sense
that students desired a different learning environment, or had developed a desire to
further their knowledge. Eleven of the 17 students had had some type of post
secondary education in their countries, demonstrating a commitment to education.
However, academic preparation, even in cases in which students had prior higher
educational experiences, did not result in ease of adjustment in expected ways such as
finding course work more manageable.
Expectations about university life. The next aspect of the first research
question focuses on the students’ expectations of BYUH. What had they heard about
the university before they arrived and how did this influence their adjustment and
persistence? In general, students knew little about the school. One of the most frequent
responses to what students had heard about BYUH before their arrival was that it was
a church school. Elisapeta (Samoa) had visited Hawaii previously and been to the
PCC. She was denied the first time she applied to BYUH. She had friends and
relatives who attended BYUH and loved it. She did not hear anything specific about
the school, except that it was spiritual. Justin (Hong Kong) received information from
a variety of sources, but the most emphasized idea was that BYUH was a church
school. He says:
We had some alumni in my home ward. They have good comments on this
school.. . . We had a church education department, CES [Church Education
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186
System], and the instructor there is my good friend, he is my seminary teacher,
so he gave me a lot of information about the campus, and also Brother [Name],
he works at the Student Development Center. He visit Hong Kong once, and
then I got a chance to meet with him, and then that’s all I have. Like the
information. Because at that time the internet was not that common to use.
Basically the informations from alumnis, my friend who works at CES, and
faculties here.... [They told me] about the school environment, the major they
provides here, and also they emphasize the church environment, like here
there’s a lot of members around, so it would be OK to attend ‘cause it’s more
safety and stuff instead of going other schools.
Aketa (Kiribati) also heard about the Honor Code and was a bit worried about keeping
it because her mother had always told her to wear “short stuff’ since she was young.
As mentioned previously, Akiko (Japan) knew only what she read in a pamphlet given
to her by the president, and Joanne (Hong Kong) had heard about religion classes, the
diverse student body, the EIL program, and working at the PCC.
Depending on the country, BYUH also had a certain reputation. Aketa
(Kiribati) says, “I heard that so many people didn’t graduate from there [BYUH].
They came and then they go back without a degree. I was thinking, ‘They cannot do it.
I want to make sure I go and do it.’” In contrast, in other South Pacific countries, the
university had a strong reputation. Mele (Tonga) says:
My parents, because of the church, they heard a lot of good stuff, just returning
students from here coming home. We can just see how they are, what kind of
qualifications that they have. “If you go, you’ll be just like that person.”
Because my parents knew that I looked up to that. They said, “Oh, you’ll be
just like the principal.” ‘Cause she graduated from here. They would all say
these good things. Remember so and so, if you go to BYUH, you’ll come back
and be just like her.
A somewhat common theme from Asian students was that they had heard
BYUH was easier than Provo and a better environment for international students.
Taylor (Taiwan) explains:
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My mission president was from here [Hawaii]. I was gonna go to Provo, and
he said, “Nah, Utah is too dry, too cold, come to Hawaii. It’s a nice place,” and
then he helped me apply for coming here.. . . He [my mission president] said
BYU-Hawaii is easier than Provo, it’s not as competitive as Provo, and he said,
for international students, this environment is better ‘cause you have to leam
another language, and so going to an easier school will help you get a higher
GPA, which will help you apply for grad school.
From Justin (Hong Kong):
Seems here is like a check point or like a first step in America, and then, some
of alumnis even mentioned that, “Oh, if you get to BYU-Hawaii, just stay two
or three semesters, and then if you don’t like it, you just find another school,
BYU Provo, ‘cause there is more professional or more majors you can find
there.
Kevin (Taiwan) heard the following:
[I heard BYUH was] a small-sized school, a lot of interaction with the
teachers, very diverse, very casual, not hard, you can relax and leam stuff.. ..
academically, it’s not that hard, ‘cause people come from everywhere in the
world, so you can’t make it too hard for some students.
The latter was an appealing concept considering the stress of the Asian K-12
educational system, and the lack of emphasis on learning in the higher education
system. Mandy (Hong Kong) explains her reasoning for coming to BYUH as follows:
I heard the EIL program is pretty good. Because I came here as an international
student, so I’m kind of afraid if I went to Provo, the majority of students aren’t
international. I’d be kind of scared. It would be hard for me to used to life
there. So, pretty much the members there [at home] encouraged me to come
here first. And then after you have like one or two years foundation, and then if
you want to transfer, then it’s OK, but first it’ll be a good environment for me
to stay here.
These comments have certain implications for the university. Some evidence
exists that BYUH has a reputation in the South Pacific as a place where students do
not complete their degrees, but other evidence suggests that alumni have been
successful and are setting good examples. In Asia, BYUH appears to be viewed as a
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stepping stone to other U.S. institutions. The latter may explain low retention rates for
international Asian students. Unfortunately, BYUH students are not tracked to
determine how many of them complete degrees at other institutions, even those within
the church system.
The diverse environment of the university was also well-known to the students
prior to their arrival. Jacqueline (Tahiti) heard that students from BYUH were from
many different cultures, including some that were unknown to her. Her brothers told
her the following:
It was amazing, like all the different cultures that you find here, and there were
some cultures they never heard of before, and they just came here and just
discovered that, and I got the same thing, too. I came here and discovered
about other nations.. . . They said that they were having fun here, too, but
they’re also studying hard because English wasn’t their first language.. .. But
they said it was fun, and they said it was easy to make friends.
Kevin (Taiwan) also mentioned hearing about the diverse environment and that
because the school was small, interaction with professors was common.
In sum, the students interviewed had scattered pieces of information about
BYUH. The most recurrent theme in these comments is that students knew it was a
church school. Certain features of the university such as the honor code were also
mentioned. Other aspects were academic reputation and the diverse environment. In
many cases, the school had been recommended by someone - friends, family, church
leaders, or church members. This was probably the strongest factor in students’
decisions to apply. Students also based their decisions to attend BYUH on the desire to
get an education, be in a church environment, and associate with many international
students. Others were attracted by the belief that the school would not be too
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academically difficult. Some chose to attend because they did not like the educational
systems in their own countries or did not have access to university in their own
countries. Two students, Mele (Tonga) and Sela (Tonga), had always planned on
going to BYUH. Jacqueline (Tahiti) and Inoke (Fiji) primarily applied because their
mothers persuaded them and filled out the application forms. In the case of Joseph
(Kiribati) and Aketa (Kiribati), they chose BYUH over schools in Australia and
Vanuatu respectively, primarily because they had recently converted to the church.
Parvin (Fiji), Sela (Tonga), and Jacqueline (Tahiti) all had siblings who had attended
the school. None of the students were drawn to BYUH for specific academic programs
or because of academic reputation (unless one considers that some students selected
BYUH because they heard it was easier than other schools). Mele (Tonga) had been
influenced role models who were BYUH alumni. Students had not formed particularly
detailed expectations about the school before their arrival, and as such, expectations
were not critical to student persistence. In other words, because students did not have
set ideas about what BYUH would be like except in a very general way, they were
neither disappointed nor fulfilled in their expectations.
Country effect. A final area related to the first research question is the effect of
the students’ countries on their persistence. This was discussed to some degree under
educational background and academic preparation where some similarities and
differences were noted. When questioned as to how they felt their experiences differed
from those of students from other countries, Asian students typically replied that they
were used to urban life rather than rural. Akiko (Japan) explains:
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It depends on where we from. Well, I was just talking to my friend the other
day. If you come from city, and here is not, you have to take bus to go to
Kaneohe, not much choice to do, but I have housemates from Tonga. It’s
similar to their back home, and also they have relatives, family here.
Life at BYUH was considered boring because the school is located an hour’s drive
away from Honolulu, and opportunities for entertainment and shopping are limited. In
fact, the location of BYUH was cited as a possible explanation for why some Asian
students leave BYUH. Justin (Taiwan) shares his views, “I think maybe they don’t like
the environment here, some of my friends feel here is too boring, too isolated, far
away from town, but for me I don’t care.”
Other Asian students observed that the pace of life in Hawaii was more laid
back. They had to become accustomed to being less busy and relaxing more. Consider
Mandy’s (Hong Kong) comments:
When I came here, I walked so fast, and then people are just kind of like,
“Why do you walk so fast? It’s Hawaii here, you don’t have to always be on
top of things.” And I kind of realized that. . . . Friday and Saturday night I just
kind of not do any study, and then just talk with my friends, kind of leisure,
relax.
In contrast, Polynesian students felt the pace at BYUH was faster than what they were
used to at home. Elisapeta, for example, had been to college in Samoa prior to
transferring to BYUH, and was amazed that she was expected to take notes the first
day of class.
Although Hawaii appears to have more cultural similarities to Polynesian
countries as well climate similarities, most Polynesian students experienced culture
shock. Mele (Tonga) explains:
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Culture shock. I straggled with that during my first year. People affectionate in
public, show affection publicly. I was calling home, writing home, “Mom, this
place so bad. I can’t believe it’s church school.” And people were just holding
hands, but for me, it was so bad. I was like, “Huh, I can’t believe they’re doing
that here!” I just remember me and my friends, we would just go, “Look at
them!” I was shocked at the freedom that people had, the students have here. It
felt like there was no curfews.
Sela (Tonga) expressed that she experienced culture shock concerning clothing. She
says, “In [Tonga], no one has swimming suits or anything.. . . we just go like this
[fully clothed].” Polynesian students typically felt students from their countries had
left the university because they lacked focus, experienced too much freedom for which
they were not prepared, or were selfish, forgetting about their families. Some of these
ideas were discussed earlier. Sela says:
They [students from Tonga] didn’t really have much freedom [at home], but
when they were away from home, then they think they can do anything
because their parents are not around. And so when their parents tell them what
to do, from writing letters from home, then they feel like they don’t have any
power, they don’t have to listen to them anymore because they’re far away
from them.
Also, opposite to Asian students, for Polynesians the campus was large and confusing.
Sela remarked, “I thought Tonga was big. I think Oahu is way big. But a lot of people
say, ‘No, it’s small.’ But it’s pretty big, especially just this campus.” Country
differences had an effect for students from both geographical regions, Asia and
Polynesia, but in almost opposite ways.
At first glance, students from Asia and Polynesia appear to be complete
opposites. However, the findings of this study demonstrate considerable overlap in
what constitutes persistence factors for both groups. Although home and educational
backgrounds differ, this factor contributed to students’ motivation to obtain a degree
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regardless of where they were from. In Asian educational systems, competition to do
well in K-12 in order to be accepted to university is pervasive. The examinations
students sit to determine if they can progress to higher levels of education are critical.
Competing to get into the best schools and into higher education is a way of life. Most
students are at least trying to do well academically although the Asian students
interviewed did not feel they were pushed. Parents had the attitude that their children
should make their own decision regarding university enrollment or full-time
employment. In Polynesia, the educational system is competitive. A similar
examination system determining progress in high school and university entrance
exists; however, the academic environment is not competitive. Students are not
uniformly competing to get into university. Only a small number seem motivated
towards this goal. The Polynesian students in this study were primarily motivated
towards higher education as a means of improving their lot in life, and as a result of
church values. Some of the Asian students were motivated for the same reasons. For
both groups, mission presidents were influential in encouraging students to seek
further education.
Another area of difference was that for the most part, Polynesian students had
a desire to get a degree, not only for themselves, but as a way of helping their families
and countries. While some Asian students expressed the feeling that education was not
only important to them, but also to their extended family, none mentioned service to
their country as a factor. This can be attributed to the fact that the students from Asia
were primarily from developed countries whereas those from Polynesia were not. The
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193
latter had been taught that they had an important role to play in the development of
their nations.
An additional idea expressed by Polynesian students that did not hold true for
Asians was too much freedom, or lack of structure. When Polynesian students were
asked why they thought some of their acquaintances had left the university, most of
them attributed it to students being free from the rule of their parents, and not knowing
how to discipline and structure their own lives to be successful. Along with this idea,
Polynesian students also said that in some cases parents wrote to their children telling
them how much they missed them. This made the students homesick. In contrast,
when Asian students were asked why they thought some students left BYUH without
graduating, they attributed it to the rural setting of the school, which was considered
boring for many Asian students from urban areas. They also cited possible financial
reasons, having either too much money to be satisfied to live in Laie, or not enough to
finish their education. The final explanation was the school itself. Students left
because BYUH did not have a major they were interested in, or they used BYUH as a
first step to acclimatize to the U.S., leam English, and get a good grade point average,
and then transfer elsewhere.
When discussing international student experiences, it is important not to
stereotype. Some of the Polynesian students interviewed had home backgrounds that
were very supportive of education, with highly educated parents who provided
learning materials in the home and stressed the importance of academic achievement.
Also, similarities in education systems exist in that both are highly structured and
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exam-centered with strict discipline. However, the systems had differing effects on
students. According to those interviewed, Asian students tend to compete to do well
academically whereas many Polynesian students do not feel any pressure as university
attendance does not receive much emphasis in their culture. Also, although Polynesian
students are given great responsibility in the home, which one would think would lead
to students being disciplined and responsible on their own, this often has the opposite
effect. When they leave home, some take advantage of the lack of structure rather than
continuing their lifestyles as they have been raised.
