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Gender differences in motivation for sexual intercourse: Implications for risky sexual behavior and substance use in a university and community sample

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Gender differences in motivation for sexual intercourse: Implications for risky sexual behavior and substance use in a university and community sample

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GENDER DIFFERENCES IN MOTIVATION FOR SEXUAL INTERCOURSE:
IMPLICATIONS FOR RISKY SEXUAL BEHAVIOR AND SUBSTANCE USE
IN A UNIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY SAMPLE
by
Janna Louise Horowitz
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment o f the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Education - Counseling Psychology)
December 2000
Copyright 2000 Janna Louise Horowitz
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UMI Number: 3041467
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
under the direction of h&C. Dissertation
Com m ittee, and approved b y all its members,
has been presented to and accepted b y The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re
quirem ents for the degree of
D O C T O R OF PHILOSOPH Y
Dean of Graduate Studies
Date Decemt >er 18* 2000
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairperson
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DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to my loving grandfathers, George Horowitz and Dr.
Leonard Halpem, who could not be here to see it but are with me in spirit.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work is a culmination of love and support from many people. First, I
would like to thank my committee members, Dr. Rodney Goodyear and Dr. Peter
Robertson, for their kind and thoughtful feedback. I would also like to thank Dr.
Michael D. Newcomb, my committee chair, for pushing me to do such a challenging
and thought-provoking dissertation. For their technical assistance and support, I am
grateful to Dr. Shereen Fogel, Dr. Tom Locke, Jon Mohr, and Eric Wang.
Many special friends helped along the way. They know who they are and are
too numerous to name.
I would like to thank Bill Sandmeyer for his love and encouragement. He
stood by me in the toughest o f times and rejoiced with me at the triumphs. My
appreciation of him is too difficult to put into words.
O f course, I never could have come this far if it weren’t for my terrific
family. I would like to thank my uncle and aunt, Drs. George and Joanne Singer,
who provided wonderful consultation, support, and advisement along the way. My
generous and loving grandmothers, Rose Horowitz and Miriam Halpem, inspired me
to persevere and continue to serve as my role models. The friendship o f my sister,
Debbie, has been critical to my development as a caring and empathic
psychotherapist. I am most grateful to my Mom and Dad, who encouraged me every
step of the way. They are, indeed, my biggest fens.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Dedication................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgments................................................................................................. iii
List o f Tables....................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures...................................................................................................... vii
Abstract....................................................................................................................... viii
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 1
Introduction................................................................................. 1
Review o f the Literature............................................................ 2
Sex Differences in Motivation for Intercourse 2
Relationships between Motives for Intercourse
and Risky Sexual Behavior, Psychosocial
Factors, and Substance Use.............................. 14
Rationale for the Current Investigation..................................... 26
Research Questions and Hypotheses......................................... 27
Chapter
H. METHODOLOGY............................................................................ 30
Participants.................................................................................. 30
Measures..................................................................................... 32
Statistical Procedures................................................................. 42
Chapter
m . RESULTS........................................................................................ 45
Motives for Sexual Intercourse.................................................. 45
Sample and Gender Comparisons.............................................. 49
Sequence of Analyses................................................................ 59
Construction and Analysis o f Gender Differences Model 59
Findings for Gender Differences.............................................. 65
Construction and Analysis o f Consequences Model.............. 69
Sex Differences in the Consequences Model.......................... 75
Findings for Consequences Model............................................ 82
iv
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Chapter
IV. DISCUSSION.......................................................... 88
Implications o f Hypotheses....................................................... 90
Gender Differences Model............................................ 90
Consequences Model.................................................... 99
Implications for Theory............................................................. 112
Clinical Implications for Intervention...................................... 118
Limitations and Research Implications..................................... 119
References.............................................................................................................. 123
v
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LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
2.1 Description of Sample: Community........................................................ 31
2.2 Description of Sample: Student Health Center (SHC)........................... 32
2.3 Factor Analysis of Motives for Sexual Intercourse hems..................... 34
2.4 Scale Reliabilities and Mean Gender Differences................................ 35
2.5 Summary of Latent Constructs & Measured Variables -
Gender Differences Model......................................................... 41
2.6 Summary of Latent Constructs and Measured Variables -
Consequences Model.................................................................. 42
3.1 Correlations o f Sexual Motives, SHC/Community Samples
Male & Female............................................................................. 46
3.2 Correlations o f Sexual Motives, SHC/Community Females............... 46
3.3 Correlations o f Sexual Motives, SHC/Community Males................... 47
3.4 Correlations o f Sexual Motives and Measured Variables
SHC/Community........................................................................ 47
3.5 Correlations o f Sexual Motives and Measured Variables
SHC/Community Females......................................................... 48
3.6 Correlations o f Sexual Motives and Measured Variables
SHC/Community Males.............................................................. 48
3.7 20-Item Measure of Motives for Engaging in Sexual Intercourse 49
3.8 Scales o f Motives for Engaging in Sexual Intercourse......................... 54
3.9 Psychosocial Scales................................................................................... 56
3.10 Scales reflecting Behavior Change due to AIDS Awareness.............. 58
3.11 Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs,
Gender Differences Model......................................................... 63
3.12 Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs,
Consequences Model (Males)................................................... 72
3.13 Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs,
Consequences Model (Females)............................................... 74
3.14 Multiple Group Analyses o f Factor Models.......................................... 75
3.15 Multiple Group Comparisons among Measured Variables and
Latent Constructs, Consequences Model................................. 78
vi
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1.1 Gender Differences in Motives for Sexual Intercourse............... 14
1.2 Consequences o f Demographics, Psychosocial Predictors
and Sexual Motives........................................................... 16
3.1 Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions
for Motives for Sexual Intercourse Items........................ 52
3.2 Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions
for Motives for Sexual Intercourse Scales...................... 55
3.3 Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions
for Psychosocial Scales..................................................... 57
3.4 Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions
for Behavior Change due to AIDS Awareness............... 58
3.5 Confirmatory factor analysis o f Gender Differences Model....... 61
3.6 Final Path Model Gender Differences........................................... 64
3.7 Confirmatory factor analysis for Consequences Model (males)........ 71
3.8 Confirmatory factor analysis for Consequences Model (females).... 73
3.9 Final Path Model - Males............................................................... 80
3.10 Final Path Model — Females........................................................... 81
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Abstract
Although often discussed conceptually, sexual motivations have rarely been
examined empirically. The goal o f this work was to determine gender differences in
motivation for sexual intercourse, as well as explore the impact o f sexual motives on
risky sexual behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual consequences of substance
use. To accomplish this goal, a new 20-item measure of diverse sexual motivations
was created. The measure reflected six main motives for intercourse: expression of
love/affection, pleasure, pragmatism, dominance/control, obligation, and procreation.
Data were collected from two samples: A general community sample (N =
579) and a university student group seeking general medical care (N = 136). The
motivations for sexual intercourse measure was administered to both samples as well
as several attitude, sexual behavior, and drug use measures. Additional measures
were administered to the community sample that elicited information regarding
psychosocial predictors o f the sexual motives. Structural equation models with
latent constructs were used to analyze the data.
Results indicated that females were more likely to engage in sex to express
love and affection, and males were more likely to engage in sex for pleasure. Both
o f these relationships between gender and sexual motives were mediated by the
hypothesized predictors. Females were more motivated than were males to engage
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in sex because they felt obligated to do so, but the predictors did not mediate this
relationship between gender and motives.
With regard to the relationship between sexual motives and risky sexual
behavior, the pragmatic, dominance/control and obligation motives predicted more
risky sexual behavior and negative consequences o f substance use, while the
love/affection and pleasure motives predicted less emotional distress and less
negative consequences o f substance use. There are two major implications for
theory stemming from this study. The first is that psychosocial factors may be more
predictive o f sexual motives than is gender. The second implication is that sexual
motives may represent underlying psychological distress or interpersonal difficulties,
wherein people are inclined to engage in higher risk sexual behavior.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION AND REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Introduction
Women give sex for love, and men give love for sex (Murstein &
Tuerkheimer, 1998). Or so the saying goes. In reality, few studies have examined
gender differences in motivation for sexual intercourse. In fact, most studies on
gender differences in sexuality have focused on differences in sexual behavior and
attitudes between men and women (e.g., Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, Jr., 1989;
Oliver & Hyde, 1993; Wilson & Medora, 1990), risky sexual behavior (Oliver &
Hyde, 1993; Poppen, 1995), and reported number of sex partners (Wiederman,
1997). This study will address gender differences in motivation for sex, as well as
how motivations for intercourse relate to risky sexual behavior, substance use, and
behavior changes due to concern about contracting the AIDS virus. In addition, it
will examine factors such as conformity, social support, and self-acceptance, which
may impact motivation for sex and in turn influence the above relationships. Two
samples will be used in this study: a community sample, with an average age of 35
years, and a university student health center (SHC) sample, the average age o f which
is 23 years. The purpose o f using two samples is two-fold: 1) to increase the
generalizability o f the results; and 2) to account for developmental differences in
motives for sex.
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Counseling psychologists can benefit significantly by understanding the
reasons why men and women engage in sexual intercourse, and the interplay
between motivation for sex, risky sexual behavior, substance abuse, and social
conformity, social support, and self acceptance. Specifically, these issues are
important in relation to sexuality, intimacy, and behavior in romantic relationships,
which are pervasive themes in many counseling sessions. Understanding how
motivation for sex impacts risky sexual behavior has significant implications for
interventions aimed at reducing unwanted pregnancies, as well as the spread o f the
AIDS virus and sexually transmitted diseases. Furthermore, knowledge o f sexual
motives may also facilitate the examination o f factors that affect sexual dysfunction,
domestic violence, rape, and sexual abuse (Hill & Preston, 1996).
With regard to accurate terminology, the term “gender” is generally referred
to as a social role descriptor and “sex” as a biological descriptor. However, for
purposes o f this study, “sex differences” will often be referred to as “gender
differences.” This accommodation is for simplicity with regard to the review o f
literature, in which these “sex differences” are frequently referred to as “gender
differences.”
Review o f the Literature
Sex Differences in Motivation for Intercourse
The body o f literature on motivation for sexual intercourse is not extensive,
and yet it represents a wide range o f reasons why people engage in sex. These
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reasons include but are not limited to: expressing love, reproduction, experiencing
power and domination, pleasing one’s partner, relieving sexual tension, sharing
emotional intimacy, and positive physical and social consequences (Brigman &
Knox, 1992; Hill & Preston, 1996; Levinson, Jaccard, & Beamer, 1995). Studies
exploring sex differences in motivation for intercourse have found significant
differences between men and women. In general, it appears that men are motivated
more by physical reasons than are women, and women are more often emotionally or
afifectionally motivated than are men (Carroll, Volk & Hyde, 1985; Cooper, Shapiro
& Powers, 1998; Leigh, 1989; Murstein & Tuerkheimer, 1998; Sprague &
Quadragno, 1989; Taris & Semin, 1997; Traeen & Kvalem, 1996).
Years ago, it was reported that love is the primary reason that females engage
in premarital sexual intercourse (Ehrmann, 1959). This notion was supported by
interviews with women (Bardwick, 1971) that showed women participating in
intercourse as a way to communicate love in a hopefully mutual relationship. With
regard to men, early research reported that males engage in intercourse for physical
reasons, including orgasm and physical pleasure o f intercourse, emotional and
psychological reasons, and ideological and cultural motives (Hite, 1981).
Later studies suggest that male motives for sex more often included pleasure,
fun, and physical reasons, while female motives included love, commitment, and
emotional reasons (Brigman & Knox, 1992, Carroll et al., 1985). These differences
have been referred to as “body centered” versus “person centered” orientations to
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sexuality and have been found to hold true in some studies (Hatfield, Sprecher,
Pillemer, Greenberger & Wexler, 1988a). This gender difference is further indicated
by the larger number of sexual partners reported by males, and the high degree to
which an emotional involvement was a prerequisite for participating in sexual
intercourse for females. In fact, one finding was that a majority o f females reported
that they would not engage in sexual intercourse without love, commitment and
emotion, while 84 percent o f the males had engaged in sexual relations without an
emotional involvement (Carroll, et al., 1985). These findings are consistent with
earlier findings (Barwick, 1971; Ehrmann, 1959).
The issue o f sexual orientation and motivation for sexual intercourse has been
addressed in only one study, which pointed to similarities among gay men, lesbian
women, and heterosexual men and women in reasons for having sex (Leigh, 1989).
Results indicated that men attached more importance to pleasure, pleasing one’s
partner, conquest, and relief o f tension than did women, and women rated expressing
emotional closeness more important than did men. These sex differences appeared
with heterosexual and gay, lesbian, and bisexual participants, thus echoing earlier
findings that men’s and women’s motivations for sex are different. With regard to
sexual orientation, heterosexuals, as a group, rated reproduction, emotional
closeness, and pleasing one’s partner as more important than did gay, lesbian or
bisexual respondents, and gay, lesbian and bisexual respondents rated conquest and
relief o f tension more highly than did heterosexuals. Ultimately, differences in
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motivation for sex were larger between heterosexual men and women than between
gay men and lesbian women, and larger between gay men and heterosexual men than
between lesbian women and heterosexual women, suggesting that differences are
more concentrated in cross-sex relationships.
Another study (Sprague and Quadragno; 1989) found significant gender
differences in usual motivation for intercourse, but not participants’ notion of ideal
benefits of intercourse. They also found significant interactions between age and
gender in both usual motivations and ideal benefits, and only a moderate relationship
between usual motive for engaging in intercourse and assessment o f its most
important benefit. The authors found that the proportion o f men and women
indicating physical and emotional motivations for sexual intercourse varies across
age. The pattern o f variation differs by sex. Specifically, the proportion of women
reporting a physical motive tends to increase with age, while the proportion o f men
rises and then falls after age 40. This finding is opposite but complementary to the
findings for a love motive, in which the proportion of women changed with age from
a strong majority to a minority. The findings for men were exactly opposite. The
change for both sexes appears to occur around ages 36 to 40. Sprague and
Quadragno point out the “indications that the direction o f gender differences even
reverses so that people o f older ages may more resemble the literature’s stereotypes
of the sexual motivation patterns o f the opposite gender than those associated with
their own” (p. 72). The authors also recognize that marital status covaries with age
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and may impact the character o f sexual motivation, however, an analysis o f variance
revealed no significant main or interactions effects, even at the .10 level. Overall,
the conclusion drawn from this study was that a sample o f college students, as
previously employed by Carroll et al. (1985), does not generalize to the larger
population. The results o f this study must be interpreted with caution due to small
sample sizes.
In response to the above study (Sprague & Quadragno; 1989), Murstein and
Tuerkheimer (1998) conducted a modified replication study in which their results did
not confirm earlier findings. Because the authors wanted to pit motives against each
other, they devised a continuum with physical motives on one end and affectional
motives on the other. Findings indicated that men, as predicted, scored more toward
the physical release end o f the continuum, whereas women endorsed the aflfection-
closeness end o f the continuum. Interestingly, this finding was for the youngest
cohort (1 8 -2 5 years). From ages 26 to 39, the sexes were essentially equal and
toward the affection-closeness end o f the continuum. The pattern for the youngest
cohort resumed with the older cohort, with men more toward the physical release end
of the continuum for the 40+ age group. As with Sprague and Quadragno (1989),
this study found no effect o f marital status and no significant interaction involving
marital status. A valid criticism o f this study is that a pitting o f love motives and
physical motives against each other is artificial, as a person could be experiencing
both motives simultaneously.
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A recent study (Cooper et aL, 1998) examined motives for sex from the
perspective of relative frequency o f having sex for various reasons. The six motives
were Enhancement, Intimacy, Coping, Self-Affirmation, Partner Approval, and Peer
Approval. Results revealed that males more strongly endorsed all motives except
intimacy, for which, contrary to expectations and earlier findings, there was no
gender difference. Age was positively related to intimacy motives and was
negatively related to peer and partner approval motives. In addition, age was
positively related to enhancement motives and unrelated to self-affirmation motives.
Although race differences were not a main focus o f the study, results indicated that
Whites more strongly endorsed intimacy motives and Blacks more strongly endorsed
coping and peer pressure motives. White women more strongly endorsed intimacy
motives than did White men, but there was no gender difference on this motive for
Black participants. Although this measure was developed using both a community
and two undergraduate college samples, still the average age o f participants was 21.5
years and 18.7 and 19.1 years, respectively. Therefore, results reflecting changes
related to age should be considered with this in mind.
The most comprehensive study examining motivation for intercourse
proposes a construct consisting o f eight motives: a) feeling valued by one’s partner,
b) showing value for one’s partner, c) obtaining relief from stress, d) providing
nurturance to one’s partner, e) enhancing feelings o f personal power, f) experiencing
the power of one’s partner, g) experiencing pleasure, and h) procreating (Hill &
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Preston, 1996). This construct was explored in a questionnaire called The Affective
and Motivational Orientation Related to Erotic Arousal Questionnaire (AMORE),
which was designed to measure “the degree to which individuals value and are
interested in the sexual incentives associated with the eight proposed motives” (p.
30). The response format for the AMORE is in a five-point Likert scale ranging
from not at all true (1) to moderately true (3) to completely true (5). All participants
in this study were from an undergraduate introductory psychology class. Results
revealed that men had significantly higher scores than did women on the Relief from
Stress scale and the Power scale. Scores on the Procreation scale did not differ by
gender. The remaining five scales had inconsistent results throughout three studies
conducted by Hill & Preston (1996).
With regard to adolescents, Cohen (1995) suggests that motives for sex
represent “nonsexual” needs, such as g aining approval from peers, rebellion,
expression of hostility toward parents, escape from one’s life situation, a cry for
help, self-destruction (in depressed adolescents), or a search for love. Cohen
differentiates nonsexual from sexual motivations because they are initiated by factors
other than sexual curiosity, physical or erotic pleasure, or as a part o f an intimate
relationship. Nonsexual motivations reflect underlying social and psychological
conflicts and needs and are more likely than sexual motives to result in social,
psychological, and medical complications (Cohen).
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When it comes to engaging in casual sexual intercourse, men and women
may express similar emphasis on sexual desire, experimentation, and physical
pleasure. However, gender differences do emerge, in that men more than women
tend to emphasize social and environmental reasons (social status, peer group
norms), and women tend to emphasize interpersonal reasons, in their motives (Regan
& Dreyer, 1999). Further, men are more likely than are women to approve of many
forms of casual sex, with a wide range o f partners, at a younger age, and with more
partners over a lifetime (Oliver & Hyde, 1993; Poppen, 1995; Wilson & Medora,
1990). In feet, men consistently report a significantly higher number o f lifetime
partners than do women (Oliver & Hyde). However, some say that this discrepancy
may be due to distortions in reporting rather than actual number o f partners
(Wiederman, 1997).
Theories Explaining Gender Differences in Motives for Intercourse
Rvoluntionarv. From an evolutionary perspective, the distinction between
males’ and females’ motivation for sex is logical Males, motivated by physical
pleasure, seek more sexual partners; this can be interpreted as the evolutionary
practice of seeking sexual access to a variety of partners (Buss & Schmitt, 1993).
Males do this because they can never be one hundred percent sure o f paternity (Buss,
1995). In comparison, females are motivated by emotional connection, which fosters
attachment and a lasting relationship. As follows from the evolutionary perspective,
lasting partners are more likely to provide resources during pregnancy and thereafter
9
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than are short-term partners. (Buss, 1989). As such, females assess potential parental
investment o f partners, whereas males assess attractiveness and fertility cues.
Evolutionary psychology does not imply that differences are unchangeable or
intractable. On the contrary, understanding the origins of sex differences can
provide guide to intervention if change is desirable (Buss, 1995). Although birth
control and financial security for both sexes have in many ways emancipated men
and women from evolutionary constraints on sexual intercourse, this context offers a
starting point for understanding sex differences in motivation for intercourse at the
present time.
