Close
Home
Collections
Login
USC Login
Register
0
Selected
Invert selection
Deselect all
Deselect all
Click here to refresh results
Click here to refresh results
USC
/
Digital Library
/
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
/
Classroom occupations from the perspectives of three high school students with attention deficit disorder
(USC Thesis Other)
Classroom occupations from the perspectives of three high school students with attention deficit disorder
PDF
Download
Share
Open document
Flip pages
Contact Us
Contact Us
Copy asset link
Request this asset
Transcript (if available)
Content
CLASSROOM OCCUPATIONS FROM THE PERSPECTIVES OF THREE HIGH
SCHOOL STUDENTS WITH ATTENTION DEFICIT DISORDER
by
Renee Paula McDannel
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Occupational Science)
May 2004
Copyright 2004 Renee Paula McDannel
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
UMI Number: 3140518
Copyright 2004 by
McDannel, Renee Paula
All rights reserved.
INFORMATION TO USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy
submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and
photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper
alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized
copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
UMI
UMI Microform 3140518
Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to God whom I adore
and who called me to the pursuit of this project.
To Luke my husband who has stood at my side;
To my Family who sacrifieed essential time at crucial moments to allow me to work on
this project
To my Mom who gave me a love for education & my Dad who taught me what it means
to persevere.
1 1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My thankfulness!
To the faculty of the Department of Occupational Science at the University of Southern
California during the years o f 1994-2004, when I was a student there who have been the
inspiration for this project.
To Dr. Parham for her immeasurable, mentorship, feedback, suggestions,
encouragement and insight;
To my friend & colleague Dr. Meltzer for her
faithful encouragement to keep my life in balance
To Dr. Clark, who paved the way, recruited, taught me and
made this work possible.
To my Dissertation Committee Members,
who have guided me in the process of learning;
To my colleagues in the Dissertation Support Group
who have extended themselves in friendship, and intellectual companionship;
To the Maternal Child & Health Bureau Grant (TTT81 MC00008-18) who generously
funded, the initial two years of graduate studies
To University Affiliated Project who enriched my leadership experiences.
To the administrators and teachers at the Research Site, who generously consented to
allow me to conduct my research at their school.
To the participants who generously gave of their time and thoughts to let their voices be
heard.
iii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii
CHAPTER 1 I
Overview o f the Study 1
Conceptual Backdrop 2
Statement of the Problem 5
Purpose o f the Study 8
Justification for Studying Students with Attention
Deficit Disorder 9
Self Reflections 15
CHAPTER 2 18
Conceptual Backdrop for Study of Classroom Occupations 18
Overview of Occupation 18
Research Questions 25
Form, Function & Meaning of Occupations 26
CHAPTER 3 ■ 31
Methodology 31
Introduction 31
Unveiling of the Research Design 32
Research Site Selection & Participant Recruitment 35
Research Site Selection Process 35
Recruitment o f Participants 3 7
Profiles of the Participants 39
Data Collections Process 39
Rubric for Data Collection 40
Interviews 41
Classroom Observations 47
Scheduling 47
Field Notes 48
Researcher’s Presence in Class 49
Data Analysis 61
Social-Historical Context 61
NUDIST 61
Peer Debriefmg and Auditing 62
Member-Checking 63
Graphic Representations: Conceptual Framework of
Classroom Occupations 63
IV
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 4 67
Case Profiles in Context 67
Introduction 67
Dan’s Case Images in Motion 67
Contrasting Classroom Occupations 72
Comparing & Contrasting Classroom Occupations in
Both Settings 84
Randy’s Case Symbols & Temporal Rhythms 94
Mark’s Case Cire-Perdue 106
Classroom Occupations: Socialization, community
Service Hours & Earning Credits 107
Relevancy of Classroom Occupations 118
Self-Discovery 121
Four Types of Classroom Occupations 124
Summary 127
CHAPTER 5 128
Classroom Genres 128
Genres: ‘Formal Order’ & ‘Dada’ 130
The Structure of Classroom Occupation Elements 138
A Model o f the Nature of Classroom Occupations 142
The Pivotal Role of Self-Regulation in Context 145
CHAPTER 6 152
The Motives, Values, and Goals that Shape Classroom Occupations 152
Introduction 152
Goals for the Future as a Source of Meaning 153
Self-Regulation as a Motive 156
The Dynamics of Motives, Goals, and Values 158
CHAPTER 7 177
Orchestration of Temporal Rhythms in the Classroom 177
Nontraditional Transitions 179
CHAPTER 8 209
The Meaning of Self-Regulations 209
Movement, Posture, and Dress as Expressions o f State 209
Emotion & Moods: The Intersection o f State, Goals, and Values 223
Fantasy 240
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 9 252
Social Negotiation and Self 252
Social Negotiation 253
Objective Agency 255
Self-Constraction 266
Expiations in Relations to Cultural Standards 294
Self-Construction Beyond the Classroom 307
CHAPTER 10 313
Meanings of Classroom Occupations in the Core and
NullCurriculum 313
A Summary of the Null Curriculum 319
Occasion for Socialization 330
Hinging Pragmatism & Existentialism 332
Summary 341
CHAPTER 11 342
Concluding Overview o f Classroom Occupations 342
Form, Function and Meaning of Classroom Occupations 347
Conceptions of Classroom Occupations 349
Classroom Occupation Development 354
How do we evaluate classroom occupations? 356
Conclusion 358
Research Questions 359
Elements of Classroom Occupations 359
Meaning Students Ascribe to Their Classroom
Occupations 355
How Students Constitute Occupations within the
Classroom 365
Future Research Needs & Implications for Occupational
Science 369
REFERENCES 372
APPENDICES 382
Letter of Introduction 384
Telephone Contact Sheet 385
Consent Form 386
Interview & Observation Schedule 388
Initial Interview Questionnaire 389
Recruitment Flier 390
Sample of Observation Fieldnotes 391
Sample of Interview Transcription 393
vi
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Table of Niche Strategies 395
Posture Sketches 397
Matrix 400
V ll
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
TABLE OF FIGURES
Figure 4:1 Randy. Teacher giving instructions 96
Figure 4:2 Randy: Just Over It! 96
Figure 4:3 Work Posture 96
Figure 5:1 A Model of the Nature of Classroom Occupations 143
Figure 5:2 Mark: Lethargic Posture 150
Figure 5:3 Randy: Overwhelmed posture 150
Figure 5:4 Randy: Doodling position 151
Figure 6:1 Gear Model 159
Figure 7:1 Low Level of Arousal 183
Figure 8:1 Mark: Postures 0-90 Degrees 217
Figure 10:1 Mark: Work Posture 326
Figure 10:2 Mark: Reading Posture 326
Figure 11:1 Conceptual Model of Classroom Occupations 344
V lll
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ABSTRACT
This study describes the perspectives of three high school students with attention
deficit disorder, specifically in regard to their experiences of classroom occupations.
For the purpose of this study, classroom occupations are defined as activity in which a
student engages in during class time. I used ethnographic methods to explore the
intangible phenomena (i. e., assumptions, thoughts, values, feelings, beliefs, and ideas)
surrounding the students’ experiences with classroom occupations. My intent was to
present a complex analysis of classroom occupations as heard from the voices of these
three students’ own accounts of their unfolding experiences over time.
The study was conducted as an alternative high school. Over a 16-week period,
145 hours of combined classroom observation (121 hours) and student interviews (24
hours) generated the raw data. The raw observational data was recorded in fieldnotes
and transcriptions o f audiotaped interviews. Fieldnotes and transcriptions were coded
for themes related to students; experiences with classroom occupations, in relation to
their form, function, and meaning, as well as activity setting contexts. Codes were
organized into unrestricted free nodes and then were collapsed into categories based
upon emergent themes. Peer debriefing and auditing, as well as member checking with
participants were utilized during data analysis.
Results of the data analysis yielded four major categories o f classroom
occupations: 1) self-regulation classroom occupations, 2) core-curriculum classroom
occupations, 3) social negotiations classroom occupations, and 3) self-construction
classroom occupations. Results were organized graphically in the form of three
ix
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
conceptual models that built upon each other to depict the interdependence between
classroom occupations and the context o f classroom occupations as shaped by context
and student goals, values, and motives. In addition, this study found that classroom
occupations appear to be useful for the participants to satisfy: 1) personal and social
needs for expression, communication, celebration and self-display, 2) neurobehavioral
needs for self-regulation and to alter their states, and 3) cognitive needs for useful core-
curriculum content in the form of knowledge acquisition pursuant to obtaining a high
school diploma.
X
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Overview of Y Statement of
the Study / the Problem
Persons
with
CHAPTER 1
Overview of the Study
P u rp o se y Justification V Self
o f the / for Studying \ Reflections
Study
In Chapter 1 ,1 present a review o f the broad problems in occupational science
that evoked the question for this study. As an academic discipline, occupational science
addresses a series of questions on the form, function and meaning o f human occupation:
What is the nature of occupation? What are the directly observable components of
occupation? In what way does occupation facilitate human adaptation? Why do humans
engage in occupation? What is the relationship between the person’s engagement in
occupation and society? Occupational science seeks to synthesize interdisciplinary
academic perspectives when examining the form, function and meaning of occupations.
Several occupational scientists are specifically interested in the holistic framing
of the study of children in context (Bowden, 1995; Florey, 1994, & Henderson, 1996).
Studies that address the complexity o f human occupation within context are essential
for providing clarity to the ordinary daily occupations that constitute human
engagement (Florey, 1994; Zemke, 1996; Yerxa, et ah, 1990). Since all occupation
takes place within context, it is important that we understand how students constitute
occupations what meaning the students ascribe to the occupations they do, within the
context in which they occur. For students, a primary context in which occupations occur
is the classroom.
1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Occupational scientists have defined occupations as chunks of activities that are
socially constructed, and thus derive their name from the lexicon of the culture in which
they appear. Being a student is an occupational role and students engage in classroom
occupations. Occupational science research to date has not examined classroom
occupations from the perspective of the student. Through qualitative research methods,
this study will attempt to generate knowledge on the form, function and meaning of
classroom occupations from the perspective of children with Attention Deficit Disorder
(ADD).
Ultimately, finding out how the students perceive their classroom occupations
has the potential of explicating basic knowledge on classroom occupations that can
inform the practices of occupational therapists, educators, and policy makers. In many
ways, this study’s most important work may be its use of personal narratives when
attempting to understand the form, function, and meaning o f occupation. Thus, it is
assumed in this study that qualitative research methods are a good technology of inquiry
to use to develop this knowledge base. Though researchers commonly use qualitative
research methods in educational research, the occupation-centered perspective of
students is a new one. Recasting the student as the central character in the drama of the
classroom from an occupational standpoint is the framework that this study employed.
Conceptual Background
We need, that is, both a way of passing from naked propositions and their
logical connections to the human activities that give them their sense, and
beyond those activities to the features o f the work and human life within which
they are at home; and also a reverse road, back from “forms o f life”
in the world to the specific activities in questions, and so eventually to the
original propositions again. (Toulmin, 1995)
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
This rather contradictory quotation illuminates the recursive, complex interplay
between the notions o f individuals as occupational beings, occupation forged within the
immediate context o f the doing, and societal influences that lead back once again to the
individuals’ engagement in occupation. Stephen Toulmin in his 1995 Occupational
Science Symposium lecture on Occupation, Employment & Human Welfare encouraged
the academic community to see occupations as not only having the potential of
generating income but to also see occupations as non-material “social products”. He
asserted that these social products should produce self-respect and work toward the
common good of the community. Toulmin expressed a marked need for society to
embrace the centrality of occupation for all persons with and without disabilities. He
suggested that occupations should serve the individual’s interests as well as that of
society.