The first research question explored what influence, if any, a student’s family
background, (i.e. parent’s educational level, parental emphasis on education, and
socioeconomic status), educational background, expectations about university life in
the U.S., and country of origin have on international student persistence. Some
evidence was found to support the view that these variables influenced a student’s
persistence at BYUH, but a stronger case could be made for these factors influencing
students’ decisions to enroll rather than affecting their ultimate persistence. Students’
backgrounds varied, yet they had much in common regardless of geographical area.
Similarities in educational systems and teaching styles were evident as was parental
emphasis on education. Cultural emphasis on education was different, however.
Having a goal to pursue higher education is much more widespread in Asian countries
than Polynesian.
Parents’ educational levels differed and did not have the expected effect on
persistence, meaning that students with highly educated parents were no more likely to
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persist than those whose parents had low levels of education. In fact, the latter was a
strong motivational factor as students wanted to improve their situations in life.
Parental emphasis on education was influential in many cases, but parental opposition
to education had a similar effect in strengthening students’ educational goals. The
students’ socioeconomic backgrounds varied. Students from lower socioeconomic
backgrounds were motivated to persist primarily due to a desire to achieve a better
lifestyle. Those from higher socioeconomic backgrounds were motivated to persist due
to a desire to maintain or improve their status.
None of the students focused on academic reasons for attending BYUH except
in the case of Asian students who expected the university to be more academically
manageable than the system they were accustomed to. The primary reason for
attending BYUH was the religious environment, diversity, and accessibility. Overall,
family and educational background did have some effects on enrollment, and perhaps
indirectly on persistence as students wanted more comfortable lifestyles than their
parents. Expectations about the university also affected enrollment decisions, but had
little effect on persistence. Although some similarities in parental emphasis on
education and educational background were noted, students had different adjustment
experiences depending on their country of origin, such as urban life compared to rural,
general pace of life, and the ability to structure their environment. All the students had
to become accustomed to a variety of factors that differed from their home
backgrounds.
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Research Question Two
How does the institution itself facilitate the persistence of international students, if at
all?
The theme of institutional factors discussed earlier in this chapter illustrates the
role of the institution in the persistence of the 17 students. The theme consists of four
areas: support services, extracurricular involvement, the diverse environment, and
student employment. Of the four, the diverse environment had the most impact. The
others were only somewhat significant. Also, portions of two other themes, personal
support and religion, have some relation to the institution. I will review the findings of
the study related to these factors.
Institutional Factors. The most frequently mentioned support services were the
EIL (English as an International Language) program and the Student Development
Center. Since all international students who speak English as a second language are
tested upon their arrival, and the majority of them are required to take at least some
EIL classes, for many the program is their first academic experience at the university.
In general, the students’ attitudes towards the program were favorable. In fact, they
recognized the need to improve their English skills, were grateful for this program,
and made friends in their EIL classes as we learned from Amy (Hong Kong)
previously. Even after they completed their EIL requirements, however, students
expressed having difficulty with the language. Joanne (Hong Kong) comments:
First semester I took Book of Mormon, and I don’t remember anything because
my language. I was struggling in that class because my language level is just
not enough to do that.. . . I enjoy EIL classes because you go to the class with
people that have the same level of language, and that helps you to calm down a
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197
little bit. . . . Because if you put yourself in the GE class because lots of people
they knew it, and you just feel like, overwhelm.
Some benefited from an English-speaking mission, which not only helped them
develop their English proficiency, but also confidence as was discussed earlier.
In addition to the EIL program, international students generally have contact
with the Student Development Center, particularly International Student Services, as
soon as they arrive on campus. Students particularly benefited from having access to
counselors and support staff at the Center who were from the same ethnic background,
and several of them mentioned how specific people at the Center had helped them
with such problems as choosing a major, stress, or time management at various times
during their campus experience. Mandy (Hong Kong) says:
I went to the Student Development Center once to do a test. At that time I was
undeclared major, and then I wasn’t sure if I should go into TESOL [Teaching
English to Speakers of Other Languages] major, so I took the test and did some
counseling. And then later I figured out, and I went to see the counselor, and
then she taught me how to relax.
Justin (Hong Kong) sought help from a counselor in the Student Development Center.
This man was of Chinese ancestry and had spent time in Hong Kong. Justin relays the
following experience:
In the EIL program, I had some hard time before my m ission.. . . just
discouraged a little bit. I didn’t know how to overcome all the study and work,
difficulties there. I didn’t have a clue. I talked to Brother [Name] at the Student
Development Center. He helped me a lot. He helped me to set goals.
More recently, as the students are preparing to graduate, they have gone to the Center
for help with writing a resume or taking graduate school admissions tests. For
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example, Mele (Tonga) reported getting help with the GRE and applying to graduate
school.
Other support services mentioned were the Reading/Writing and Language
Centers. Again, this is natural since when students are in the EIL program, teachers
frequently require students to use these centers. Both have a strong emphasis on
providing materials and tutors to help non-native speakers of English improve their
skills, but also serve the entire campus. It should be noted that although support
services were mentioned, they were not mentioned by the majority of students nor
were they strongly emphasized. Out of all the services mentioned, the one discussed
most frequently was the EIL program. Another important point is that all of these
services were at times mentioned in a mildly critical way such as students not liking a
particular teacher in the EIL program, being unable to get an appointment in the
Student Development Center, or receiving poor tutoring in the Reading/Writing
Center. Amy expressed her views on the Reading/Writing and Language Centers
earlier.
In addition to support services, students mentioned various types of formal
extracurricular involvement, but once again, these were referred to by only a few
students and did not play a major role in persistence. However, students who did
mention them expressed value in their experiences. Involvement in clubs and
performing groups positively influenced attitude and well-being, and helped students
develop leadership skills. The most commonly mentioned involvement was culture
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clubs. Students who had taken the opportunity to participate in various clubs learned a
great deal. Justin says:
Basically give me some successful experience here I never had in Hong Kong.
I’ve learned to ran a club, how to organize activities, I was the vice president
of Mandarin Club, activity director in Hong Kong Club, and gospel forums
president of Hong Kong Club. A lot of these activities I need to be in charge,
so a lot of leadership experience.
Joanne (Hong Kong) said her experiences as the Hong Kong Club activity director
helped her “learn how to deal with people, to work as a group, to organize activity for
people, to deal with stress and different opinions from others.” Mele (Tonga)
mentioned that she had held leadership positions in both the Cook Islands and Tongan
clubs. In all three cases, Justin (Hong Kong), Joanne, and Mele, the students felt their
club involvements helped them develop leadership skills and feel good about giving
service. Kevin’s (Taiwan) involvement was pragmatic, and tended to consist of
practical and academic types of activities such as forums on job hunting, lectures, and
academic clubs. He states:
Well, I didn’t participate too much in a social life the first year ‘cause I was
married before I came here. So I spent some time with my wife. And then the
second year I start join some clubs, but I don’t really like those activities of the
clubs, ‘cause I don’t like to go to club just to play games. I like academic
clubs. I go to lectures a lot, forums, workshops, either j ob-hunting workshops
or graduate workshops, or any type of academic oriented workshops. And then
I realized that in order for me to go to good graduate school, I gotta have some
extracurricular activities on my resume, so I tried to obtain those kind of
experiences in my second year.
Another institutional factor was the diverse campus environment. Many
students mentioned they had benefited from this. Akiko explains:
If I stay in Japan, I don’t think I would ever communicate with Tongans,
Samoans, Tahitians, Fijians, those Polynesian people. I would never get to
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know them. But then also their life is totally different from ours. They are
more giving, loving, more easy-going, which probably I needed to leam. Some
of people from Africa I would never see them. If I put in more diversity
environment, then I can develop different ways of thinking, and analyze things,
deal with different things with different skills.. . . Express true feeling. Do not
hide. Have more confidence. I live with Tongans. They are always happy.
They don’t care like small things. If I have a problem I focus on it, seems like
everything wrong, but they deal with things is more easy-going. Just live life
easily and happily.
Mele (Tonga) states:
I admired the Asian people. They don’t speak any English, but they are very
dedicated. So I made friends with them, and I asked them how they studied. I
wanted to be, especially with the haoles [White people], too, because I wanted
to improve my English. And now, I think I have only one Tongan friend.
Parvin (Fiji) says:
All the cultures are pretty interesting. They have their own unique things. And
I met some people I never knew I was gonna meet them. They’re from so
different cultures and very different places. I’ll miss all those.
Most of the students said that making friends with students from other countries had
been one of their best experiences at BYUH. Students had to adjust in terms of coming
from a country where they were a majority to being a minority at BYUH. Those who
recognized the advantages of moving beyond their own circle, thus benefiting from the
diverse environment, were able to feel a greater sense of belonging.
The final institutional factor related to persistence was student employment.
Most international students at BYUH work either on campus or at the Polynesian
Cultural Center (PCC). As few of them work in high school, their jobs at BYUH are
their first employment experiences. Also, they have to leam to balance work with
academic demands, which can be difficult as the students are new to higher education
and the American system of higher education in particular. Sela (Tonga) says, “I think
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I learned how to discipline my time for work and school at the same time. Adjusting to
a new life, pretty much. And finding time to do homework and fulfilling callings in
ward as well [church responsibilities].” In spite of the need to adjust to the demands of
work and school, and similar to Joseph (Kiribati) and Mele (Tonga) who related their
work experiences earlier, the students spoke well of their employment and viewed this
as part of the BYUH package. When questioned on their views of working and
attending school simultaneously, student responses were positive. For some, working
at the Polynesian Cultural Center (PCC) was actually a major factor in attracting them
to the university as Mele (Tonga) explained earlier.
Eight of those interviewed work at the PCC. Parvin (Fiji) states that he enjoyed
working on the stage crew for the PCC theater department, and feels that work is an
important part of the educational experience.
This [work] is the major foundation and this will help people as they go out
and work for somebody else. It helps me to adjust to my life and what life will
be like in future. Because I think some people are here who have never work
back home, so it is a good experience for them.
Initially, however, some students had rough work experiences. Bataa’s (Mongolia)
first job was dishwasher at the PCC. He describes it:
I start my job as dishwasher. It was so hard. I deal with so messy, washing,
washing, and so heavy. The job is so hard, so stressful. The job was pretty
tough. So hot. I couldn’t get used to outside hot. Inside, it’s more hot ‘cause
it’s kitchen, and the dishwasher. I have to wake up early morning, go to work, I
have to leam many things. It was so crazy. . .. Then I changed my job. . . .
After one year, I started new job. It was security. My coworkers so nice,
friendly. Tongans. So I very, very quickly used to them. It was very nice.
Although some students moved from jobs at the PCC to those on campus, Joanne
(Hong Kong) said she preferred her waitress job at the PCC to working in the
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intramurals office even though her current job is more related to her major. She
explains:
I actually like working there more than on campus because you serve the
people from all over the world, and you see different people every day. Also,
you work as a team with your coworkers and you have a closer relationship
with them because you have to help each other out when you doing waitress
and waiter stuff, so I like work there more because you just get to know the
coworker very well
Justin (Hong Kong), an English and Mandarin tour guide tells about his work
experiences:
I worked at PCC at concession during evening show, so I would have class in
the morning and study in the afternoon, and work in the evening. So sometimes
hard if I couldn’t finish my homework before I went to work. After work I
would feel tired and I couldn’t do homework... . [After my mission], I
changed as a tour guide in English & Mandarin.. . . I feel good about it.
Without this job, I couldn’t afford the tuition, and also I feel the job here is
kind of like relaxing activities other than school work. Just at the first year, I
don’t know how balance all the work and study. I have positive feeling. I
encourage students to get a job here even if their parents can afford the whole
living expenses, just get a job, get some more experience.
Students who receive financial sponsorship through the Polynesian Cultural
Center are allowed to work on campus in a field related to their major in their senior
year. Many of the students interviewed took advantage of this policy. Taylor (Taiwan)
formerly worked as a Mandarin-speaking tour guide at the PCC. He agreed with Justin
that it was an easy job and did not interfere with his studies. He now works at the
accounting lab, which he likes because he can do a lot of homework while he is there.
He says, “For me it’s easy to go to school and work at the same time, but if I had to
actually physically work 19 hours, I think that would be hard for me.” Others selected
jobs to make themselves more marketable or to leam skills they had not developed
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through their major or general education classes, and thought would provide them with
more future opportunities. Take Sela (Tonga), for example:
I’m actually working right now with ITS [information technology support],
which is computer. And I’m learning a lot from there. I wanted to take that job
because I feel like when I get out and I wanted to look for a job it would be
more opportunities for me if I both know biochemistry and computer skills.
And I think that will be good for my resume in the future. That’s why I applied
for ITS.
In some instances, students’ employers were also sources of support. Mele’s
(Tonga) supervisor was also a professor in her major. She says:
I’m really close to him, like a father. Like anything, I just go and talk to him.
Even the director at work, she helps me with my resume and working skills. If
I have homework, or papers or exams, they would give me a day off, and say
“OK, go do your homework.” They push me, “You can do this.”
This type of support applied more to campus jobs than PCC jobs where employees are
less easily dispensable. Students also formed friendships with their co-workers. The
most reticent of all the students interviewed, Mandy (Hong Kong), expressed how she
made friends through work. Aketa (Kiribati) had a financial problem with the school
that she could not resolve. It was a colleague from work who gave her the money to
remedy the situation.