Townsend (1995) supports the evolutionary perspective in a study o f sex
without emotional involvement (low-investment copulation). Using a sample o f
college students, Townsend examined participants' reactions to sexual intercourse
when they purported to desire no emotional involvement with their sexual partners.
Results revealed that intercourse left the majority o f females feeling emotionally
vulnerable, even when they did not wish to get emotionally involved with their
partner. Conversely, males were more likely to find it easy to have sex without
becoming emotionally involved. For females, intercourse seemed to elicit feelings of
bonding, desire for investment, and vulnerability, regardless of number o f sex
partners. In contrast, males with higher numbers o f partners found increasing ease in
detaching sex from emotional vulnerability and parental/relationship investment.
Interestingly, females with multiple partners developed techniques to deal with their
10
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negative reactions to low-investment copulation: They frequently test partners for
signs o f ability to invest and willingness to invest, and they limit or terminate sexual
relations when they perceive their partner’s investment as inadequate.
Townsend’s (1995) assessment o f these results is that,
among these undergraduate women, a discrepancy between the desired level
o f investment-commitment and the man’s willingness to invest produced
emotional distress. As long as the man was willing to invest at the level the
woman felt she was ready for at the moment, the highly charged feelings o f
being used, degraded, and disoriented did not emerge, (p. 199)
This study speaks to the interplay o f emotion and function in the gender differences
in motivations for intercourse, as it suggests that females’ conscious intentions o f not
wanting to be emotionally invested are essentially overridden by the evolutionary
function o f assessment o f parental/relationship investment. Although both sexes
report voluntarily engaging in intercourse with low emotional investment,
underlying, or possibly “innate,” motives seem to emerge in females that leave them
wanting more investment from their male partners. It follows that females, in an
effort to form lasting relationships to afford partner investment, would be more
motivated than are males by those factors that are reflective o f and promote lasting
relationships, ie., affectional/emotional motives.
Biosocial. An alternative explanation for differing motives posits that a
gender difference in sexual interest is based on both biological and social reasons
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(Baldwin & Baldwin, 1997). This view incorporates the evolutionary perspective
but considers that males and females learn from their sexual experiences and
incorporate that learning into sexual behaviors and attitudes. For example, men
generally experience first coitus as more pleasurable than do women; thus, there is
more positive reinforcement for repeating the behavior. Likewise, in many societies,
males are encouraged to take the lead in sexual relations, but few societies encourage
men to learn ways to please females sexually. Further still, because adolescent boys
masturbate more frequently than do girls, young men are more likely than women to
learn to think o f sex in terms of physical pleasure that involves relatively little effort
or social commitment. It follows that men might expect women to have a similar
orientation toward sex for pleasure’s sake (Baldwin & Baldwin). Social learning is
also reinforced in the broader societal context, in which males generally receive
more positive reinforcement for engaging in uncommitted sex, and females receive
positive reinforcement for restricting their sexual activity to committed and loving
relationships (Regan & Dreyer, 1999).
Social. Complementary with the biosocial view is the social context
perspective, which points to sociocultural norms as influencing gender differences in
motives for sex. According to sociocultural norms, for females sexuality is more
strongly associated with the quality of the relationship than it is for males. To the
degree that females are more likely than males to associate interpersonal qualities
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with sexuality, they will emphasize interpersonal motives (Le., commitment,
enhancing relationship) in their sexual activity (Regan & Dreyer, 1999).
Overview. This work attempts to explain gender differences in motives for
sex by examining factors that may mediate the relationships between gender and
particular motives. The overall goal is to more fully understand what variables
account for the gender differences that have been noted in the existing literature. To
accomplish this goal, a measure was developed to elicit participants’ motives for
engaging in sex. The items on this measure represented the six motives for sex
scales that are depicted below.
The Love/Affection motive represents a desire to express love and/or affection to a
partner, and the Pleasure motive represents a desire to have sex for fun. The
Pragmatic motive is based on functional reasons for having sex (i.e., to exercise,
relieve stress), and is essentially devoid o f emotion. The Dominance/Control motive
represents a desire to dominate or control a sexual partner, or to be dominated or
controlled by a sexual partner. The Obligation motive represents a person engaging
in sex because o f obligatory reasons, for example, marital duty or to please a partner.
Lastly, the Procreation motive represents a desire to have sex for the purpose of
having children.
The psychosocial mediators were included based on the findings and
suggestions o f previous literature. Figure 1.1 illustrates the theoretical
underpinnings of this research. The dotted line represents the direct relationship
13
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between gender and motives that the psychosocial factors are expected to mediate.
This theory, which will be tested as a part o f this research, uses only the Community
participants as its sample population.
Figure 1.1: Gender Differences in Motives for Sexual Intercourse
Psychosocial Mediators Motives for Sex
GENDER
Love/Affection
Domination
Control
Procreation
Obligation
Pragmatic
Pleasure
Social Conformity
Communal ity
Agency
Femininity
Masculinity
Masculine Role Identity
Relationship Satisfaction
Relationship Status
Experience of Sex Life
Sensation Seeking
Childhood Sexual Abuse
Emotional Distress
Relationships between Motives for Intercourse and Risky Sexual Behavior.
Psychosocial Factors, and Substance Use
Overview. Whichever particular motives may be at hand in any given sexual
encounter, there are many factors present when people decide to engage in
intercourse. As such, this study is concerned not only with gender differences in
motives for intercourse, but also with the connections between motives and related
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factors. O f particular focus is how certain motives impact risky sexual behavior,
especially in light of HTV risk and other sexually transmitted diseases. In addition, a
review o f literature reveals a strong connection between substance use and risky
sexual behavior, but the element o f sexual motive has been largely omitted in this
realm. To help fill this gap, this study inserts sexual motives into the risky sex —
substance use equation to determine what might be the relationship between these
two variables. Lastly, psychosocial and personality factors undoubtedly play a role
in reasons why people engage in sex. Although there are some studies that address
this obvious assertion, the area remains largely uninvestigated. In this work, it is
expected that the psychosocial predictors and sexual motives will mediate the
relationships between the demographic variables and the sexual and substance use
outcomes. It is also expected that there will be direct relationships between the
psychosocial predictors and outcomes that are independent o f the demographic
variables. Figure 1.2 illustrates the theoretical underpinnings o f the interplay
between motives for sex, psychosocial predictors, and consequential outcomes. As
is depicted in the demographics, this theory incorporates both the Community and
the SHC samples.
There is a limited body o f research that addresses the relationships depicted
in Figure 1.2. What directions have been established and studied in these three
domains, namely, risky sexual behavior, psychosocial variables and substance use,
are detailed in the following sections.
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Figure 1.2: Consequences o f Demographics, Psychosocial Predictors, and Sexual Motives
Demographics Psychosocial Predictors Outcomes
Social conformity
Social support
Experience of sex
life
Self-Acceptance
Relationship status
Age
Sample (SHC or
Community)
Love/Affection
Pleasure
Pragmatic
Dominance/Control
Obligation
Procreation
Negative consequences
o f drug use
Sexual experience
due to drug use
Risky Sexual behavior
Ave. times sex/month
No. lifetime partners
Age Is * intercourse
Unprotected sex
Sexual Motives and Risky Sexual Behavior
The fact that sexual behavior patterns are generally resistant to change, even
in light o f the threat o f sexually transmitted diseases, bespeaks the compelling forces
that maintain and promote the behaviors (Cooper et aL, 1998). Clearly, motives that
underlie risky sexual behaviors are critical in maintaining such behaviors. For
example, intimacy motives seem to predict less risk-taking behaviors, especially
when people are in committed relationships. Conversely, Coping with negative
affect, Self-Affirmation, Peer Approval, and Enhancement motives seem to predict
greater risk-taking sexual behaviors, which may result in unplanned pregnancy
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and/or contracting STDs. The differences between these situations suggest that
when individuals are involved in exclusive relationships, sex is more predictable, and
the partnership sexual norms are established. However, those working under the
Coping, Self-Affirmation, Peer Approval, and Enhancement motives may be
engaging in more spontaneous and less predictable sex, without exclusive partners
(Cooper et a l, 1998).
Gender differences also emerge with regard to participating in risky sexual
behaviors. In general, males tend to engage in riskier sexual behavior than do
females, both in terms of partner choice (e.g., more partners and more casual
knowledge o f partners) and sexual practices (e.g., lower levels o f contraceptive use)
(Poppen, 1995). Males also tend to be more consistent with their risk-taking
behavior. For example, males with a larger number of partners are less likely to use
contraception, thereby endorsing risky behavior in partner choice and sexual
practice. In contrast, females are more likely to demonstrate a negative relationship
between risky partner choice and risky sexual practices. For example, a female who
has many sexual partners is more likely to use a condom consistently (Poppen).
Negative attitudes toward casual sex have also been found for females who
perceived a greater chance o f unintended pregnancy than for females who did not
(Biglan, Noell, Ochs, Smolkowski & Metzler, 1995). In essence, females have been
found to use a compensatory risk taking strategy to lower overall risk (Poppen). In
addition, females who report having been coerced to have sex report significantly
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higher levels o f sexual risk-taking, and are more likely to give-in to their partner’s
desire to have sex, than are females who have not been coerced to have sex (Biglan
et al, 1995).
One study examining the psychosocial motivations for intercourse and risky
sexual behavior identifies positive and negative motivations. Positive motivations
include: 1) positive social and interpersonal consequences (i.e., popularity), 2)
positive emotional consequences (i.e., feeling better about oneself), 3) positive
physical consequences (pleasure), and 4) fulfillment o f basic needs (perception of
satisfaction of sex drive). Negative motivations are those that discourage sexual
activity. Negative motivations include: 1) moral considerations (it is sinful), 2)
parental disapproval and punishment, 3) negative consequences o f an untended
pregnancy, and 4) disease. Overall results indicated that the relationship between
attitudes and behavior was stronger for females than it was for males (Levinson et
al., 1995). However, the strongest predictor of casual sex attitudes for both sexes
focused on physical pleasure. That is, individuals who valued more highly the
physical aspects o f sex were more likely to have a positive propensity for casual sex.
In this study, both men and women who indicated that having sex was a form o f self
validation were more likely to have a positive orientation toward casual sex, as were
women who believed that sex would reduce loneliness.
Other studies have found similarities between the sexes. For example, risky
sexual behavior in men and women has been found to correlate with other problem
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behaviors, antisocial behavior, cigarette smoking, alcohol use, and illicit drug
consumption. For both sexes, the perception that engaging in sex would make the
individual more popular with men has been significantly related to casual sex
attitudes. For males, this perception was related to gaining social status with peers,
and for females it was related to increasing one’s attractiveness to males (Biglan et
al., 1995; Biglan, Metzler, Wirt, Ary, Noell, Ochs, French & Hood, 1990).
Social context variables, such as family structure, parenting practices, peer
behavior, and friends’ engagement in problem behavior, may be associated with
risky sexual behavior (Biglan et aL, 1990). With regard to parental support, one
study showed that college students who came from families that they reported were
functional (defined as members supporting o f and interested in each other, as well as
emotionally expressive and having clear behavioral guidelines) were less likely to
engage in risky sexual behavior (Fleuridas, Creevy, & Vela, 1997).
One explanation o f the relationship between motivation for sex and risky
sexual behavior is a functional perspective, based on needs and goals, to account for
motives for sex and risky sexual behavior (Cooper, et aL, 1998). These authors report
that various needs and goals for having sex (a.k.a. motives) influence one’s
likelihood of engaging in risky sexual behavior. In other words, sexual activities
undertaken in service o f different psychological needs can be associated with distinct
profiles o f behavior. This idea is critical in terms o f devising intervention strategies
to curtail risky sexual behavior. Presumably, interventions that are tailored to the
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underlying motivations o f participants would be more likely to succeed than those
that ignore such influences (Cooper et al., 1998).
Psychosocial Factors’ Influence on Motives for Sex
Gender role affiliation. Psychosocial factors are important when considering
sources o f individual differences that might underlie motives for sexual intercourse.
One o f these factors may be gender role affiliation. Although there was no literature
found that addresses gender role and sexual motives explicitly, Hurlbert and Apt
(1994) posit that sex role identity may impact sexual satisfaction, such that those
adopting a traditional sex role would be bound by a narrow range o f behaviors and
would experience less sexual satisfaction than would those who adopt a more
androgynous role.
Cooper et al. (1998) posit that an orientation to agency or an orientation to
communality may be two o f the variables that impact sexual motives, and they
identify this as an area for future research. Agency is defined as concern for oneself
and one’s goals, “as manifested in self-assertion and self-protectiveness,” while
communality is described as, “concern for oneself in relation to others, with a high
degree of selflessness” (Stein, Newcomb & Bentler, 1992, p. 466). Literature
reveals that the agentic orientation has been associated with a masculine gender role,
and the communal orientation has been associated with a feminine gender role
(Bardwick, 1971; Carlson, 1971; Newcomb & Jack, 1995; Stein et al., 1992). To
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date, neither these orientations, nor explicit gender role affiliations (masculinity or
femininity), have been investigated in relation to motives for intercourse.
Social support. Social support is defined as, “an interwoven network of
personal relationships that provides companionship, assistance, attachment, and
emotional nourishment to the individual" (Newcomb & Bentler, 1986, p. 521).
Creating a social support network is an ongoing process that involves recursive
interaction between personal characteristics and social contacts (Newcomb, 1990a).
For the purposes o f this investigation, social support is comprised of two to four
factors, relationship with parents, peers, adults, and family. There is some evidence
in the literature that parent support is more stable over time that is peer support
(Newcomb, 1990a). A search o f existing literature uncovered no research that
addresses how social support impacts motives for sexual intercourse, although there
is some literature linking peer and parent support to risky sexual behavior (see
above).
Emotional Distress. Emotional distress has been conceptualized as one’s
experience o f depression coupled with their degree o f self-acceptance. (Scheier &
Newcomb, 1993). With regard to sexual motives, Cooper et al. (1998) propose that
sexual intercourse is undertaken in the service o f various emotional needs,
particularly, emotional distress. They cite the example o f those who experience
negative emotions and use indiscriminate sexual contacts to cope with their negative
emotions, thus engaging themselves in risky sexual behavior.
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Cooper et aL (1998) also suggest that sexual self-schemas (Anderson &
Cyranowski, 1995) may play a role in the reasons why people engage in intercourse.
Specifically, they posit that those people who hold positive self-schemas would have
sex primarily for enhancement and intimacy reasons, while those with negative self
schemas, whose view of themselves might depend on the presence o f a partner,
might be more likely to have sex to please or appease their partner. Although this
investigation does not directly investigate sexual schemas, it can be presumed that
the construct o f self-acceptance is similar. As such, it would seem that those with a
high degree o f self-acceptance would be motivated by intimacy (love/affection
motive). Those with a low degree of self-acceptance, who might depend on partners
for a sense o f self-acceptance, would be motivated by obligation to have sex to
maintain the relationship. Although Cooper et al. demonstrate that emotions are
important in analyzing motivations for intercourse, the connection between
emotional distress and specific motives is less clear and begs further investigation.
Sensation seeking. Sensation seeking is another factor identified that is
believed to be associated with sexual motives. Cooper et al. (1998) associate
sensation seeking with Enhancement, Coping, and Self-affirmation motives for
intercourse, and they report that it is relatively absent in partner and peer approval
motives. Because sensation seeking is not a focus o f their study, no conclusions
have been drawn, and it remains worthy o f further examination.
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Social conformity. Social conformity in this investigation is represented by
one’s degree o f liberalism, law abidance, and religiosity. No research was found that
directly addresses these factors and motives for sex, although some authors speak to
these factors in relation to risky sexual behavior. For instance, degree o f religious
affiliation can be a predictor o f a casual attitude toward sex. In feet, one study
indicates that individuals who report being more religious are more likely to have
negative attitudes toward casual sex than are individuals who report being less
religious (Levinson et al., 1995). Another study that found that women with strong
religious beliefs consumed less alcohol and were less likely to engage in risky sexual
behavior than were women with weaker religious beliefs; however, among men in
the same study, religious conviction was not correlated with alcohol or risky sexual
behavior (Poulson, Eppler, Satterwhite, Wuensch, & Bass, 1998). Nothing was
found that related to liberalism and law abidance.
Research has noted other critical psychosocial factors. For example, one
study revealed that, in an examination o f desire for sex, personality factors
suggesting dominance were characteristic o f male profiles, and personality factors
reflecting affection were characteristic o f female profiles (Keller, Elliott, & Gunberg,
1982). A different perspective on dominance and power in a relationship reveals that
men are more likely to use power in a sexual relationship to have sex, and women
are more likely to use power to avoid having sex (McCormick, Brannigan &
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LaPlante, 1984). This study did not specifically address reasons for engaging in
intercourse.
With regard to interpersonal variables, it seems that the role o f relationship
status is substantial in predicting motives for sex. Specifically, the literature
suggests that those people who are highly motivated by intimacy seek our a single
romantic partner. Conversely, those who are highly motivated by self enhancement,
and those who are motivated to use sex as a coping mechanism for negative affect,
are less likely to be in an exclusive relationship (Cooper et al., 1998).
Alcohol Use. Sexual Motives, and Riskv Sexual Behavior
The literature examining the issue of risky sexual behavior is closely tied
with alcohol use literature, but a consideration o f motives for sex is scarce in this
arena. Overall, previous research suggests a correlation between alcohol use and
risky sexual behavior (Dermen et.al, 1998; Murphy, Monahan, & Miller, 1998).
There are a few theories offered to explain this phenomenon.
One theory in particular points to the personal meaning o f one’s sexual
behavior as being influential in alcohol related sexual risk-taking (Cooper, 1992).
Meanings are likely to be different for adults and adolescents, as prevailing social
norms permit increasing acceptability o f many sexual behaviors with age, especially
within the adolescent to young adult age range. However, in essence, an individual’s
moral code will influence the psychological experience o f risky sexual behavior.
People with few sexual inhibitions, who engage in casual sex when they are not
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intoxicated, are unlikely to have moral conflict when presented with the same
opportunities while intoxicated. In contrast, those who do not typically engage in
such behaviors due to moral beliefs, may engage in risky sexual behaviors that they
would not while not intoxicated, due to alcohol’s “excuse giving properties and its
capacity to restrict the cognitive processing o f inhibitory cues,” (Cooper, 1992, p.
70). Thus, outwardly similar behaviors for people with different moral codes may
hold discrepant personal meanings for those individuals (Cooper).
Another explanation for the relationship between alcohol and risky sexual
behavior is a self-fulfilling prophecy. In this conceptualization, people who believe
that alcohol promotes risky sexual behavior are more likely to engage in such
behavior when they drink than are people who do not hold this belief (Dermen &
Cooper, 1994; Dermen, Cooper & Agocha, 1998).
A study on the influence o f alcohol on women’s sexual decision-making is
based on an inhibitory conflict model (Murphy, Monahan & Miller, 1998). In this
study, authors found that in situations when there was a high inhibitory conflict
(when women found a partner attractive but sexually risky), alcohol may suppress
inhibitory cues thereby enabling women to pursue their initial affective reactions
(Murphy et. al). Due to very limited information linking alcohol use with motivation
for sex, general conclusions cannot be drawn. However, it appears that the
relationship between alcohol use and risky sexual behavior is influenced by many
psychological variables.
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Only one study was found that addressed drug/alcohol use and motives for
intercourse, and this study focused solely on incidence o f casual sex and not directly
on motives (Regan & Dreyer, 1999). Results indicated that both men and women
consider being under the influence of alcohol and/or drugs (type o f drugs not
specified) as a factor in their decisions to engage in casual sex. All participants in
this study were undergraduate psychology students.