The philosophical underpinnings of occupational science align with Toulmin’s
notion of the centrality of occupation and the inherent wealth o f human lives. Thus,
occupational science seeks to explicate the relationship between occupation and the
human realm within the context of society for meeting the individual and collective
good of society.
Occupational science is ten years old, but is an outgrowth of occupational
therapy; a profession that has a long, rich history o f meeting the humanitarian needs of
society. Its historical roots can be traced back to those o f the moral treatment movement
of the early 1800s in which the use of occupation was seen as a tool for engaging a
person’s mind, body, and spirit toward the construction of his or her life (Willard &
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Spackman, 1998; Quiroga, 1995). Unfortunately, for many high school students the
quality of their occupations does not meet this optimal criterion o f engagement of mind,
body, and spirit. Csikszentmihalyi & Larson (1984) foimd that while the high school
students in their study spent 12% or approximately twenty hours per week in the
classroom, these students only spent four o f those hours listening to the teacher. In
addition, they found that teachers tended to foster student attention to tasks by coercion
to avoid negative consequences. As a result, the students’ experienced low states of
concentration, low affect activation, and low wish to be doing the task
(Csikszentmihalyi & Rathunde, 1993).
The findings from Csikszentmihalyi & Larson’s study may well exemplify
Bruner’s (1990) assertion that people construct realities forged within the culture. The
students’ low states of engagement may be attributed to the type of learning activity
they were doing (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984). However, teachers need to comply
with state guidelines for core curriculum content and therefore they often prescribe
learning activities that correspond closely with state guidelines. Thus, it is plausible that
the students’ experiences with the classroom occupations are by-products of culturally
mandated core curriculum and instructional technologies. Instructional technologies are
the teaching strategies that teachers use to instruct their students (Joyce & Weil, 1996).
Trombly (1995) asserted that occupational scientists must study how occupation
and its ascribed meaning impact performance within the context of daily activities. The
classroom is an arena where students must engage in occupation and mediate the
environmental demands for the purposes of acquiring an education. Yet, a large number
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
o f reports, beginning with A Nation at Risk (National Commission on Excellence in
Education, 1983) have challenged educators to do a better job of teaching students.
Eisner (1994) suggests that many students are graduating from high school without
being able to read, without the basic skills required for employment, and lacking the
habits and attitudes that “America needs to regain its competitive edge in the world
economy” (p. 1). This has brought about a plethora of reform initiatives in the last 15
years, which have brought about changes in standards, organizational structures, and
ideas about staff development, instruction, curriculum, and learning. The emphasis is on
making schools beneficial for all students.
I suggest that successful student performance is linked to classroom
occupations. Our understanding of those occupations from the student’s perspective will
assist in the development of programs that provide the types of classroom occupations
that are needed to net effective academic achievement. Occupational scientists must
create new discourse, substantiated by research, that explicates the form, meaning, and
function of classroom occupations. To enhance current educational reform efforts we
need more knowledge that specifies what students have to say about their occupational
experiences in the academic setting.
Statement o f the Problem
The importance of imderstanding classroom occupations as an enactment of
human behavior in context is a fundamental idea within the discipline of occupational
science. To date no studies in occupational science examine students’ perspectives on
occupation in the classroom. Bowden (1995) identified that there is little known about
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
how preschoolers view their occupations. Bowden’s research focused on the feasibility
of developing a researeh tool that could be developed to enable the children to describe
their engagement in occupation. Bowden’s study suggests that it may be possible to
develop a tool and that children, given the right environment and approach, may be able
to describe their engagement in occupation. Bowden asserts that the following four
categories are important considerations when attempting to develop a tool: barriers to
communication, methods and strategies, the research environment and recording.
Most occupational therapy interventions within the school setting have
traditionally focused on handwriting skills, positioning and marginally addressed
psychosocial domains within the framing of occupation. Orr & Schkade (1997) found
in regard to context, that the therapists do take into consideration the demands of the
environment when planning interventions However, the therapists in the Orr & Schkade
study tended to identify only 3 of the 7 environmental demand baselines that the
teachers noted, thus, indicating a greater need for teacher and therapist collaboration.
Another area that remains ambiguous is the area of performance standards. The
problem exists when students are in an environment where teaehers and therapists set
standards and orchestrate the daily routines and occupational habits of students. Thus,
the student does not initiate the selection of occupations and the routines. In addition,
the student does not have a self-defined performance standard upon which he or she
may measure his or her performance. For example, consider the case of Marcus, a
student referred to occupational therapy for delayed fine motor skills and consistent lack
of completion of work. During her observation, the therapist did not use standardized
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
tests initially to plot Marcus within a norm, but she did compare Marcus’ performance
to that of his 23 classmates. By comparing Marcus to his peers, the therapist set a
standard for performance. Although the therapist was working within a data-based
decision making model that does not ascribe to using standardized tests to prescribe an
intervention for a student, the therapist did establish a context-based group norm for
occupational performance on a given task. Orr & Schkade (1997) suggested that
children do not have a well-defined set of expectations aroxmd performance of specific
tasks. However, in Marcus’ case, it appears that adults have prescribed expectations.
If the assumptions that occupational scientists make are correct about the
centrality o f occupation in the human experience, it is essential to determine how
students experience student occupation. In this conceptual framework, the students
would provide educators, therapists, and researchers with information on classroom
occupation from the students’ perspective. This information can serve as a bridge
between the task “doing aspect” of student occupations, and the student’s experience of
occupation, including its ascribed meaning. For example, students expressing their
perspectives on classroom occupation might potentially ascribe social, symbolic, or
some other salient feature to their occupation that others would not readily acknowledge
in the same way. Currently, researchers, educators, and therapists know little about
students’ perspectives on classroom occupations. For students to be fully engaged in the
process of successful learning, a proposed by-product of the engagement in student
occupations, these forms, meanings, and purpose o f occupation are important pieces of
information for those concerned with teaching and learning.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
At present, teachers and therapists mediate their work with children through
their conceptual frameworks that rely heavily on observation and prescriptions. These
current conceptual frameworks are not occupation-centered. In fact, school-hased
therapists most commonly use sensory integration theory and neurodevelopment theory
to guide intervention for children with special needs in the classroom (Storch & Eskow,
1996). Understanding student perspectives may support the development of more
occupation-centered approaches to learning.
Purpose of the Study
The primary purpose of this study was to investigate what constitutes student
occupations within the classroom from the perspectives of three high school students
diagnosed with Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD). ADD is a diagnosis with a childhood
onset of: (a) motor hyperactivity and impulsive behavior; and (b) inattention,
disorganization, and difficulty in completing tasks (Lahey & Carlson, 1991). More
specifically, the research focus not only describes these students’ occupations from the
students’ perspective, but also explores and explains how these three students employed
student occupations to respond to the cultural and environmental demands within the
classroom. This student perspective is first person ontology. This study illuminates
individual experiences surrounding student occupations in the classroom in order to add
to and provoke academic discourse, substantiated by research, regarding the struggles
and achievements o f students who have ADD.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Justification for Studying Students with Attention Deficit Disorder
In this study, I have chosen to enter the discourse by focusing the lens on
students diagnosed with Attention Deficit Disorder. These students, not unlike many
low achieving students, often have trouble in successful student performance. ADD is a
diagnostic term established by the American Psychiatric Association (APA) in the
Diagnostic and Statistical manual of Mental Disorders, 4* Edition-Revised (DSM-IV;
APA, 1994). In American society, labels are a way of separating people into groups for
various purposes. For states to receive their appropriate allotment of federal funding,
each state must identify and quantify the targeted populations, which will receive
services. ADD is one such classification.
Disability activists argue that persons with disabilities are not intrinsically
disabled (Hahn, 1988). Instead, they assert that the disability is in the physical
environment, policies, and practices of society and not in the body of the disabled
person. These socially constructed barriers restrict persons with disabilities from full
participation in society. If one accepts the argument that the site of disability is not in
the body of the individual, but in the pervasive attitudes of people that create the
environmental barriers, then we need to pay particular attention to students’ perspective
on occupation to identify perceived barriers.
Children with learning disabilities may be successful or fail in schoolwork based
upon how well they are able to negotiate environmental barriers or ideological biases in
instructional techniques. For example, if a student is permitted a reasonable
accommodation like more time than his or her peers to complete an assignment, or an
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
exam, the student may be capable o f meeting the academic requirement for the
program. The accommodation of allowing the student to have more time constitutes the
removal of a barrier to success (Llorens & Burton, 1999). However, if the teacher
ascribes to a philosophy of practice that mandates all students must complete
assignments in the same amount of time, one can then attribute the failure o f the student
to meet the requirements to the teacher’s ideological bias and not to the child’s temporal
orientation to the task.
The notion of making reasonable accommodations for persons with special need
in the work place was originally legislated to protect the rights of individuals with
special needs. However, one could make a case for a need to make reasonable
accommodations for all students regardless o f classification. All children have special
needs, and thus, should be the recipients of reasonable accommodations that foster and
support their education. Reid, Maag, and Vasa (1993) have condensed the dilemma into
an argument regarding providing adequate education for all children, both individual
with exceptional needs and others, by ensuring that the environment is conducive to
learning. One could make an argument that the mismatch of instructional technology
and environmental barriers in relationship to the individual needs of students with or
without ADD could possibly be a factor that contributes to imderachievement. Indeed
Csikszentmihalyi and Larson’s (1984) study o f adolescents suggests that there is a
significant, positive relationship between a given task’s demand, the skill level of the
adolescent, learning, and ‘flow’. Students when challenged at the correct level by a
task’s demand are more likely to learn and may experience states o f flow because of the
10
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
match between the tasks demand the students’ skill level. It is what Vygotsky (1962)
calls the zone of proximal development, starting where the child is and offering enough
challenge toward the next level of complexity. This philosophical argument channels
the discourse toward the removal o f barriers and toward the acquisition of tailoring
instructional technologies toward optimal states for all students, as opposed to only
targeted disabled populations. Talle (1995) foimd that the pastoral Maasai of Kenya do
not see an individual by his or her particular disability. In the Maasai society, people
choose to view the phenomenon o f disability as a part o f life. They simply see the
person with a disability as another way of being, yet equal to all other ways of being.
Thus, in this paradigm o f disability, the person retains his or her essential identity as a
human being who happens to have a different “way of being” in the world.
Re-framing disability requires that society accept the idea o f removing socially
constructed barriers that deny access to persons with disabilities. Many disability
activists assert that as a group of people they have a unique culture, a “disability
culture” (Hahn, 1988). The concept of disability as a culture is relatively new and in
many ways, it challenges our current notions about persons with disability and their
form, function, and meaning within our society. If one adopts the notion that people
with disabilities are a distinct culture worthy o f acknowledgement, then we must
simultaneously abandon societal practices that would marginalize them as a people.
This cultural framing of disability creates social thought and discourse that could foster
a community of inclusion rather than a social universe o f isolation and stigmatization.
11
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I have purposely chosen the perspective of students with learning disabilities to
enter the discourse on what constitutes occupation in the classroom as an attempt to
bring the disabled population into the center of the discussion. This study could enter
the discourse by looking at students without learning disabilities to find out how student
constitute occupation. However, as a culture, the disabled students have a story to tell
that can potentially be o f value to all students who are engaged in the process of
learning. The purpose of this study is to investigate what constitutes student
occupations in the classroom firom the perspective of students that “just happen to have”
ADD, another way of being.