Working did require students to focus, avoid distractions, and make use of all
available time, but this was seen as beneficial in the sense that it helped students
structure their lives and environment. For those whose work was unrelated to their
major, such as most PCC jobs, they viewed their jobs as relaxing and a needed break
from their studies. For those whose jobs were related to their major, they valued the
opportunity to develop needed skills. Overall, the experience of working while
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attending BYUH was viewed positively by students in that they were developing
valuable skills and work habits. Jobs were seen as more than providing needed
financial support. Benefits included opportunities for friendship, encouragement and
support from coworkers and supervisors, real world experience, development of new
work skills, a change of pace, and improved time management.
Institutional factors, such as support services, extracurricular involvement, the
diverse campus environment, and student employment had some effect on students,
with the diverse environment being the strongest. Support services aided students in
developing academic skills as well as assisting them with adjustment needs. Students
involved in extracurricular activities reported positive effects on attitude, and the
development of leadership and organizational skills. Students benefited from their
interactions with students from other cultures in that they sought to emulate what they
saw as positive characteristics. Employment was seen as helping students gain real-
world experience, make them more marketable, offer a diversion from studying,
provide financial support, and create the need to be focused. Once again, although
these areas were mentioned by some students, it was not one of the more significant
themes.
Personal Support. This theme is related to institutional factors In the sense that
professors, who are agents of the institution, were mentioned by students as providing
support and encouragement. Although the encouragement and involvement of
professors was not part of a formal mentoring program, they had a great impact on
students’ lives. A number of examples related to this theme have already been shared.
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Students expressed appreciation for their teachers, with specific mention of how
teachers had helped them build their confidence, encouraged them to continue their
studies, and in some cases choose their major. Amy (Hong Kong) shares her
experience:
I’m a math major now, and the reason I decided to major because of my
professor in the math department. He just so energetic and fantastic in
mathematics. So he give me a lot, and he also give students compliments, like
so unconditionally. I don’t know how to say, describe it, but just he just loved
the students so much and just want to explore their talents and skills in
mathematics. He just believed everyone is good in mathematics . . . so it just
motivate me to explore myself more and to pick this major. So I finalized my
decision, math major. So I think good professor is the key to students also.
Also, the fact that the university has made some effort to hire professors and staff of
color was appreciated by a few students who specifically mentioned either finding
them more approachable or feeling that they would have greater understanding of the
students’ situations. Elisapeta (Samoa) says:
I’ve had a lot of international teachers. Asians. .. . When we don’t really talk
in class, I’m pretty sure the haole [White] teachers know too, but it’s easier to
relate to them [international teachers]. To me there’s a barrier with American
instructors ‘cause I don’t want to say the wrong things. . . . I know they won’t
mock or say anything. I just don’t have the confidence to input in the
discussion.. ..
Aketa (Kiribati) comments about her experiences:
It’s kind of hard with the teachers, to get to know them, to talk to them, ‘cause
they’re from a different country, and I’m from a different country, to o .. . .
Most of my teachers, it was really hard to talk with them, but one of them, he
was one who changed my view about teachers. He was the one who make me
think that despite the fact that we’re from different places we can still
understand each other, and he can still help us. He was always open-minded.
He was the one who was a big influence on me, on my change of attitude to
teachers.. . . The way he acted. He was very open-minded with the students.
He doesn’t have a favorite.. . . He treats everyone the same w ay.. . . I learned
that going for help is a perfect thing to do, especially to teachers. If you’re
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having problems, just go to your teachers and talk with them ‘cause they’re
humans and they can understand. I used to think they were scary, but I
changed.
Religion. Although the theme of religion goes beyond the institution, the
university has created an environment in which religion is emphasized. Most students
mentioned that their knowledge and faith had increased due to the spiritual atmosphere
of the school and the religious requirements. This theme was illustrated at length
earlier. Further examples are provided here. Justin (Hong Kong) expressed that some
of his greatest accomplishments at BYUH are related to the church:
I had a chance to serve a mission. If I didn’t come here, I wouldn’t go. I had a
chance to meet the prophet before mission and graduation, and also I had a
chance to hear the general conference [a bi-annual religious conference of the
church].
Other students reported that prayer and scripture study had been effective in helping
them overcome challenges. Parvin (Fiji) says:
You know they have a scripture, like, if you put God first everything will be
fine, but I study the scriptures, and then study the scriptures reminds me of
studying, about my school, so before doing any, going to any fun places, I
make sure that at least my assignments are done. So that makes me like less
worried.. . . It’s good to have goal.... I have my scripture right on my bed.
Either before going to sleep or wake up I read at least a chapter from the Book
of Mormon, prayer is must. So in the prayer you might ask something, so that
helps I think. Well, it helps, not I think, but it helps.
Aketa (Kiribati) says:
On your mission, you have to study the scriptures. You have to be able to
preach it. You have to be able to know it by heart. It’s the same with school. If
you don’t know it by heart, if you don’t understand it for real, how would you
be able to answer the questions you’re being asked?
Finally, Akiko (Japan) reported that a religion class helped her focus more strongly on
her educational goals: “One of classes I took was mentioning about the importance of
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education. . . . Church leaders emphasize this thing, so it helps me to know what I am
doing is important.”
Initially, the fact that BYUH is a church school is what attracted most students
to it. Some students mentioned that they would never have served a mission had it not
been for the influence of their peers and the religious environment at BYUH. As
reported earlier, missions had a huge impact on students’ confidence, English
proficiency, desire for further education, discipline, people skills, and appreciation for
diversity. The fact that students are required to attend church meetings and
devotionals, live the honor code, take religion classes, and are asked to accept church
callings has led them to focus on prayer, scripture study, increasing religious
knowledge, and living their religion. Students were also encouraged by church leaders
at every step of the way, prior to enrollment and while at the university. Religion was
a major theme and is certainly an institutional factor. I treated it as a separate theme,
however, because of its importance, and because it is not attributable solely to the
institution.
In sum, when examining the themes that emerged from the data and were
discussed in the first section of this chapter, the institution had both direct and indirect
effects on students. The most obvious direct effects are the provision of specific
learning and support services, the diverse environment, opportunities for involvement
in extracurricular activities, and employment. Hiring professors who are caring and
encouraging is also an institutional factor. For some students, having encounters with
institutional representatives of color both within and outside the classroom was
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important. Also related to the institution is the creation of the religious culture of the
campus. More obvious manifestations of this are the standards outlined in the honor
code, required church activity, devotionals, and religion classes. Less direct is the
desire to create a supportive, spiritual environment for students, which has influenced
students to serve missions, and develop the skills, abilities, and confidence to persist.
Research Question Three
How do personal characteristics affect the persistence of international students?
The purpose of this research question is to determine the types of
characteristics students possess that can be identified with persistence. The findings
indicate that certain attitudes and abilities are related to persistence. I explained these
in depth earlier in the chapter in the sections discussing a vision of the future and
attitudes and abilities. First, the students who were interviewed indicated they had
long-term vision. They knew why they were attending the university and the role
education would play in their futures. Some developed this as a result of their home
backgrounds, either as a desire to improve their situation in life, or due to parental
encouragement. In other cases, parents played a stronger role, persuading their
children to attend BYUH, and actually completing their application forms. Also,
church leaders, particularly mission presidents, influenced the students to seek higher
education. All of the students possessed this vision and had a strong goal to complete
their education. Although in some cases the students’ initial motivation to pursue
higher education was due to external encouragement, they had all developed a firm
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conviction of its importance in their lives. Even students with only moderate
encouragement or those who faced opposition from home had this goal.
The second theme related to this question is attitudes and abilities. I identified
several areas associated with this theme earlier in the chapter. The first is having a
positive attitude towards the school even when events and experiences are not optimal.
In other words, when policies and procedures were confusing or communication was
poor, the students simply faced it and attempted to remedy the problem. Kevin
(Taiwan) remarked, “I like to focus on the positive side, ‘cause a lot of the school is
not perfect.” Sela (Tonga) shared her experiences with bureaucratic inefficiencies
earlier. Akiko (Japan) now shares her view:
Some of the things I’m not very happy with. Even though I say, I don’t think
they listen to me. Response was very slow. I can’t remember what it was,
something with admission office or registrar office, but I have to go there
several times. A little bit less organized, that’s how I felt when I came here... .
I complained, but seems like they don’t care. I think when I came here first, I
bothered a lot, but now I just, yeah, that’s the way it is, so I still complain, but
if they don’t care about it, that’s OK....
Even though bureaucratic disorganization still bothers her, Akiko had formed a
strategy for dealing with it - complaining - which at least allowed her to let go of the
problem.
The second attitude is a feeling of gratitude. Students appreciated the
opportunity to be at the university. They valued their professors, experiences,
friendships, and memories. They felt as though they had changed in a positive way,
and they were better people than when they came. Amy (Hong Kong) says:
I really appreciate this experience. And I realize this experience will not
happen again if I don’t precious them, and I realize how short the time is
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because during these four years changes my life a lot, and my values, and my
testimony too. The values of making friends. The values of communicating
with other people, social with other people who are not same culture as mine,
and the values of being a member.. . . The values of being a mom, start to
develop another role.
The students also expressed a selfless motivation for obtaining an education.
Sela expresses this by saying:
It’s a huge thing in Tonga when you get accepted to BYU, like your reputation
goes up, and everyone’s kind of like, ‘Wow, they’re going to BYU, to
America.’” Sometimes students forget why they’re here. They’re here for
school, and to go back and help their island. It’s important work.”
Jacqueline (Tahiti) says:
Just do your best. There are times when you get homesick, you want to go
home, but just do your best, just make your parents proud of you. I think that’s
one of the main reasons I’m still focused on my graduation, is for my parents.
The attitude of pursuing an education to help others or because of others was
expressed more frequently by Polynesian students than by Asians.
A final attitude evidenced by the students was one of open-mindedness and
flexibility. They saw behaviors that they were not accustomed to seeing at home, and
had to decide how to react. In most cases, the students were outgoing and made friends
with peers from other cultures. This required them to have an open mind and be
accepting of other ways of doing things. The students said they would advise
prospective students not bring their countries with them, but to take advantage of the
unique opportunities at BYUH. This characteristic is related to the discussion of the
diverse environment, considered under institutional factors. Inoke (Fiji) explains his
views regarding diversity and why some students leave the university.
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They didn’t really take advantage of the opportunities that were given. Not
only in terms of church, hut in terms of getting associated with other people.
We have a school of very diverse cultures, and I was just talking to one of my
teachers the other day and he was telling me, “You have to help a couple of
these friends of yours who are also Polynesian to get out of their own cliques.
They’re just with their Polynesian friends all the time.” And that’s when I was
listening to that, I think, that what make it work for me ‘cause I was getting out
of my comfort zone instead of just associating with Fijians. I was studying
with these Caucasian kids, these Oriental kids. When I do studies, I don’t study
with my Polynesian cliques, I study with other people. When I start doing that,
I start appreciating the things that are here. I can leam more through other
people than just my own clique. I believe that most of my friends who left
without graduating, they didn’t take advantage of that. They just bring their
own small cliques from home or just like they bring Fiji to BYU-Hawaii.
Personal characteristics the students demonstrated were related to academic
skills such as the ability to overcome challenges, time management, organization,
planning, setting goals, and study strategies. In short, the students had learned to
structure their environment. When asked if they had ever felt like giving up
completely and quitting school, 10 of the 17 students replied affirmatively. Most of
them had experienced a difficult class or some other challenge, but after being upset
initially, they set to work to address the problem. Students who reported that they had
never felt like giving up had experienced challenges, but recognized more readily that
they had the ability to overcome them. In both cases, response to challenge was
similar, and included getting help from people or places on campus, relying on
professors, friends, or family members, and/or spiritual strength. Joseph (Kiribati)
illustrates:
I go talk to the teacher. I get to know more what the teacher expects. For
example, for my music class, the first test, actually everyone did bad. I knew I
did bad, too, but then I felt really bad because I studied so much, but it’s just
because those things that I have tried to study and remember, sometimes you
have so much to remember, you can’t remember every single detail, and when
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the test comes up and it’s very specific about certain details, then it might be
really hard . .. but I go to talk to the teacher, and actually I thought I tackled
the problem in a nice way, by asking her first what her advice would be to help
me do better on the next test and be more effective in my study. In return she
asked me what do I expect, and that helps, so I was able to tell her that she
could be more specific, and this helped because after that test we had the
second test, and I got a 98, so that’s a big difference. So just talking to the
teacher and getting to know the specific things that she expects and just getting
to know the personality of the teacher makes a difference, huge, huge
difference.
The students’ vision of the future and the importance of obtaining a degree also
strengthened them during difficult periods. Several examples were shared earlier in
which students commented that having the goal to graduate helped them focus when
times were rough.
Finally, study habits among the students varied widely, with no particular
method appearing to have a greater influence on persistence than another. Some of the
study habits mentioned were reading the assignments (or at least skimming them if
time was an issue), taking reading notes, making outlines of the readings, rereading
materials before an exam, summarizing, group study, and self-testing. Most students
mentioned that they attended class regularly and tried to understand the concepts being
taught rather than just memorizing material. In general the students planned, set goals,
reviewed their goals, organized their time well, started early, and avoided distractions
and procrastination. Many students expressed that they had learned to be goal-oriented
and use time effectively on their missions. Others attributed their ability to study
effectively to prayer and scripture study. They were not all perfect, however. Some
reported still struggling with study skills, or felt they were not very proficient in this
area. Justin (Hong Kong) says:
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I like to study very last second. I like to relax. Whenever I would like to, I
study, but in the very stressful area I still perform good, I guess. I have bad
short term memory, so I have to review all the materials over and over, so
that’s kind of contradictive. I don’t like to study too long, but I have to study
very hard in order to get a good grade.... When teacher gives us the study
guides or syllabus, I usually break it in certain parts and on certain days finish
certain part, and then also leave few days at the very last to review it.