Rationale for the Current Investigation
The current investigation is aimed at picking up where other studies have left
o ff as well as filling in answers where previous research has left questions. The
most glaring problem in the research in this area is that nearly all o f it has been done
on undergraduate college students (mostly psychology majors), and adolescents, thus
restricting its generalizability. This is especially salient with regard to the topic o f
sexuality, as individuals’ attitudes and behaviors related to sexuality and intercourse
change with age (Oliver & Hyde, 1993). Additionally, college is a time when many
students are experiencing sexual intercourse for the first time. In feet, one study
found that approximately sixty percent o f upper division college students had
experienced sexual intercourse for the first time during college (Darling, Davidson,
& Passarello, 1992). Clearly, undergraduate college students are not a representative
sample from which to draw conclusions about general attitudes and behaviors related
to motivation for sex. Further, it appears that many o f the conclusions are
contradictory, i.e., motives changing with age, inconsistent results with regard to
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gender, etc. Also, there is a marked lack of research exploring the impact of
psychosocial factors in this domain. As such, this study will attempt to fill in the
gaps toward an understanding of: 1) Gender differences in motivation for sex; and 2)
the relationships between psychosocial factors, motives for sex, and risky sexual
behavior, including the role of substance use. To accomplish this goal, two models
will be presented. The first, Gender Differences Model, addresses gender
differences in motives for sexual intercourse. The second model, Consequences
Model, addresses the relationships between psychosocial factors, motives for sex,
risky sexual behavior, and associated negative consequences o f substance use. In
each model, theoretical relationships between variables are derived from a review of
relevant literature. However, because many o f these relationships have yet to be
researched, especially those in the Consequences Model much of this work is
exploratory in Dature.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
Gender Differences
Research Hypotheses
1. There are gender differences in motivations for sexual intercourse, with males
being more pleasure oriented, and females being more love and affection oriented.
2. The gender differences in motives for sexual intercourse will be mediated by
psychosocial variables, including communality, sensation seeking, experience o f sex
life, and others depicted in Figure 1-1-
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3. Are there gender differences in the Pragm atic., Dominance/Control, Obligation
and Procreation motives?
Associational Hypotheses
1. Agency, masculinity, and masculine gender role identity will be related to
higher Pleasure motive.
2. Communality and femininity will be related to higher Love/Affection motive
and higher Obligation motive.
3. Low emotional distress, relationship satisfaction, and positive experience of
sex life will be related to higher Love/Affection motive.
4. Sensation seeking and incidence o f childhood sexual abuse will be related to
higher Domination/Control and/or Obligation motive.
Research Question
5. Do relationship status and social conformity relate to motives for intercourse?
Sexual Consequences
Research Hypotheses/Questions
1. Overall, this research asks whether the demographic variables are mediated by
the psychosocial factors, including motives for intercourse, as they relate to
higher risky sexual behavior and substance use.
2. In that this model utilizes both the Community and SHC samples, it will be
expected that there will be significant gender and sample differences with
regard to specific psychosocial factors, sexual motives, and outcomes, as well
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as significant interactions between gender and sample on these measures.
Toward this end, several two-way analyses of variance will be conducted to
determine where these differences and interactions occur.
3. With specific regard to motives and outcomes, it is expected that the Pragmatic,
Domination/Control, and Obligation motives will predict risky sexual behavior
and negative consequences, sexual and non-sexual, stemming from substance
use.
4. It is also expected that the Love motive, social support, and positive experience
o f sex life will predict an increased frequency o f sexual behavior, less risky
sexual behavior, and less negative consequences (sexual and non-sexual) from
substance use.
5. It is expected that relationship status will predict love and obligation motives.
Specifically, participants who are married or in long-term, monogamous
relationships will have higher love and obligation motives.
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CHAPTER H
METHODOLOGY
Participants
Data were collected from both a community sample and a university health
center (SHC) sample. The Gender Differences model utilized the Community
sample only, and the Consequences model utilized both samples. These samples
have been used in order to address the aforementioned lack of generalizability found
in most studies.
Community sample. The community sample is comprised o f individuals who
have been a part o f the UCLA Longitudinal Study o f Growth and Development that
began in 1976. They have been surveyed at least every four years since they were in
junior high school The sample is ethnically diverse, has a mean age o f about 35
years, and contains more women than men.
Because this study is a part o f a longitudinal investigation that began twenty-
five years ago, analyses were conducted to determine whether attrition would reflect
any systematic influence or bias. Newcomb (1992) performed a series o f analyses
on data from multiple measures of personality, emotional-distress, and social support
to address the 60% loss in sample size from 1980 to 1988. These procedures
included: correlations, Bonferoni procedure, average (absolute) point-biserial
correlation, and stepwise multiple regression analysis. Based on these analyses, it
was determined that only a minimal amount o f the attrition was due to self-selection
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bias on the basis o f drug use or personality traits. Because participant drop-out was
ostensibly not due to systematic self-selection or other influences on the basis o f
personality factors, emotional distress social support or drug use, Newcomb (1992;
1993) concluded that the data are of sufficiently high quality to enable structural
modeling. More recent analyses of attrition have been conducted, revealing that only
a very small percentage o f attrition could be accounted for by personality and drug
use variables (Newcomb, 1997a; 1997b). The motives for sex measure that was
created for this study was administered to the community sample in the most recent
survey and, as such, is not subject at this point in time to potential attrition bias.
Student Health Center (SHC) sample. The student health center sample is
comprised of university students, both undergraduate and graduate, who came in for
general health services at the University o f Southern California Student Health
Center. The average age o f the health center sample is about 23 years.
Table 2.1: Description of Sample: Community
Variable Male
(N=162)
Female
(N=417)
Total
(N=579)
Aee Cvearsf
Mean 34.9 34.9 34.9
Range 33-37 33-37 33-37
Ethnicitv (%)
African-American 8.6 15.8 13.8
Latino 13.0 8.9 10.0
White 69.1 62.4 64.2
Asian-Pacific 0.6 8.9 8.3
Other 2.5 4.0 3.6
Relationshin Status (%)
Married or monogamous,
long-term partner 22.8 32.9 30.1
Dating or not in
a sexual relationship 77.2 67.1 69.9
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Table 2.2: Description of Sample: Student Health Center (SHC)
Variable Male Female Total
(N=53) (N=83) (N=136)
Age (years)
Mean 22.3 23.5 23.0
Range 18-30 17-42 17-42
Ethnicity (%)
African-American 1.9 6.0 4.4
Latino 17.0 13.3 14.7
White 58.5 59.0 58.8
Asian-Pacific 15.1 16.9 16.2
Other 7.5 4.8 5.9
Class Standing (%)
Undergraduate 64.1 60.2 61.7
Graduate 35.9 39.8 38.3
RelationshiD Status (%)
Married or monogamous,
long-term partner 15.1 18.1 16.9
Dating or not in a
sexual relationship 84.9 81.9 83.1
Measures
The Student Health and Attitude Questionnaire (SHAQ) was administered to
the health center sample. The SHAQ is comprised of several measures that were
previously administered to the community sample, as well as some additional
questions that related uniquely to the university population. Similarly, there were
some measures that were administered solely to the community sample as a part of
the UCLA Longitudinal Study o f Growth and Development. The measures that were
administered to both samples are listed below:
Motivation for sexual intercourse. A panel of experts in the field o f sexuality
research developed twenty items for this project to assess motivations for engaging
in sexual intercourse. The respondent was asked to indicate on a 5-point scale
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ranging from none o f the time (1) to always (5), “How much o f the time do you have
sex for the following reasons?” This measure differed from previous measures in
that it recognized that many motives could be active simultaneously. As such, it
allowed respondents to report simultaneous motives for sex in lieu o f the either/or
approach used in previous studies.
A factor analysis was conducted on the twenty hems and resulted in six
motives for intercourse scales that reflected reasons why people engage in sex.
Those scales were: to express love and/or affection, to experience pleasure, for
pragmatic reasons, to experience dominating or controlling a partner, or being
dominated or controlled by one’s partner, to satisfy a feeling o f obligation, and for
the purpose o f procreation. An example from the Love/Affection scale is, “to deepen
intimacy;” from the Pleasure scale, “to have fun;” from the Pragmatic scale, “to
exercise;” from the Domination/Control scale, “to have power;” from the Obligation
scale, “my partner wants it.” Procreation was a stand- alone hem, “to have
children.” Results from the factor analysis are illustrated below in Table 2.3.
Additional factor analysis was conducted on the six motive scales to determine
if there were underlying constructs that could be identified. This analysis resulted in
two factors. The motives love/affection and pleasure loaded on a new factor deemed
“Affective Motive”. The pragmatic, domination/control, and obligation motives
loaded on a new factor entitled “Cognitive Motive”. The Procreation motive did not
load on either factor. Preliminary analyses using these two new factors showed no
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gender differences. As such, these two factors were not used in additional analyses
because they failed to contribute to further understanding o f gender differences in
motives for sexual intercourse.
Table 2.3: Factor Analysis of Motives for Sexual Intercourse items
Factor
Items
Factor
Loading
rpb Mean (Community)
Sex Difference a
rpb Mean (SHC)
Sex Difference a
Love/Affection
To give pleasure .77 .05 .03
To express love .73 .10** .33**
To deepen intimacy .67 .01 .08
To be loved .46 .07* -.01
Pleasure
To receive pleasure .79 -.10** .04
Because attracted to partner .71 -.01 -.90
To have fun .60 -.10** -.21*
To satisfy my needs .46 -.08* -.10
Pragmatism
To exercise .68 .03 -.08
To relieve stress .66 .00 -.16
To satisfy curiosity .59 -.02 -.22**
Domination/Control
To be dominated .86 .07* -.13
To have power .75 .03 -.13
Obligation
To do my marital duty .67 .09* -.22*
I feel guilty if I don’t .60 .15*** -.15
To help relationship .51 .05 -.18*
To keep my partner .48 .04 -.20*
To satisfy partner’s needs .40 .09* -.13
My partner wants it .35 .18*** -.28**
Procreation
To have children — .05 -.15
*jX-05; **p<-01; ***p<001.
a A positive correlation indicator that women had the higher score,
rpb Point biserial correlation.
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Reliability analyses. Reliability analyses of all scales were conducted on the
Community and SHC samples. These analyses of the Community sample showed
the scales to be reliable: Love/affection (.75), Pleasure (.77), Pragmatic (.79),
Domination/Control (.85), Obligation (.67), and Procreation [Procreation scale has
only one item, “to have children”]. The reliability analysis conducted on the SHC
was weak due to small sample size.
Table 2.4: Scale Reliabilities and Mean Gender Differences
Community/SHC Samples Alpha Reliabilities
rpb Mean
Number Total Male Female Gender
Scale of items N=579/136 N= 162/53 N=417/83 Difference a
Love/Affection 4 .7S/.65 .77/.69 .74/.64 .07*/. 14
Pleasure 4 .77/.70 .70/.64 .79.72 -.09*/-. 13
Pragmatism 3 .79/.61 .79/.36 .79/.72 .00/-.21*
Domination/Control 2 .85/.58 .81/.48 .88/.65 .05/-. 15
Obligation 6 .67/.65 .62/.64 .611.60 .16***/-.32**
Procreation 1 1.0
— —
.05/-. 15
*p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001.
a A positive correlation indicator that women had the higher score,
rpb Point biserial correlation.
Social Conformity. Social conformity was assessed with three, four item
scales: law abidance, liberalism, religiosity (Newcomb & Bentler, 1988a). Using a
semantic differential format, these scales reflect the degree to which an individual
conforms to societal expectations and norms. An example o f an item on the law
abidance scale is “see cops as law enforcers” and “see some cops as pigs.” An
example from the liberalism scale is “approve o f many protests” and “approve o f a
few protests”. An example from the religiosity scale is “am not religious” and “am a
religious person”. Law abidance, liberalism, and religiosity comprise the latent
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variable, Social Conformity. This construct has been used in prior studies and has
been proven to be a reliable and valid measure of social conformity (Newcomb &
Bentler, 1988a).
Social support. Social support was assessed in both samples with two, four
item scales: Relationship with parents and relationship with peers. These scales
reflect the degree to which an individual perceives peer and parental support.
Questions were asked using a semantic differential format. An example from the
peer support scales is “pretty satisfied with my friends” and “not very happy with my
friends.” Examples from the parent support scale are “my parents show an interest in
me as a person,” and “my parents don’t seem to care about me.” Peer support and
parent support comprise the latent variable, Social Support. This construct has been
used in prior studies and has been proven to be a reliable and valid measure
(Newcomb & Bentler, 1988a; Stein et al., 1992).
Self-Acceptance. Using a semantic differential format, self-acceptance was
measured with a 4-item scale. An example from the self-acceptance scale is “happy
with myself’ and “unhappy with myself.” Prior research has established this as a
reliable scale (Scheier & Newcomb, 1993).
Past risky AIDS behavior. Participants were asked 12 questions related to
risky sexual behavior. Specifically, this set o f 12 items requested that participants
check a behavior that they had changed because o f concerns about AIDS. Examples
o f these behaviors included reducing the number o f sexual partners, dating less,
36
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stopping the use o f intravenous drugs, and using condoms. A factor analysis resulted
in three, 4-item factors: Increased concern and protection, reduced high risk
behaviors, and reduced sexual activity. These factors have found to be reliable in
previous research (Stein, Newcomb, & Bentler, 1994). This measure rests on two
assumptions: a) Positive responses indicate prior performance o f these behaviors,
and b) non-responses do not indicate continued and unchanging risky behaviors, but
rather that the respondent has not performed these behaviors (Stein et a l, 1994). An
additional question asked if participants had ever engaged in unprotected sex.
Negative consequences of drug and alcohol use. Seven items were asked to
assess the effects o f drinking or drug use in the past year. Respondents were
requested to indicate the number o f times each substance impacted their behavior.
Choices were never, once, and more than once, for alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine.
Examples from the first six items were, “behaved in ways you regretted,” and
“interfered with your school work, [or employment] family, or other obligations.”
The seventh item queried if the respondent had “engaged in sexual behavior you
would not have engaged in otherwise.” Reliability analyses were conducted and
resulted in the first six items forming one construct, “negative consequences of drug
use,” and the seventh item forming its own construct, “sexual experience due to drug
use.” The reliability alphas for both of these constructs were over .80.
Relationship status. One item was included that elicits the respondent’s
dating pattern and relationship status. The six response choices ranged from
37
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“married or long-term monogamous partner” to “no partner and don’t date”. This
item was scored as a dichotomous variable, which resulted in positive correlations
and paths reflecting married or long-term monogamous relationship, and negative
correlations and paths reflecting single or dating relationship.
Age at first intercourse. One item asked the participant’s age at first
intercourse. There were only a few participants who had not previously experienced
sexual intercourse, and those were coded with their age at the time of survey.
Sexual history. To assess sexual history, additional questions asked number
o f lifetime partners and the average number of times the participant had intercourse
per month.
Experience o f sex life. Two items were included with 10-point scales that
asked participants to rate how satisfied they were currently with the sexual aspects of
their life, and how much control they felt over the sexual aspect o f their life.
The following measures were administered only to the Community sample:
Agency. Agency was reflected in three items measuring perceived
opportunity: satisfaction with future opportunities, satisfaction with school and work,
and satisfaction with being what you want to be. Responses were given on a 5-point
Likert scale, ranging from 1 (very unhappy) to 5 (very happy). These three scales
form the latent construct, Agency. This construct has been used in prior studies (e.g.,
Stein et al., 1992) and has proven to be a reliable and valid measure (Newcomb &
Jack, 1995).
38
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Communality. Communality was reflected in four scales with four items
each. These scales assess the quality o f participants’ relationships with parents,
family, adults, and peers [The parent and peer support scales were also administered
to the SHC sample, see above]. Each scale consists o f four bipolar items rated on a
5-point Likert scale. For example, an item on the relationships with family scale is,
“impossible to talk to my family about anything” and “can talk to my family about
anything.” Together, these scales form the latent construct, Communality. This
construct has been used in other studies and has been proven to be a reliable and
valid measure o f communal orientation (Stein et al., 1992).
Emotional distress. Emotional distress was measured with two, 4-item
subscales measuring self-acceptance (e.g., “Like m yself for what I am”) and
depression (e.g., “Future often seems hopeless”). Together, these two scales form
the latent construct, Emotional Distress, which has been found to have an adequate
degree of reliability (Scheier & Newcomb, 1993).
Sensation seeking. Sensation seeking was measured with four, 4-item
subscales reflecting experience seeking (e.g., ‘T would like to explore strange
places”); thrill and adventure seeking (e.g., ‘T would like to try parachute jumping”);
disinhibition (e.g., “I like wild parties”); and boredom susceptibility (e.g., “I get
restless when I spend too much time at home”). Each item asked participants to
indicate how often they felt in the way listed, ranging from never (1) to always (5).
Each of these subscales has been found to have an adequate degree of reliability (see
39
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Huba, Newcomb, & Bentler, 1981; Stacy, Newcomb, & Bentler, 1993). Together
they form the latent construct, Sensation Seeking.
Relationship Satisfaction. Relationship satisfaction was measured with a 16-
item version o f the Dyadic Adjustment Scale (Spanier, 1976). This scale contains
four, 4-item subscales designed to measure consensus, satisfaction, cohesion and
aifectional expression (Newcomb & Rickards, 1995).
Masculine role identification. This latent construct is based on a shortened
version o f the Masculine Role Inventory (Snell, 1986), which assesses the relative
orientation towards instrumentality and success versus communality, emotion and
intimacy. This scale contains three, 4-item subscales measuring success
preoccupation, emotionality, and affection.
Childhood sexual abuse. This variable was measured with the 5-item sexual
abuse subscale of the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ: Bernstein et al.,
1994). CTQ items are in a 5-point, Likert-type format scale, ranging from 1 (never
true) to 5 (very often true).
Masculinity and femininity. Masculinity and femininity were measured with
the Personality Attributes Questionnaire (Spence, Helmreich & Stapp, 1974), which
consists o f bipolar attributes reflecting masculinity - instrumentality and femininity
— expressiveness.