1 expect that the findings from this study would be helpful to occupational
scientists, occupational therapy practitioners, and education researchers. For
occupational scientists these research findings suggest that viewing classroom
occupations, occupational performance, and experiences of students through another
lens can enhance the generation of conceptual models and build theory. Perhaps
policymakers could use the information to establish alternative delivery models that
focused on occupation-centered education and therapeutic interventions within the
classroom milieu. The basic knowledge about classroom occupations may serve to
generate additional research interest in conducting surrounding outcomes with
occupation-centered classroom programming. Site-based management teams at local
schools might find the research findings helpful as they implement IDEA and
Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (Public Law 101-336, 42 U.S.C. § 12101)
within their respective settings. While ADA is more frequently applied to employment
12
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
rights of the disabled, as a law it works in concert with IDEA in protecting the rights
and education of persons with disabilities. The importance of this study is to contribute
to the discourse with the voices of those that have to date not been given a significant
opportunity to explain how they have experienced occupation within the classroom.
Patton (1990) points out that phenomenological inquiry focuses on “What the
structure and essence of experience of this phenomenon is for these people” (Patton,
1990, p. 69). This study will be a phenomenological inquiry. Some qualitative
researchers suggest that, unlike quantitative research that seeks to generalize research
findings to larger populations, qualitative research simply seeks to understand the
phenomenon in question and bring a unique focus to the point o f inquiry (Patton, 1990).
He further asserted that in phenomenological inquiry there is an assumption that while
each person brings an extraordinarily xmique narrative regarding a phenomenon, there is
also shared human experience. Therefore, I am not making a claim that generalization
of the findings can be to applied to larger populations, but that it is plausible to think
that this study may allow occupational scientists, educators, and others to gain insight
into the form and function and meaning of student occupations. Moreover, to highlight
some areas that are been hidden by virtue of their obvious appearance.
In addition, the findings of this study may offer the possibility of utilizing the
unique experiences of these three participants to generate a new point of investigation
into the demands of classroom occupations for children with and without ADD. We
may be able to leam something new about how the students mobilize their resources to
meet the environmental demands of the classroom and find out what the students’
13
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
reasons are for engaging in various occupations. More discussion on these points will
follow in chapter four.
Berg (1998) points out that researchers cannot examine methodology in
isolation. He argues that theoretical orientations are similar to research methods of
inquiry; subject selection, data collection, and analysis. While the idea of exploring
what these students think about their occupations is key to this inquiry, the investigation
is forged in an essential paradigm, a theoretical orientation o f the humans’ engagement
in occupation, which asserts that humans are essentially ‘occupational beings’ who, for
self initiated purposes, engage in occupation (Yerxa et al., 1985). The focus of this
study is to understand more about how students view their occupations in the classroom
by bringing the theoretical lens of occupational science, “the study of human
engagement in occupation,” to focus on the aspect of three students’ engagement in
occupation within the classroom. I expected that this study would show the rich
complexity o f the constitution of student occupation, and make it clear that the student’s
perspective is and remains a powerful and deeply evocative distinction when
considering classroom occupations. Therefore, a careful scrutiny of individual
experiences is essential to understanding the form, features, functions, and meaning of
occupation that can in turn promote occupation-centered focuses when designing
curriculum and incorporating instructional technology into the classroom milieu.
14
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Self Reflections
Wolcott (1994) asserted that all researchers bring biases to their research by
virtue of our own historicity. Essentially, these biases are paradigms. As an
occupational therapist, my paradigm or lens through which I view the world
acknowledges occupation as the central feature in human existence. Through
occupation, human beings not only develop phylogenetically and ontogenetically, but
also more importantly create and re-create “self.” My twenty-four-years of service in
the field of occupational therapy has proven to me that occupations are not only central
to the human experience but that occupations have curative qualities when applied in a
therapeutic manner.
During my career, I have worked with a variety of patient populations such as
patients with psychiatric disorders and adult and pediatric patients who have physical
disabilities. I have provided occupational therapy services within a continuum o f service
delivery models, including in-patient, outpatient, and home care settings. Individual
patient historicity steeped in current context and forged by the demands of the
environment is the therapeutic orientation in which I have employed occupation.
Throughout this continuum o f care, it has been my observation that occupation has been
the key variable in restoring function, enhancing life satisfaction, and quite often the
vehicle for re-establishing hope for my patients. In every setting and across the life
span, occupation has played a crucial role in assisting my patients in defining or re
defining self in the face of adversity.
15
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
It is with this lens that I enter the investigation o f student occupations in the
classroom. As has been the case throughout my 24 years o f experience with occupation,
I am anticipating that 1 will find occupation and the ascribed meaning that students
make of their occupations at the center o f the classroom experience for these
individuals. Specifically, 1 expect that the notions of occupation being central in the
human experience, its capability of assisting with defining and re-defining of self, and
the curative qualities of occupation will influence my interpretations of the data. My
assumptions about occupation were correct in this study: the research findings brought
forth some new information on the form, function, and meaning occupations held for
these participants.
In life, we often fill multiple roles, and one of my most fulfilling roles is as a
mother. I am a parent of five children ages 10, 14, 19 2 and 23.1 have had extensive
first hand experience with teachers, administrators, and therapists as we all rallied
around the issue of educating my children. At the age o f 16 months, my third child, Neil
Alan Joseph McDarmel was not responding to auditory cues in the environment. He was
tested and found to have normal hearing acuity. At age 2 years, 1 noticed that he was
having difficulty expressing himself verbally. Neil’s Speech and Language Pathologist
found that he was within normal expectations for language acquisition, but had a slight
delay with producing a few sounds. By the time Neil entered preschool at 2.5 years, he
was demonstrating significant visual motor and fine motor problems that led his teacher
to recommend having him tested for a learning disability.
16
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Neil’s testing revealed that he had ADD without hyperactivity. For Neil the
issues of achievement, self-esteem, and learning have not only revolved around the
classroom but the basketball court. His student occupations within the classroom have
been a point of contention when it comes to his academic achievement. Yet, his
occupation within the context of sports, and basketball more specifically, acted as a
central anchor in helping Neil to define self in a positive light.
Neil has participated in resource classes and mainstream classes with varying
degrees of success. I want to discover more about the nature of student classroom
occupations so that those of us who are deeply concerned with helping others be
successful with their classroom occupations will have more information from which we
can draw upon.
As a researcher, I will bring the lens o f occupation and my historicity as a parent
to focus on the phenomenon of student occupations in the classroom. Now that the
study is completed, I invite the reader to evaluate the information that I have discovered
in conjunction with the lens that I naturally brought to this study. My lens has
undoubtedly influenced the study’s findings. I did however, do my best to use my voice,
claim my biases, and consider alternative conclusions.
17
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 2
Conceptual Backdrop for Study of Classroom Occupations
Conceptual
Backdrop for
Study of
Classroom
Occupations
Overview of
Occupation
Research
Questions &
Importance
o f the study
Questions
Form-
Function
&
Meaning
Tharp
&
Gallimore.
Environment
al Niches
In this chapter, we will look at the overarching concept o f elassroom
occupations. Then we will examine two theoretical constructs used to specific the
examination of elassroom occupations in context. The first lens is that of form,
function, and meaning of occupations as the foci of occupational science. The second
lens is that of environments as activity settings, as brought forth by Tharp and
Gallimore, (1988) five components of aetivity settings
Overview of Occupation
Humans are innately occupational “beings” who share a universally human
perspective, eaeh time they engage in purposeful occupations. Occupations have been
defined as” . . . “chunks” of activities within the ongoing stream of human behavior
whieh are named in the lexicon o f the culture, for example, “ fishing” or “eooking” or at
a more abstract level, “playing” or working” (Yerxa et. al., 1990, p.5). Yet, as each
person progresses through various stages of ontogenetic development, they perceive
oecupation from a unique perspective.
18
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Within the body of knowledge of occupational science, human engagement in
occupation is a fundamental unit of study. Occupation is a metaphor for living, for it is
through the daily enactment of occupations that people construct and constitute their
lives. The discipline of occupational science is concerned with understanding what
people do and how they ascribe meaning to the ‘doing’ (Zemke & Clark, 1996). Thus,
occupation is central in establishing quality o f life and to recursively foster meaning in a
life.
Across the life span, humans seek out goal-directed and meaningful activities to
give expression to their existence. Researchers have cast the importance of occupation
to human existence in varied lights. In a functionalist or pragmatic view, occupation is a
vehicle for ensuring the survival of the species. For example, Reilly (1962), speaking
from a functionalist vantage, suggested that occupations are vital stimuli producing
entities that have phylogenetically impacted human development with increasing levels
of complexity that culminated in the human mastery o f the environment. Likewise,
within the field o f education, John Dewey also was consistently outspoken in this
regard. He thought that the human was engaged in a developmental process of adaptive
transformation toward mastery of the environment (Dewey, 1910; Dewey, 1938). While
he did not label students’ activities occupation, he highlighted the function or purpose
of activity as a transformative process leading toward environmental mastery. He felt
that occupations should have personal relevance to the child and lead to development
(Dewey, 1910).
19
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Thus, aligning with Reilly’s functionalist viewpoint, one perspective on the
purpose of occupation is to serve developmental and adaptive needs across a life span.
Moving away from functionalist and pragmatic views o f occupation, researchers have
also used a phenomenological lens to view occupations. Howard and Howard (1996)
suggest that occupation is fundamentally a spiritual activity that “tells us who we really
are” (Core Values and Attitudes of Occupational Therapy Practice ACTA, 1993, p.
236). Human experience enacted within socio-cultural settings shape the roles we play
when engaging in occupation (Hannam, 1997). While there is a shared social reality,
people uniquely mediate their perception of their occupational experiences. Clark
(1993) eloquently emphasized the phenomenological meaning of occupation as acts of
self-acknowledgement. She placed an important emphasis on ’’such issues as how
individuals choose and orchestrate occupations in the stream of time and how, over a
lifetime, occupations define the essence of the person” (Zemke & Clark, 1996 p. 43).
So, what is occupation? Yerxa et al., (1990) definition of occupation focuses on
the meaning of activity as “chunks of culturally and personally meaningful activity in
which humans engage that can be named in the lexicon of the culture.” (p.5). For the
purposes of this study, occupations will be defined as chunks of activity, observable
action with an expanded emphasis on the idea that these observable actions proceed
from thoughts and consist of both linguistic caricature and praxis. Since language is
often inadequate to accurately describe the constructs of thought, to emphasize
language’s limited communicative capability I have coined the term linguistic
caricature. A caricature is a sketchy view of a person with a few major identifiable
20
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
characteristics, but hardly an exact rendering of the true person. Thus, the term
linguistic caricature signifies the inadequacy of words alone to describe the process
humans use to create and expressed thought. Eisner (1994) states “Language is, after
all, a surrogate for experience” (Eisner, 1994, p.l 13). Therefore, I suggest that
“linguistic caricature” is a surrogate for thought.
When considering thought as a substrate from which all occupation emerges one
must acknowledge the complex blending of emotions and language that seems to merge
in the brain, the “organ of thought” and thus, yields expressions of the mind. For
example, Csikszentmihalyi (1988) described the merger between cognitive performance
and emotion in his study of “Flow” in consciousness. He defined “Flow” as a subjective
experience that is achieved during autotelic activities individual’s actions. These actions
stem from internally derived motives toward goal seeking and the sensation of
enjoyment while engaging in an activity. His studies have revealed that when ability
equals the task challenge people experience feelings of satisfaction, happiness and
enjoyment. He found that students who are high achievers experience flow when
engaged in academic endeavors and thus the students spend more time developing their
academic skills. Conversely, he found that low achievers seek to avoid academic
situations in favor of socializing (Csikszentmihalyi 1988; Csikszentmihalyi & Larson,
1984).