Sometimes behind schedule, but I usually plan my study.
Students varied in their preference for group or individual study, location for
studying, and time of day. Variation in study habits may have had an effect on grades,
but this information was not collected. It was apparent, however, that persistent
students had formulated a method of study that worked for them. Parvin (Fiji) stated
that he focuses on learning the material when he studies.
If Fm doing an assignment, I usually do it first and then I refer to the answer,
like for example math problem or accounting. If I don’t get that answer, I’ll try
to go back and do the problem again and again and try to get that answer, and
at last if I don’t understand, I might go to the teacher and ask. And also other
thing, if I’m taking a class from a professor I might just go to him or her, ask
like how am I doing. And if the person tells me you earn this grade, I’ll try to
work more harder to at least retain that grade or go higher.. .. Assignments are
very important.
Good study habits were not cited as having a direct effect on persistence, but they did
play a role.
In sum, the personal characteristics of the students affected persistence.
Findings indicate that students were motivated by a vision of the future, specifically
the role that a university degree would have in that future. Next, students exhibited
various attitudes and abilities that allowed them to make the most of their college
experience and overcome challenges. These included overlooking institutional
imperfection, gratitude, selfless motivation, open-mindedness, academic skills, and
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structuring the environment. Although no specific study habits were identified as
being directly related to persistence, those interviewed had a variety of strategies for
overcoming academic challenges. Relying on personal support, seeking appropriate
help, and exercising spiritual strength also assisted students in overcoming challenges.
Conclusion
The findings of this study indicate that six major areas contributed to the
persistence of the 17 students interviewed. These are: a vision of the future, home and
educational background, religion, personal support, attitudes and abilities, and
institutional factors. Students who had a clear vision of the role of education in their
future had the will and determination to stay in school. Home and educational
backgrounds contributed to students’ desires to pursue a degree and even to enroll
specifically at BYUH. Religious commitments, faith, participation in church activities,
serving a mission, and the spiritual environment of the university were paramount to
persistence. The students interviewed also exhibited a personal support system, which
consisted of parents and family members, peers, professors, staff, and church leaders.
A variety of attitudes and abilities contributed to students’ abilities to adapt and
succeed. Finally, institutional factors in the areas of support services, extracurricular
involvement, a diverse environment, and student employment played a role.
In reviewing the three research questions of this study, support was found
indicating that family background influenced persistence, particularly the decision to
enroll. Family also played a role by providing continued encouragement and support.
Educational background influenced enrollment decisions in that many students desired
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a different type of education than was offered in their home countries. In some cases,
academic knowledge obtained in high school was an asset. A desire for further
education and an interest in academics was also somewhat related to prior educational
experiences, and had an Impact on persistence. Expectations of life at BYUH and
country of origin had little effect. Regardless of country of origin, students had to
make adjustments. Adjustment to the U.S. educational system was similar for both
Asian and Polynesian students whereas adjustment to the location of the university
and pace of life were different. Evidence was found for the influence of the institution
on persistence. To some degree support services, extracurricular involvement, the
diverse environment, and student employment were positive indicators of persistence.
To a greater extent, support and encouragement from professors, the religious
environment, and religious commitments were influential motivators. Finally, personal
characteristics such as attitudes related to overlooking institutional weaknesses,
gratitude, selfless motivation, and open-mindedness helped students adjust and
succeed, and abilities such as seeking help, organizational strategies, time
management, discipline, and study habits contributed to persistence. Study habits
primarily affected persistence in the sense that students had the ability to address
academic challenges through utilizing a number of strategies for seeking help from
professors, classmates, friends, and support services on campus.
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CHAPTER 5
SUMMARY AMD CONCLUSION
In Chapter 2 ,1 introduced three theories with the potential to increase
understanding of international student retention: persistence, cultural capital, and
attribution. Persistence is of central concern to institutions of higher education, and as
such, has been widely studied. Until recently, however, persistence research has
focused primarily on mainstream students as has resulting retention programming.
Persistence theory is based predominantly on the work of Astin (1975, 1984,1993,
1999) and Tinto (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993). The second theory of importance, cultural
capital, is derived from the work of Bourdieu (1977,1986, 1990), who defines cultural
capital as the linguistic and cultural competencies of the dominant social class.
Research suggests that school systems reward students who possess cultural capital
while those who lack it face greater academic challenges and may have limited
educational opportunities (DiMaggio, 1982; Farkas et al., 1990; Gutierrez, 1995; Jun
et al., 1999; McCollum, 1999; Pema, 2000; Roscigno et al., 1999; Valadez, 1993,
1996). Finally, attribution theory offers insight into how students view their successes
and failures and the responsibility they take for their own learning (Dembo et al.,
2000; Menec et al., 1995; Weiner, 1979, 1986; Zimmerman, 1994; Zimmerman et al.,
1994; Zimmerman et al., 1997).
In this final chapter, I provide a brief review of each theory followed by an
analysis of the findings of the study to determine the applicability the theories to
international student persistence. Next, I compare the findings of the pilot study to the
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results of the current study. Then, I discuss implications of the research. The chapter
ends with conclusions and suggestions for further research.
A Review and Analysis of the Theories
Persistence Theory
In the earlier discussion of persistence, the work of two primary theorists was
introduced: Astin and Tinto. Astin’s (1975, 1984, 1993, 1999) theory of student
involvement proposes that involvement with peers, faculty, and academics are central
to a student’s learning. Astin’s theory describes behavioral processes and
developmental outcomes. Tinto (1975, 1986, 1987, 1993), on the other hand, proposes
an interactional model of student retention to explain the longitudinal process of
persistence. Briefly, Tinto’s model contends that students arrive at college possessing
certain attributes including family background, skills and abilities, and educational
experiences. They also have an initial level of commitment to the institution and the
goal of graduating. These commitments are affected by a student’s subsequent
academic and social experiences at the university. Tinto posits that the stronger a
student’s academic and social integration into the university, the stronger his
institutional commitment and likelihood of persistence.
Tinto’s model is based on Durkheim’s (1951) explanation of suicide, which
suggests that just as some individuals fail to integrate into society and as a result, end
their lives, students who fail to integrate into the institution, commit academic suicide
by leaving it. Additionally, Tinto’s model incorporates Van Gennep’s (1960) rites of
passage, which includes three phases: separation, transition, and incorporation.
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Applying this to college students, Tinto describes students as initially separating
themselves from their past, making a transition to the new environment by forming
new ties, and finally, becoming fully incorporated into the campus community. Critics
find fault with Tinto’s model on several counts (Attinasi, 1992; Braxton et al., 1997;
Tiemey, 1992). The rites of passage concept in particular has been troublesome
because it suggests that students must give up past associations and behaviors that do
not fit with the new environment in order to be successful (Tiemey, 1992). Tiemey
(1992) finds it disturbing that institutions should expect students to change, to commit
cultural suicide in order to be successful, rather than institutions accommodating
students and allowing them to preserve their cultural values.
Research that has sought to identify factors contributing specifically to
minority student persistence has identified the following characteristics: strong belief
in ability, determination to succeed, supportive families and friends, and social and
academic involvement (Hernandez, 2000). Early socialization and peer and faculty
mentoring (Attinasi, 1989), the use of strategies to overcome obstacles (Hernandez,
2000; Padilla, 1999), service and personal vision (Hendricks, 1996), and a supportive
environment (Allen, 1992, 1996) have also been influential.
Studies that have examined the applicability of Astin’s theory and/or Tinto’s
model to minority students have had mixed results. Preentry characteristics, such as
high school rank and/or academic preparation (Allen, 1999; Brown et al., 1997;
Eimers et al, 1997; Nora et al, 1996), and commitment to graduation and/or the desire
to succeed (Allen, 1999; Brown et al, 1997) have been demonstrated to affect
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persistence. Academic performance (Allen, 1999), academic and social integration
(Brown et al, 1997; Eimers et al., 1997; Hurtado et al., 1997), affinity of values,
perception of quality, and satisfaction with social and academic experiences (Eimers et
al., 1997) are influential in minority student persistence and also support primary
persistence theories. Other studies have not found social integration and family
support (Brown et al., 1997), or entering ability (Eimers et. al, 1997), all tenets of
Tinto’s theory, to be applicable. Similarly, Hurtado et al. (1997) found that
participation in activities external to campus resulted in a sense of belonging for
Latino students, contrary to Tinto’s separation idea. Cabrera et al. (1999), Eimers et al.
(1997), and Nora et al. (1996) found external encouragement important to both
minority and nonminority persistence, a finding they consider unsupportive of Tinto’s
concept of separation; however, this depends on how one interprets Tinto’s theory.
Finally, research on international student persistence has demonstrated that in
some cases, international students are retained at higher rates than their mainstream
peers (Coreil et al, 2000), and that language proficiency, learning and study
techniques, and personal characteristics contribute positively to grades and retention
(Stoynoff, 1997). However, other studies demonstrate that international students are
departing at alarming rates (Evans, 2001).
Considering the research on persistence for the three groups of students
outlined above, mainstream, minority, and international, I will next examine how the
results of the present study are related to existing knowledge. First, the students
interviewed indicated that their vision of the future kept them focused on their
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education. This vision was generally evident prior to enrollment, suggesting that initial
commitment to the goal of graduating positively affected persistence, thus the current
findings support this aspect of Tinto’s (1975, 1986, 1987,1993) interactional model.
The influence of parents, church teachings, and church leaders played a role in the
development of this vision.
Other pre-entry characteristics such as parental educational backgrounds,
parental emphasis on education, and socioeconomic status influenced persistence
though not in expected ways. Students whose parents had low educational levels and
low socioeconomic status were motivated to pursue higher education as a means of
improving their status. Also, both parental emphasis on education and parental
opposition contributed to strengthening students’ educational commitment. Students’
academic preparation had some effect as several of those interviewed had enjoyed
high school and formed good study habits. Most students had to make an adjustment
from the teaching and learning styles of their high schools to those at the university,
thus academic preparation did not contribute to their ability to perform well in this
sense. A few students mentioned that the material they learned in high school,
especially in science and math, helped them in their classes at B YIJH, but this was not
a widespread feeling. English proficiency was a bigger factor in the students’ ability to
successfully fulfill course requirements, and for the majority of students, this was a
major weakness at least initially.
Certain attitudes and abilities also influenced persistence; however, these were
not necessarily preentry characteristics. In fact, many students had to adjust habits
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learned in former educational systems to be successful in the new setting. Many of the
attitudes and abilities related to persistence were developed at the university, and
particularly after a mission. For many students, the BYUH environment influenced
them to serve a mission, making the effects of missions and the campus environment
reciprocal. Examples of skills developed through a mission include appreciation for
diversity, talents of friendship, confidence, English skills, and organizational skills.
These attitudes and abilities made a huge impact on students. Several students
described themselves as completely changed after their missions, and in ways that
made them more successful at the university.
Institutional commitment may have played a small role in the students’
persistence. Only about two students had considered or had the option of going to
other schools. For most, BYUH was their only opportunity, so they were committed to
it in the sense that it was accessible. They were all committed to BYUH as a church
school, however, for this was a major factor in drawing them to the university. Asian
students had less institutional commitment than Polynesians. A few Asians initially
considered attending BYU Provo, but had been convinced by others that BYUH was a
better choice, and they could always transfer to Provo later. In contrast, a number of
Polynesian students had a specific goal of attending BYUH.
A case could be made that the findings support Tinto’s integration concept, but
not in the sense of assimilation. One would expect that the cultural backgrounds of
international students would differ widely from those prevailing on most American
campuses, thus Tinto would believe that these students would need to change their
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habits and behaviors to be successful. As an institution, BYUH is structured on the
typical American educational system, based on middle class values (Valadez, 1993,
1996). Professors expect students to behave in a certain way and know what is
expected of them. Policies and procedures at BYUH as a whole are typical of higher
educational systems in the U.S., and do not make special allowances for students from
different backgrounds.
In other ways, however, the campus facilitates numerous subcultures due to the
large enrollment of students from various countries. This results in students being able
to stay within their own cultural group if they choose. However, the students
interviewed did not advise this practice; rather they found it beneficial to go beyond
their own cultural communities on campus. This could be considered a negative
change if viewed in the sense that students rejected their cultural peer groups to fit in
or be successful; however, the students viewed their associations with peers from other
countries to be an integral part of their education. They maintained close friendships
with peers from their own countries, and did not feel as though they had rejected their
cultures. They believed having a balance of friends from both groups was important.
Areas of change identified by students can be classified into three categories:
those that most mainstream students would likely make when transitioning to college,
those required by the BYUH religious environment, and those unique to international
students. In the first category, students identified the following areas in which change
was needed: too much socializing, lack of confidence (English skills also influenced
this), organizational skills, shyness, being open-minded when encountering other
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viewpoints and diverse cultures, and adjustments in time schedules to accommodate
work. In the second category, changes required by the BYUH environment, the
following were mentioned: more rules than expected, clothing standards, more
association with church members, and in some cases, the need for greater church
activity. Finally, cultural areas in which students felt a need to change were: adjusting
classroom behavior from a passive orientation to an active one, using more direct
communication styles, participating in less cultural flocking (associating only with
those from their own culture), altering food preferences, acting less competitive in
educational contexts, adopting a slower walking speed, and being either more or less
laid back. The latter two ideas are related more to culture in Hawaii than American
culture in general. The idea of being laid back depended on what cultures the students
were from. Polynesian students thought the pace at BYUH was fast while Asian
students felt it was slow. The students did make changes, and they did reject some of
their former behaviors. Most of the students did not feel they had changed
significantly in cultural ways, however, and if they had, it was towards becoming
bicultural. Changes that occurred were viewed positively in terms of intellectual,
personal, or spiritual growth.