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Table 2.5: Summary of Latent Constructs & Measured Variables - Gender Differences
Model
Motives for Sexual Intercourse:
Love/Affection (4)
Pleasure (4)
Pragmatic (3)
Dominance/control (2)
Obligation (6)
Procreation (1)
Latent Constructs:
Social Conformity
Liberalism (4)
Law Abidance (4)
Religiosity (4)
Emotional Distress
Depression (4)
Self-Acceptance (4)
Masculine Role Identification
Success preoccupation (4)
Emotionality (4)
Affection (4)
Agency
Satisfaction with future (1)
Satisfaction with work/school (1)
Satisfaction with chances to be what want to be (1)
Communality
Relationship with Adults (4)
Relationship with Family (4)
Relationship with Parents (4)
Relationship with Peers (4)
Experience of Sex Life
Satisfaction with Sex Life (1)
Control over Sex Life (1)
Sensation Seeking
Experience Seeking (4)
Disinhibition (4)
Boredom Susceptibility (4)
Thrills & Adventure (4)
Relationship Satisfaction (Dyadic Adjustment Scale)
Consensus (4)
Satisfaction (4)
Cohesion (4)
Affection Expression (4)
Measured Variables:
Sex (1)
Relationship Status (1)
Childhood Sexual Abuse (4)
Femininity
________________ Masculinity ________
41
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Table 2.6: Summary of Latent Constructs & Measured Variables — Consequences Model
Motives for Sexual Intercourse
Love/Affection (4)
Pleasure (4)
Pragmatic (3)
Dominance/control (2)
Obligation (6)
Procreation (1)
Latent Constructs:
Social Conformity
Liberalism (4)
Law Abidance (4)
Religiosity (4)
Social Support
Relationship with Parents (4)
Relationship with Peers (4)
Experience o f Sex Life
Satisfaction wife Sex Life (1)
Control over Sex Life (1)
Risky AIDS Behavior Change
Increased Concern /Protection (4)
Reduced High-Risk Behavior (4)
Reduced Sexual
Substance Use Impact
Negative Consequences (18)
Engaged in Sex otherwise wouldn’t have due to Substance Use (3)
Measured Variables
Self-Acceptance (4)
No. of Partners (1)
Ave. no. of Partners per Month (1)
Age at First Intercourse (1)
Age (1)
Relationship Status (1)
_________________ Ever had unprotected Sex (1)_______________________________________
Statistical Procedures
This research employs a structural equation modeling (SEM) technique to
examine complex relationships and reciprocal influences between the constructs
described above. SEM has been called “one o f the most elegant and parsimonious
methods currently available for empirically researching psychological and health
42
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issues...” (Newcomb, 1990b), as h allows for a simultaneous investigation o f
multiple independent and dependent variables. Associations between latent
constructs, measured variables and measured variable residuals are investigated in a
confirmatory approach to multivariate analysis (Byrne, 1994). SEM has two phases,
a measurement model, which is the confirmatory factor analysis model (CFA), and a
structural model. The CFA evaluates the measurement models in the study that are
specified in advance of the analyses. This is a theory-driven approach that
determines whether the observed variables represent the latent constructs in a
statistically significant way. In the C FA measured variables with high factor
loadings are assumed to measure an unobserved factor, called a latent construct. The
latent constructs capture the common associations among the measured or observed
variables. As observed variables are measured directly, their variance is broken down
into two components: 1) variance associated with the latent construct or factor; and,
2) the residual or disturbance term, signifying the variance not accounted for by the
factor. With regard to residual terms, this study will adopt the guidelines set forth by
Newcomb (1994), indicating that residual terms indicate the variance not associated
with the construct, instead of only representing measurement error.
The fit o f the CFA model is tested, determining whether or not the model
accurately represents the data. A combination o f three criteria are used for this
determination: the chi-square/degrees o f freedom ratio to be less than 2; the
43
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Comparative Fit Index (CFI) greater than .90; and the Bentler Non-Normed Fit Index
(NNFI) greater than .90 (Bentler, 1995; Byme, 1994).
The next step is to develop and test the structural model to examine the
multiple relationships between latent constructs, observed variables, and residual
terms. The initial structural model uses the final CFA as a foundation. The model is
then refined and developed as the relationships are tested; fit is determined to be
adequate by using the same guidelines described above. Relationships between
constructs are reported, as are the specific effects, reflecting associations between
variables other than latent constructs. The EQS program versions 5.7a and 6.0
(Bentler, 1995) were used for all analyses.
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CHAPTER m
RESULTS
Results will be presented in several sections that correspond with the methods
o f analysis. The first section will focus on preliminary analyses, which include
correlation analyses as well as gender and sample comparisons between the
Community and SHC samples. The next section focuses on the development o f the
Gender Differences Model and the findings from this modeL For this phase o f data
analysis, a confirmatory factor analysis was run followed by a structural equation
model. The following section focuses on the Consequences Model and consists o f
three sequences of analyses. The first is the confirmatory factor analysis for males
and females. The second is the multiple group comparison that justifies the use o f
separate structural models for males and females. The third examines how motives
for sex and other psychosocial factors impact risky sexual behavior and sexual and
non-sexual consequences o f substance use. This section is divided into results for
males and results for females. For each phase o f data analysis, a confirmatory factor
analysis was run followed by a structural equation model.
Motives for Sexual Intercourse
With regard to the six motives for sex scales, differences were found between
the Community and SHC samples. On the Love/Affection scale, there was a
significant gender difference in the Community sample, indicating that females
scored significantly higher than males. In contrast, the SHC sample showed no
45
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significant gender difference on this scale. In both samples, males scored higher
than did females on the Pleasure scale, but the gender difference was significant only
in the Community sample. Conversely, males in the SHC sample scored
significantly higher than did females on the Pragmatic scale, but there was no gender
difference on this scale in the Community sample. Finally, as indicated in the item
analysis, females in the Community sample scored significantly higher than did
males on the Obligation scale, while the opposite is true in the SHC sample. There
were no significant differences in either sample in the Domination/Control and
Procreation scales.
The next step was to run correlation analyses for the six motives for sex scales,
and then to run the correlation analyses o f the six motives with all items used in the
Consequences Model. These are shown in Tables 3.1 through 3.6.
Table 3.1: Correlations o f Sexual Motives. SHC fN= 136VCommunitv fN=579f Samples. Male &
Female
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Love 1.0
2. Pleasure
3. Pragmatism
4. Domination/Control
5. Obligation
6. Procreation
.49b/.72c
1.0
■21a/33c
,43ta/.39c
1.0
- .ll/.llb
.08/.08
.37b/.54c
1.0
.38b/.25c
.34b/.06
.45b/.34c
.19a/.35c
1.0
.11/.02
-.02/-.01
-.02/.02
-.03/.01
.15/.10a
1.0
a p<.05; bp<.01 cp<.001
Table 3.2: Correlations of Sexual Motives. SHC fN=83VCommunitv (N=417) Females
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Love/Affection 1.0
2. Pleasure
3. Pragmatism
4. Domination/Control
5. Obligation
6. Procreation
.63b/.75c
1.0
.21/.34C
,34b/.43c
1.0
-.I2/.14b
.13/.17C
.41b/.58c
1.0
.5 lb/. 15b
.35b/.01
.43h/.32c
.02/.35C
1.0
-.06/-.01
-.07/-.03
-.04/-.00
.02/-.04
-.12/.08
1.0
a p<.05; bp<.01 cp<.001
46
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Table 3.3: Correlations of Sexual Motives. SHC fN=53VCommunitv fN=1621 Males
1 2 3 4 5 6
1. Love/Affection 1.0
2. Pleasure
3. Pragmatism
4. Domination/Control
5. Obligation
6. Procreation
.33a/.68c
1.0
.31a/31c
,44h/36c
1.0
-.06/.02
-.04/. 1 1
.27a/.43c
1.0
.37b/.48c
,28a/36c
.39b/.40c
.33a/32c
1.0
.40b/. 10
.01/.08
-.07/. 1 1
-I4a/.16a
.37b/. 14
1.0
a p<.05; bp<.01 cjrc.OOl
Table 3.4: Correlations of Sexual Motives and Measured Variables. SHC (N=: 1 36VCommunitv
(N=579l
Love
Affection Pleasure Pragmatism
Domination
Control Obligation Proa-eation
Gender
Age
.14/.07
-.06/-.02
-. 13/-.10
-.01/-.05
-,21a/-.00
-. 13/-.06
-.15/.05
-.10/-.02
-32b/. 16
-.06/-.02
-.15/.05
.02/-.07
Social Conformitv
Law abidance
Liberalism
Religiosity
.04/-.00
.0I/.06
.15/.2!b
-.02/-.06
.08/.05
.0Q/-.02
,04/-.09a
.I4/.08
.05/.03
-.20a/-.09a
.ll/.09a
.07/.04
-.00/-.04
-.08/-.00
. 1 l/.l 5b
.14/.10a
-.10/-.08
.16/.06
Social SuDoort
Peer support
Parent support
.08/2 lb
.03/. 10a
.19a/.21b
-.00/. 12b
.05/.02
.06/-.00
-.18a/-.04
.04/-.06
-.12/-.07
-.07/-.lla
.01/.03
.08/.06
Selfacceptance -.00/.09a .09/. 14b .02/-.05 -.19a/-.llb -.I2/-.09a .06/.05
Riskv Sex Behavior Chanee
due to AIDS awareness
Concern/protection .12/.07
Reduce risky behavior -.05/.03
Reduce sex activity -. 1 2/.05
.05/. 10a
-.06/.05
-.12/.09a
31a/.19b
.21a/.17b
.19a/.19b
.10/.19b
31b/.21b
. 17/_23b
.I3/.01
.17/.12b
.12/.08a
.02/-.02
-.06/.05
.16/-.01
Sexual Behaviors
Age 1 “ intercourse
Ave.times sex/mo.
No.sex partners/life
Ever unprotected sex
-.05/.05
.10/.18b
.01/-.01
.15/.0I
-.07/.00
.01/. 16b
.03/.04
.10/.05
-.16/.04
.13/.12b
.07/.07
.06/-.01
-.26b/.07
.13/.01
.03/.03
. 11/-.02
.07/.06
-.03/-.00
,09/-.09a
-.03/-.04
.05/. 12b
-.26b/.03
-.08/-.04
-.11/-.04
ExDerience of sex life
Satisfied w/ sex life
Control of sex life
.17a/.29b
,05/24b
.02/31 b
-.06/.21b
.03/.09a
-.09/.04
-.06/01
-.01/-.00
-.15/-.06
-.24b/.01
-.17a/.04
-.09/.01
a p<.05; bp<01
47
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Table 3.5: Correlations of Sexual Motives and Measured Variables. SHC fN=83 VCommunitv
fN=417) Females
Love Domination
Affection Pleasure_____ Pragmatism Control______Obligation Procreation
Age -.09/-. 10 -.01/-.09 -.14/-.08 -.05/-.04 -.04/-.06 .01/-.06
Social Conformity
Law abidance
Liberalism
Religiosity
-.03/-.04
-.17/.00
-04/.07
-.04/-.07
.05/.02
.05/-.02
-.0I/-.lla
.17/.05
.17/.03
-.21/-.1 la
,24a/.09
.09/.04
-.06/-.03
.01/-.05
.06/-. 12a
.10/.07
-.10/-.10
.03/.00
Social S uD D ort
Peer support
Parent support
. 12/. I8b
.05/.lla
.29b/. 19b
.04/. 13b
.14/-.03
.08/-.01
-.07/-.07
.05/-.07
-.09/-. 15b
-.07/-. 12a
-.02/.01
.19/.03
Self-acceptance .09/.09 .14/. 13b .05/-.06 -.17/-.14b -.07/-. 12a .09/.03
Riskv Sex Behavior Chanee
due to AIDS awareness
Concern/protection . 1 5/.05
Reduce risky beh. 1 5/.05
Reduce sex activity -.30h/.09
.10/.12a
.00/.08
-. 13/. 15b
2M22b
27a/.22b
.18/.23b
.07/.23b
.37b/.27b
.18/.26b
.05/-.05
.06/. 17b
-.10/.07
.08/-.03
-.11/.05
.17/-.02
Sexual Behaviors
Age 1 “ intercourse
Ave.times sex/mo.
No.sex partners/life
Ever unprotected sex
-.07/.06
- 14/.15b
.06/-. 00
.25a/-.07
-.14/.00
.02/.16b
. 221. 04
.19/.01
-.17/.06
.17/.09
.Il/.lla
.12/-.04
-.32b/.09
.30b/-.00
.09/.06
.15/-.02
. 14/.13b
.06/-.05
.04/-. 10a
•08/-.08
-.05/. 16b
-.23a/-.00
-.11/-.05
-.05/-.03
Exoerience of sex life
Satisfied w/ sex life
Control of sex life
.32b/.28b
-.05/.22b
.16/32b
.03/.26b
,24a/.09
-.05/.00
.01/.01
.I6/-.03
.07/-. 1 la
-.26a/-. 10a
-.20/.05
-.19/-.0I
a p<-05; b p<.01
Table 3.6: Correlations of Sexual Motives and Measured Variables. SHC fN=53 VCommunitv
fN=1621 Males
Love
Affection. Pleasure Pragmatism
Domination
Control Obligation Procreation
Age -.06/. 16a .09/.08 -.03/.01 -.16/.06 .02/. 10 .13/-. 09
Social Conformity
Law abidance
Liberalism
Religiosity
Social S uD D ort
Peer support
Parent support
.17/.03
.19/.18a
.30a/. 19a
-,03/.26c
-.07/. 10
.01/.02
.24/.15
-.04/.03
,05/.28c
-.02/.07
.13/-.07
.27/. 1 5
-.08/.03
-.04/. 16a
.13/.02
-.18/-.10
.03/.08
.08/.02
-.32a/.06
.08/.02
.07/-. 1 5
-.02/.08
.28a/. 1 5
-.07/.07
.08/-.04
.21/.14
-.03/-.04
.40b/. 16a
.20/.07
-.02/. 16a
Self-acceptance -. 19/.12 .02/. 14 .00/-.03 -.20/-.04 -.16/.02 .05/. 1 2
48
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Table 3.6 (continued)
Riskv Sex Behavior Change
dug to AIDS awareness
Concern/protection .09/.11 -.09/.06 .21/.08 .12/.03 J25/.17a -.08/-.02
Reduce risky beh. .08/-.01 -.20/-.03 .11/.06 .25/.06 .16/.03 -.09/.04
Reduce sex activity .17/-.08 -. I5/-.14 .14/.05 .11/.09 .25/.09 .11/.01
Smnial Behaviors
Age 1 “ intercourse -.04/.01 .12/.02 -.14/-.00 -.15/-.03 ,00/-.18a .23/-.01
Ave.times sex/mo. ,02/.23b .04/.17a ,12JJ22b -.10/.05 -.11/.09 -.30a/.12
No.sex partners/life .03/-.00 -.04/.01 .04/-.07 -.00/-. 1 1 .07/-.02 -.14/.03
Ever unprotected sex ,00/.25b -.05/.11 -.01/.09 .07/-.01 -.17/.13 -.18/-.04
Experience of sex life
Satisfied w/sex life -,ll/.31b -.I3/.28b -.14/.10 -.06/.02 -.25/.04 -.07/-.00
Control of sex life ,06/J25b -.08/.18a .02/.12 -.07/.04 -.04/.19a .11/.03
a p<05; bp<-01
Sample and Gender Comparisons
Once the motives for sexual intercourse measure was established, several two-
way ANOVAs were used to examine gender and sample differences on this and
other measures used in this project. The first analysis compares the means o f the 20-
item motive measure. Results revealed eight significant main effects for Sample,
five significant main effects for Gender, and eight significant interactions. Results
for the 20-item measure are shown in Table 3.7.
Table 3 :7 :20-Item Measure o f Motives for Engaging in Sexual Intercourse______________________
F tests
Item Total_______ Comm.______ SHC Sample Gender S x G
To have children
Total 1.46 1 3 3 5.37* .09 3.52
Males 1.43 1.42 1.43
Females 1.37 1.50 1.23
49
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Table 3.7 (continued)
To express love
Total 4.06 3.83 5.97* 15.9*** 5.89*
Males 3.74 3.96 3.51
Females 4.15 4.16 4.14
To eive pleasure
Total 4.37 4.40 .07 1.33 .06
Males 4.35 4.33 4.38
Females 4.41 4.41 4.42
To receive Dleasure
Total 4.32 4.39 2.34 4.37* 2.49
Males 4.39 4.42 4.36
Females 4.32 4.22 4.42
To helD relationship
Total 3.28 2.86 16.35*** 0.02 5.67*
Males 3.15 3.20 3.09
Females 2.99 3.35 2.63
To be loved
Total 3.49 2.94 20.85*** 2.22 0.90
Males 3.17 3.38 2.96
Females 3.26 3.60 2.93
To do mv marital duty
Total 1.83 1.49 16.22*** 1.20 8.58**
Males 1.70 1.70 1.70
Females 1.61 1.95 1.28
To satisfv mv needs
Total 3.59 3.64 0.43 5.34* 0.01
Males 3.73 3.70 3.75
Females 3.51 3.49 3.53
To satisfv mv partner’s needs
Total 3.80 3.80 0.65 1.47 6.02*
Males 3.82 3.69 3.94
Females 3.78 3.90 3.65
I Feel euiltv if I don’t
Total 1.62 1.56 3.32 6.46* 10.06**
Males 1.58 1.46 1.70
Females 1.61 1.79 1.42
Mv partner wants it
Total 3.17 2.85 22.65*** 3.83 29.41***
Males 3.09 2.96 3.23
Females 2.93 3.39 2.48
To have fun
Total 3.77 4.08 10.38** 9.85** 0.70
Males 4.08 3.88 4.28
Females 3.77 3.65 3.88
To deepen intimacy
Total 3.70 3.82 1.69 0.30 0.49
Males 3.71 3.69 3.74
Females 3.81 3.71 3.90
50
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Table 3.7 (continued)
Because attracted to partner
Total 4.01 4.12 0.91 0.48 0.57
Males 4.11 4.02 4.21
Females 4.01 3.99 4.02
To satisfv curiosity
Total 2.09 2.59 15.58*** 3.12 4.70*
Males 2.50 2.12 2.89
Females 2.18 2.06 2.89
To exercise
Total 1.65 1.63 0.26 0.04 1.36
Males 1.66 1.61 1.72
Females 1.61 1.68 1.54
To relieve stress
Total 2.27 2.43 1.04 0.82 2 2 7
Males 2.45 2.28 2.62
Females 2.25 227 2.24
To have Dower
Total 1.35 1.51 2.57 0.09 3.35
Males 1.48 1.33 1.64
Females 1.38 1.37 1.39
To be dominated
Total 1.33 1.30 0.99 1.03 2.98
Males 1.32 1.27 1.38
Females 1.31 1.40 1.23
To keen mv partner
Total 1.52 1.43 2.28 0.00 4.88*
Males 1.54 1.47 1.60
Females 1.42 1.57 1.27
* p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001
The above results indicate eight significant main effects for Sample. On the
item motives “to have children”, “to express love”, “to help relationship”, “to be
loved”, “to do my marital duty”, and “my partner wants it”, the Community sample
scored higher than did the SHC sample. In contrast, the SHC sample scored higher
on the motives “to have fun” and “to satisfy curiosity”.
There were five significant effects for Gender. On the item motives “to
express love” and “feel guilty if I don’t”, females scored higher than did males. In
51
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contrast, on the motives “to receive pleasure”, “to satisfy my needs” and “to have
fun”, males scored higher than did females.
On the 20-item motive measure, there were eight significant interactions
between Sample and Gender. These are shown below in Figure 3.1
Figure 3.1: Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions for Motives for
Sexual Intercourse Items
Express love/affection To do marital duty
X X
2.0
1.8
1.6
1.4
1.2
1.0
SHC Comm.
4.1
4.0
3.9
3.8
3.7
3.6
3.5
SHC Comm.
To help relationship
X
3.3
3.2
3.0
2.9
2.8
2.7
2.6
SHC Com in .
To satisfy partner’s needs
X
4.0
3.9
3.8
3.7
3.6
3.5
SHC Comm.
52
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Feel guilty if I don’t
X
1.7
1.6
1.5
1.4
SHC Comm.
To satisfy curiosity
X
2.9 MB
2.7
2.5
2.3
2.1
1.9
SHC Comm.
My partner wants it
X
3.4
3.2
3.0
2.8
2.6
2.4
Comm. SHC
To keep my partner
X
1.6
1.5
1.4
1.3
12
Comm. SHC
In the six motive scales, there were three significant main effects for Sample,
three significant main effects for Gender, and three significant interactions. Results
for the six motives scales are shown in Table 3.8.
53
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Table 3.8: Scales of Motives for Engaging in Sexual Intercourse
F tests
Motive Total Comm. SHC Sample Gender S x G
Love/Affection
Total
Males 14.97
Females 15.64
15.62
15.36
15.88
14.99
14.58
15.40
4.89* 5.30* 0.23
Pleasure
Total
Males
Females
16.31
15.60
15.68
16.02
15.35
16.23
16.60
15.80
4.26* 729** 0.02
Praematic
Total
Males
Females
6.62
6.04
6.00
6.01
6.00
6.66
723
6.08
3.67 1.13 3.96*
Dominance/Control
Total
Males 2.81
Females 2.69
2.68
2.60
2.77
2.82
3.02
2.61
0.12 0.14 3.76*
Oblieatioo
Total
Males
Females
14.87
14.34
15.22
14.48
15.95
13.99
15.26
12.72
23.43*** 3.43* 25.95*
Procreation
Total
Males
Females
1.43
1.37
1.46
1.42
1.50
1.33
1.43
1.23
5.37* 0.09 3.52
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
The above results reveal three significant interaction effects on Pragmatic,
Dominance/Control, and Obligation motives. These are illustrated in Figure 3.2.