21
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In Phye & Andre’s (1986) discussion of the impact of schooling on the minds of
students, a description is offered o f the product of the mind as a well organized structure
of mental thought which is congruent with the curriculum that was presented to the
student.
Phye & Andre (1986) movingly explain this theme:
“A theory of the educated mind.” How does schooling affect the mind? In
considering this question, let us assume a conventional notion of the school as a
formal setting in which teachers present classical academics across a broad
array of curriculum domains. Here is an answer that may at first seem overly
simple, but which actually possesses great power. The effect of schooling is to
create a set of well-organized mental structures that parallel the various
curriculum programs, both those that are named (literacy, mathematics, science,
and physical education) and those that are implicit (self-discipline,
responsibility, courtesy, competitiveness ...). Thus, students who have been
taught to read become the possessors of a complex “frame,” if you will, which
provides them culturally designed and sanctioned tools for handling a set of
tasks that are important for the society and for the individual. (Phye & Andre,
1986, p.33)
Phye & Andre (1986) assert that the significance of an educated mind is in the
student’s competency to apply acquired knowledge toward socially and individually
relevant endeavors. Eisner (1994) agrees that the explicit and implicit curriculum, (the
null curriculum), are the conduits by which these tools or mental structures are
constituted. Yet, Eisner (1994) cautions educators to be careful not to use these tools to
reinforce institutional power and control over students and thus, restrict their thinking.
Because both the explicit and implicit classroom curriculums transmit social
prescriptions and cultural values, students’ options are limited by the particular cultural
pedagogy, (Dewey, 1938; Eisner, 1994; Hanvey, 1971; lllich, 1973; Cole, 1996).
22
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Bruner (1990) explains that praxis is the doing of something, while logos is the
telling of that doing in a narrative form. He asserts that there is an inextricable bond
between the doing and the telling, and that there are cultural canons transmitted by the
society in which the doing occurs. Thus, the social context in which occupations occur
becomes one of the determinants in creating individual meaning of these occupations
for the participants. In this sense, the doing is certainly a collective of both the
individual’s actions and the influences of a cultural milieu in which the actions occur.
Lave (1988) added to the discourse the idea that mind and body are so related to the
social milieu that to separate the person’s activity from context is to give a
misrepresentation o f self. She suggested that recursively the person and the social world
acting in mutuality constitutes actions.
Thus, individuals, through the unity of a mind-body schema enveloped in a
social context, give relevance and meaning to their occupations. Merriam Webster’s
Collegiate Dictionary (1994) offers this definition for praxis: “an act of will and doing”
(p. 915). De la Rocha (1986) spoke of common sensibilities (ones ability to use
kinesthetic sense along with intellectual faculties) to compose meaning and make sense
of experiences. Ayres (1985) made a distinction between praxis and motor function. She
saw praxis as an intelligence that people use toward adaptive behavior when interacting
with the environment. In order for people to act adaptively, she believed that they must
first formulate the thought, and subsequently fathom how to carry out the steps.
Learning as such is a function of the brain (Ayres, 1985).
23
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In a postmodern framing, learning is an enterprise characterized by the
influences of both explicit and implicit curricula mediated within the classroom milieu.
Teachers have a central purpose to promote learning in the classroom (Gangne &
Driscoll, 1988). Webster (1994) defines learning as “the act or experience of one that
leams; to gain knowledge, or xmderstanding o f or skill in by study, instruction, or
experience “(p. 663). By highlighting experience as a key element in learning, this
definition spotlights the subjectivity of learning to the leamer. The student’s perspective
about the learning experience in the classroom has subjective meaning. Thus, educators
and occupational scientists must give particular consideration to the form, function and
meaning of occupation, as the students perceive it.
Educators and occupational scientists must seek to understand what constimtes
the nature of student occupations in the classroom. A clearer understanding of the ways
in which students make meaning out of the explicit and implicit curriculum will aid in
curriculum development and instructional technologies for promoting successful student
engagement in classroom occupations. Educators such as John Dewey have argued that
the individual needs of students must guide the teaching experience (Dewey, 1910). In
the 1980s there was a drastic change away from child-centered approaches in education
to subject-oriented focuses. In the 1990s the theme has been Outcome Based Education
(QBE), which has focused on affective goal attainment. These goals are not only
academic in nature, but include such areas as self-esteem and an appreciation for
cultural diversity (McNeil, 1996). McNeil (1996) argues that teachers cannot
effectively address student’s cognitive components in the areas of science, math, social
24
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
studies, etc. without attending to “students’ personal agendas and orientations” (p. 6).
Within the classroom, teachers must seek to find a balance between the complexity of
the task demands and the individual needs of the students (McNeil, 1996). Students
must avoid the extremes on the continuum of engagement in student occupations. For
example, Csikszentmihalyi Flow Theory of experience depicts a continuum, with
anxiety at one end, and boredom at the other. Csikszentmihalyi (1988) suggests that to
transcend self and sustain continued states o f “flow,” the optimal challenge must be
afforded to each individual. Thus, to increase our knowledge of the students’
perspective, it is incumbent upon educators and occupational scientists to understand
the students’ perspective o f classroom occupations.
This study was designed to study students’ perspectives on classroom
occupations by addressing both internal experience and external social contexts. This
was accomplished by examining the form, function, and meaning of classroom
occupations. To reflectively organize and critique the information to explore the natxire
of classroom occupations an abstraction o f the students real world.
Research Questions
The research questions answered herein were:
1. What are the elements of classroom occupations for these three students?
2. What meaning do these students ascribe to their classroom occupations?
3. How are these occupations constituted within the classroom?
25
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Form, Function & Meaning of Occupations
The study of occupation is primarily an inquiry into the complex dynamics
between people and environments that have pragmatic and metaphorical importance to
the individual (Christiansen, 1994). Occupational science is a discipline that
synthesizes interdisciplinary knowledge to generate new perspectives on the role of
occupation in the human experience. Within the field of occupational science, this focus
on occupation has emanated tfom the traditional practice of occupational therapy.
Historically occupational therapy has focused on the relationships between human
engagement in occupation and human adaptation for persons with disabilities (Zemke &
Clark, 1996).
Occupational science is interested in the acquisition of knowledge on adaptive
capabilities o f humans and the form, function, and meaning o f occupation; Since all
occupations are situated within culture and are experienced uniquely by the individual
who engaged in them, the study of occupation is not complete without looking at three
dimensions-form, function and meaning, (Clark, Wood, & Larson, 1998). Form,
function, and meaning will be the primary conceptual categories used to explore the
characteristics of classroom occupations in this study.
Form refers to the observable characteristics of occupations forged by task
demands and subjective experience within an environment (Clark, Wood & Larson,
1998). This category encompasses not only the observation o f what people do but takes
into consideration the context in which people enact occupations. Using form as a point
of reference permits researchers to include such definable factors as time, logistics the
26
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
allocated space to execute occupations and the objects and people in the environment.
When addressing the function o f occupation a fundamental question emerges: how does
occupation serve adaptation? In its broadest sense, occupation is a mechanism for
transmitting and transforming culture. For example, there is an acceptable code of
conduct for students, such as the notion that students must quietly sit in their desks and
listen while the teacher conducts the lecture. As each student complies with the ritual of
sitting during lectures the students, reconstitute social canons for deportment in the
classroom. Thus, the practices o f the culture are preserved. Conversely, the custom of
conducting lectures as the primary mode of instruction can be replaced with activity
centers in which students move between tables that contain manipulative material that
introduces leaning concepts, or reinforces previous learning. In this occupation, the
cultural canon o f sitting is now replaced with movement within the class and perhaps
facilitates peer-to-peer interactions and collaboration on the tasks. While both activity
centers and listening to lectures from ones seat are modes o f instruction that are capable
of promoting learning, they each offer a different point of emphasis in relationship to
the leamers’ opportimities for exploring social interactions. During a lecture, the
students must learn how to sustain self-control and self-regulatory skills to inhibit
internal and external distractions to achieve sustained attention to the teacher’s voice
and perhaps visually localize directions illustrated by the teacher on the board, on an
overhead screen, or in a textbook. This mode o f interaction is primarily between the
teacher and the student and relies heavily on the auditory and visual senses. However,
when transitioning between activity centers the potential for didactic exchanges and
27
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
self-regulation are further challenged by the enriched opportunity for peer contact, as
the students must employ more senses to execute the tasks (e.g., tactile, kinesthetic,
visual, auditory) and use social skills to work cooperatively within the available
physical space. Thus, different classroom routines evoke different kinds of student
engagement or disengagement and influence the ways in which students leam how to
collaborate with adults and peers in socially acceptable ways within particular contexts
of space, material usage, and time. One therefore might think of the cultural functions
of classroom occupations to include didactic exchanges between peers and teachers,
established cultural routines and rituals that reconstitute the culture of the classroom.
In addition to having cultural functions, occupations also serve the function of
doing something for the individual to affect his or her adaptation to the environment
These adaptations may focus for example, on health promoting pursuits such as learning
safety precaution strategies for being at home alone, or they may focus on peer
inclusion rituals such as learning to pass notes in class without being detected by the
teacher. To identify the function of an occupation is synonymous with seeking to find
out how adaptation is accomplished for the individual and subsequently how those
adaptations relate to cultural perspectives (Clark, Wood & Larson, 1998).
Each individual ascribes subjective meaning to the occupations in which they
participate. The significance of the occupation for the individual is embedded in the
subjective experience that the individual undergoes within his or her own culture. For
example, graduating from one grade to the next may be a symbolic representation of
having achieved a socially defined level o f academic achievement. For the student it
28
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
may also have the ascribed meaning o f being a way of staying connected to his or her
peer group. Alternatively, it may be an essential pre-requisite for sustaining one’s sense
of self worth and self-efficacy.
All these factors, form, function, and meaning, working together encompass the
elements of classroom occupation for the individual participant. The very limited
current literature on classroom occupations does not reveal the multidimensional nature
of this phenomenon. For example, Griswold (1994) suggests the use of a tool for
occupational therapists to structure classroom observations around the following
categories: (1) Activities (purpose, objects used, time required, space required and type
of learning), (2) People (roles, interaction), (3) Communication (who is giving the
information, to whom is information given, purpose of information, context of
communication), (4) Words used (nonverbal communication notes, consequences of
communication) and (5) students’ round of activity. As an observation tool, this rubric
focuses solely on the viewpoints of observers. This is simply inadequate for attempting
to determine the essence of students’ perspectives on classroom occupations.
Tharp and Gallimore’s activity setting model is helpful in that it captures the
additional perspectives o f the participants in the form o f values, goals and motives.
Forms that are readily observable to the researcher, even audible exchanges of dialogue
can have symbolic meaning to the participant that cannot be determined through
observations alone. For example, a student’s reply to a peer’s question regarding
whether that student will participate in the school board meeting may have one meaning
to the observer and another to the student. Viewing the classroom as a whole is a crucial
29
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
and essential piece of the puzzle, but the full picture surrounding function and meaning
is enveloped in the narratives of the individual. Anything that omits the narrative
exchange is vulnerable to superficial meaning and, misinterpretations that leave the
researcher devoid of the spirituality of classroom occupation as an adaptive response to
the endless maze of patterns and movement that constitute the context of classroom.
Tharp and Gallimore’s activity setting model capture the perspective of the
participants by addressing their values, goals, and motives, thus offering a fuller
interpretation o f classroom occupations than simply observation. Everyday life in the
classroom is not a one-dimensional experience, but an array o f multidimensional
experiences posited in meaning.