Having sources of personal support, one of the major themes identified, is
related to Astin’s theory of student involvement. The participants indicated that
family, peers, professors, staff, and church leaders provided encouragement and
reinforced their goal to graduate. Support came from both within the university and
outside. Within the university, professors were a strong source of support. In some
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cases, students expressed particular appreciation for professors and staff of color,
especially those from their own cultures. Having siblings attending the university or
who had previously attended was a great help. Friends played a strong part in
influencing students by helping them with course work or personal problems as well
as by acting as role models. External to the university, encouragement from parents
and family was mentioned as keeping students focused. They also served as an
incentive to students who wanted to make their family proud. Ecclesiastical leaders of
campus congregations were viewed as supportive as were mission presidents, who had
a long-lasting impact on students even though continued association was not evident.
Students admired their mission presidents and were strongly inclined to follow their
counsel.
Other forms of involvement such as the use of support services, participation in
extracurricular and religious activities, making diverse friends, getting help from
others, and student employment had some effect on persistence. Students had a greater
tendency to seek help from peers and professors than learning centers, but some
programs and services on campus such as the EIL program, Student Development
Center, Reading/Writing Center, and Language Center were useful to students. Of
these, the EIL program and Student Development Center received the most emphasis,
and the most positive comments. Some students mentioned the positive value of
extracurricular involvement in clubs and academic activities, but emphasis on these
forms of involvement was infrequent. Religious involvement was also a positive
factor. Students mentioned the university environment as being conducive to helping
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them develop spiritual strength through their participation in religious activities. They
also strongly advocated making friends beyond their own cultural groups, a practice
that had great impact on their experience at BYUH. Students exhibited the ability to
get academic assistance from both people and places on campus when they
encountered challenges. All the students were employed, and all found this a valuable
experience in terms of preparation for future employment, a source of diversion from
study, creating the need for focus on academic goals, necessitating careful time
management, and making friends. These findings indicate that involvement with peers,
professors, and academics (Astin, 1984,1993, 1999) were central to persistence.
The findings related to personal support and involvement behaviors can also
be analyzed against Tinto’s rites of passage and integration components. Supportive of
Tinto’s separation stage, students definitely separated from their former lives. This
was necessitated by distance. If they had wished, however, students could have
maintained much of their former lifestyles within their cultural groups on campus, thus
weakening the effects of separation. Also, students did reject associations and
behaviors that were not conducive to success, in keeping with Tinto’s view of
integration. However, students also reported benefiting from continued encouragement
and support from family. Depending on how one interprets Tinto on this point, the
latter finding may or may not be supportive of Tinto’s model. My view is that by
separation, Tinto did not imply that encouragement from home was not important.
However, he did not emphasize external support in his model. In contrast, Nora et al.
(1996) stress the importance of support and encouragement from a variety of sources
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both within and external to the university throughout the rites of passage stages. The
patterns identified in this study support their view. Students did leam new behaviors,
successfully make the transition to the BYUH environment, and incorporate into the
social and academic systems of the university. However, this was not viewed as
assimilation, but as an expansion of viewpoints and abilities. Finally, social integration
consisted less of behavioral manifestations such as participation in the formal
organized activities of the campus, and more in involvement with people, creating a
sense of belonging. This finding supports the belief of Hurtado et al. (1997) that
researchers should not limit the social integration construct of the Tinto model to
behavioral manifestations, but should also include psychological aspects in keeping
with Spady’s (1971) and Tinto’s original theories.
In sum, the purpose of this study was to identify patterns of behavior shared by
students who persisted rather than to prove or disprove theory; therefore, results
cannot be generalized beyond those who were interviewed. This being said, some
evidence of factors applicable to dominant models and theories were found, but
several do not follow expected patterns. The preentry characteristics of parental
education, parental emphasis on education, socioeconomic status, academic
preparation, and attitudes and abilities were factors, but not in ways discovered by
previous research. Institutional commitment was also important, but only because
students had few other options for higher education. Astin’s involvement theory was
generally applicable to those interviewed, but involvement in traditional campus
activities did not appear to have much impact. The role of external support was
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stronger than accounted for in Tinto’s model. The goal of graduating, referred to as a
vision of the future, was central to those interviewed and is a main component of the
Tinto model. Evidence for Tinto’s rites of passage and for integration was apparent in
the patterns identified, but with no negative associations. In short, some of the findings
support dominant theories and models, but maintaining important distinctions and
recognizing that qualitative studies are not predictive is critical.
Several of the results of the current study are in keeping with those of research
on minority student persistence as follows: commitment, desire to succeed, or focus
(Allen, 1999, Brown et al., 1997; Hendricks, 1996; Lee, 1997), the importance of
people and/or mentoring (Hernandez, 2000), family and/or external encouragement
(Cabrera et al., 1999; Eimers et al., 1997; Hendricks, 1996; Hernandez, 2000;
Hernandez, 2002; Nora et al., 1996), use of strategies, study skills, and/or personal
characteristics (Attinasi, 1989, 1992; Hernandez, 2000; Padilla, 1999), and friends and
peers (Attinasi, 1989, 1993; Hernandez, 2000). However, generalizing too much or
searching for similarities obscures the uniqueness of many of the findings of this
study. One finding in particular, the religious element, has not been a strong
persistence factor in any previous studies. This is an expected outcome, however,
given the mission of BYUH.
Cultural Capital
The literature review on cultural capital in Chapter 2 focused on three primary
areas: family background and parental involvement, the influence of schools, and
higher education. The basic premise behind cultural capital is that students who
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possess the culture of the dominant social class have greater academic success at ail
levels of schooling. This is due to the behaviors and culture of the dominant class
being reinforced in the educational setting (Bourdieu, 1977, 1986, 1990).
A number of variables of cultural capital have been studied to determine their
effects on school achievement. Family characteristics such as parental reading
behaviors, involvement, and educational levels, material possessions, household
educational resources, hobbies, second language fluency, membership in social
organizations, self-education activities, and participation in high brow cultural
activities have been found to have a positive influence on academic achievement
(DeGraff et al., 2000, DiMaggio, 1992; Driessen, 2001; McNeal, 1999; Roscigno et.
al, 1999; Wong, 1998). In addition, research has indicated that educational systems
reward specific behaviors and attitudes (Farkas et al., 1990; McCollum, 1999).
Finally, possession of cultural capital has been found to lead to greater access
to and success in higher education. Jun et al. (1999) describe a college preparation
program for low-income urban youth that helps them build the cultural capital needed
to succeed in college. Valadez (1993, 1996) found that nontraditional community
college students lacked cultural capital in the form of academic preparation,
knowledge about college life, study skills, supportive family backgrounds, and
familiarity with higher education. Higher education is also a means of building
cultural capital (Zweigenhaft, 1993).
In terms of international students at BYUH, the study found that in some cases,
they possess what might be considered cultural capital. Sela (Tonga), Kevin (Taiwan),
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Justin (Hong Kong), Taylor (Taiwan), and Aketa (Kiribati) had one or both parents
with degrees. Parvin (Fiji), Sela (Tonga), and Jacqueline (Tahiti) had siblings who had
either attended or are currently enrolled at BYUH; however, their information about
the school was still not substantial. Inoke (Fiji), Parvin (Fiji), Mele (Tonga), Ioelu
(Samoa), Elisapeta (Samoa), Aketa (Kiribati), and Sela (Tonga) used English to some
degree in their school systems prior to coming to BYUH. Similarly, the students from
Hong Kong, Justin, Taylor, Mandy, and Amy had studied English from a young age.
However, Mele (Tonga) and Sela (Tonga) were the only ones who reported either
speaking English in the home and/or having the desire to practice English with their
peers. Inoke (Fiji) and Justin (Hong Kong) mentioned in particular that although they
had been to English-speaking schools in their countries or studied English throughout
their school years, they had had little opportunity to use the language until they came
to BYUH, and still struggle with it. Academic preparation varied. Two students
mentioned that their preparation in math and/or sciences had helped them in their
general education classes. For most students, their educational backgrounds had not
prepared them to participate in classes, an expectation in many American university
classes. Overall, students were not familiar with expected behaviors and norms. As
such, academic preparation was not a strong factor.
Only two students, Jacqueline (Tahiti) and Mele (Tonga), reported reading as a
pastime. Aketa (Kiribati) had parents who traveled, which made her curious about
other countries, and Joseph (Kiribati) had lived in both Hong Kong and Nigeria,
experiences which helped him develop an outgoing personality. Asian students tended
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to have more involvements outside the home, probably because greater opportunities
existed. These included swimming, fencing, piano, and calligraphy for AMko (Japan),
swimming for Taylor (Taiwan), volleyball and badminton for Amy (Hong Kong), and
Chinese music for Justin (Hong Kong). Out-of-school involvements for Polynesian
students were generally geared towards sports and household chores. Only two
Polynesian students, Mele (Tonga) and Sela (Tonga), reported receiving extra
academic tutoring in high school whereas this was fairly common for Asian students.
Mele was the only one who reported that her parents helped her with homework, and
that they ensured she had learning tools, a computer, in the home.
In spite of the fact that a number of cultural capital variables were identified in
the study, these differed depending on the student. Cultural capital variables were not
consistent across students or even cultures although for each student some element of
cultural capital could be identified. Similar to the findings for persistence, however,
cultural capital was not a factor in any expected way, meaning students who came
from families in which parents or siblings had had experiences in higher education,
and those who did not, were both found to persist. The findings were similar for those
who had learning tools in the home, engaged in reading as a pastime, were exposed to
English at school, had parents involved in their education, and/or had participated in
extracurricular activities and tutoring. These students were not more likely to persist
than those who did not have these advantages.
One possible source of cultural capital was consistent across all the students,
and this was religion. Religion might be considered a type of cultural capital for these
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students as most of them were influenced to enroll due to their religious affiliation.
Teachings of church leaders and encouragement of mission presidents in particular,
were influential in the development of students5 vision of what they could accomplish.
Also, religious beliefs and faith provided them with the strength and determination to
overcome challenges. Missions were also a primary source of cultural capital. These
experiences helped students develop skills that also influenced academic success such
as confidence, appreciation for diverse peoples, English skills, learning and teaching
skills, discipline, and organizational skills. Mission presidents and successful church
members acted as role models and influenced students to achieve. Certainly, not all
students strong in their religious faith who have served missions persist. Although
important, this element of capital must be accompanied by some of the other factors
discussed earlier.
Another fairly consistent source of cultural capital was supportive parents.
Except for two or three cases, the students’ parents encouraged them to pursue higher
education, and supported the students’ decision to attend BYUH. For Polynesian
students in particular, the desire to make their families proud and to return to their
islands and help their countries progress was influential in their success. This strong
sense of responsibility or selfless motivation could also be considered cultural capital.
Evans (2001) determined that freedom was the most significant reason Polynesian
students were departing from BYUH. This study did not detect that Polynesian
students who persisted had been given more freedom in the home or opportunities to
learn from their own decisions, nor had they developed the ability to be independent,
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thus leading to greater success when they were away from their parents. Only one
student, Sela (Tonga), attributed some of her success, as compared to students who
had left, to her upbringing. She described her relationship with her parents as open,
meaning she did not have to hide anything from them for fear of reprisal whereas other
Tongan students were always trying to secretly disobey their parents. Regardless of
upbringing however, the students interviewed indicated that they had learned to
impose structure on their lives as students, indicating that they had learned to handle
freedom. Often this was a result of a mission rather than parental influence. Another
important note related to parental support is that Asian students did not perceive their
parents as pushing them to obtain higher education. Most said that parents had
encouraged them, but left the decision to pursue higher education up to them.
However, university attendance in Asian countries is a cultural expectation, and
something that the majority of students are working towards, which is different from
Polynesian countries where university attendance is not a uniform goal.
Finally, attitudes and abilities could be considered another type of cultural
capital. As discussed in Chapter 4, the students interviewed were able to overlook
institutional imperfection, were grateful for their opportunities, possessed selfless
motivation, and were open-minded. In addition, a variety of social and academic skills
helped them make friends, get assistance when struggling, and organize their studies.
Although the specific characteristics of students’ study skills varied, they had all
learned that attendance, participation, and submitting assignments on time were
important. Each student reported some type of system for structuring their lives as
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students such as reviewing course materials, preparing for exams, and balancing their
schedules. While skills varied amongst the students, those mentioned were foremost
and the most consistent.
In sum, cultural capital was not a factor in expected ways. Parental education,
academic preparation, participation in high brow cultural activities, using learning
support tools in the home, and/or being familiar with higher education were not
consistent across students nor did these variables appear related to persistence. While
all of the students had some factor that could be considered cultural capital, the only
three that were consistent for all students were religion, parental support, and the
specific attitudes and abilities mentioned. Overall, cultural capital does not appear to
have played a significant role in persistence for the 17 students interviewed at least in
ways that have been previously operationalized. This result is not unexpected as even
if students possessed cultural capital in their own societies, it would not necessarily
transfer to the American university context.