54
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Figure 3.2: Graphs depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions for Motives for
Sexual Intercourse Scales
Pragmatic
7.0
6.8
6.6
6.4
6.2
6.0
SHC Comm.
Obligation
16.0
15.5
15.0
14.5
14.0
13.5
13.0
12.5
SHC Comm.
Dominance/Control
X
3.0
2.9
2.8
2.7
2.6
2.5
SHC Comm.
55
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The next set of two-way ANOVAs were run on the psychosocial variables.
This analysis resulted in six significant main effects for Sample, three significant
main effects for Gender, and one significant interaction. Results o f the psychosocial
scales are shown in Table 3.9.
Table 3.9: Psychosocial Scales
F tests
Sample Gender S x G Scale Total Comm. SHC
Law Abidance
Total 15.64 12.09
Males 13.83 15.15 12.51
Females 13.90 16.12 11.67
Liberalism
Total 9.64 14.88
Males 12.10 9.49 14.72
Females 12.41 9.79 15.04
Religiosity
Total 15.32 12.15
Males 13.33 14.60 12.06
Females 14.14 16.05 12.24
Relationship with Peers
Total 15.91 12.15
Males 13.90 15.58 12.23
Females 14.15 16.24 12.07
Relationship with Parents
Total 17.04 11.79
Males 14.47 17.14 11.79
Females 14.37 16.94 11.80
Self-acceptance
Total 15.73 11.90
Males 13.96 15.93 12.00
Females 13.67 15.53 11.81
200.98*** 6.24* 10.22**
582.72*** 2.08 0.00
94.15*** 14.57*** 2.87
204.19*** 4.13* 2.00
278.00*** 0.34 0.10
172.94*** 2.10 0.12
p<.05; **p<.01; ***p<.001
The significant main effects for Sample were on all o f the psychosocial scales,
and there were significant main effects for Gender on Law Abidance, Religiosity and
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Relationship with Peers. There was only one significant interaction, which occurred
on the Law Abidance scale. This interaction is illustrated in Figure 3.3.
Figure 3.3: Graph depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interaction for Psychosocial
Scales
Law Abidance
X
16.0
15.5
15.0
14.5
14.0
13.5
13.0
12.5
12.0
11.5
SHC Comm.
The third set of two-way ANOVAs were run on the scales reflecting risky
sexual behavior change due to AIDS awareness. This analysis resulted in no
significant main effects for Sample, no significant main effects for Gender, and one
significant interaction. Results o f the behavior change scales are shown in Table
3.10.
57
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Table 3.10: Scales reflecting Behavior Change due to AIDS Awareness
F tests
Scale Total Comm. SHC Sample Gender S x G
Concem/nrotection
Total -0.01 0.01 0.00 0.09 1.42
Males 0.02 -0.04 0.07
Females -0.01 0.01 -0.04
Reduce riskv sex behavior
Total 0.00 0.02 0.00 1.24 1.69
Males 0.07 0.02 0.13
Females -0.04 -0.01 -0.08
Reduced sexual activitv
Total -0.02 0.03 0.00 0.12 4.71*
Males 0.04 -0.07 0.15
Females -0.03 0.03 -0.10
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001
There was only one significant finding in these scales reflecting behavior
changes due to AIDS awareness, and this occurred in the interaction between Sample
and Gender on the reduced sexual activity scale. A depiction o f this interaction is
shown below in Figure 3.4.
Figure 3.4: Graph depicting statistically significant Sample and Gender interactions for Behavior
Change due to AIDS Awareness____________________________________________________
Reduced Sexual Activity
X
0.15
0.10
0.05
0.00
-.05
-.10
SHC Comm
58
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Sequence o f Analyses
The analyses conducted consisted o f two phases, utilizing the same sequence
o f procedures. First, a confirmatory factor analysis was conducted on the data to
determine whether the observed variables do, in fact, represent the latent constructs
in a statistically significant way. When this fit was judged to be adequate, a structural
model was then developed and tested.
Method o f developing structural models
Once the CFA model fit was adequate and the constructs were correlated in the
hypothesized directions, structural models were developed for the latent constructs.
Structural models were initially based on final CFA models. Structural models
were then further developed by adding paths based on the findings o f the Lagrange
Multiplier test for adding parameters. This test identified significant paths and
correlations to add to the model. Final models were judged to be adequate by the
same criteria used for the CFA models. Statistical fit o f the models to the data was
determined by a combination o f three criteria: the chi-square/degrees o f freedom
ratio to be less than 2; the Comparative Fit Index (CFI) greater than .90; and the
Bentler Non-Normed Fit Index (NNFI) greater than .90 (Bentler, 1992; Byrne,
1994).
Construction and Analysis o f Gender Differences Model
The Gender Differences Model explores gender differences in motivation for
sexual intercourse. It is a model that examines the impact o f several predictors on
59
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the relationship between sex and motives for intercourse. The first step in
developing this model was to develop the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The
initial CFA did not fit the data particularly well: CFI = .90; Chi square/df = 2.76;
NNFI = .85. As such, the LaGrange Multiplier test was used to add seven
parameters to the analysis. The resulting fit was less than ideal but was judged to be
adequate based on the following: CFI = .90; Chi square/df = 2.4, NNFI = .86. The
CFA for the Gender Differences Model indicates that the latent constructs represent
the data. This model is depicted in Figure 3.5.
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PREDICTORS MOTIVES
Conformity
Satisfaction
Religiosity
Relationship Status
Relations
Adults
Satisfied w
Sex Life
Relations
Family
Control o f
Sex Life
Femininity
Thrills &
Masculinity
DtsmhibiL
Perceived
Oppoitun.
Satisfied
w. Future
Satisfied
w. Work
Success
Preoccup.
Depression
Childhood Sexual Abuse
Masculine
Role
Affection
Love
Affection
Pleasure
Pragmatic
Dominance
Control
Obligation
Procreation
Figure 3.5: Confirmatory factor analysis o f Gender
Differences Model. Large ovals represent latent
constructs, rectangles are measured variables, and
small circles with numbers are residual variances.
All factor loadings are significant at the .001 level. Correlations were
allowed between variables (or their residuals) within each domain and
were similar to those depicted in Table 3.11.
61
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The final CFA for the Gender Differences Model was used as a foundation to
develop the structural modeL The model begins in a saturated state, meaning that all
paths were included. The process of developing the structural model from the CFA
model entails a systematic removing o f non-significant paths. The removals are
based on the Wald test, which yields a set o f parameters that, with high probability,
can be dropped from the model without a significant degradation in model fit (Byrne,
1994). This correlation matrix is shown in Table 3.11. As can be seen, there are
several significant correlations between variables and constructs. The primary
finding was that females showed stronger association with the Love/Affection and
Obligation motives than did males, and males showed stronger association with
Pragmatism motive than did females.
The fit indexes revealed that the structural model adequately fit the data: CFI =
.90; Chi square/df = 2.4, NNFI = .86. The final structural Gender Differences Model
is illustrated in Figure 3.6. The structural model reveals that the relationships
between gender and motives are impacted by some of the hypothesized predictors,
but not by others.
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Table 3.11: Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs, Gender Differences Model (Community Sample Only)
M easured V ariables &
nt Constructs 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1 0 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8
1 . Sex
2. Social Conform ity .25*** -
3 . Com m unality .03 .48*** -
4. A gency -.04 .32*** .61*** -
5 . Fem ininity .19*** .46*** .53*** .29*** --
6. M asculinity -.23** .12 .49*** .49*** .17*** --
7 . M asculine Role -.0 1 -.35*** -.54*** -.45*** -.33*** -.24***
-
8 . Relationship Satisfhct. .03 .26*** .48*** .42*** .28***
22***
-.46*** --
9. Relationship Status -.07 .19*** .19*** .19*** .06 .03 -.18*** .28*** --
1 0 . Experience of Sex Life .05 .24*** .36*** .41*** .20*** .15** -.25*** .46*** .21*** -
1 1 . Sensation Seeking -.46*** -.65*** -.10 -.10 -.14** .17** .13* -.07 -.12** -.13*** -
1 2 . Child Sex A buse .18*** .03 -.19*** -.18*** -.06 -.09* .15** -.14** -.02 -.08 -.05 --
1 3 . Em otion Distress .08 -.43*** -.84*** -.81*** -.33*** -.63*** .43*** -.42*** -.17*** -.37*** .08 .17** ..
1 4 . Love/A ffection .07* -.03 .21*** .13** .22*** .08 -.21*** .38*** .00 .30*** .0 1 .00 -.13** -
1 5 . Pleasure -.12** -.09 .22** .19*** .14** .16** -.17** .34*** -.08 .31*** .17** -.04 -.18*** .71*** -
1 6 . Pragm atic .00 -.11* -.00 -.04 .0 1 -.04 .15** .0 1 -.12** .09* .12* .14** .05 .32*** .39*** --
1 7 . D om ination/control .06 -.11* -.08 -.08 -.02 -.09* .30*** -.15** -.13** .0 1 .08 .13** .14** .10* .15** .55*** —
1 8 . O bligation .14** .16* -.14** -.14* -.0 1 -.14** .19*** -.10* .12** -.06 -.12* .15** .10* .24*** .07 .33*** .34*** --
1 9 . Procreation .05 .16** .11* .0 1 .08 -.05 -.04 .0 1 .07 .04 -.06 .05 -.05 .02 -.0 1 .02 .0 1 .10*
*p < .05; **p<.01;*»*p<.00l.
[ A positive correlation on Sex indicates that fem ales were higher, a positive correlation on Relationship Status indicates being in a com m itted, monogamous relationship.]
O n
u i
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Figure 3.6: Final path model Gender Differences
Large avals ore latent constructs, rectangles are
measured variables, single headed arrows are
paths, and small circles are residual. All parameter
estimates are standardized Correlations were
allowed between variables (or their residuals)
within each domain and were similar to those
reponedinTablc3.!3. *p< .05; **p<.01;
•*» p < 0 0 1 .
PREDICTORS
Femininity
Emotional
Distress
-26***
MOTIVES
.2 1 *
,15*
1.12*** ^
.23“ *
Pleasure
\
Communahty
Relationship
Satisfaction
Childhood
Sexual Abuse
. 1»•••
.1 4***
Sensation
Seeking
Masculine
Role Identity
Masculinity
GENDER
------ ---------- -.40***
Agency
Relationship
Status
.23***
.96
Social Con
formity
Love
Affection
Prag
matic
Dominate
Control
Obliga
tion
Procreate
.16*** ^ -------------►
£
Findings for Gender Differences
Research Questions/Hypotheses
The research questions and hypotheses addressing gender differences were
based on the notion that there would be gender differences in motives for sex, and
that the psychosocial predictors would mediate the relationships between gender and
the motives. Gender difference results were derived from the correlations that were
tested in the CFA model, and the mediational relationships were demonstrated in the
final structural model.
Love/Affection and Pleasure motives. The first hypothesis stated that there are
sex differences in motivations for sexual intercourse, with males being more pleasure
oriented, and females being more love and affection oriented. The second
hypothesis was that these gender differences in motives for sex would be mediated
by the psychosocial predictors. The data supported both o f these hypotheses.
Correlation analyses from the CFA model revealed that males were
significantly more motivated by pleasure than were females, and females were more
motivated by expressing love and affection than were males. These relationships
were not represented by the data in the final structural analysis, suggesting that other
variables mediated the relationships between gender and the Pleasure and
Love/Affection motives. In particular, the relationship between gender and the
Love/Affection motive was mediated by the construct o f communality, and
communality was significantly predicted by (female) gender. The relationship
65
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between gender and the Pleasure motive was mediated by the construct o f sensation
seeking, and sensation seeking was significantly predicted by (male) gender.
Gender differences in the Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, Obligation and
Procreation motives. O f these four motives, the only significant gender difference
was on the Obligation motive, which females endorsed significantly more than did
males. This relationship was demonstrated in the correlation analyses as well as by
the data in the final structural analysis. This finding is notable because the predictors
did not fully mediate the relationship between gender and the Obligation motive, as
they did for the Love/Affection and Pleasure motives. There were, however,
significant relationships between gender and the communality and social conformity
constructs, both of which in turn predicted the Obligation motive. At best, these
constructs partially mediated the relationship between gender and the Obligation
motive. The other three motives, Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, and Procreation,
were not related to gender in the Gender Differences Model.
Associational Hypotheses
Results from the associational hypotheses were derived from the correlation
analysis that was tested in the CFA model.
Male gender role and the Pleasure motive. This hypothesis stated that agency,
masculinity, and masculine gender role identity would be related to a higher Pleasure
motive. The foundation o f this hypothesis was that these three elements would be
affiliated with males and, as such, would be related to the Pleasure motive. This
66
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hypothesis was fully supported by the data, in that all three factors were significantly
related to the Pleasure motive. Interestingly, masculinity was the only one o f the
three that was significantly related to gender.
Female gender role and the Love/Affection and Obligation motives. This
hypothesis stated that co m m u n ality and fem ininity would be related to higher
Love/Affection and Obligation motives. The foundation of this hypothesis is
complementary to the one above, as it was thought that these two elements would be
affiliated with females and, as such, would predict the two motives.
C om m unality was positively related to the Love/Affection motive, revealing
that those people who enjoy strong social relationships with peers, other adults, and
family members are more likely to engage in sex to express love and affection to
their partners. This is the relationship that appears to have mediated the relationship
between gender and the Love/Affection motive. Communality was also related to
the Obligation motive, but it was in the opposite direction from the hypothesized.
Essentially, it was believed that those people who invest strongly in their
relationships would engage in sex for obligatory reasons in an effort to maintain their
relationship by satisfying a partner. On the contrary, results indicated that those
people who enjoy positive relationships with peers and family are less likely to
engage in sex for obligatory reasons.
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As hypothesized, gender did predict femininity, and femininity did in turn
relate to the Love/Affection motive. However, femininity was not related to the
Obligation motive.
Well-being and the Love/Affection motive. This hypothesis stated that for
both sexes, low emotional distress, relationship satisfaction, and positive experience
of sex life would be related to higher Love/Affection motive. This hypothesis was
fully supported by the data.
Dominance/Control and Obligation. This hypothesis predicted that sensation
seeking and incidence o f childhood sexual abuse would be related to higher
Domination/Control and/or Obligation motive. Sensation seeking was not, in feet,
related to the Domination/Control motive, but it was negatively related to the
Obligation motive. This was the only motive to which sensation seeking was related.
Incidence o f childhood sexual abuse was positively related to the
Dominance/Control motive and the Obligation motive. Although it was not
hypothesized, it is noted that childhood sexual abuse was also related to the
Pragmatic motive.
Relationship status and social conformity. This question asked if relationship
status and social conformity related to motives for intercourse. Relationship status
was related to the Pragmatic, Domination/Control, and Obligation motives, revealing
that those people who were single or dating engaged in sex for pragmatic reasons or
to dominate/control or be dominated/controlled by a partner. Those people who
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were married or in long-term monogamous relationships were more likely to engage
in sex for obligatory reasons.
Participants who endorsed a higher level o f social conformity were more likely
to engage in sex for obligatory or procreative reasons. Conversely, those who were
less socially conforming, being less religious, more liberal, and less law abiding,
were more likely to engage in sex for pragmatic and dominance/control reasons.
Construction and Analysis o f Consequences Model
Construction and analysis o f the Consequences model followed similar
procedures as those described in the development o f the Gender Differences model,
with some modifications. First, CFA models were developed separately for males
and females. Then, a multiple group comparison was conducted to see if the two
models were significantly different from each other, which would justify the use of
two models in the final structural analysis. As this was the case, final structural
models were developed separately for males and females.
Confirmatory factor analyses
Males. The first step in developing this model was to develop the
confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The initial CFA fit the data well: CFI = .92; Chi
square/df = 1.79; NNFI = .85. The CFA for the Consequences Model - Males
indicates that the latent constructs well represent the data. This model is depicted in
Figure 3.7. The CFA for the Consequences Model — Males was used as a foundation
69
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to develop the structural model. The strength of relationships between the measured
variables and latent constructs is illustrated in the correlation matrix shown in Table
3.12. As can be seen, there were several significant relationships between variables
and constructs.
Females. As with the males’ model, the first step in developing the females’
model was to develop the confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The initial CFA fit
the data well: CFT = .90; Chi square/df = 1.73; NNFI = .88. The CFA for
Consequences Model — Females indicates that the latent constructs well represent the
data. This model is depicted in Figure 3.8. The CFA for the Consequences Model —
Females was used as a foundation to develop the structural model. The strength of
relationships between the measured variables and latent constructs is illustrated in
the correlation matrix shown in Table 3.13. As can be seen, there were several
significant correlations between variables and constructs.
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DEMOGRAPHICS PSYCHOSOCIAI. PREDICTORS OUTCOMES
Sample
SHC/Coiran.
Relationship
Status
Age
No. lifetime
partners
Social
491 Conformity
Ave. times
sex/month
Religiosity
Relations
w. Parents
Social
Support
Unprotected
sex
Relations
w. Peers
Less high
risk beh.
Behavior
Reduced
sex activity
Satisfied w.
Sex Life
Control o f
Sex Life
Alcohol
Love &
Affection
Negative
Marijuana
Consequence
of drug use
Sex due to
Alch. use
Dominance
& Control
Sex due to
Marij. use
Obligation
Sex due to
Coc. use Procreation
Figure 3.7: Confirmatory factor analysis for Consequences Model (males). Large ovals represent latent constructs,
rectangles are measured variables, and small circles with numbers are residual variances. Factor loadings are
standardized and significance levels were determined by critical ratios on unstandardized coefficients. All factor
loadings are significant at the .001 level.
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Table 3.12: Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs, Consequences Model (SHC & Community Sample, Males)
Measured Variables &
Latent Constructs 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 1 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
1. Sample
2. Relationship Status -.08 -
3. Age .95*** .13* «
4. Social Conformity .84 .12 .81*** -
5. Social Support .74*** .11 .70*** .84*** - -
6. Self-Acceptance .49*** .11 .46*** .63*** .81*** -
7. Experience Sex Life .09 .13* .10 .17* .22** .29*** -
8. Love/Affection .10 .04 .11 .02 .26** .12 .23**
-
9. Pleasure -.09 .05 -.07 -.16* .08 .06 .19** .60*** «
10. Pragmatic -.19** -.05 -.18** -.27** -.03 -.12 .03 .29** .31*** -
11. Domination/control -.14* .07 -.16* -.13 -.02 -.09 -.01 -.02 .08 .40*** -
12. Obligation -.09 .04 -.07 -.12 -.04 -.04 -.04 .44*** .35*** .40** .33***
-
13. Procreation -.01 .03 -.00 .07 .10 .08 -.02 .16* .06 .07 .08 .20** -
14. No. lifetime partners .10 -.01 .10 .00 -.03 .03 .03 .02 -.05 -.04 -.02 -.00 -.03 «
15. Ave. times sex/mo. .14* -.02 .16** .14* .14 .09 .48*** .20** .13 .17* -.01 .03 .03 .23** -
16. Age first intercourse -.06 -.01 -.01 .07 -.04 .01 -.03 -.00 .04 -.01 -.04 -.14* .03 -.29*** -.13* —
17. Unprotected Sex -.13* -.02 -.12 -.24** -.06 -.09 .03 .18** .09 .10 .03 .07 -.07 .19** .09 -.19** «
18. Neg. Consq. Drugs -.32*** .13** -.33*** -.30** -.32*** -.27*** -.10 -.04 -.02 .14 .21* .22** -.07 .35*** .19* -.34** .26** --
19. Sex b/c Drugs Use
.29***
.05 -.29*** -.24* -.29** -.20** -.05 -.09 -.05 .19* .25** .11 -.08 .34*** .15 -.24** .24*** .87*** -
20. Risky Sex Beh. -.14 -.15 -.15 -.36*** -.15 -.10 -.21** -.00 -.11 .13 .14 .19* .03 .27*** -.11 -.26** .10 .27** .21
*p<.05; **p<.01;***p<.001
[A positive correlation on Relationship Status indicates being in a committed, monogamous relationship.]