30
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 3
Methodology
Unveiling
the research
design
Graphic
Representations
Conceptual
Model
Research
Site Selection
& Participant
Recruitm ent
Data
Collection
Process
Data
Analysis
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to examine the perspectives o f three high school
students with Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD) regarding how they experienced
classroom occupations. Focusing on the students’ voices, this researcher examined the
nature of classroom occupations. The researcher aimed to explicate the meaning the
students ascribed to their occupations by looking at how the students interpreted,
organized, and managed their occupations within the context of their everyday
classroom routines. This chapter delineates the qualitative research methods used to
conduct this study. It begins with the unveiling of the research design, followed by a
description of the process for research site selection, participant recruitment. It
culminates with three profiles that introduce each research participant.
Throughout this chapter is a story within a story, which is the researcher’s own
narrative of experiences while conducting the study. For this reason I have chosen to
31
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
integrate my experiences across the various chapters to enrich the reader’s ability to
enter into the story as it unfolds. In this way the reader can judge the validity of the
researcher’s interpretations in light o f the reader’s own emplotment. Please note that as
the description o f the study progresses within the chapter the tense changes from past
tense to present. This is intentionally done to invite the reader into the ethos of the
moments the text attempts to describe. To protect the confidentiality of the school and
research participants, pseudonyms will be used for all entities discussed in this
dissertation.
Unveiling of the Research Design
It is time now to worry about something that has been implicit
throughout the discussion of methodology .. .those mysterious procedures by
which you transform what you see and hear into intelligible accounts (Michael
H. Agar, The Professional Stranger, p. 189).
Agar, (1980) in his introduction to ethnography speaks of this methodological
process as transforming data into intelligible accounts. It is with this notion that I
proceed. In this qualitative study 1 sought to describe, analyze, interpret, and present the
data as closely to the participants’ voices as possible. As a novice researcher it was of
extreme importance to me that the final presentation of the data capture the real time
experiences of the participants in context.
A qualitative research design was selected for this study because, unlike
quantitative studies that would seek to support or negate a hypothesis, the aim o f this
study was to capture the students’ voices about their experiences with classroom
occupations. Qualitative methods provide a sound technology of inquiry for the
development of knowledge regarding individual experiences and interpretation of
32
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
events. Banister et al., (1994) suggest that there is no single definition for qualitative
research. However, they offer one definition of qualitative research as an interpretive
methodology to study an area of interest. In this context, qualitative research is posited
as a part of a debate, as opposed to a quest for an absolute truth. It is a method of
research that has the potential of evoking reflection and in some instances, as is the ease
with action research, becomes the impetus for eliciting change.
This study uses students’ reflective potentials in narratives to examine elassroom
occupations from the students’ perspectives. Narrative meaning is a cognitive process
that organizes human experiences into temporally meaningful episodes (Polkinghome,
1988). While this is not an action research study, it does promote a discourse for debate
where interested educators, policy makers, students, parents, therapists and occupational
scientists may choose to participate. Although in educational research qualitative
research methods are commonly used, an occupation-centered perspective on students’
experiences is a new one. Recasting the students’ experiences from an occupational
viewpoint places the student in the center o f the drama in the classroom.
As the principal researcher 1 assumed an ethnographer’s role and engaged in
observation, that is, the prolonged embedding of one’s self in the naturalistic setting for
the purposes of recording the chronology of events in the form of what one sees, hears,
and feels. It was in this context that I gathered data via observation and interview-
conversations and thus was an observer in the social world that I studied (Banister,
1994).
33
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Wolcott (1994) suggests that qualitative researchers must be candid about their
purposes within the social canons of their culture. Thus, the aim o f this study was to
provide an in-depth exploration of the classroom experiences of three high school
students and to use those experiences to begin building knowledge regarding the form,
function and meaning of classroom occupations from the perspectives of the students. A
further, and rather poignant, purpose of this study was to highlight the students’
experiences in academic settings so that the students’ perspectives can be taken into
consideration when developing or revising educational programs for high school
students.
In addition, this study seeks to advocate for persons with disabilities.
As the themes emerged in the study’s findings, this objective is addressed; but in a
much different way than I had anticipated. In the subsequent chapters, 1 discuss this
phenomenon. Selecting students with ADD for this inquiry was an attempt to have their
heretofore-marginalized voices the focus of the discourse. Additionally, as an
intellectually inquisitive parent of a son with ADD and an occupational therapist I
wanted to know more about classroom occupations and contribute to the growing body
of knowledge regarding the human engagement in occupation and more specifically
classroom occupations.
To forge triangulation, multi-method approaches in data collection included
participant observation, in depth interviews, and member checking. During a 4-month
period, 1 conducted classroom observations and private individual interviews for a total
34
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
of 145 hours. While the proposed schedule prescribed interviewing the students twice a
week, on occasion this schedule had to be changed to accommodate school testing and
vacation schedules. Thus, some weeks the students had one and other weeks they had
three interviews. The latter rarely occurred. Credibility and confirmability were
addressed through triangulation (use of interview as well as observations). In addition,
techniques of member checking, peer debriefing, and data auditing were included to
strengthen credibility and confirmability (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
Research Site Selection & Participant Recruitment
Research Site Selection Process
All names of people and places in this dissertation are pseudonyms. A year
before the study was to be conducted I contacted the local Beautone High School
District (BHSD) to inquire about the feasibility of conducting my research at a high
school in the district. They suggested that I speak to Mr. Silex, the Director of
Curriculum Development. He was very intrigued by the research because it focused on
the students’ perspectives on classroom occupations. He felt that the findings would be
beneficial to the academic community. After several phone conversations Mr. Silex
consented to assist me with getting permission to recruit participants in one of the high
schools. He provided a wonderful letter of introduction, which was included in my
Institutional Review Board (IRB) Application to the University o f Southern California
for this study.
Once 1 secured the IRB approval for the research, 1 contacted Mr. Silex to
arrange a face-to-face meeting to discuss the research and the logistics for “getting in”
35
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
to recruit (Lofland & Lofland, 1984). He was supportive but very apprehensive about
the feasibility o f getting the teachers to permit me to observe their classrooms for such
an extensive period. In addition, he was very concemed that the parents o f special
education students could potentially be a difficult group to work with, as had been his
experience in the past. I assured him that my years of working with this population and
their families would serve me well in conducting this study. After Mr. Silex conferred
with the district’s legal counsel to determine if there were any potential legal concems
for the district Mr. Silex called me to let me know that although counsel felt that there
would be a potential litigation risk to the district, they were willing to take the
calculated risk and allow me to conduct my study. 1 was most appreciative. Their
concems regarding litigation risks primarily focused on the district’s previous history
regarding the number of claims filed by special education population versus claims filed
by non-special education parents in the district. The greater number had come fiom
special education claims.
Mr. Silex referred me to the principal at one of the largest high schools in the
district and suggested that I discuss the matter with the principal. If the principal gave
his approval for me to conduct the study, then I was to inform Mr. Silex and proceed.
After many strategic phone calls I was passed along the administrative chain of
command at that school, and finally made contact with the school psychologist who
suggested that I approach one of the local alternative education high schools in the
district. The psychologist felt that her school was too large and impacted with interns,
thus they would not have time to supervise my conducting o f the research at their site.
36
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Following the psychologist’s recommendations, I sought entry to recruit participants at
the altemative education school. This school was one that I had had been in contact with
on a project some years earlier. As a known entity to the school, I found this to be in
my favor. The principal at the altemative high school felt that the teachers would
perceive this as a positive thing for them, since the teachers would perceive me as one
of their own and would be less likely to reject my request to conduct the research at
their school. After several months o f meetings and telephone conversations, with the
principal, the faculty had a meeting where they voted to allow me to conduct the study.
Out of 13 teacher votes, 10 voted in favor of my study. The vote of no by the three
remaining teachers meant that if any participants were in a class with those teachers, I
would not observe the participants while they were in those classes. The teachers who
declined felt that my presence in their classrooms for such a prolonged time would be
too much of a distraction to their teaching process.
Recruitment o f Participants
To recmit participants, teachers distributed to their students posted initially
fliers) in their classrooms (See appendix A). However, by the second week just before
Christmas break, Mr. Levine called me to notify me that there had been no responses to
the postings. After vacation, he called again and suggested that I simply offer students a
screening for eligibility to participate in the study. The next week I was provided a
secluded office in the rear of the psychologist’s room and had, student volunteers go
into the room between classes to answer a few questions for a potential study to be held
37
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
on campus. The students that came in were a mixture o f students with and without
Attention Deficit Disorder (ADD). Students filed in one at a time throughout the
morning. The principal would select students that he thought might be good candidates
as they were passing between classes and ask them to meet with me to answer a series
of questions. They were told that we were looking for students to volunteer to
participate in a research study and wanted to see if they would be interested. When the
students came in, I introduced myself, explained the study and asked them if they had
ADD.
Over the course o f the morning, eight students came in for screening, two
seniors and six juniors, seven boys and one girl. Through self-disclosure, six out of the
eight had answered affirmative to the question regarding whether they had ADD. Two
of those six students with ADD did not want to participate in the study. Of the
remaining four, three were interested in participating in the study and one was awaiting
a confirmation of a diagnosis o f ADD. Mark had just finished being assessed for ADD
and was awaiting the results. Because so many juniors and relatively few seniors came
forward, it became necessary to expand the study to include juniors as well as seniors. I
gave the students forms and information on the study, and told them to discuss it with
their parents. Subsequently, on the next day, I contacted the parents by phone and
secured appointments to get parent’s signatures for consent to participate in the study.
The principal received copies of all the documents and he reviewed them before I he
allowed me to have access to any of the student’s schedules to start the study.
38
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Initially, the one female student who had expressed interest in participating in
the study changed her mind after discussing it with her father. When 1 called her father
to secure his consent, he informed me that that they felt his daughter’s impacted work
and school schedule would make it be too difficult for her to participate in the
interviews before or after school.
Subsequently, 1 met Mr. Levine the principal to give him copies o f the signed
parent and student consent forms for two male students, Dan and Randy. The
classroom observations began a week later for two of what would eventually be three
research participants. Dan and Randy started at this point and the third participant,
Mark, joined the study four weeks after Dan and Randy. (See appendix B). Mark had to
wait to receive confirmation of his diagnosis of ADD. Each participant was selected
based upon having self-disclosed their diagnosis of ADD and upon his or her ability to
communicate in English.
Profiles of the Participants
Since the pool of volunteers was so small, 1 conducted the study with three
instead of the originally proposed four participants. All o f the participants were males.
Randy was 17 years of age was of Portuguese and Mexican decent. He was diagnosed
with ADD in grammar school, and was not on any medication for ADD. The second
participant, Dan was a 17-year-old male of Caucasian and Mexican decent. He was
diagnosed with ADD (as per his recollection) at the age o f three and had been on
medications for over 12 years. The final case, Mark a 17-year-old male o f Filipino and
White descent had just received a confirmation of the diagnosis of ADD five months
39
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
after the initiation of his junior year in high school. Mark was not taking any
medication. Psychological services were routinely following Randy and Dan for their
ADD and Mark had just begun to receive monitoring after having received his diagnosis
of ADD.
Data Collection Process
Rubric for Data Collection
A prolonged quest for the unmediated essence of human engagement in
occupation has been the pursuit of occupational science from its inception (Zemke,
1996). Within the data of every inquiry into the nature of human engagement in
occupation, there is this close approximation o f the origin o f occupation as perceived
via, form, function, meaning in context, and actual performance. These three factors,
form, function and meaning are vital to solving the riddle of why people engage in
particular occupations. Form is the observable appearance of classroom occupations.
function refers to the description of the adaptive component o f experiences that
individuals have acquired. Such experiences are features of cultural expectations as
perceived in role performance, and personal competencies within a given setting
(Zemke, 1996). Meaning as ascribed by the individual removes namely the ambiguity
that surrounds occupation when simply observed by another person from a distance,
thus clarifying the outward appearance of the internal (Zemke, 1996).