Attribution Theory
Attribution theory is related to how individuals explain outcomes and events in
their lives. It consists of three components: stability, locus, and control. The
attributions a person assigns to an event may lead to decreased self-esteem and
lowered performance or greater self-esteem and increased performance. For example,
if a student fails a test, the student might blame it on lack of ability. Lack of ability is
internal, stable, and uncontrollable, resulting in lowered self-esteem and expectations
of success. In contrast, if the student blames poor test performance on lack of study,
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this would be an internal, unstable, and controllable attribution. Because change is
possible, the student can study harder and improve the grade, thereby increasing
motivation and future success.
Related to attribution theory is self-regulated learning. Zimmerman (1994),
Zimmerman et al. (1994), and Zimmerman et a l (1997) propose a framework of six
dimensions of self-regulated learning: motivation, methods of learning, use of time,
control of one’s physical and social environment, and performance. Dembo et al.
(2000) report that students who are motivated, possess a variety of learning strategies
and know how to implement them appropriately, manage their time well, seek help
from others, reorganize their physical environment so that it is suitable to study, and
monitor and evaluate their study are academically successful.
Two of the themes from the study are most strongly related to attribution
theory: a vision of the future and attitudes and abilities, with personal support and
religion also having an effect. Having a vision of the future encompasses motivation.
The students had a goal and were motivated to reach it. In most cases, students cited
reasons such as having a better future for their families, the ability to procure a stable
job, and/or being able to contribute to their country and church as reasons for their
motivation. All of the students had attitudes and abilities that assisted them in their
studies. Talents of friendship and sociability provided students with greater networks
of support. Having the confidence to approach teachers and ask questions in class also
allowed students to be more effective learners. Typically students sought assistance
from peers and professors, and to a lesser extent, the various learning centers on
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campus. Preferences for the source of help differed, yet none of the students simply
gave up or felt that effecting change was impossible. The students also generally knew
their weaknesses and how to compensate. Although a number of students were
accustomed to passive learning and memorization prior to BYUH, they recognized
that to succeed academically, they had to focus on understanding the material. Student
preferences varied regarding places to study or whether to study individually or in
groups, but all had recognized ideal methods. Fundamental to the ability to get help
was religious faith and personal support networks.
The students interviewed demonstrated an internal locus of control. They took
responsibility for their own learning and felt they had the ability to overcome
challenge. For example, all of them reported an experience doing poorly on some
academic task such as doing poorly on a test, getting a low grade on a paper, or failing
a class. Initially, their reaction was one of sadness or discouragement. Following the
short-term consequence, they examined the cause of their failure and addressed it. The
pattern described by the students fits the results of Kelley’s (1996) model of students
on grade probation. Initial shame, anger, depression, and/or sadness are followed by
an attempt to understand causes for the failure. Students who assign external causes
beyond their control to their performance are likely to be unable to control future
performance. Those who cite controllable causes to failure can expect to experience
improved performance.
In sum, the students demonstrated attributions which were internal, unstable,
and controllable, indicating their belief that they had power to change a situation.
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Students recognized that being successful in terms of grades leads to self-confidence.
Finally, the students generally possessed self-regulated learning habits. Descriptions of
their study skills indicated that they possessed motivation, were able to implement a
variety of learning strategies, managed their time effectively, sought help from others,
selected a physical environment conducive to study, and monitored and evaluated their
progress. Two themes from the data most closely support attribution and self-regulated
learning theories: a vision of the future, and attitudes and abilities. The themes of
personal support and religion also contribute to the students’ attributions and self
regulated learning strategies.
Summary
In this section of the chapter, three theories thought to be related to the
persistence of international students were reviewed. Persistence theory has some
relevance to the findings in the areas of home and educational background, personal
attributes, commitment to graduation and to the institution, integration, and
involvement. However, nearly all of these factors contributed to persistence in
unexpected ways. Low parental levels of education and low socioeconomic
backgrounds contributed to the formation of strong commitments to graduation.
Support and encouragement from parents was also influential to graduation goals.
However, students were motivated even in cases in which parents opposed their
desires for education. Students possessed certain attitudes and abilities that were
beneficial in their studies. Some of these were developed prior to enrollment, others on
a mission, and some while at the university. Institutional commitment was a factor, but
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generally due to BYUH being a church school and/or because students had few other
choices. A pattern of involvement was evident, particularly involvement with peers,
specifically having diverse friends, and faculty, rather than extracurricular activities.
Finally, most students demonstrated some degree of integration to the institution.
Rather than having to reject previous behaviors or norms, however, students adjusted
to expected norms and behaviors, and became bicultural.
Cultural capital, the second theory examined, had some bearing on the
students’ persistence, provided that the construct is broadened to include new forms of
cultural capital. All the students possessed some feature that could be considered
cultural capital such as having siblings who attended BYUH, parents with degrees,
learning tools in the home, reading habits, extra tutoring in high school, opportunities
to develop talents in sports or music, or exposure to English. However, these variables
were not consistent across students nor were they widespread. The only variables of
cultural capital that students generally had in common were religion, parental support,
and certain attitudes and abilities. Other variables that have often been operationalized
to measure cultural capital such as parental education, family background, familiarity
with higher education, academic preparation, and participation in high brow culture,
were not shared by the students. Finally, attribution theory was also analyzed to
determine its relationship to international student persistence. Similar to the other two
theories, some support can be found for attribution theory. Students attributed their
causes of failure to internal, unstable, and controllable factors, and took the necessary
steps to overcome challenges. They also demonstrated self-regulated learning
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strategies such as motivation, seeking help, incorporating a variety of learning
strategies, and effective use of the environment.
Comparison to the Pilot Study
Findings for the current study were slightly different than those for the pilot
study. The pilot study identified five themes: a vision of the future, a life-changing
experience, personal support, knowing how to get help, and spiritual strength. The
current study identified six themes: a vision of the future, home and educational
background, religion, personal support, attitudes and abilities, religion, and
institutional factors. A vision of the future and personal support were consistent across
both studies. Spiritual strength was broadened in the current study as religion to
encompass more details of the students’ experiences such as missions. Similarly,
knowing how to get help was broadened into attitudes and abilities, once again to
include greater depth and additional characteristics that became apparent through
analysis of the data. In the pilot study, institutional factors such as the use of support
services were included in the theme knowing how to get help. Likewise, the
institutional factor of extracurricular activities was considered under the theme of
personal support in the first study.
One of the major differences between the pilot study and the current study was
the pilot study theme related to a life-changing experience. More students in the
current study had a vision of the future prior to their enrollment, thus although factors
such as mission and marriage were important to strengthening the students’ goals, they
were not as strong in the sense that the students interviewed in the current study did
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not require a life-changing experience to help them achieve greater focus. Also,
students interviewed for the pilot study had similar home and educational backgrounds
as those interviewed for the current stud}'; however, because this factor did not follow
an expected pattern, I chose not to include it as a persistence factor in the first study.
After analyzing the data for the current study, however, I realized that home and
educational background was definitely a factor, but that it motivated students in ways
opposite to those expected. Most of the differences between the two studies then are
due to the way I organized and interpreted the data.
Implications and Recommendations
A number of implications for BYUH are apparent from the research findings.
Since the Board of Trustees suggested making BYUH a 2-year college, the university
has been successful at increasing the graduation rate, primarily by admitting transfer
students who are likely to graduate. However, the university has yet to address the
retention and graduation rates of its freshman class, which are among the lowest in the
nation. Unless the university is satisfied to serve as a transitional institution for
students who want to experience the spiritual and diverse environment of the campus
and then transfer, it must get serious about its retention problem. The university must
determine what its5 mission is - to provide students with a short-term experience or to
provide them with the necessary support to graduate. The Board of Trustees has made
it clear that they expect BYUH to graduate students. Based on the experiences of the
17 students in this study, BYUH must address the following areas to improve
retention.
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1. Creating vision.
Some of the implications of this study appear beyond the control of the
university. For example, how can an institution develop a vision of the future in a
student? The students generally reported that they possessed a vision, or a
commitment to obtaining a degree, when they arrived on campus. For many, this
vision was the result of parental encouragement, church teachings, having role models,
or serving a mission. The university estimates that approximately 40% of its students
are returned missionaries (BYUH, 2002). The mission experience resulted in several
outcomes: discipline, organizational skills, good study habits, improved English-
speaking skills, confidence, and appreciation for diversity. Mission presidents also
played a significant role in encouraging educational goals.
Since missions had an enormous impact for the majority of the students
interviewed, one solution to increasing retention is to give admissions priority to
returned missionaries. Another strategy is for the university to encourage mission
presidents to continue their association with students. This could be accomplished by
regularly sending mission presidents in the target areas a letter expressing appreciation
for their role in supporting the mission of the university by encouraging educational
pursuits, and suggesting continued contact with returned missionaries through email or
newsletter to further extend their influence and support.
Another way to create vision is to create educational experiences on campus
that produce outcomes similar to a mission. Both service learning and/or internships in
the first and second years can provide students with the opportunity to serve others,
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develop cross-cultural skills and English proficiency, and broaden their horizons. The
students interviewed felt that exposure to other ways of life and ways of thinking was
educational and motivational. Service learning and internship opportunities would also
require students to accept real-life responsibility with direct consequences for failing
to meet obligations, consequences that may be more meaningful than simply failing a
test, and may be needed in cases in which students have failed to develop discipline.
In addition, instilling of vision needs to occur in students’ home countries
through families and church leaders. Students cited the teachings of the church and its
leaders as motivational in their desire to improve their lifestyles. Greater exposure to
these teachings in the home country, with emphasis on the benefits of higher
education, is needed. The university must connect to ecclesiastical leaders in its target
areas, so that they can encourage students to fulfill their potential by obtaining an
education. This can be accomplished both informally through leaders’ relationships
with youth in the church, and formally through organized activities. This
encouragement, as well as workshops and orientation sessions by admission recruiters
and faculty, needs to occur early in the teenage years so that students will set goals for
higher education and prepare themselves appropriately.
Tinto (1987, 1993) recommends that universities address forms of departure
over which they have control and the ability to affect change. Weak initial
commitment is an area over which Tinto feels institutions have little influence. The
findings of this study, however, indicate that mission experiences strengthened
educational commitments and resulted in the development of skills contributing to
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academic success. If BYUH can be successful in replicating some of the
characteristics of a mission with service learning and internships, and in building
vision through ecclesiastical channels, student commitment will be positively affected.
2. Implementing effective admissions interviews.
The university currently expends extensive resources in international student
recruitment with an ambitious travel schedule for admissions personnel. Admissions
officers have the opportunity to interview a large number of potential international
students. Although the results of this study cannot be generalized as they represent the
experiences of only those interviewed, an awareness of the factors that impacted these
students can influence the type of information sought in interviews. Since the
university is already committed to recruitment travel, implementing a rigorous
interview designed to determine vision, religious commitment, and attitudes would be
simple to adopt.
3. Providing ongoing English language support.
Another area related to admissions policy is the English language proficiency
levels at which students are admitted. In the past, the university has made attempts to
increase the level of English proficiency required. The effect was that international
student enrollment significantly decreased. Since that time, the university has
expanded its EIL program to accommodate lower level students, thereby allowing it to
maintain its international commitments. The students generally felt positive about the
EIL program, but still experienced a gap between EIL and their university courses.
Rather than keeping students in the EIL program longer and increasing costs and time
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to graduation, however, a better solution would be to provide in-service training for
faculty, particularly those in general education classes, so that they recognize the on
going nature of English language acquisition, and focus on continuing English
language development in their courses. Completing EIL does not signify that students
no longer need language support.
One program already in place that addresses the need for language support is
the adjunct model in the EIL program. In this model, advanced level students are
concurrently enrolled in an EIL class and a general education class. The EIL course
assignments are related to the content of the general education class. The adjunct
model has been very successful in providing a transitional experience for students.
However, the results of this study indicated that even with a solid EIL experience
including adjunct, students could still benefit from further attention to language ■
development. Much of this could be accomplished by increasing faculty awareness of
the difficulties experienced by non-native English speakers due to cultural allusions
made in class, the use of illustrative examples based on mainstream American culture,
speed of lectures, expectations regarding active learning, unfamiliar vocabulary in
readings and lectures, the use of slang by classmates, and students’ lack of confidence
concerning language ability. Orientation initiatives and in-service should focus on
sensitizing faculty to these issues and providing concrete suggestions for how they can
adjust delivery of course content and provide language support. This already happens
to some extent for professors involved in the adjunct model, but should be expanded to
include faculty across the campus.
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4. Providing information.
The findings of this study indicate that students only possess the more well-
known facts about BYUH before arriving on campus. More comprehensive
information about the school, not just the obvious facts that it is a church school,
should be provided. Informational materials should be available in the student’s first
language. Although differences in educational systems and expectations about the
university did not affect persistence for the students interviewed, all of them reported
struggling during their first year, if not with academics, then with culture shock and/or
understanding the educational system. These students were successful; other students
might not be. Pre-arrival information must be comprehensive, consistent, and
accessible.
5. Marketing and improving support services.
Related to the previous point, once students arrive on campus, greater effort
must be made to introduce them to available support services. This can be done
through marketing efforts by service providers and professors. Students should be
given assignments to use the learning centers on campus early in their academic
experience. All involved in these efforts need to realize that many students do not
know how to ask for help, are ashamed to do so, or in the case of international
students, fear they do not have sufficient English skills to explain their needs.