DEMOGRAPHICS PSYCHOSOCIAL PREDICTORS OUTCOMES
Sample
SHC/Comm.
Relationship
Status
Age
Liberalism
No. lifetime
partners
0 -
Social
Conformity
Law
Abidance Ave. times
sex/month
Religiosity
Relations
w. Parents
Social
Support
Unprotected
sex
Relations
w. Peers
Concern/
protection
Risky Sex \ j 2
Behavior
Change
Less high
risk beh.
Satisfied w.
Sex Life
Reduced
sex activity
Control o f
Sex Life
Alcohol
Love &
Affection
Negative
Consequence
o f drug use
Marijuana
Cocaine
Sex due to
Alch. use
Dominance
& Control
Sex due to
Marij. use
Obligation
Sex due to
Coc. use
Procreation
Figure 3.8: Confirmatory factor analysis for Consequences Model (females). Large ovals represent latent
constructs, rectangles are measured variables, and small circles with numbers are residual variances. Factor
loadings are standardized and significance levels were determined by critical ratios on unstandardized
coefficients. All factor loadings are significant at the .001 level.
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Table 3.13: Intercorrelations among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs, Consequences Model (SHC & Community Sample, Females)
Measured Variables &
Latent Constructs 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
1. Sample
m m
2. Relationship Status .12** ••
3. Age .89*** .12** --
4. Social Conformity .84*** .02 .73*** -
5. Social Support .70*** .01 .63*** .73*** --
6. Self-Acceptance .42*** .05 .39*** .49*** .82*** -
7. Experience Sex Life -.05 .18*** -.08* .06 .21** .24*** -
8. Love/Affection .06 -.06 .02 .03 .20*** .09* .28*** -
9. Pleasure -.06 -.15*** -.07 -.09 .15** .08 .30*** .72*** -
10. Pragmatic -.01 -.13** -.04 -.05 -.03 -.05 .11* .32*** .43*** --
11. Domination/control .04 -.19*** .02 -.04 -.06 -.10* .0! .11* .16*** .56*** - -
12. Obligation .29*** .07 .24*** .28*** .05 .02 -.10* .21*** .04 .32*** .31*** -
13. Procreation .13*** .11** .11** .19*** .11* .08* .02 -.01 .-.04 -.01 -.03 .08
14. No. lifetime partners .10** -.09* .09** -.07 .10 .00 .02 .00 .06 .09** .10* -.04 .-.05 -
15. Ave. times sex/mo. .09* .10* .03 .09 .17*** .15*** .44*** .15*** .13** .10* .04 -.00 .-.02 .08 -
16. Age first intercourse -.04 -.01 .03 -.01 -.03 -.07* -.02 .05 -.01 .03 .05 .11* .13** -.23** -.07 -
17. Unprotected Sex -.22** -.09 -.19 -.21*** -.21*** -.12** -.00 -.04 .05 -.02 -.01 -.12** -.06 .18** .01 -.13** -
18. Neg. Consq. Drugs -.13* .01 -.18** ■23* * -.20** -.17*** -.07 .03 .07* .16*** .18*** .05 -.08* .16** .16** -.09* .13** -
19. Sex b/c Drugs Use -.03 .04 -.08 -.16** -.11 -.08 -.03 .03 .04 .21*** .20*** .18*** -.01 .13** .09 .05 .11* .85*** -
20. Risky Sex Beh. .05 -.43*** .06 -.12* -.10 -.09 -.15** .08 .15** .30*** .30*** .03 .00
30***
.05 -.04 .24*** .25** .06*** --
* p< .05; ** p< .01; p< .001
{A positive correlation on Relationship Status indicates being in a committed, monogamous relationship.]
Sex Differences in the Consequences Model
A multiple group comparison was run to determine whether the CFA models,
which measure how well the latent constructs represent the observed variables, were
equivalent for males and females. More specifically, this procedure compares the
factoral structure o f the CFA model for males with the factor structure of the CFA
model for females, to determine if there are significant differences between them.
Three sets o f multiple group analyses were run to estimate these differences. The
first set o f analyses allowed factor loadings to be estimated freely. The second set o f
analyses constrained factor loadings to be equal between males and females. The
third set o f analyses constrained factor loadings, correlation between factors,
correlation between factors and variables, and correlation between variables to be
equal between males and females. If few or no differences emerged in these
analyses, differences between males and females in this sample could be viewed as
minimal. This would justify the use o f a single, combined sample of men and
women. Tables 3.14 summarizes these results.
Table 3.14: Multiple Group Analyses of Factor Models
Model Chi Square df X2Jdf
1) Multiple Group CFA
A) All Free 949.4 452 2.1
B) Factor Loadings
Constrained 985.7 468 2.1
C) Factor Loadings &
Corr., Factor-Variable Corr.
& Variable-Variable Corr.
Constrained 1275.4 661 1.9
75
prob. NNFI CF1
<.001 .873 .934
<.001 .872 .931
<.001 .893 .919
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Table 3.14 (continued)
2) Difference Tests
A-B 363 16 <.01
C-B 289.7 193 <.01
C-A 326 209 <.01
Univariate analyses of the sixteen total factor loadings revealed that there were
not significant differences between the males and females. However, the omnibus
test revealed that, as a group, the factor loadings were significantly different for
males and females. As seen above, the three multiple-group analyses yielded
significant differences, indicating that the overall fit is not equivalent between the
female and male models. Ultimately, based on the statistical difference between the
two models, the use of separate samples is justified.
A correlation analysis based on the CFA models reveals a few significant
differences between males and females. There were three findings o f difference that
related to the Obligation motive. Females were more likely to have sexual
consequences of substance use, whereas males were more likely to have risky sexual
behavior as a result of the Obligation motive. The third finding was that for males, a
younger age at first intercourse was related to the Obligation motive, whereas the
inverse was true for females. Another sexual outcome that differed between the two
sexes was that a higher degree o f self-acceptance was related to a higher number of
sex partners for males, whereas for females, there was almost no relationship
between these two variables. There was a positive relationship for males between
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the Love/Affection motive and unprotected sex, while the reverse was true for
females. Finally, there was a gender difference on the impact of relationship status
on the Dominance/Control motive. Females who were single or dating were more
likely to endorse the dominance and control items, whereas males who were married
or in a long-term monogamous relationship were more likely to endorse these items.
Table 3.15 presents the correlations and significant differences between the males
and females in the Consequences Model.
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Table 3.15: Multiple Group Comparisons among Measured Variables and Latent Constructs, Consequences Model (SHC & Community Sample)
Males are on lower left triangle, females are on upper right triangle. Factor loadings are constrained to equality.
Measured Variables &
Latent Constructs 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 1 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
1. Sample - -.12 .95 .84 .69 .42 -.04 .07 -.06 -.01 .04 .28 .13 .08 .02 -.04 -.02 -.12 -.03 .06
2. Relationship Status -.08 -- -.12 .01 .01 .05 .18 -.06 -.15 -.12 -.19* .07 .11 -.09 .10 .01 -.08 .00 .04 -.43
3. Age .95 -.12 - .73 .63 .39 -.08 .03 -.06 -.04 .02 .24 .10 .10 .03 .03 -.19 -.18 -.08 .06
4. Social Conformity .83 .12 .79 -- .72 .49 .06 .03 -.09 -.05 -.04 .28 .19 -.07 .09 .01 -.23 -.23 -.16 -.10
5. Social Support .75 .11 .71 .84 .82 .21 .21 .15 -.03 -.06 .05 .11 .10* .17 -.02 -.21 -.20 -.10 -.10
6. Self-Acceptance .49 .11 .47 .63 .83 - .24 .10 .08 -.05 -.10 .02 .08 .00* .15 -.07 -.11 -.17 -.08 -.08
7. Experience Sex Life .10 .13 .10 .18 .22 .29 - .28 .31 .11 .01 -.10 .02 .02 .44 -.02 -.00 -.07 -.03 -.15
8. Love/Affection .09 .04 .10 .02 26 .11 .22 « .72 .32 .11 .21 -.01 .00 .15 .05 -.04* .03 .03 .08
9. Pleasure -.11 .05 -.08 -.17 .08 .04 .18 .56 - - .43 .16 .04 -.04 .06 .13 -.01 .05 .07 .04 .16
10. Pragmatic -.21 -.06 -.20 -.28 -.04 -.14 .03 .29 .31 - .56 .32 -.01 .09 .10* .04 -.02 .16 .21 .31
11. Domination/control -.15 .07* -.16 -.14 -.04 -.09 -.02 -.02 .08 .41 - .31 -.03 .10 .04 .05 .04 .19 .19 .32
12. Obligation -.17 .04 -.08 -.13 -.04 -.05 -.04 .44 .35 .41 .33 - .09 -.04 -.00 .11* .28 .06 .19* .05*
13. Procreation -.01 .03 -.07 .08 .10 .08 -.02 .16 .06 .07 .08 .19 - -.05 -.02 .13 .13 -.08 -.01 .01
14. No. lifetime partners .03 -.10 .09 -.02 -.04* .02* .03 .02 -.05 -.03 -.01 .00 -.04 - .08 -.23 .08 .16 .14 .29
13. Ave. times sex/mo. .13 -.01 .16 .13 .14 .09 .47 .20 .13 .17* -.01 .04 .03 .23 « -.07 .07 .16 .09 .05*
16. Age first intercourse -.04 -.02 .01 .10 -.02 .02 -.03 -.00 .04 -.02 -.05 -.15* .03 -.30 -.13 - -.04 -.08 .04 -.03*
17. Unprotected Sex -.14 -.02 -.14 -.27 -.08 -.10 .03 .18* .10 .10 -.04 .08 -.07 .20 .10 -.20 -- -.12 -.03 .23*
18. Neg. Consq. Drugs -.33 .13 -.31 -.32 -.32 -.25 -.08 -.01 .04 .18 .14 .21 -.07 .32 .21 -.28 .24 - .87 .21
19. Sex b/o Drugs Use -.24 .05 -.21 .26 -.24 -.15 -.03 -.10 -.04 .15 .20 .08* -.10 .34 .17 -.23 .20 .87 •• .27
20. Risky Sex Behavior -.16 -.18 -.17 -.39 -.17 -.12 -.22 .04 -.06 .17 .14 .25* .01 .35 -.08* -.32* .11* .23 .27 --
♦ indicates significant gender difference at the .05 level.
-a
o o
Impact o f Psychosocial Predictors on Sexual Outcomes
Males. The fit indexes revealed that the final structural model adequately fit
the data: CFI = .91; Chi square/df = 1.87, NNFI = .84. The final structural
Consequences Model — Males is illustrated in Figure 3.9. The structural model
reveals that there are significant relationships between psychosocial predictors and
hypothesized outcomes.
Females. The fit indexes revealed that the structural model fit the data well:
CFI = .94; Chi square/df = 1.64, NNFI = .91. The final structural Consequences
Model — Females is illustrated in Figure 3.10. The structural model reveals that there
are significant relationships between psychosocial predictors and hypothesized
outcomes.
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PEMWRAPHSS PSY C H O SO C IA L P R E D IC T O R S OUTCOMES
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BEMP9RAPWS3
PSYCHOSOCIAL PREDICTORS
gMSSMES
Figure 3.10
0 0
nkySax
Behavior
Change
social
Conformity
Ave. times
sexfmonth
No. lifetime
Everienoe
of Sex L ife
A gain
Intercourse
Unprotected
eexV
Negative
Consequence
of drug nee
Sample SHC
Community
Sexual
eiqMrience
due to drug
Oomimnoe &
Control
OMgation
Final path Model -Females.
Large ovals are latent conatnids,
rectanglea era measured variables, single
headed arrows are paths, and imal
drdaa am residual.
A ll parameter estim ates ate standardized.
*p<.05; *p«.01; *p<.001.
Positive numbers for relatlonahlp statue
represent married or monogamous
Findings for Consequences Model
The overall goal o f the Consequences Model was to determine if psychosocial
variables and constructs predicted sexual and substance use outcomes, and if they
mediated relationships between demographic variables and outcomes. As the model
was run separately for males and females, results will be presented separately for
males and females.
Mediation of demographics and outcomes
Males. Psychosocial predictors did not mediate any relationships between
relationship status and outcomes, nor did they mediate any relationships between age
and outcomes. In feet, the only relationship that was mediated by demographics was
the one between sample and frequency o f sex (average number o f times participants
engaged in sex per month). Specifically, there was a significant relationship that
indicated those in the Community sample engaged in sex more frequently than did
those in the SHC sample. However, this relationship was mediated by the Pragmatic
sexual motive, revealing that those who engaged in sex for pragmatic reasons had
sex more frequently than those who did not endorse this motive.
Females. The relationship between relationship status and frequency o f sex
suggested that those in married or monogamous relationships engaged in sex more
frequently than those who were dating or single. However, this relationship was
mediated by experience o f sex life, such that those with a positive experience o f their
sex life engaged in sex more times per month than those who were not satisfied with
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their sex life. Correlation analyses revealed that the Community sample was less
likely than the SHC sample to engage in unprotected sex and suffer negative
consequences o f substance use. Both o f these relationships were mediated by
psychosocial predictors. In particular, the relationship between sample and
unprotected sex was mediated by the construct of social support, such that those
participants who experienced positive social support were less likely to engage in
unprotected sex. Similarly, social conformity mediated the relationship between
sample and negative consequences o f substance use, such that those participants who
were more socially conforming were less likely to suffer negative consequences o f
substance use.
Sample and Gender Differences
Sample and gender differences were reflected in the analyses that were
conducted with two-way ANOVAs. With regard to the motives for sex, the
Love/Affection and Obligation motives were endorsed more by the Community
sample than by the SHC sample, while the SHC sample endorsed the Pleasure
motive more that the Community sample. Another sample difference was found in
the significant interaction between gender and sample, which revealed that males in
the SHC sample were more likely to engage in sex for pragmatic reasons (i.e., to
have fun, to satisfy curiosity) than were males in the Community sample and females
in both samples. Additional findings for females were that those in the Community
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sample were more likely to engage in sex for obligatory and procreative reasons than
were those in the SHC sample.
Motives and Higher Risk Sexual Behavior
Some motives predict more risky sexual behavior than do others. It was
hypothesized that the Pragmatic, Domination/ControL, and Obligation motives would
predict risky sexual behavior and negative consequences, both sexual and non-
sexual, stemming from substance use.
Males. The Pragm atic motive did not predict risky sexual behavior or negative
sexual and non-sexual consequences from substance use. The Domination/Control
motive positively predicted sexual and non-sexual negative consequences from
substance use. In feet, these were the only two outcomes to which the
Domination/Control motive was related. The Obligation motive positively predicted
a history of risky sexual behavior. The Obligation was negatively related to age at
first intercourse, revealing that those males who felt obligated to have sex had a
significantly younger age of first intercourse than did those males who did not
endorse the Obligation motive. In addition, the Obligation motive positively
predicted experiencing negative non-sexual consequences o f substance use.
Females. The Pragmatic motive predicted risky sexual behavior, a higher
number o f lifetime partners, and sexual consequences o f substance use, while the
Domination/Control motive predicted risky sexual behavior and negative non-sexual
consequences o f substance use. The Obligation motive predicted sexual
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consequences o f substance use, less unprotected sex, fewer lifetime partners, and a
younger age at first intercourse.
Motives and Lower Risk Sexual Behavior
Love/Affection motive, social support, and positive experience o f sex life were
expected to predict an increased frequency o f sexual behavior, less risky sexual
behavior, and less negative consequences (sexual and non-sexual) from substance
use.
Males. The Love/Affection motive did not predict an increased frequency o f
sex, risky sexual behavior, or negative consequences from substance use. However,
this motive did predict participants having engaged in unprotected sex. A lack o f
social support was indicative of negative sexual and non-sexual consequences o f
substance use, and positive experience o f sex life negatively predicted risky sexual
behavior and positively predicted a higher frequency o f sex.
Females. The Love/Affection motive shared no significant relationship with
any hypothesized outcome or predictor for the Consequences ModeL Social support
did predict less instance of unprotected sex, but it did not predict any other
outcomes, including sexual and non-sexual consequences o f substance use. A
positive experience of sex life did predict a higher frequency of sex and less risky
sexual behavior.
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Impact of Relationship Status
It was expected that relationship status would predict the Love/Affection and
Obligation motive. Specifically, participants who were married or in long-term
monogamous relationships were expected to have higher Love/Affection and
Obligation motives.
Males. For males, relationship status did not predict the Love/Affection and
Obligation motives, revealing that monogamy did not relate to these motives. In
fact, relationship status was not significantly related to any of the sexual motives for
males.
Females. Results for females were in marked contrast to those for males. As it
happens, for females relationship status was not related to the Love/Affection
motive. However, relationship status for females was significantly related to every
other motive for intercourse. Those females in married or long-term monogamous
relationships were more likely to engage in sex for obligatory and procreative
reasons, while those who were single or in dating relationships were more likely to
engage in sex for pleasure, pragmatic reasons, or to dominate or be dominated by
their partner.
Impact of Predictors and Motives
A broad view of the results o f this study reveals that the predictors in the
Gender Differences Model do not account for a great deal of variance associated
with the motives for sexual intercourse. A similar phenomenon is true for the
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Consequences Model, in which the psychosocial predictors, including motives for
sex, do not account for a great deal o f variance in the sexual and non-sexual
outcomes. This finding is based on the high degrees o f residual variance for sexual
motives in the Gender Differences Model, which range from .84 to .98, and the high
degrees o f variance in the outcomes o f the Consequences Model, which range from
.73 to .97. These large residuals, when coupled with the generally low factor
loadings in each model, reveal that the elements chosen to predict motives and
outcomes in this work may not be the optimal factors to accomplish such a task.
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CHAPTER IV
DISCUSSION
This study attempted to fill in the gaps toward an understanding of: 1) Gender
differences in motivation for sex; and 2) the relationships between psychosocial
factors, motives for sex, risky sexual behavior, and negative sexual and non-sexual
consequences o f substance use. Although some research has been conducted that
addresses motives for sexual intercourse, little research has been done that addresses
motives for intercourse and risky sexual behavior. In addition, the majority of
studies that have been done were conducted with sample populations that were
comprised of university undergraduate students. Consequently, the results of
previous research are restricted in their generalizability.
One critical factor that sets this work apart from previous research is that the
measure created to examine motives for sexual intercourse allowed for multiple
motives to be simultaneously in effect. This research recognizes that there may be
many reasons that people engage in sexual intercourse and, therefore, this inquiry
was approached from the standpoint o f “how much of the time” respondents engaged
in sex for the given reasons.
The goal o f this work was to determine gender differences in motivation for
sexual intercourse, as well as explore the impact of motives for sex on risky sexual
behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual consequences o f substance use. To
accomplish this goal, two models were presented. The first model addressed gender
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differences in motives for sexual intercourse (Gender Differences Model). The
Community sample, average age 35, was used for this modeL The second model
addressed the relationships between psychosocial factors, motives for sex, risky
sexual behavior, and associated negative consequences o f substance use
(Consequences Model). The sample for this model was a combination o f the
Community participants and the university Student Health Center participants,
average age 23\ Because this work uses two diverse samples, the results are far more
generalizable than findings from previous research.