Viewing the environment through the occupational science lens o f form,
function, and meaning, and additionally, the contextual framework of the five
components of activity settings I collected the observation and interview raw data.
40
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
While studying occupations, posited in context I have described and analyzed the
context in which these occupations occurred in order to gain understanding of how
occupations are constructed and constituted within social situations and cultural factors
that effect classroom occupations.
Interviews
Bogdan and Biklen (1992) state that an interview is a purposeful conversation
used to produce rich, descriptive data about how participants interpret their world. I
selected interviewing to reveal “the meanings that individuals had for things and
people" and occupations (Blumer, 1969, p. 2). My initial plan was to conduct individual
interviews with each student in the study on a weekly basis over a 4-month period. A
proposed sixteen interviews with each participant was to be conducted, each ranging in
duration from about 45 to 60 minutes. I used semi-structured interview techniques to
explore students’ perceptions of their classroom occupations.
The participants’ scheduled interviews were before and after school. While the
original plan was adhered to as much as possible, the nature of the setting and the
students’ behaviors required that I make modifications as we progressed through the
study. For example, interviews with each student did occur in general on a weekly
basis. However, due to testing schedules, spring break, and absenteeism, and at some
points due to difficulty the participants were having in remembering scheduled
appointments, I found it necessary to do some scaffolding for the participants and to
forego some interviews. By calling the participant the evening before to remind them
41
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
about their scheduled interviews, the participants were able to remember and
subsequently keep their appointments. I found this to be rather effective until the end of
the study when it appeared that even these reminders were not sufficient to ensure
attendance. Since one of the challenges students with ADD have is organizing their time
and remembering to do tasks, this was a reasonable and necessary way to assist them.
Towards the end o f the study, the students were missing more of their scheduled
interviews despite the reminders. This seemed to be associated with a couple o f factors.
One was the closing of the school year for the students, and their corresponding desire
to be done with the year, and secondly, what appeared to be an avoidance strategy. The
students sometimes avoided conversations that might foster reflection on their studies,
and behaviors in the context of school.
However, the numbers of interviews were sufficient to permit the data to
become saturated. Saturation refers to the point at which no new themes emerge from
the data, indicating the acknowledgment of all relevant themes within the participants’
narrative expressions (Patton, 1990). While 16 hours o f interviews per participant was
the proposed, due to absences, testing schedules, and eventually some natural end of the
year activities, no participant completed 16 hours of interviewing. In actuality, Mark
completed 10 hours, and Randy and Dan completed seven each. As was predicted
before the initiation of the study, some data saturation occurred earlier than the
projected 16 hours thus, Dan having reached saturations discontinued the study at
interview seven. The other two participants continued until the end o f the study just
days before graduation (See Appendix B).
42
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Other modifications included impromptu interviews; this was particularly true
with Dan whose school attendance was the most sporadic o f the group. On some
occasions, scheduled observations with Mark gave way to spontaneous interviews that
transitioned from participant observations to interview-conversations. He often did not
show for scheduled interviews and on the next occasion, I would substitute an
observation session for an interview. However this was very rare, perhaps only two
times during the study. Dan’s propensity to share at a particular time when he was on
independent study in the conference room prompted this modification. This same
conference room was the site for all the participant interviews, with the exception of
one interview held with Randy in the library. The conference room was located in the
main office area and had a large window facing into the office area with blinds. This
allowed for some degree of privacy. Twenty-three interviews were conducted in this
conference room, and one interview with Randy was conducted in the library. Each
interview ranged in duration from about 45 to 60 minutes, for each participant. Thus,
Randy and Dan participate in 7 hours each, and Mark participated in 10 hours of
interviews.
Each interview session allowed ample time to permit the students to express
their thoughts and feelings about their classroom occupations.. It was necessary to use
interviewing to ask the students about the meaning they had for all the social
interactions that constructed their classroom occupations. (See Bogdan & Biklen, 1992;
Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss, 1987, Wax, 1971.) Most importantly, interviews
provided opportunities for me to probe for student meanings about events and actions I
43
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
observed during participant observation. I scheduled the interviews before, or, after
classes. This provided a good opportunity to do rapid inquiries into observations that I
made in class on the day before, or in many instances directly after class on that same
day. This allowed me to obtain clarity on the meaning the students ascribed to the
events that I observed as they unfolded in classroom sessions.
To explore student perceptions on their classroom occupations I used semi
structured interview techniques. (See appendix C for sample questions). The initial
interviews followed the schedule of questions very closely, but soon became more
conversation-like as the participants and I established more rapport. As is widely
accepted in qualitative research methodologies, I generated new interview questions as
the interview process unfolded in order to expand on the participants’ responses (Stake,
1995; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Tesch, 1990). By allowing the participants to expound
on related classroom occupation topics o f their own interests it was interesting to see
how the interviewing process would generate new, richer information that was outside
of the originally proposed questions.
This interview technique soon became a valued tool for finding out the students’
perspectives by allowing them to respond to questions in this manner. For example, if
they were asked a specific question, but responded by changing the topic, I chose in
most cases not to correct them, and to allow them to pursue their train of thoughts until
it reached its closure, knowing that 1 could always reroute the question back at a later
date to ascertain the original information. I found the rich tapestry of the participants’
own voices could become distorted, or constricted if I did not allow flexibility in their
44
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
responses. It also seemed that their own way of organizing and expressing their
thoughts was more consistent with divergent discourses that were emerging as they
attempted to express their thoughts and clarify the meaning they made out o f the events
and feelings they were having when they were allowed to fully explore a train of
thought to its closure.
Another helpful strategy was to mirror back to them in a genuine way their own
language and speech pattems. For example, 1 would use their adolescent idioms, pacing,
body language, or intonations to place them at ease as they spoke. This was effective to
keep them speaking from the heart as opposed to simply answering one question at a
time. Thus, a conversation was more desirable then the semi- structured questioning for
generating new depths of meaning and themes. However, the set o f questions remained
a constant point of references to test out the changes in the participants’ perceptions
over time and events. For example, from session to session 1 would often ask a
previously asked question to test consistency and mutable qualities o f their responses
over time. Salient factors that influenced student perceptions, themes such as processes,
expectations, reactions, choices, decisions, and events that occurred during class and
influenced the meanings the students ascribed to their classroom occupations were
emergent in the interview process.
45
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In each interview I referred to observations that I had made during the previous
observation and asked the participants to clarify the meaning of an event, or seek out
meaning in ambiguities between what the participant might have said was true in a one
instance, but subsequently contradicted with another set of actions at another point in
the classroom observations.
1 audiotaped and subsequently transcribed each interview session. Anecdotal
field note entries were recorded on occasions in the journal, however to keep the
exchange lively and less threatening 1 found it less distracting to the participants and for
myself to simply rely on the audiotapes, versus journaling while interviewing the
participants. Neither the audiotapes nor the written transcriptions and field notes
contained the names of the participants or other information that could link the data to
the participants’ names.
In accord with the IRB-approved protocol, the participants were told during the
screening process, and then again at the first interview, and throughout the study that if
they were to divulge sensitive information that implicated themselves, or others in
activities that are illegal, or are Dangerous to self or others, my professional ethics
would require that 1 report this information the school administration. No such incident
occurred during the study.
On the eighth interview for Mark and the 7* for Dan and Randy, member
checking was introduced to the participants. Member checking refers to having the
participants themselves check the analytic schemes, interpretations, and conclusions
generated by the researcher during the data analysis process (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
46
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The member checking sessions were very helpful in securing the students voices over
my own. 1 shared with each participant the coding themes, interpretations, and
conclusions that I had generated for that participant, and asked the participant for his
reaction to the analysis. The sessions were 45 to 60 minutes in length. The participants’
responses became a part of the raw data set, and were subsequently analyzed as the
study progressed.
Classroom Observations
Observation is the traditional name given to data collection that involves the
researcher observing the informants in a naturalistic setting during data collection
(Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Taylor & Bogdan, 1984). While meaning itself cannot be
observed through the procedure of participant observation, it was possible for me to use
participant observation to observe social interactions that contributed to the students’
constructing classroom occupations. The observations evoked clues to meaning in the
dialogue and discourse, and scripts, as well as the actions in context.
Scheduling
Classroom observations consisted of approximately two hours per day for each
student, two days per week, for a total of 145 hours over the four months o f the study.
For Randy the observations were in the morning for his first two classes, while Mark’s
observation sessions consisted of a morning and afternoon class. In most instances, the
observations took place for each participant on the same day of the week. However, in
some instances, it was possible to observe the students in consecutive classes, while
others between a morning and an afternoon. Dan’s observation consisted of 8 morning
47
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
sessions for independent study in the conference room, and 12 morning and afternoon
observation sessions in the special education classroom. The traditional 45-minute class
schedule was consistent throughout the study with the exception o f spring break and
testing week. On occasion more than one student was in the same classroom
observation session. In these instances, I counted the class observations toward the
observation time for one of the students involved. When conducting the observations, I
would stay for the entire class meeting time and sit in the rear comers of the room, or in
another location that provided as much inconspicuousness as possible. However, due to
the small square footage in the math class it was not always possible to be out of the
view of the participant.
Field Notes
During class observations, I would record written descriptions in the form of
field notes and subsequently transcribe them (Patton, 1990). Field notes contained
descriptions of the physical setting and classroom activity context, as well as
participants’ behaviors, roles, activities, interactions, conversations and sketches. In
addition, within the pages of thick descriptive fieldnotes chronicling my observations of
the participants’ experiences with classroom, occupations are my narratives in the form
of anecdotal thoughts and feelings that became a part o f the observation and
interviewing experience (Patton, 1999). Initially, 1 had started keeping a separate
joumal to record my own feelings and intellectual musings, but, for practical purposes, 1
soon abandoned a separate joumal and simply entered my thoughts and feelings directly
into the fieldnotes and in the margins. By having these entries in the fieldnotes, I was
48
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
able to see the specific points at which a specific event emerged, within my sensibilities.
(See Appendix D). By recording behaviors and event as they happened in the context of
the classroom, I was able to bring relevant questions to subsequent interviews, in order
to stimulate the participants’ reflections regarding classroom occupations. It was the
comparison of the participant’s reflections regarding what I had observed, and the
participants’ responses that produced a rich dissonance that became o f great interest in
the study. I will explain this in more detail in chapter 6.
Researcher’ s Presence in Class
The initial phase data collection involved adapting to the spatial, temporal and
social constrains of observing in the classroom. My initial concerns focused on working
out the logistics for recording data and fitting unobtrusively into the setting. Here are
some joumal entries that address my reflections:
Week One in Randy’ s World History Class
I am seated in my desk in the rear of the room.
Today’s observation is harder to record due to very rapid social exchanges that
seem to be related to Randy’s presence that has increased the social dynamics
between peers and the teacher. It appears to be a natural flow to the exchanges
and not ones that are staged for me. But, it will be interesting to see if this same
level of intensity will sustain itself throughout the study.
Week One in Randy’ s Math Class
I am concerned that the physical layout of this classroom does not permit me to
sit in a position that would make me behind Randy. No matter where Randy is in
the classroom, he will be able to see me observing him. It is difficult to hear
from this position. I think next observation I will ask to sit at the other teacher’s
desk in the rear of the room. It is a more visible potion, but not hearing is a
barrier that must be over come.