Although some services and programs were used and appreciated by the students,
others had unfavorable experiences. Providers need to address customer service.
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6. Emphasizing teaching and learning.
Professors must continue to be approachable and available to students. They
should not assume students know that they can and should ask for help or that
participation in class is expected. International students are used to professors playing
a much more distant role. All professors on campus should be trained in cultural and
language issues. They must understand that they have the responsibility for helping
international students adjust to the American educational system by explicitly
providing information rather than assuming students can understand it on their own.
Professors also need to recognize their importance in a student’s life. Their
actions and behaviors towards students make a huge impact. The university must
recruit professors with proven teaching records who have experience working with
international students. Furthermore, professors must be recognized for teaching
excellence in promotion and tenure. Greater emphasis must be placed on professors in
first-year classes making connections with students. Although a number of mentoring
programs have been attempted over the years, these often lack a solid basis for the
students and faculty involved to form meaningful relationships. Often students and
faculty who are completely unacquainted with each other are partnered, and their
meetings consist of filling out checklists of what the student has or has not done to
improve academically.
7. Forming learning communities.
Many of the students interviewed suffered from a lack of structure in their first
year. They were also uncertain of the culture, where to get help, and in some cases,
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2 4 6
feared talking because of limited English. As their time at BYUH progressed, they
formed relationships with fellow classmates and professors. Even in their senior year,
however, a few students expressed discomfort with approaching professors and
associating with American students. International students need opportunities to make
connections with peers and professors before they get to their major classes. Learning
communities are a means of helping students form ties with peers and engage
academically (Tinto, 1997, 1998). Learning communities consisting of both
international and American students would allow opportunity for greater cultural
understanding and support in addition to providing the structure that some
international students need. The students interviewed suggested that native-English
speaking peers should play a stronger role in helping them academically. Cultural
training for both professors and students must be provided if the students are to have
successful interactions.
8. Addressing the first year.
Many of the recommendations presented thus far can be addressed through
deliberate and careful first year programming. The students interviewed indicated
having a rough first year. They were successful in developing the resources and
strategies needed to be successful without formal programming assistance from the
university. However, their experience certainly could have been easier had a first year
program existed. The fact that the university retains such a small percentage of its
freshman class reinforces the need to carefully examine the first year.
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A first year program can provide students with a religious experience to build
spiritual strength and vision. Freshman seminar classes can provide information about
being organized, use of time, resources on campus, American culture, and the
American university system. A service learning component that broadens students’
horizons and connects them to native English speakers, both in terms of their peers on
campus and people in the community, would strengthen motivation and vision.
Learning communities can help students make connections and form needed support
networks that will be relied upon throughout the student’s educational experience.
Above all, professors with strong interests in students, teaching, and learning must be
assigned to these students in their first year. Making meaningful connections with
professors was a critical indicator of student persistence in this study.
The first year experience could begin with orientation in which international
students are divided into small groups, which are led by a peer leader and a professor.
These groups could remain intact throughout the year and meet regularly to cover
topics identified by both students and faculty on campus as needing to be addressed
such as practice giving oral presentations, tips for understanding lectures,
understanding the university system, and other cultural and academic issues. The
groups should be diverse in terms of cultural representation so as to help students feel
more comfortable with each other and get outside their own circles. This was
considered important by most of those interviewed. Although some academic and
cultural information is provided in existing courses sponsored by the EIL Department
and Student Development Office, forming small, informal groups with a faculty
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mentor who cares and will connect personally with the student would be invaluable.
Support from faculty was identified as a major factor in helping students be
successful. This orientation initiative would not only help the students, but also
increase faculty awareness of the international student. For this to work effectively,
participation on the part of faculty must result in some type of recognition such as
emphasis in the tenure and promotion portfolio.
The findings of this study have implications for the EIL program in particular
since the majority of international students spend at least their first semester, and most
their first year in the program. The EIL curriculum needs to be examined to include
the elements discussed above - creating vision, having a religious experience, being
familiar with resources on campus, becoming engaged with professors and peers, and
obtaining needed information. Hiring expert teachers must be a priority. More should
be done to help students integrate with their native-speaking peers on campus.
Programs such as the English Language Fellows program at the University of Rhode
Island, in which native-English speakers and English-as-a-second-language students
enrolled in the same courses are paired as study partners, offer possible models for
consideration (Ronesi, 2001). The introduction of a modified version of the adjunct
model to provide students with on-going language support once they complete EIL is
another possibility. This could consist of course support classes or workshops linked
to various general education or major classes that pose difficulty for second-language
students. Course content could include English language skills, study strategies, and
cultural information, and the courses could be taught by student mentors or tutors.
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Other suggestions would be to organize programs in which native speakers meet with
EIL students several hours a week for language practice or engage in structured social
activities and/or excursions to places of interest around the island. Such programs
could be a source of service learning for native-Englisfa-speaking students.
Elements of the program components mentioned above already exist on
campus. For example, the international student in the university and church language
courses in EIL, the student development course sponsored by the Student
Development Center, and the service learning efforts in the School of Education offer
a beginning. The gospel forums of the cultural clubs also provide religious
presentations in the native language. Some discussion is taking place about offering
religion classes in the native language as well. The latter two initiatives focus on
students’ spiritual needs, which sometimes suffer when students are not proficient
enough in English to participate in religious services and activities. Other ideas, some
of which were suggested by the students interviewed, include purposeful assignment
of roommates from different language backgrounds to reinforce English skills and
enhance cultural learning, assignment of work crews composed of students from a
mixture of cultures, and incentives for interacting with those from other cultures in the
cafeteria and other campus gathering places. What is needed is a concerted effort to
coordinate these components to address student needs, particularly in the first year.
9. Establishing outreach programs.
Although the idea of outreach programs that target potential BYUH students in
Asia and the South Pacific seems unrealistic, the university has an existing structure
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through ecclesiastical units enabling them to reach a majority of these students. The
university also has local admissions facilitators in these countries assigned to assist
students with their applications. Alumni in target area countries provide another means
of relaying information. Many universities have outreach programs of various types
connecting them to local high schools and/or providing summer programs for potential
students (Asera, 2001; Borman, Stringfield, & Rachuba, 2000; Kezar, 2001; Swail &
Pema, 2002). BYUH has not yet investigated similar types of programs in much depth
although the summer ESL programs offered on campus for high school students from
Asia have been successful in recruiting future students.
Outreach programs could have a variety of goals and forms. One purpose, and
probably the easiest to achieve, would be to organize alumni in the various countries
to sponsor workshops providing newly admitted students with greater information
about the university, what to expect, and how to be prepared culturally and
academically. Although recruiting efforts seem fairly well-organized and successful in
the target areas, follow-up in-country orientation sessions for those accepted do not
appear to be widespread. Materials for such programs were at one time developed and
sent to university facilitators, but these are likely implemented in a variety of ways and
not affecting many students or have been abandoned. The university cannot directly
affect the cultural and educational backgrounds of students, but they can provide more
detailed information through outreach efforts regarding the types of attitudes and
abilities that will help students have a successful experience. Helping parents
understand these elements is also critical.
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The university also needs to address beliefs among alumni and church leaders
that counter what it is trying to accomplish. For example, the belief in Asia that
BYUH should be used as a stepping stone to more academic universities, or a place to
build one’s grade point average is counter to the university’s goal of graduating
students. This must be addressed through recruitment literature, church leadership, and
alumni connections. Orientation outreach programs should address the expectations of
the university with regards to the students it admits.
Academic outreach in an international context is problematic as most students
have not obtained a sufficient level of English proficiency to take university courses.
An obvious solution would be to offer English language courses, particularly since
students felt ill-prepared in this regard. However, teaching English in international
contexts is not advisable since English proficiency will develop more quickly in the
English-speaking environment on campus and with full-time, intensive study, which
may not be possible in the home countries where students have rigorous academic
demands in high school, or are employed full-time. An enormous gap exists between
learning English in a foreign context where few speak the language, and being
immersed in an English environment. The fact that a number of students came from
“English-speaking” educational systems and experienced difficulties attests to this.
10. Clarifying institutional mission.
The administration and all institutional constituents must have a clear
understanding of what it is they are trying to accomplish. If retention is not established
as an institutional goal, little change will occur. The university will continue to focus
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on peripheral issues without addressing the real problem - the fact that students are
leaving the institution in huge numbers.
Institutional research must focus on collecting data to determine why students
are leaving. This study focused on identifying patterns of international students who
persist. Evans’ (2001) foundational study identified why Polynesian students leave
BYUH. Both studies provide significant insights into the retention problem. However,
the institution still has no data regarding why Asian students depart. Another problem
is that institutional data does not differentiate among various ethnic groups. Both
international and domestic Asian students are grouped together as are international and
non-Hawaiian Polynesian students. It is critical to collect institutional data in a way
that will provide a clearer picture of retention patterns.
Clarifying mission will not only focus institutional research, but will also drive
budget allocation, without which no serious effort at improving retention will be
successful. In-country and on campus retention programming must be fully supported
and designated as a budget priority. This can only be accomplished by establishing
that retaining students is integral to the mission of the university.
Conclusions
The final chapter of this study has analyzed the data in relation to persistence,
cultural capital, and attribution theory. It has also examined the implications of the
findings and made specific recommendations for practice. Although some findings are
supported by existing research in the areas of persistence, cultural capital, and
attribution theory, several of the constructs common to research on persistence and
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cultural capital had unexpected effects, and one finding in particular has no relation to
previous research. This is the finding related to religion, which may be unique to
BYUH and possibly other religious institutions. The focus on the gospel and the
teachings of church leaders encouraged students to enroll, provided role models, and
strengthened students in their goal to obtain higher education. The motivation and
incentive provided by the gospel and missions to improve oneself and be of service
could be considered a new form of cultural capital in the sense that it provides students
at BYUH with the assets necessary for academic success in higher education.
The mission of BYUH is to help students grow both intellectually and
spiritually, or to educate students’ “minds and spirits.. .within an intercultural, gospel-
centered environment....” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). The university also has specific
educational commitments related to intercultural understanding, specifically to
“provide an intercultural learning environment where harmony prevails amidst
diversity” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). Another educational commitment focuses on training
“individuals with productive work skills and a sense of stewardship and accountability
by helping them.. .accept greater responsibility for managing time, money, and
employment obligations” (BYUH, 2003, p. 13). Considering the mission and
educational objectives of BYUH, evidence of success is indicated through the stories
of the 17 students in this study. They have met the academic challenges of the
university and are close to graduating. They have demonstrated through the telling of
their experiences that they have grown academically and spiritually, that they have
greater appreciation and understanding for people from other cultures, and above all,
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that they have noticed this growth in themselves. They have had productive work
experiences during their time at the university, which allowed them to extend their
understanding of peoples from other cultures, make life-long friends, and manage their
time and resources. Although the stories of each of these 17 students differ, and each
has a unique personality and overcame individual challenges, they all achieved
success, both by their own standards and according to the mission of the university.
They have developed academically, spiritually, and socially, and BYUH should be
proud of them.
I have been a faculty member at BYUH for 15 years. As I listened to these
students unfold their stories, I felt humbled by their experiences and attitudes, where
they had come from, what they had accomplished, their desire to be of service, their
gratitude and appreciation for the opportunity of attending BYUH and for those who
have supported them, and their ability overlook imperfections of the school. Their
clarity of purpose, openness and candor was remarkable as was their strength. This
research gave me greater insights into these students and the purposes of the
university, which are too easy to lose sight of given the demands of daily
responsibilities.
The use of qualitative methodology in this study allowed the discovery of new
information pertaining to persistence. As suggested by Creswell (2003), a qualitative
approach is merited when little research has previously been done in the area. By
asking students to discuss their backgrounds and experiences at the university first
hand, a greater understanding of the way the students perceive their world and
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experiences resulted. Those interviewed represent a wide range of cultural diversity,
yet some commonalities were identified. The findings of this study represent new
information about international students by identifying factors critical to their success,
at least for the 17 students interviewed. As with most qualitative studies, the results
cannot necessarily be generalized to other students or contexts.
The findings indicate two primary areas for further research. The first area
relates to BYUH. The university needs to track students who leave the university to
determine how many of them continue at other institutions, particularly in the U.S.,
and why they leave. Evans (2001) tracked Polynesian students who departed, and few
of them were enrolled elsewhere. The perception of several of the Asian students
interviewed for this study was that Asian students who leave BYUH complete their
studies elsewhere. It is even likely that a number of them go to BYU Provo. Also, a
more in depth analysis of students’ home backgrounds and how these affect students’
ability to be successful would be of interest, especially in the case of Polynesian
students. Freedom, or lack of structure, was mentioned by several of the Polynesian
students as a factor in the departure of students from their countries. The inability of
students to adjust from their former lives, which were structured by their parents, to
the university, where they detected no structure, was seen as a fundamental cause of
departure. This study found evidence that successful students had structure and
discipline, allowing them to fulfill their academic and work responsibilities
satisfactorily. Much of this was the result of missions. Determining in more detail how
Polynesian home life affects the student transition is important to the university.
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256
Another area that bears further study is related to persistence research in
general. The psychological model of college student retention proposed by Bean et al.