A primary finding of this work is that there are gender differences in motives
for sex, with females being more love and affection oriented, and males being more
pleasure oriented. This finding confirms much o f the existing literature in this area.
However, there was another notable gender difference found, in that females were
more likely than were males to engage in sex for obligatory reasons. This is a new
and substantial finding that has implications for clinical work and will be discussed
further below.
A striking finding of this study is its absence of findings. In other words, an
examination o f the models reveals that the predictors do not strongly predict the
motives in the Gender Differences Model, and the motives themselves do not
account very well for the sexual outcomes in the Consequences Model. This is
evidenced in both models by the high degrees o f residual variances for motives and
outcomes, as well as the relatively small, though significant, factor loadings. In feet,
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in the Consequences Model, the other psychosocial factors, such as social
conformity, social support, and experience of sex life, predict the outcomes much
more strongly than do the motives for sex. Essentially, what this research reveals is
that factors other than those included in this study predominantly account for gender
differences in motives for sex and predictors of sexual risk taking behavior. The
results o f this work should be understood within this context, as they have
implications for theory as well as clinical intervention and prevention efforts.
Implications of Hypotheses
Gender Differences Model
The goal of the Gender Differences model was to establish gender differences
in motives for intercourse, and to determine what factors might mediate the
relationships between gender and motives. There were also associational hypotheses
that queried which predictors were directly related to motives for sex.
Love/Affection and Pleasure motives. The hypotheses stated that there would
be gender differences in motives for intercourse, with females being more love and
affection oriented and males being more pleasure oriented. Further, the relationships
between gender and motives were expected to be mediated by the hypothesized
predictors. Results fully supported this hypothesis, which were consistent with the
bulk of previous literature (Carroll et aL, 1985; Cooper et aL, 1998).
The relationship between (male) gender and the Pleasure motive was mediated
in the structural model by the construct o f sensation seeking. This finding speaks to
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a different dynamic than that suggested by Cooper et aL (1998), in which sensation
seeking was associated with enhancement, self-affirmation, and coping motives for
intercourse. Because sensation seeking was not a focus o f their research, they did
not form any conclusions about this construct. With regard to this work, it is noted
that this finding is consistent with previous studies suggesting that males are more
physically oriented in their motives for intercourse than are females, and that their
motives for sex more often include pleasure and fun (Brigman & Knox, 1992,
Carroll et aL, 1985).
The relationship between (female) gender and the Love/Affection motive was
mediated by the construct o f communal ity. Cooper et aL (1998) suggested that an
orientation toward communality may be a variable that impacts sexual motives, and
this appears to be true. This finding illustrates that those people who enjoy positive
interpersonal relationships are likely to engage in sex to demonstrate their positive
feelings for their partners). The mediation effect reveals that people o f both sexes,
when oriented toward communality and relatedness with others, will be motivated to
express their love and affection in sexual encounters.
Gender differences in the Pragmatic, Dominance/ControL Obligation, and
Procreation motives. This question was posed without corresponding hypotheses
because previous literature gives little indication o f which sex might be more
inclined toward any o f these motives. Obligation was the only motive o f these four
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on which there was a significant sex difference, with women being more likely than
were men to engage in sex for obligatory reasons.
Many aspects o f the findings on the Obligation motive are noteworthy. This
gender difference was evident at the correlation level o f analysis, as well as in the
final structural equation model It was expected that the predictors would mediate
the relationship between gender and the Obligation motive, but this did not occur. In
fact, the Obligation motive was significantly related to four other predictors and,
still, the relationship between gender and motive remained.
The gender difference on the Obligation motive may fit well with Townsend’s
(1995) explanation o f how women deal with discrepancies between their desired
level o f investment — commitment and the man’s willingness to invest. Townsend
found that when women did not receive their desired level o f investment, they would
employ various strategies to test their partner’s investment. It is highly possible that
one strategy used by women is sexual, and that they perceive having sex to satisfy
their partner as a mode o f enhancing their partner’s investment.
Another explanation stems from a power differential in the sexual relationship.
With regard to safer sex practices, Buysse and Van Oost (1997) found that more
females reported encounters in which they perceived their partner to be dominant,
and more males reported encounters in which they perceived themselves to be
dominant. As such, females’ chance o f succeeding in safer sex practices depended
on the overall power differential in the relationship. The same dynamic may be at
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hand with regard to obligatory feelings motivating a female’s sexual behavior - if
she perceives her partner to be more powerful, she may engage in sex to please the
partner, or because her partner wants to have sex.
Male gender role and the Pleasure motive. Agency, masculinity, and
masculine role identity were significantly related to a higher Pleasure motive. The
foundation o f this hypothesis was that a male gender role affiliation, as represented
by the constructs o f agency and masculine gender role, and the variable masculinity,
would predict a pleasure motive. This foundation was, in feet, supported in the first
hypothesis, wherein males were significantly more pleasure oriented than were
females. With regard to this hypothesis, it appears that agency, masculinity, and
masculine role identity did not represent males in this study, as there were not
significant relationships between gender and agency, nor gender and masculine role
identity.
In previous research, agency has been associated with males and masculine
gender role (Bardwick, 1971; Carlson, 1971; Cooper et aL, 1998; Stein et aL, 1992).
In this work, at no level o f analysis was agency significantly related to males. This
discrepancy may be due to an age difference, in that previous research focused on
adolescents or young adults, and this study used an older sample with an average age
o f 35. Being that a sense of agency reflects concern for oneself and one’s goals, it is
possible that in an older sample, females and males have similar concerns about their
goals. Cooper et aL (1998) suggested that an orientation toward agency could be a
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variable that impacts sexual motives, and they proposed this as an area for future
research. Congruent with their expectation, in this study agency was significantly
related to the Pleasure motive.
Female gender role and the Love/Affection and Obligation motives. This
hypothesis stated that communality and femininity would be related to higher
Love/Affection motive and higher Obligation motive. This hypothesis was intended
to complement the second hypothesis and was partially supported by the data. The
foundation o f this hypothesis is that a female gender role affiliation, as represented
by the construct of communality and the variable femininity, would predict the
Love/Affection and Obligation motives. This foundation was supported in the first
hypothesis, as females were motivated more by the Love/Affection motive than were
males.
As expected, females were more likely than were males to endorse both
femininity and com m unality. Femininity was related to the Love/Affection motive,
revealing that those people who demonstrate traditionally feminine characteristics
are more likely to have sex to express love and affection to their partners.
Femininity was not related to the Obligation motive.
As stated above, communality was related to the Love/Affection motive and, in
fact, mediated the relationship between gender and that motive. Contrary to the
stated hypothesis, communality was negatively related to the Obligation motive. It
was thought that there would be a positive relationship between communality and the
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Obligation motive because those individuals who are oriented toward relationships
with others were expected to engage in sex to please their partner (i.e., to maintain
the relationship). However, what appears to be the case, is that those people who
enjoy strong interpersonal relationships may feel socially supported outside of their
sexual relationship, and consequently feel less obligated to engage in sex for the
purpose of pleasing their partner. In other words, the feeling o f having social
support may mitigate one’s reliance on a sexual partner and, in turn, dim inish one’s
likelihood o f feeling obliged to have sex.
Well-being and the Love/Affection motive. This hypothesis suggested that for
both sexes, low emotional distress, relationship satisfaction, and positive experience
of sex life would be related to higher love motive. Each aspect o f this hypothesis
was supported by the data, comprising a picture o f those participants who are more
likely to engage in intercourse to express love and/or affection. Generally, these
participants were: self-accepting and generally not depressed; satisfied in their
romantic relationship; and experiencing satisfaction with and control over the sexual
aspect o f their lives. Regardless o f gender, people such as these were more often
motivated to have sex by their desire to communicate love and affectionate feelings
to their partner. It seems that these psychosocial factors, which tap into individuals’
emotional well-being, may better predict a love motive than does gender. It also
appears, as will be elaborated on further, that the Love/Affection motive may be
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reflective o f a more general and positive interpersonal style that manifests in sexual
relationships.
Domination/Control and Obligation. This hypothesis stated that sensation
seeking and incidence o f childhood sexual abuse would be related to higher
Domination/Control and/or Obligation motives. Sensation was, in feet, related to the
Obligation motive, but it was opposite the hypothesized direction. This finding
reveals that those participants who were sensation seekers were less likely to engage
in sex for obligatory reasons. Previous research has associated sensation seeking
with enhancement, self-affirmation, and coping motives for intercourse (Cooper et
aL, 1998). Because this work did not investigate those particular motives, a
comparison between the two cannot be made. Sensation seeking was not related to
the Dominance/Control motive.
This hypothesis was successful at predicting the relationships between
childhood sexual abuse and the Dominance/Control and Obligation motives. There
was significant positive relationship between childhood sexual abuse and Obligation
motive, as well as a significant relationship between incidence of childhood sexual
abuse and Domination/Control motive. Notably, females were significantly more
likely to have been abused as children than were males in this study, a finding that is
consistent with previous literature (Draucker, 1992). This finding suggests that, in
addition to feeling more obligated to have sex, those people who had experienced
abuse were more likely to engage in sex to dominate or be dominated by their
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partner. The implication is that the dynamic at play in these exchanges centers on
power and control - both of which can be particularly salient issues for survivors o f
sexual abuse (Finkelhor, 1987; Pacoe, 2000).
Relationship status. Because previous literature has found contradictory
results with regard to relationship status (Cooper et aL, 1998; Sprague & Quadragno,
1989), this study approached this variable from an exploratory stance. It was thought
that perhaps those people who were motivated to express positive emotion and
intimacy would seek out a single romantic partner, consistent with the findings of
Cooper et aL (1998), and this would result in a significant relationship between
relationship status and the Love/Affection motive. In a complementary vein, it was
thought that perhaps those people who were not in relationships would engage in
more casual sex for pleasure reasons. Neither o f these thoughts was supported by the
data in this study.
The data did reveal that relationship status was significantly related to the
Obligation motive, such that people who were married or with a long-time
monogamous partner engaged in sex more frequently because they felt obligated to
do so. Presumably, this reflects participants’ belief that engaging in intercourse is, to
some degree, a duty of a committed relationship. Conversely, those who were single
or in dating relationships more often engaged in sex for pragmatic reasons or for
dominance/control reasons. This finding might reflect either a less emotional
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commitment to a partner, as seen in the endorsement o f the Pragmatic motive, or
power dynamics that are at play in a dating situation.
Social conformity. Social conformity was positively related to two motives,
Obligation and Procreation. The implication from this finding is that some unknown
aspect o f conforming to social norms is related to feeling obliged to have sex with
one’s partner and satisfying a partner’s needs. The precise aspect o f this could not
be investigated in this work and remains for future research. Similarly, the aspect o f
social conformity that accounts for it being significantly endorsed by females but not
by males remains another area for future research.
Social conformity also related to the Procreation motive. This finding suggests
that people who conform to social norms may see having children as a part o f what is
expected o f them in their social context — i.e., the traditional values o f being married
and having children. Overall, as people age they become more socially conforming
and are more likely to be married or in monogamous relationships. Within this
context are those who engage in sex to have children or because they feel it is their
obligation as a partner in a relationship.
The Pragmatic and Dominance/Control motives were negatively related to
social conformity. This finding, coupled with similar findings for relationship status,
reveal that people who are single or dating are also more liberal, less religious, and
less law abiding than those who are motivated for sex by obligatory or procreative
reasons.
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Consequences Model
The goal of the Consequences model was to link demographic variables and
psychosocial predictors to risky sexual behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual
consequences of substance use. Because this model used both the Community and
the SHC samples, comparisons between the groups could be made. Many o f these
comparisons reflect age differences between the samples.
Demographics. The demographic variables used for this study included age,
relationship status, and sample (Community or SHC). Psychosocial predictors
mediated some of the relationships between demographics and outcomes, revealing
that the predictors better accounted for some of the outcomes than did the
demographics. However, this occurred in only a few places. With regard to males,
psychosocial predictors did not mediate any relationships between relationship status
and outcomes, nor did they mediate any relationships between age and outcomes. In
fact, the only relationship that was mediated by demographics was the one between
sample and frequency o f sex (average number of times participants engaged in sex
per month). Specifically, there was a significant relationship that indicated those in
the Community sample engaged in sex more frequently than did those in the SHC
sample. However, this relationship was mediated by the Pragmatic sexual motive,
revealing that those males who engaged in sex for pragmatic reasons had sex more
frequently than those who did not endorse this motive.
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The relationship between demographics and frequency o f sex was also
mediated in the female sample. For females, those who were married or in
monogamous relationships engaged in more frequent sex. Unlike males, this
relationship was mediated by a positive experience o f sex life. Also for females,
correlation analyses revealed that the Community sample was less likely than the
SHC sample to engage in unprotected sex and suffer negative consequences o f
substance use. Both o f these relationships were mediated by psychosocial predictors.
In particular, the relationship between sample and unprotected sex was mediated by
the construct of social support, such that those females who experienced positive
social support were less likely to engage in unprotected sex. Similarly, social
conformity mediated the relationship between sample and negative consequences of
substance use, such that those participants who were more socially conforming were
less likely to suffer negative consequences of substance use.
Sample and group comparisons. Significant differences were found between
the samples in this study. Because the most striking contrast between the samples is
their age differential, many o f these findings may speak to developmental differences
that occur between the ages o f 23 and 35.
Some previous research has suggested that motives for sex change with age.
For example, although love and affection motives are associated with females and
physical motives associated with males, these orientations can change with age. It
has been suggested that women become more pleasure oriented and men become
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more affectionally oriented around ages 36 to 40 (Sprague & Quadragno, 1989).
Other research has indicated that the sexes are essentially equal in their motives
(toward the affection - closeness end o f the continuum) between the ages o f 26 and
39 (Murstein & Tuerkheimer, 1998).
Being that the average age of participants in the Community sample is 35 and
the SHC sample 23, one would expect these changes to have manifested in this work.
In feet, changes in motives due to age are notable when comparing the C ommunity
sample with the SHC sample. For example, participants in the Community sample
engaged in sex to express love and affection more often than did the participants in
the SHC sample. In both samples, females were more affiliated with this motive
than were males. In this case, males’ and females’ motives did not change with age,
but the frequency with which the expression o f love and affection was a motivating
factor in sex increased with age.
With regard to the Pleasure motive, changes were also related to age.
Comparisons o f mean differences revealed that endorsement of the sex for pleasure
motive decreased with age, however, in both samples males engaged in sex more for
pleasure than did females.
There were also differences on the items that comprised the scale for the
Obligation motive. For example, there was a significant interaction between the
SHC sample and the Community sample on the “do my marital duty” and “feel
guilty if I don’t” items of the motives for sexual intercourse measure, which were
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included in the Obligation motive scale. Females in the Community sample were
more likely to engage in sex to alleviate their guilt, or to satisfy their sense o f marital
duty, than were males in both samples and females in the SHC sample. It can be
surmised from these findings that women’s feelings o f obligation to have sex
increases as they grow older, and that this increase occurs within the context o f
power differentials. From the evolutionary and social perspectives, women in their
mid-thirties may have spent years raising children, or they may have young children,
and their need to maintain a relationship during this time drives their motives for sex.
Differences were also found on the social conformity construct, which was
comprised o f three scales: law abidance, liberalism (absence of) and religiosity. The
comparison o f means revealed that the Community sample was significantly more
law abiding, conservative, and religious than was the SHC sample, suggesting that
social conformity increases with age. The Community sample was also more
motivated by obligation and procreation than was the SHC sample. These mean
differences were reflected in the structural Gender Differences Model, which
revealed that females were more socially conforming than were males.
Motives and negative consequences. For both males and females, the
Pragmatic, Domination/Control, and Obligation motives predicted risky sexual
behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual consequences o f substance use. The
discussion o f these results will first focus on males, and then on females.
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For males, the Domination/Control motive predicted both sexual and non-
sexual negative consequences of alcohol or drug use. With regard to sexual
consequences, some literature suggests that substance use may disinhibit desire that
is present when one is not intoxicated (Murphy et aL, 1998). This perspective raises
that possibility that an individual may want to engage in intercourse for
domination/control reasons, but without intoxication would be inhibited from doing
so. Another perspective is that, because a person is intoxicated, he might be more
susceptible to being controlled by a sexual partner. It is also possible that a person’s
inclination to be dominating or controlling (or dominated or controlled) might seem
more socially acceptable under the guise of intoxication. These two latter
explanations relate directly to Cooper’s (1992) position that alcohol’s “excuse giving
properties” (p. 70) that allow people to engage in behaviors that they might not
otherwise engage in, were they not intoxicated.
The second aspect o f this finding is that the Domination/Control motive
predicted negative non-sexual consequences from alcohol or drugs. These non-
sexual consequences refer to legal problems, work or academic problems, and
interpersonal relationship difficulties. The Dominance/Control motive also is related
to an increased number of lifetime sexual partners. The consequences associated
with the Dominance/Control motive suggest that this motive may be tapping into an
underlying personality or character structure, or possibly some type of emotional
difficulty, in which individuals are using substances as a coping mechanism to deal
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with psychological distress. The implication o f this finding is that the emotional
difficulty impacts all arenas, from sexual to social and occupational. As such,
individuals experiencing these difficulties engage in sex to be controlled or to
dominate their partner; they have experienced negative impact from drug or alcohol
use; and they end up having intercourse with more people, possibly as a coping
mechanism (much like substance use), to alleviate their distress. This would be
consistent with Cooper et aL (1998) suggestion that people may be motivated to use
sex as a coping mechanism for negative affect, which, in turn, can lead to further
emotional difficulties (Cohen, 1995; DeBlasio & Benda, 1993).
The Obligation motive predicted non-sexual negative consequences o f
substance use, a younger age at first intercourse, and risky sexual behavior. Similar
dynamics to the above findings regarding Domination/Control motive may be at
hand with regard to the Obligation motive. Specifically, it is possible that a certain
personality style or experience o f affective disturbance propels one to engage in
substance use to the extent of self-detriment. These factors may be the same ones
that underlie a person’s motivation for engaging in sex for the purpose o f pleasing
their partner and/or satisfying their partner’s needs, Le., a way to cope with negative
affect.
This hypothesis, that Pragmatic, Domination/Control, and Obligation motives
would predict risky sexual behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual
consequences stemming from substance use, was also supported in the female
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sample. The Pragmatic motive predicted females engaging in sex they otherwise
wouldn’t have had they not used alcohol or drugs and risky sexual behavior, as well
as a higher number of lifetime partners. The Dominance/Control motive predicted
risky sexual behavior and negative non-sexual consequences o f substance use. In
addition, the Obligation motive predicted sexual experience due to substance use and
having engaged in unprotected sex. With regard to the consequences o f substance
use, the rationale for these findings is similar to that described for males.
Nonetheless, this finding for females in particular raises the image o f women
becoming intoxicated and then getting into precarious sexual situations that they may
not have found themselves in were they not intoxicated. In such a situation, they
may feel obligated to engage in sex, stemming from a feeling that they are
responsible for getting themselves into the situation in the first place. This is an all
too common phenomenon on many college campuses (Biglan et aL, 1995). The
dynamics o f this scenario will be discussed more frilly in the clinical implications
section below. Overall, a picture is developing wherein these three motives act as
red flags for a likelihood o f dangerous sexual practice and negative consequences
from substance use.
Motives and lower risk sexual behavior. This hypothesis stated that the
Love/Affection motive, social support, and positive experience o f sex life would
predict an increased frequency o f sexual behavior, less risky sexual behavior, and
less negative consequences (sexual and non-sexual) from substance use. For males,
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this hypothesis was only partially supported by the data. The Love/Affection motive
only predicted one sexual outcome, unprotected sex. Of course, this question is
somewhat vague because “unprotected sex” does not specify if the protection refers
to sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, or both. This will be addressed more
fully in the limitations section. In that the Love/Affection motive predicted
unprotected sex, one can surmise that those motivated by expressing love or
affection are likely to have discussed their sexual status in terms o f sexually
transmitted diseases, as well as the role o f contraceptives, with their partner. As
such, even though unprotected sex is generally considered risky sexual behavior, this
finding may not actually represent risky sexual behavior in all cases.