The following excerpt addresses the sensitivities I was experiencing for the
teacher as she attempted to give instmction on a math problem, and makes an error in
49
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
front of the class. She inadvertently gives the wrong information, and her attempts to try
to assist the students in gaining clarity on the calculations are ineffective. One o f the
students points out her error making the situation apparently most uncomfortable for the
teacher:
When the Teacher Makes an Error
I fell very uncomfortable witnessing this scene. Having taught in classrooms, I
know how uncomfortable it is to make an error that further confuses the
students. And, having someone in the class recording everything must be an
added stress for the teacher at this moment.
This next excerpt highlights my sensitivity toward wanting to keep a neutral
viewpoint as possible and be in tune with my own biases while collecting the data. This
takes place in week two of Randy’s math class where his attempting to complete a math
worksheet and is having difficulty. The aide attempts to assist him, but lacks the
knowledge to effectively guide him through the problem. The teacher refuses to address
Randy’s requests for assistance, and I begin to make value judgments on the teacher’s
behavior:
Randy ^ s Math Class with Mrs. Caballero
I am actually aware that I have begun to critique the teacher’s behavior. I feel that
Randy needs more attention from the teacher in order to complete his work and that the
aide, who is invested in him, does not have enough knowledge to help him at this
juncture. Simultaneously, these thoughts are always accompanied by my gratefulness to
be here. My role here is as a researcher and observer only.
Reflective skepticism is a good way to describe my entry into the classroom. I
was aware that I brought my own historicity into the setting as I pondered previous
classroom observation studies I had conducted in my graduate studies, or thought o f the
times I taught undergraduate university classes in occupational therapy. Arriving to
50
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
class for the first observation my focus was on my self in context. Questions like how
friendly or talkative I should be with the teacher were of paramount concern. The
teachers were eager to assist me and naturally wanted to engage in conversation. Yet, I
needed anonymity and distance to avoid breaches in confidentiality or the potential of
influencing the teachers’ behaviors toward the study in an adverse way. Therefore, the
dynamic balance of sustaining normal social canons but not jeopardizing the study
required constant attention. Initially, the teachers attempted to draw attention to me by
announcing my presence, or by observing me. I discouraged this by not acknowledging
references to me by using nonverbal cues. For example, I would look down at my field
book as I wrote, which I held in a manner that gave me an adequate field of vision, but
simultaneously gave the appearance that I was solely engaged in recording what I was
hearing versus seeing. There seemed to be some strategic advantage to distancing the
visual interaction between us. It was awkward initially for both the teachers and I, but
soon settled into a more comfortable interaction over time for some teachers. For other
teachers at various points I felt my presence in the classroom was more tenuous.
The participants all seemed to enjoy that I was observing them. In fact, many o f
the participants’ classmates drew attention to my being in class and observing them. For
example, during one classroom observation, one of Mark’s classmates approached me
and the following exchange ensued:
J: Who are you? (Said with great enthusiasm.)
PI: I’m a student just like you.
J: You must think we are crazy, especially everyone in Mrs. W yclifff s class!
As the bell rings J prepared to exit the class and while walking past me he says:
J: What are you 'writing? Are you writing down everything we do?
51
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Initially, the school administration and teachers gave me feedback that they
attributed positive changes they observed in the participants to their participation in the
study. I too had this idea, but soon realized that it probably was due to the Hawthome
Effect, because it was not long before participants settled back into their customary
behavior. The following is an excerpt from my personal joumal entry:
As I was checking on a schedule change for one of the participants the Special
Day Counselor commented that there has been an observed increase in Randy’s
focus in classes . . . I too like Mrs. Nottingham am curious about the change in
Randy’s focus.
This was refreshing, albeit somewhat initially disappointing to me. I liked the
idea of thinking even for a moment that I was contributing'in a positive way to the
students’ academic process versus simply observing them. However, the integrity of the
research was at risk if in fact my involvement was more than just an observer. As was
my research routine, I had a 20-minute break before starting my observation with Dan
when he was on independent study in the conference room. On this occasion, I had
finished my snack and was waiting in the Administration office for the scheduled
appointment time to arrive. The chair that I sat in faced the room were Dan was
working. With the blinds rolled up, I had full visual access to Dan working at the table.
This is a joumal entry regarding this incident:
While awaiting Dan’ s Scheduled Observation Appointment
Earlier when I was sitting in the lobby watching Dan work he was staring out
the window then he stopped, looked over at me, waved his hand, smiled at me,
and began feverishly to work. I laughed remembering our discussion in
interview regarding his vigor when working alone versus when I was observing
him. I can’t help but think about the Hawthome effect (any change initially
brings an increase in productivity), it will be interesting to see if this wears off
or if there is sustained work productivity.
52
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The following excerpt gives an example of the ways in which students, who
were not in the study would socially engage with me while I observed the class from the
rear room in Randy’s math class:
Being Watched by Other Students in Class
A female student looks at me through the window and makes eye contact and
smiles. I return the smile.
My mind projects into the future, and back to past experiences I have had
observing and teaching in classrooms. I anticipate the need to stay distant from
the students and teachers and yet know that soon the students will approach me
out of curiosity and the natural social familiarities that emerge with people
occupy the same space. As these observations continue at two times a week for
four months this is a given.
My presence and research led me to constantly question whether some things
were happening that would not otherwise happen.
Randy Indicates His Thoughts About being Observed In Class
Randy says to me jokingly “You are observing me so I’ll be on my best
behavior.” He enters and waits in line to secure his packet from the cupboard.
Perhaps my presence was a perturbation to actions and relationships between
teachers and students. As was expected on occasion the teachers and students spoke
directly to me during class sessions. At these times, I responded as briefly as possible
and returned to the process of trying to be as unobtrusive to the setting as possible:
Randy’ s Substitute Math Teacher
There are seven students present. The substitute teacher comes over and begins
chatting with me for five minutes. I listen as he shares his heart. He has a
passion for teaching the visually impaired. He shares that there is a shortage of
teachers and classes and equipment for this population. He shares that s Stanford
student sued the district for failing to draft an appropriate IE? to facilitate his
entry into the college process, one that would teach him how to function in an
academic setting without accommodations.
53
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Josiah, Mark’s classmates approaches me during his art class, and begins to
question me regarding my length o f stay in the classrooms. Mark and Randy had the
same art class, and they were both working at the table were I was sitting for
observations that day? I was a curiosity to the students:
Josiah a Classmate Inquires About the Researcher
Josiah: How long are you going to be here?
PI: Until June.
Josiah: Aren’t you bored?
Mark: It’s because we are boring.
Randy: She’s probably tired o f the cussing.
Jeremy, Mark’s classmate in his English class was also curious as to what I was
doing in the class. Before the bell ringing one day Jeremy asks me the following:
Mark’ s English Class
Jeremy: Are you taking note on Mr. O’Brien?
PI: Hum
Jeremy: Are you taking note on Mr. O’Brien?
PI: No, just taking notes.
Sometimes the participants’ curiosity would also get the best o f them, and they
would stop and ask me whom I was observing that day, or why I choose to sit in a
certain location. The participants did not know who was in the study and since Mark
and Randy had the same art class, on this day the following dialogue ensues:
Randy in Mark’ s Art Class
Randy: Who are you watching today?
PI: It’s a secret!
Randy: OK, I won’t persist.
This type of curiosity was present across all the participants’ classrooms. Here is
54
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
an exchange that occurred in Mark’s class between a student who was not in the study
and the researcher:
Mark’ s English Class
Non-participant Student: What are you writing about me over there?
PI: I pretend not to hear. Another student who has had me in Randy’s math class
explains she is writing about school.
On this day as Mark cleans the tables in the art class, he makes note that I am
sitting in the rear comer of the classroom by myself. This excerpt takes place on the
second observation session for this class:
Mark’ s Curiosity Regarding My Choice of Seating
Student: Why don’t you move over with the kids? You don’t want to socialize
with the population?
PI: Nope (As I move my chair and belongings over to permit Mark access to the
table).
The teachers were also at time very interested in giving me information on the
students. As I was exiting the classroom one day, after all the other students had filed
out Mrs. Wycliff made the following comments:
Teacher’ s Attempt to Communicate With the Researcher
Mrs. Wycliff: Hey, Mark is doing better in this class.
PI: Yeah.
Mrs. Wycliff: Yes, he is quieter and getting more done.
T: Good bye, have a good day.
Mrs. Wycliff: Yeah you too. (With a happy voice.)
While the students were curious about me and what my purpose was in the
environment, I found that for the majority of the study the students chose to simply
observe me without voicing their curiosities. However, on those occasions when their
curiosity prompted them to interact with me it was a reminder that my presence in the
classroom was a novelty, and in some small or large way affected the environment I
55
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
was attempting to capture. On one occasion when the students in the art class were
using excessive profanity, the teacher called the student over and whispered, “ She is
recording everything that is going on in here. Could you not use that language?” In
addition, one day Mrs. Caballero, asked me in front of the class to be an impartial
reviewer for the email that the students were constructing on the Internet to submit to
the school board. This email was a support letter to encourage the School Board to
resend their proposed budget cut. I simply smiled and continued my fieldnotes. Banister
et al (1994) describes this struggle to negotiate these boundaries during qualitative
research by explaining, “There is a continual tension between ‘personal reactivity’ (the
attempt by the ‘subject’ to understand and control the research) and ‘procedural
reactivity’ (the ways in which the demands of the situation limit their room for
maneuver” (p. 5).
I remember one day when the substitute teacher, not knowing that I was a
researcher, attempted to have me engage in an oral reading that the class was doing. The
class erupted in laughter, and much to the teachers dismay I informed her that I was a
researcher. She apologized and mentioned she thought that I was a little too old to be in
high school, but no one had told her that I was in this class. However, as the study
proceeded, I was able to see that my presence did affect interactions, yet, due to the
candor of the exchanges that took place in the classroom I felt that 1 was in fact getting
very real human exchanges despite the influence of my presence, as well. Incidences
like the aforementioned examples became less frequent, and I observed that the teachers
and students would do and say things, which indicated they were not regarding my
56
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
presence as much.
As I began to know the participants better as the study proceeded, I noted my
rapport with them was growing. One day Randy was doing a particularly good job on
staying on task, and was accomplishing a lot. My joumal entry captured the elation I
felt for his successes that day:
PFs Journal Entry
1 feel joy for him and wonder if he really is trying to do his best today? The class
is extremely quiet with the exception o f the mstling of papers and a sniffle here
and there.
Randy was engaged in working on his math worksheet and was having
difficulty. He opted to ask for help from the aide, and then return to his seat with a
calculator to work on the problems:
Randy Uses a Calculator In Math Class
1 feel proud of him for his accomplishments and for his venturing out to utilize
different mediums to accomplish his goals. He has been working for ten minutes
now.
Mark was busy working in his English class. During interviews, he gave me the
impression that nothing really mattered, or that everything mattered the same as 1
questioned him about his classroom experiences. But, on this day’s observation I was
reflecting on how his actions in context were conveying to me something about his
commitments, despite his persona, and also about my ovra meaning making regarding
feelings of good-will toward Mark as he struggled with his class work:
PFs Self-Reflection
Despite the need for observations, I am very interested in seeing him succeed at
his goal of graduating. While he will not yet admit it, he seems to be also
interested in doing a good job, and meeting the teacher’s expectations.
57
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
La Compte and Preissle (1993) assert that in qualitative research there are
multiple layers of interpretative reality which “is distinguished partly by its admission
of the subjective perception and biases of both participants and research into the
research frame ” (p. 92). Throughout the study I have tried to maintain sensitivity to my
own feelings and biases, keep an accurate record o f the events as they unfolded, and
question myself as the experience progressed. The monthly research review sessions
with my advisor and an experienced qualitative researcher were very valuable to me in
this regard. It allowed me to have a forum to discuss what was happening at the
research site. The feedback giving to me during those sessions validated my advances in
the research process and as we discussed and explored issues many of my perceptions
and points of view were affirmed, or clarified.