(2002) posits that retention initiatives such as service learning, learning communities,
freshman orientation seminars, and mentoring help students develop self-efficacy,
coping, and internal locus of control, which lead to social and academic integration
and persistence. The authors assert that students need certain characteristics to become
integrated academically and socially. Programs can help students develop these
attributes. The findings of this study demonstrate that attribution theory and self
regulated learning explain to some extent the persistence behaviors of international
students. Further research to test the psychological model would be extremely
worthwhile. Also, more knowledge is needed regarding the possible cultural
implications of attribution. While American students are generally driven by internal
motivation for completing an education, several of the international students in this
study referred to being driven both by an individual desire and the desire to help
others. The latter could be considered external motivation. Is one form of motivation
more effective than another in positively affecting persistence, and does this differ for
various cultural groups? Also, a study similar to that of Padilla (1999), examining
types of knowledge that allow international students to overcome barriers in their
college experience, would be a useful follow-up. Finally, the unexpected finding that a
lack of many of the typical elements that have been operationalized as cultural capital
and as preentry characteristics in persistence models, notably parental education and
income, educational tools in the home, norms and behaviors of the dominant social
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257
class, and participation in high culture, did not hinder persistence, and in some cases
acted as motivators to success needs further examination for different populations.
Persistence is a widely researched topic in higher education and promises to
continue to be so. As persistence research expands to the various student populations
present on American university campuses today, new factors that affect persistence are
being discovered. The present study sought to identify persistence behaviors for a
specific population at a specific campus. Seventeen students shared their experiences.
As a result, knowledge and insights have been gained that will affect subsequent
research and the experiences of future students at BYUH and perhaps elsewhere.
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258
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Appendix A
Invitation to Participate in Interview
Dear International Student,
As a senior at BYU-Hawaii, you have demonstrated the ability to be successful
in your studies. I know that you have likely had big adjustments to make coming here
from a different country and speaking a different language. I am interested in learning
more about what helped you overcome the challenges you faced and progress towards
graduation. Although there are nearly half a million international students at colleges
and universities in the United States, not much research has been done to determine
the kinds of adjustments they must make or how universities can support them. I need
about an hour of your time and your willingness to visit with me about your time at the
University. The information you provide will help universities in the U.S., specifically
BYU-Hawaii, better understand the experiences of international students and what
makes them successful. The more that university administrators and faculty know
about the experiences of international students, the better prepared they can be to help
future international students adapt to their new environment, have a positive
experience, and complete their degree. While I am a faculty member at BYUH, this
research is not related to my position at the university. I am conducting this research
as part of my doctoral w ork as a student at the University of Southern California.
I have attached a full description of the study, entitled “Letter of Information,”
so that you can make an informed decision about whether or not you choose to be
interviewed. You have no obligation to participate in this research or respond to this e-
mail. However, if you would be willing to participate in this study, please contact me
at 293-3606 or e-mail me at andradem@ byuh.edu. We can then set up an interview at
a time and place of your choosing.
Sincerely,
Maureen Andrade
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273
Appendix B
Consent to Participate in Research
The Persistence o f International Students at Brigham Young University-Hawaii
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Dr. Melora Sundt and
Maureen Andrade, from the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern
California. The results of this study will be published in a doctoral dissertation. You
were selected as a possible participant in this study because you are an international
student currently enrolled at Brigham Young University-Hawaii and are nearing
graduation. Your participation is voluntary.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The study will focus on the identification of factors that contribute to international
students persisting to graduation at Brigham Young University-Hawaii.
PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, we would ask you to do the following
things:
You will be asked to participate in an in-depth interview with Maureen Andrade.
Topics that will be discussed will include the educational and family background of
international students, their expectations of life in America and at BYU-Hawaii, and
their experiences at BYU-Hawaii. Interviews will last between 45 minutes to one
hour. Interviews will be tape recorded and will take place at a location of your
choosing. You may also be asked to participate in a follow-up focus group lasting
approximately 45 minutes to one hour as a means of responding to the findings of the
study and checking the accuracy of the information collected. In the focus group, the
major themes derived from the interviews will be shared, and you will be asked if you
feel the themes represent your experiences and if you would like to add to, elaborate
on, or correct any of the information. You will also be asked to comment on how the
major themes regarding the factors contributing to international student persistence
may be related to each other and/or which factors may be more important than others.
The focus group will take place in one of the classrooms at the University.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
It is not expected that there will be any harm or discomfort as a result of this
interview. However, if you wish to withdraw from the study or to leave, you may do
so at any tim e and you do not need to give any reasons or explanations for doing so.
You are also free to not answer any questions that make you uncomfortable or that
may Involve relating unpleasant experiences.
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274
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
Results o f this study will not directly benefit the participants, but future students m ay
benefit from the findings o f this study.
PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION
Participants will not receive any payments or direct benefits from participating.
CONFIDENTIALITY
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified with you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your
permission or as required by law. Fictitious names will be assigned to each subject to
protect identities. When the results are published or discussed in conferences, no
information will be included that would reveal your identity. If photographs, videos, or
audio-tape recordings of you will be used for educational purposes, your identity will
be protected or disguised. Only the researcher and the transcriptionist will work
directly with the interview material. You have the right to review and/or edit the tapes
if you wish. Tapes will be kept under lock and in the possession of Maureen Andrade
for the duration of the research. Tapes will be erased six months from the interview
date.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study,
you may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse
to answer any questions you don’t want to answer and still remain in the study. The
investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which
warrant doing so.
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Dr. Melora Sundt at the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern
California. Phone: 213-740-8313, email: sundt@usc.edu or Maureen Andrade at
Brigham Young University-Hawaii. Phone 808-293-3606, email:
andradem@bvuh. edu.
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without
penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your
participation in this research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a
research subject, contact the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for
research, Bovard Administration Building, Room 300, Los Angeles, CA 90089-4019,
(213) 740-6709 or upirb@usc.edu.
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275
EXPERIMENTAL SUBJECT’S BILL OF RIGHTS FOR PSYCHOSOCIAL
STUDIES
A ny person who Is requested to consent to participate as a subject in a research study
involving a psychosocial study, or who is requested to consent on behalf o f another,
has the right to:
1. Be informed o f the nature and purpose o f the study.
2. Be given an explanation o f the procedures to be followed in the study.
3. Be given a description o f any attendant discomforts and risks reasonably to be
expected from your participation in the study.
4. Be given an explanation of any benefits reasonably to be expected from your
participation in the study.
5. Be given a disclosure of any appropriate alternatives that might be
advantageous to you, and their relative risks and benefits.
6. Be informed of avenues of resources, if any, available to you after the study
procedure if complications should arise.
7. Be given an opportunity to ask any questions concerning the study or the
procedures involved.
8. Be instructed that consent to participate in the study may be withdrawn at any
time, and that you may discontinue participation in the study without prejudice.
9. Be given a copy of this form and the signed and dated written study consent
form.
10. Be given the opportunity to decide to consent or not to consent to participate in
the study without the intervention of any element of force, fraud, deceit,
duress, coercion, or undue influence on your decision.
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT, PARENT OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATIVE
I understand the procedures described above. My questions have been answered to my
satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this
form.
Name of Subject
Signature of Subject Date
□ I am willing to be contacted to participate in a follow-up focus group.
□ I am not willing to be contacted to participate in a follow-up focus group.
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276
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR
I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and
answered all o f his/her questions. I believe that he/she understands the information
described in this document and freely consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of Investigator Date (same as subject’s)
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277
Appendix C
Pilot Study Interview Protocol
Thank you for helping me with my research project. I am interested in learning more
about the experiences of international students at BYU-Hawaii and what makes them
successful.
Introductions/Demographics
1. Tell me a little about yourself (i.e. where you grew up, your family, time in the U.S.).
2. What is the educational level of your parents? Your brothers and sisters?
3. What did your parents think of your coming to BYU-Hawaii?
4. How long have you been here?
5. What is your major?
6. When do you plan to graduate?
7. What are your plans after you graduate?
The Influence of Cultural Capital on Persistence
1. How would you describe your experiences with education in your country?
2. What place did education have in your family? What did your parents expect of you in
terms of school achievement (i.e. doing homework vs. chores, leisure reading)? Was
this similar for your friends? Explain.
3. What did you hear about BYU-Hawaii before coming here?
4. What did you expect life to be like at BYU-Hawaii before you arrived?
5. Describe the process you went through in making the decision to come to BYU-
Hawaii.
6. How prepared did you feel in terms of what was expected of you academically at
BYU-Hawaii during your first year of school?
7. What advice would you give to a student from your country who is planning to study
at BYU-Hawaii?
The Influence of the Institution on Persistence
1. How would you describe your experience at BYU-Hawaii regarding both academic
and social life?
2. What has surprised you about BYU-Hawaii?
3. What about going to school at BYU-Hawaii seems harder than you expected? What
seems easier?
4. BYU-Hawaii offers a number of support services for students. Has a particular
program or person been particularly helpful to you while you’ve been here?
5. What is different about your experience and those you know who have left BYU-
Hawaii?
6. What could BYU-Hawaii do better to support students from your country?
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278
The Influence o f Locus of Control on Persistence
1. Describe your study habits at BYU-Hawaii. How do you typically prepare for a class
period? For a major assignment or exam?
2. What challenges have you faced wMle you’ve been at the university and how have
you overcome them?
3. Have you ever had the experience o f getting a low grade on a test, assignment, or in a
class? How did you react?
4. Was there ever a time you felt like giving up? What did you do about it?
5. To what do you attribute your persistence in school?
Conclusions
Is there anything you would like to add about additional factors that have influenced you
to continue your studies at BYU-Hawaii?
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279
Appendix D
Interview Protocol
Grand Tour: I am interested in learning more about your experiences as an international
student, how your background, the university itself, and your personal characteristics have
influenced your success at the university.
Introductions/Demographics
1. Tell me about yourself (probe country, family, time in the U.S.).
2. What is your major? (probe graduation plans)
Research Question 1: What influence does family background, educational
background, expectations about university life in the U.S., and country o f origin have
on international student persistence?
1. What is the educational level of your parents? Your brothers and sisters?
2. Tell me what it was like to go to high school in ____________.
3. What are your parents’ views of education?
4. I don’t know much about what it is like to grow up in _________. Can you describe
your life at home before coming to the university?
5. In , when you weren’t working/studying, what types of activities did you do?
6. What made you decide to come to BYIJH? (probe what, who, why)
7. What did you hear about BYUH before coming here? (probe for expectations/accuracy
of)
8. What did your parents think of your coming to BYUH?
9. What advice would you give to a student from your country planning to study at
BYUH?
Research Question 2: How does the institution itself facilitate the persistence o f
international students, if at all?
1. Describe your first year at BYUH (probe preparation, social/academic integration).
2. Overall, how would you describe your college experience at BYUH? (probe
academic/social)
3. Are there places and/or people on campus that have made a difference to you while
you’ve been here? Explain, (probe organizations, activities, services)
4. Did you have to make any changes in your behavior or habits to be successful at
BYUH? Explain.
5. Do you feel your needs and concerns have been addressed at BYUH? Explain.
6. What is different about your experience and those you know who have left BYUH?
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280
Research Question 3: How do personal characteristics affect the persistence o f
international students?
1. Describe your study habits, (probe motivation, methods, time, environment,
performance)
2. How do you react when you encounter something difficult? Can you give an example?
(probe academic performance)
3. Was there ever a time you felt discouraged and wanted to quit school? Explain.
4. What have your been your greatest accomplishments at BYUH?
Conclusions
To summarize, can you explain the factors that have been most influential to helping you
stay in school? Is there anything you would like to add about additional factors that have
influenced you to continue your studies at BYUH?
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281
Appendix E
Focus Group Protocol
After presenting an outline o f the major findings o f the study, the following questions
will be asked:
1. Please comment on the accuracy o f the information. Does it represent your
collective experiences? Are these the prim ary areas that have helped you persist in
your studies?
2. Are there any additional details or explanations you would like to add to the
existing themes?
3. Is there anything that has been helpful to you in your experiences at BYUH that is
completely missing from the outline?
4. Are the areas all equal? Is there one area that is more central than the others? Are
the areas related to each other in any way?
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282
Bishop
Brother/Sister
Calling
Devotional
Fireside
General Conference
Inactive
Mission President
Prophet
Stake President
Testimony
W ard
Appendix F
Glossary of Latter-Day Saint Vocabulary
Leader of a congregation consisting of approximately 200
members of the church.
Title that members of the church use to refer to each other; most
professors at BYUH use this title rather than “doctor.”
Members of the church are asked to fulfill various
responsibilities in the church on a voluntary basis; these are
referred to as “callings.”
Inspirational talks given on the BYUH campus once a week.
Religious meetings with special, invited speakers; generally
held on Sunday evenings.
A two-day conference held biannually in Salt Lake City and
broadcast throughout the world; speakers are selected from the
various governing bodies of church leadership.
Term used to refer to members of the church who do not attend
meetings regularly.
Presides over a region of the world and over a group of
missionaries who are serving in that region.
President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
A stake is composed of several wards or smaller units of the
church, and covers a particular geographical area; a president
presides over this area.
Personal knowledge and/or conviction in the teachings and
doctrines of the church.
An organized congregation of the church composed of
approximately 200 members
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Andrade, Maureen Snow
(author)
Core Title
International students: Patterns of success
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
education, higher,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Sundt, Melora (
committee chair
), [illegible] (
committee member
), Hagedorn, Linda Serra (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-475879
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(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
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The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
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