The hypothesis that social support would predict less risky sex behavior was
not supported for males. One possible interpretation o f this finding (or lack of
finding) is that those with positive social support did not engage in risky behavior to
begin with, and therefore had no reason to change. Another interpretation is that
there is no relationship between social support and risky sexual behavior, which
would be contrary to prior findings that have indicated positive relationships with
family result in less risky sexual behavior (Fleuridas et al., 1997).
Positive social support did relate to less negative sexual and non-sexual
consequences from alcohol and drug use. This finding is consistent with previous
studies that indicate a low level o f social support is related to a higher level o f drug
use (Newcomb & Bentler, 1988a).
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As hypothesized, positive experience o f sex life predicted an increase in
frequency o f sex, as well as a decrease in risky sexual behavior. The first finding is
not surprising — if a person is satisfied with and in control o f their sex life, they are
likely to have sex more frequently. The second finding is that people who have a
positive experience o f their sex life are less likely to have engaged in risky sexual
behavior. This finding is difficult to contextualize, because no literature was found
that links quality o f sex life with risky sexual behavior. However, this finding may
speak to sex motive being reflective o f positive or negative affect. In a sense,
positive experience o f sex life speaks to a state o f positive affect and, in turn, less
willingness to put oneself at risk through sexual behavior.
For this hypothesis, the findings for females differed from the findings for
males, with the exception of similar results on the outcomes related to positive
experience o f sex life. The implications for this are similar to those for males and
therefore not repeated for the sake o f brevity. This hypothesis was that
Love/Affection motive, social support, and positive experience o f sex life would
predict an increased frequency o f sexual behavior, less risky sexual behavior, and
less negative consequences (sexual and non-sexual) from substance use. For
females, the Love/Affection motive did not predict any sexual outcome. This
finding was particularly surprising, given that the motive o f expressing love and
affection has primarily been associated with women (Carroll et al., 1985; Cooper et
al., 1998; Sprague & Quadragno, 1989). Although this finding does not contradict
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previous literature that indicates those motivated by intimacy are less likely to
engage in risky sexual behavior (Cooper et al., 1998), it fails to confirm previous
findings. One possibility is that, even though the Love/Affection motive is
associated with females, it may not be a significant factor in reducing sexual risk
taking behaviors.
For females, high social support did not predict a decrease in risky sexual
behavior, nor did it predict negative sexual and non-sexual consequences of
substance use. However, social support did predict a decrease in unprotected sex,
which is consistent with previous research that found peer and parent relationships
influencing risky sexual behavior (Biglan et al., 1990; Fleuridas et aL, 1997). Again,
this finding may speak to an underlying dynamic of difficult interpersonal style or
negative affect that results (or stems from) a lack o f social support. In turn, sex may
be used as a coping mechanism and put the female at sexual risk.
The conclusions of the first two hypotheses in the Consequences Model focus
on gender differences and various findings for males and females. Three motives,
Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, and Obligation predicted negative sexual and non-
sexual consequences for males and females alike. In contrast, the Love/Affection
motive, social support, and positive experience o f sex life predicted less negative
consequences.
Impact of relationship status. Findings regarding the impact o f relationship
status on motives for sex were inconsistent with the hypothesis that suggested
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participants who were married or in monogamous relationships would have higher
Love/Affection and Obligation motives. Findings on this hypothesis reveal marked
gender differences.
This hypothesis was based on the findings of Cooper et al. (1998), indicating
that relationship status was significantly related to motives for intercourse. Cooper
et al. found that those people motivated by intimacy would be likely to seek out a
single romantic partner. Conversely, those who use sex as a coping m echanism for
negative affect would be less likely to be in an exclusive relationship. This second
position was supported more by the data in this work than was the hypothesized
connection between relationship status and Love/Affection motive. In contrast to
expected findings, relationship status did not predict any sexual motives for males.
The picture for females is very different. Results revealed that for females,
relationship status predicted all sexual motives except Love/Affection. Females who
were single or in dating relationships were motivated by Pleasure, Pragmatic, and
Domination/Control motives, while females in monogamous relationships engaged
in sex for obligatory reasons or for the purpose of having a baby.
The above findings are consistent with previous literature. In feet, one of the
theories that most supports this finding is the evolutionary theory o f gender
differences in motivations for sex. Evolutionary theory posits that females will be
motivated by cues that their partner is interested in a lasting commitment (Buss,
1989). In feet, research has suggested that women more than men emphasize
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interpersonal reasons in their motives for sex, as they see sexual intercourse as a way
to increase the probability o f a long-term commitment from their partner (Regan &
Dreyer, 1999). In addition, females assess potential parental investment of their
partners, whereas males assess attractiveness and fertility (Buss, 1989). Even when
females purport to desire no emotional involvement from their partner, intercourse
leaves them feeling emotionally vulnerable. For females, the act o f intercourse itself
seems to elicit feelings o f bonding and desire for investment from their partners. In
contrast, males more than females have been shown to engage in sexual relations
without an emotional involvement, and they find it easier to detach from emotional
vulnerability and investment (Townsend, 1995). For females, the priority on their
interpersonal relationships is manifested in their consideration o f their relationship
status as a primary influence in their motives for sex.
Sample differences. There are interesting differences between the Community
and SHC samples that were revealed in the preliminary analyses and later in the
structural Consequences Model. Although it was expected that there would be some
differences between these two groups, they were not hypothesized due to a lack o f
previous literature on which to base hypotheses. In the comparison o f sample means,
the Community sample enjoyed more supportive relationships with peers and
parents, a higher degree o f social conformity, and a greater degree o f self
acceptance. These findings were also reflected in the structural model. The
Community sample males engaged in sex less for pragmatic and dominance/control
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reasons, and suffered fewer consequences of substance use than did the SHC males.
The Community sample females engaged in less unprotected sex and had fewer
consequences o f substance use than did the SHC females, but they also engaged in
sex more frequently for obligatory and procreative reasons. This finding is not
surprising, given that the Community females were more likely to be married or in
monogamous relationships, and people in such relationships were engaged in sex
more often for obligatory and procreative reasons.
The structural Consequences Model revealed that males in the SHC sample
were more likely to engage in sex for pragmatic reasons (i.e., to satisfy curiosity)
than were males in the Community sample. This finding is not surprising, given
developmental differences between the samples. For example, being that college is a
time when many students are experiencing sexual intercourse for the first time
(Darling et aL, 1992), it seems likely that they would be highly motivated by
curiosity.
Females in the SHC were more likely to engage in sex for pleasure (i.e., to
have fun) than were females in the Community sample. This finding may also
represent a developmental, as well as a social, difference between the samples.
Participants in the SHC sample were significantly more likely than those in the
Community sample to be single or in a dating relationship. Moreover, participants
who were single or in dating relationships were more likely to engage in sex for
pleasure than were those who were married or in long-term monogamous
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relationships. As such, it seems that the Pleasure motive applies more aptly to
younger, single females, than it does to older, partnered females.
One conclusion that can be drawn from these findings is that social support and
self-acceptance increase with age, and they are generally accompanied by less risky
sexual behavior. In a sense, these differences may represent an overall higher level
of well being in the Community sample.
Implications for Theory
The results o f this study have important implications for theories addressing
gender differences in motives for sexual intercourse and risky sexual behavior.
Overall, this research supports existing evolutionary, social, and biosocial theories
that cast women as being motivated by expressing love and affection, and men as
being motivated more by physical pleasure.
Although gender differences were found between males and females, there
seems to be another factor that overrides gender differences and speaks directly to
the field o f counseling psychology. This factor is emotional health.
The findings o f this work support and enhance existing theories that address
the concept of sexual motives being related to emotional health. For example, Cohen
(1995) theorized that motives for sex represent non-sexual needs, such as peer
approval, rebellion or expression o f hostility. These non-sexual motives reflect
underlying social and psychological conflicts and are more likely to result in
negative social, psychological, and medical consequences (Cohen). In a similar vein,
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it has been shown that those who are motivated by coping with negative affect, self
enhancement, or peer approval are more likely to engage in risky sexual behavior
that results in unplanned pregnancy or contracting sexually transmitted diseases
(Cooper et al., 1998).
Another theory offers a functional perspective that is based on needs and goals.
This perspective posits that sexual activities are undertaken in service o f different
psychological needs that can be associated with sexual risk-taking behaviors (Cooper
et al., 1998). One way of thinking about psychological needs is through the lens of
sexual self-schemas (Anderson & Cyranowski, 1995). This theory suggests that
those with positive self-schemas would have sex for primarily intimacy and
enhancement reasons, and those with negative self-schemas might be likely to have
sex to appease their partner (Cooper et al., 1998). Another perspective that considers
family systems and indicates that a member o f a functional family system is less
likely to engage in risky sexual behavior (Fleuridas et al., 1997). All o f these
theories speak to the dynamics and consequences o f emotional health (or lack of it)
and its impact on sexual motives and behaviors.
As is clearly seen in this study, some o f the sexual motives are significantly
related to risky sexual behavior and negative sexual and non-sexual consequences of
substance use. These motives are Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, and Obligation,
and they impact males and females alike. They are contrasted with the
Love/Affection and Pleasure motives, which are related to less emotional distress,
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positive experience o f sex life, cominimality, relationship satisfaction, and less risky
sexual behavior. What emerges is a picture o f two groups o f motives, which can be
conceptualized as positive and negative motives. These two groups can be thought
o f as manifestations o f functional versus dysfunctional interpersonal style, or
reflective o f positive or negative affective states.
The positive motives, Love/Affection and Pleasure, are reflective o f a
functional interpersonal style and lack o f negative affect. For instance, both o f these
motives were correlated with a lower degree o f emotional distress. This positive
dynamic is also reflected in interpersonal relationships, for example, an ability to be
satisfied in a romantic relationship. An important aspect of that relationship would
be sexual, and these data indicate a strong and significant correlation between
relationship satisfaction and satisfaction with one’s sex life. The Love/Affection and
Pleasure motives are significantly related to both of these variables. In terms of
outcomes, neither o f these motives was associated with any negative consequences
of substance use.
The negative motives, Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, and Obligation, suggest
difficulty in interpersonal relationships and negative affect. In this study, incidence
of childhood sexual abuse was related to each o f these motives, as well as a higher
degree o f emotional distress. A higher degree o f emotional distress was also
significantly related to the Domination/Control and Obligation motives. These two
motives were also related to relationship dissatisfaction. In addition, the Obligation
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motive was associated with less positive relationships with peers, other adults, and
family members. These predictors form a picture that is quite different from the
predictors of the positive motives. It seems that the factors relating to these three
negative motives speak to interpersonal difficulties, which are then manifested in
sexual experiences.
The outcomes o f the negative motives provide an even darker view.
Essentially, these motives are red flag predictors o f negative repercussions from
sexual behavior and substance use. For example, females with a lack o f social
support were found to engage in unprotected sex. When coupled with the finding
that the Obligation motive was predicted unprotected sex, the picture is one of
women engaging in potentially dangerous sexual encounters because they feel
obligated to do so. Additional concern is that these women may have a lack of social
support to rely upon should they be rejected by a sexual partner or, in light of their
lack of social support, they feel more dependent upon their sexual partner. Another
scenario is a male, motivated to dominate or control his sexual partner, engages in
sex he would not have were he not intoxicated. For males, the sexual motive of
dominating or being dominated by a partner is also related to other, non-sexual,
negative consequences o f substance use. In feet, for both sexes, those motivated by
dominating or being dominated by their sexual partner suffered negative social and
occupational or work consequences.
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Gender differences in motives for sexual intercourse are now well documented
and are supported by this work. However, a grouping of motives based on emotional
health applies to both men and women, and it seems to provide more fruitful
information about motives and consequences than does an examination based solely
on gender. As such, the results o f this study suggest a shift in research and theory
from a focus on gender differences to a focus on interpersonal style and affective
state as integral aspects o f sexuality.
A second important implication for theory in this realm is the general inability
of the factors chosen for this work to account for the motives for sex in the Gender
Differences Model and the outcomes in the Consequences Model. In particular, the
predictors chosen in the Gender Differences Model leave a marked amount o f
variance unaccounted for in the motives for sex. Even with all o f the predictors
accounted for, the residual variance o f the six motives was still in a high range, from
.82 (Love/Affection) to .98 (Procreation).
With regard to the Consequences Model, a similar phenomenon occurs in both
the male and females versions. The sexual motives and psychosocial predictors as a
whole do not account for a great deal of variance and leave residuals ranging from
.72 to .98. An overview o f the models reveals that the six motives for sex do not
predict the sexual and substance use consequences nearly as well as do the other
psychosocial predictors o f relationship status, social support, social conformity, and
experience o f sex life.
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In terms o f theoretical implications for motives for sex and their impact on
risky sexual behavior, there are two conclusions. The first is that there probably are
other variables that better predict motives for sex than does gender. This is not to
say, however, that motives cannot be predicted by gender, as they have done so in
this work and in the bulk of previous findings. It is to say that perhaps other
variables would add to a greater understanding o f peoples’ motives for engaging in
sexual intercourse, especially in regard to underlying psychological processes. The
second implication concerns the prediction o f risky sexual behavior and
consequences o f substance use. It seems that predictors other than motives for sex
might better account for these outcomes, as demonstrated in the psychosocial
predictors in the Consequences Model. The motives do, however, speak to two types
o f psychological underpinnings, with Love/Affection and Pleasure reflecting a
generally more positive dynamic, and the Pragmatic, Dominance/Control, and
Obligation motives reflecting a generally more negative dynamic.
A final comment on the theoretical implications o f this work is the
acknowledgment that several of the hypotheses were only partially supported by the
data. The reason for this seems to be two-fbld. The first is that the sample used is
older than the average sample in previous research in this area. The second is that,
due to a relative lack o f literature in this area, several o f the hypotheses were based
on findings from only a few prior studies. It is hoped that the current investigation
will be a basis for future work that encompasses these findings.
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Clinical Implications for Intervention
There are important clinical implications stemming from this research. When
these motives are conceptualized as indicators of positive or negative interpersonal
style and affect, clinicians can address them directly with their clients. Numerous
therapeutic interventions can be made once a psychologist understands the broad
implications of a client’s particular motive for sex. For example, peoples’
psychodynamics led them to engage in sex because they wanted to control their
partner(s), or because they felt obligated to please their partner(s). The example of
those who experienced childhood sexual abuse is also reflective o f psychodynamics.
Those people were more likely to engage in sex for pragmatic reasons, which are
notably absent a positive sentiment toward a partner. They were also more likely to
engage in sex for dominance/control reasons. How people see the role o f sexuality
in their life, and what psychological needs they are satisfying by engaging in
intercourse, can lead to clinical insights regarding interpersonal style as well as
relational functioning.
Based on the findings o f this work, clinicians should be mindful that if their
clients suffer a lack o f social support, they are also at risk for negative consequences
o f sexual behavior and substance use. The negative consequences resulting from
adolescent substance use are well documented and include a deficit in developmental
task completion, as well as difficulties forming mature romantic relationships and
responsible social behavior (Newcomb & Bentler, 1988b). Using sex as a coping
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mechanism for psychological difficulties can result in depression, low self-esteem,
and interpersonal difficulties (DeBlassio & Benda, 1990). Even more powerful are
negative effects from a lack of social support, as difficulties in interpersonal relations
can lead to psychosocial dysfunction at a later time (Newcomb & Bentler, 1988b).
The practical consequences are such that, if clients demonstrate a difficult
interpersonal style or negative affect, their dynamics may manifest in their
motivations for sexual relationships. In turn, their motivations for sex may associate
them with higher risk sexual behavior.
The feet that risky sexual patterns are resistant to change highlights the
strength o f forces that maintain such behavior. The notion that sexual activities are
undertaken in the service o f different psychological needs and can be associated with
distinct profiles o f behavior (Cooper et al., 1998) holds true in this study. In feet,
this study supports previous research that suggests addressing underlying
psychological needs is critical in terms of devising intervention strategies to curtail
risky sexual behavior. Presumably, interventions that are tailored to the underlying
motivations o f participants would be more likely to succeed than those that ignore
such influences (Cooper et al., 1998). This appears to be the direction of future
clinical intervention.
Limitations and Research Implications
This study expands current research in the area of motives for sexual
intercourse, as it considers gender differences in motives for sex as well as what
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might underlie or account for sexual motives. In addition, the combination o f a
community and a university sample increase its generalizability beyond most prior
research in this domain. However, limitations do exist, including general problems
with self-report data. The use o f self-report measures without collateral validation
raises reliability and validity concerns. Measurement error can be inflated because
o f self-presentation bias, hindsight bias, variations in the testing environment, and
the potential o f multiple interpretations of the questions (Isaac & Michael, 1995).
The potential of multiple interpretations o f the questions is at issue in this work
in regard to the questions addressing unprotected sex and risky sexual behavior. The
unprotected sex question does not specify if “unprotected” applies to sexually
transmitted diseases, pregnancy, or both. As such, the exact implications cannot be
determined. Because this question is embedded in a section o f the questionnaire that
addresses awareness o f the AIDS virus and its transmission, it is presumed to
indicate protection from sexually transmitted diseases.
With regard to the construct o f risky sexual behavior change, the participants
were asked to check which behaviors they had changed due to their awareness o f the
AIDS virus. When participants did not endorse certain items, inherent difficulties in
interpreting their responses manifested. In particular, if a respondent did not check a
behavior change, does that indicate that they never did the behavior and, as such, did
not change it? Or, does it indicate that they still engage in the risky behavior?
120
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Results in this work were based on the interpretation that non-responses indicated
that the respondent had not performed these behaviors (Stein et aL, 1994).
Another limitation o f this work is that it does not address experience of first
intercourse. Some research has indicated that experience o f first intercourse can
influence motives for future sexual intercourse (Baldwin & Baldwin, 1997; Darling
et al., 1992; Zelnik & Shah, 1983). Being that males typically experience first
intercourse as more pleasurable than do females, there is more positive
reinforcement for repeating the behavior, as well as an association between sex and
pleasure (Baldwin & Baldwin).
This study did not address the impact o f peer pressure on motives for
intercourse, however, there is a measurable body o f literature that suggests sexual
behavior, including motivation, is influenced by social context and peer approval
(Cohen, 1995; Cooper et al., 1998; Hill & Preston, 1996; McCormick et aL, 1984).
An additional area for future research would be to assess motives for intercourse
with both sexual partners, to enhance understanding o f how relationship dynamics
contribute to motives for intercourse.
Other areas o f future research that would be relevant in the study o f motives
for intercourse would include a more in-depth history o f sexual risk-taking behavior,
such that a longitudinal study could be conducted. In addition, examining
participants’ history o f sexual assault would be relevant, especially in light o f the
findings in this study for the impact o f childhood sexual abuse. Finally, a shift in
121
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focus from gender differences to personality and affective influences on motives for
intercourse and risky sexual behavior, including consequences o f substance use, is
recommended.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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Asset Metadata

Creator Horowitz, Janna Louise (author)

Core Title Gender differences in motivation for sexual intercourse: Implications for risky sexual behavior and substance use in a university and community sample

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education (Counseling Psychology)

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, guidance and counseling,OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, behavioral,psychology, clinical

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Newcomb, Michael (committee chair), Goodyear, Rodney (committee member), Robertson, Peter J. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-125284

Unique identifier UC11334964

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Legacy Identifier 3041467-0.pdf

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Horowitz, Janna Louise

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

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