My twenty-four years as a therapist cries out for progress and healing when I am
around those in need. My subjects had all been at risk for not graduating, and possibly
being ‘kicked out’ of class, and all had come from regular high schools to this
alternative campus because they had not been successful in the social milieu of their
former mainstream schools. There was great need for each of these students to be
successful. What I could see from the beginning, and became more evident as time
passed was that they all had extraordinary potential.
I was using my sensibilities to perceive and make distinctions in the
environment that I was observing. My study began with the assumption that student
perspectives on classroom occupations existed, and could be realized by observing the
students while participating in their classroom activities and interviewing students
58
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
regarding these observations. As the days o f observations and interviews progressed, so
did my understanding of the scenes in front o f me. The question of establishing the
participants meaning was a recursive process of observing, questioning and formulating
new questions was the approach that helped me to construct an understanding and
derive meaning. According to Harries-Jones (1995) “...difference enters twice into the
process o f perception.... In the first instance (in time), we subjectively perceive
difference and differences that make a difference. In the second instance, a perception
of change in the pattern of differences becomes the distinction on which percepts and
premises are constructed. Through this "product" of difference, the "given" distinction
enters into an aesthetic sensibility. Making visible these differences requires
investigation of what sort of "product" of interactions we sense through our aesthetic
sensibilities” (pp. 203-204). This means that people negotiate and construct experiences
through an interpretive process guided by representations or meanings. To understand
the meanings the students assigned to classroom occupations I had to listen to their
explanations of and their perspectives on their experiences within the social setting of
their classrooms. One of the things that seemed unavoidable in this context was the
notion of historicity. The experiences that these students have had in school, with
teachers, and other students, have shaped how they view and think of themselves. As is
referenced in the narrative excerpts of the students’ previous experiences in school
influenced how they are currently experiencing classroom occupations.
As the principal researcher my inner perception with its intuitive, and rational
considerations are systems of knowledge built layer by layer through my five senses,
59
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
that let me epistemologically know the world I was studying. Knowledge of the events
taking place around me was a process of acknowledging their existence, and
simultaneously assimilating what I was experiencing to make meaning out o f the
perceptions o f the events. I focused my efforts on understanding how classroom
occupations were selected, how processes and explanations were developed in the
interview process that were related to the movement toward attaining a desired
classroom occupation or what I later began to understand as state. And by accessing the
students’ role and perceptions in making progress toward their classroom occupations
and related, values, motives and goals that influenced classroom occupation
achievement.
By observing the participants, interviewing them and reflecting on not only their
behavior in the context, but that of my own is the method I chose to construct a
balanced and fair presentation of the students’ voices in this study. My worldview is
that of an ethnographer looking at the world in its broadest sense as an intellectual
setting for inquiry where I focused my lens on the questions surrounding classroom
occupations, from the perspectives of these three high school students. The fieldwork
experiences emanated from prolonged engagement in the naturalistic environment of an
alternative high school setting. My own school experiences have certainly contributed
to how I view the classroom and myself. I knew I could succeed academically; that is
probably one of the reasons I was able to continue in school and pursue a Ph.D. in
Occupational Science. My time teaching undergrad occupational therapy students and
Sunday school classes has given me certain perspectives on teacher student
60
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
relationships and what constitutes best practice. However, my twenty-four years of
practice as an occupational therapist in many different settings as also influenced how 1
see the world around me and most specifically the classroom. As the study proceeded
previous, experiences of working with special needs populations began to find new
meaning for me.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was not a linear process. It was a recursive process in which the
thick descriptions of the classroom occupations, and the subsequent interview narratives
and member checking narratives were coded initially in very broad categories, and then
subsequently re-processed several times into core themes that emerged from the data.
The open coding process included initially identifying unrestricted free nodes, blocking
into coded categories, collapsing, revising, and distilling these categories into the final
analysis and study’s findings.
Social- Historical Context
Social and historical contexts were a part o f the backdrop of the study and had
impact on the study’s findings. The study was conducted one year after September 11‘ * ’,
2002 and the repercussions of the terrorist attack on the United States was still a part of
the everyday experiences of these research participants as our country went to war with
Iraq. Some pattems emerged in the data that appeared to relate to these social-historical
factors. For some participants they identified changes in their emotive states in
relationship to the war, while for others it was the catalyst for selection o f classroom
61
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations of interest to the students. For example, Randy had difficulty sleeping at
night when the war was first announced, while Mark’s curiosity regarding America’s
actions to go to war and his subsequent inquires made to Mr. O’Brien, his English
teacher, became the catalysts for a complete learning module of war related material in
his English class. Additionally, proposed budget cuts by the school board eventually
became the impetus for political advocacy action by one of the participants, which
influenced how he construction his classroom occupation.
NUDIST
Transcribed observational fieldnotes and interview narratives raw data was
coded for themes related to students’ experiences with classroom occupations, in
relation to their form, function, and meaning, as well as activity setting contexts. Form,
function and meaning were axioms for noticing what to record in the environment and
how to interpret the various elements. The raw data was analyzed and organizing into
unrestricted free nodes (open coding), and then collapsed into categories based upon
emergent themes. In this way, I was able to identify what the data was revealing, and
subsequently clarify those findings into data interpretations. A qualitative analysis
software package, NUDIST, was very helpful in managing this complex process (Tesch,
1990). I entered the raw data into the software application and each participant’s data
underwent open coding procedures (Strauss, 1987).
Peer Debriefing and Auditing
I met monthly with the Co-PI (faculty advisor) and an outside qualitative
researcher for peer debriefing and auditing. These monthly meetings consisted of
62
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
reviewing the data collection process, and findings. These debriefers asked critical
questions regarding decisions I was making during data collection and analysis. In
addition, they enhanced my functional reflexivity as the ethnographer by challenging
my assumptions, values, and biases (Banister, et a l., 1996). For example, after each
peer debriefing and at the end of data analysis, the faculty advisor conducted an audit by
checking interview and observation record for accuracy and sound judgment on my
part.
Member-Checking: Participants as Co-researchers
Additionally, in a very rudimentary sense the participants were co-researchers
with me in excavating the meanings they ascribed to their classroom occupations as I
provided a framework for them to explore and communicate their experiences.
Collaboratively, the participants and I rendered meaning in action, not just in the
didactic exchanges but also in the ever-unfolding events that took place in the
chronology of the classroom.
Graphic Representations: Conceptual Framework of Classroom
Occupations
Reynolds (1971) suggests that when using existing theoretical constructs to
guide theory building research, two different approaches may be used. In the first, the
researcher works within an explicit conceptual framework. A conceptual framework
consists of a variety o f concepts related and grouped so that referential comparisons can
be seen simultaneously. Therefore, a conceptual framework becomes a "researcher's
first cut at making some explicit theoretical statements" (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p.
91).
63
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dey (1993) suggests that qualitative researchers use graphic representations
when searching for regularities and analyzing complex interactions, in order to identify
key concepts. As the data analysis process progressed, I designed several graphic
representations to organize the framework that was emerging from the data. These
subsequently presented an overall view of the data, and subsequent a way of describing
the study’s findings. The findings thus led me to propose conceptual frameworks that
may enhance our understanding of classroom occupations and provide a platform to
guide further research on this unit of analysis.
My own historicity o f working with neonates in Neonatal Intensive Care Units
(NICU) provided a substantive knowledge that gave meaning to the independent
experiences I was now having. The NICU experiences were a source of new emergent
knowledge as I observed and interviewed my participants on their classroom
occupations. In addition, the lenses of form, function and meaning of occupation and
the five components of activity settings, was the rubric for acknowledging the events
before me. Because o f acknowledging the events I was seeing, the concept of signs of
stress and stability and neurobehavioral systems emerged. A process of analytic
judgment merged the observed scenes with the narrative responses of the participants
regarding their actions in context, and my previous NICU experiences. It was a gradual
process the proceeded as I reflected on the fieldnotes as well as the observations and
interview narratives. As I handled the data by transcribing and re-reading excerpts, and
formulating interview question I came to realize that there were contradiction in the
data at given points that needed to be teased out. Moreover, I constantly entertained
64
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
questions about what the boundaries of my research was and how I needed to conduct
myself in context to facilitate the research process without jeopardizing the integrity of
the process. Continually entertaining questions was a good convention to filter out what
material, while tangentially related, was not the core focus o f the study, while not
omitting those important factors that formed the context for classroom occupations.
The third theoretical construct synactive theory, was directly related to my
previous experiences in the NICU. Synactive theory is a model o f development that
explicates the capacity of preterm infants to organize and he in charge of their behavior
in responses to environmental demands (Als, 1982). Importantly, given that this study
was exploratory in nature and aimed at theory building, not theory testing, the
conceptual framework (and its constructs) was used solely as a starting point. Thus as a
result of combing the three-orientations of form, function and meaning and the
conceptual frameworks of Tharp and Gallimore’s Five Components of Activity Settings
and Synactive Theory, I was able to take the perspectives o f the three participants and
build a conceptual framework of classroom occupations. Yin (1999) suggests that even
exploratory case study research should make use of a conceptual framework to define
the exploratory priorities. In the context of this study, the use of a framework helped me
make sense of occurrences, increased the likely hood of not overlooking important
issues, provided a set of constructs to be investigated, and guided my interpretation and
focus. Using the research questions as a guide, my conceptual framework grouped
constructs related to the contextual conditions. As informed by occupational science’s
axioms, form, function and meaning, the Tharp and Gallimore rubric, five components
65
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
of activity settings were the five-dimensional tool for framing the boundaries of the
observation experience. The five components included: (1) who is present, (2) their
values and goals, (3) what tasks are being done, (4) why are they being done (the
motives and feelings surrounding action) and (5) what scripts govern interactions,
including those that shape and constrain the child’s participation. This was a techniques
as well as a viewpoint for beginning with the known to explore the unknown, regarding
students’ perspectives on classroom occupations.
Such recognition led to the work of establishing the meaning as the participants
responded to the questions regarding the things I had observed in their classroom. We
will now take a closer look at the individual case profiles of each participant as they
give voice to the form, function and meaning of their classroom occupations.
66
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter 4
Case Profiles in Context
Case
Profiles in
Context
Four Types
Classroom
Occupations
Mark’ s
Case:
Cire-
Perdue
Randy's
Case:
Symbols &
Temporal
Rhythms
Dan's
Case:
Images in
Motion
Summary
Introduction
In this chapter, I will present each of the three participants’ profiles, which
features their unique temperaments, personalities, values, motives, goals, behaviors,
emotions and classroom occupational profiles. This section explains how the
participants presented themselves in context concerning their classroom occupations,
and their final dispositions by the end o f the study. Much of this material is illustrated
with excerpts from field note and interview transcripts. Explanatory information that
was not in the original transcript is inserted into the text in brackets.
Dan’ s Case: Images in Motion
Dan was a very charming, verbal, and social 12* grader. He was probably the
most impulsive of the participants. Thus, his extreme tendencies toward impulsivity and
67
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
propensity to under estimate the consequences of his actions, coupled with family
problems, resulted in his having a more varied and tumultuous story then the other two
participants. Dan had three placement transitions during the study. First, he began the
program on a modified independent study program in the conference. In the modified
program, he came to school each day and worked in the conference room adjacent to the
school psychologist. In addition, Mrs. Caballero monitored his work, and periodically
sent classroom aides to work with him throughout the day. The second transition
occurred when Dan was taken off modified independent study status, and placed in
regular special education classes. The third, and final, transition took place three weeks
before the end o f the study, when he was placed on the traditional independent study
program, at home. These modifications to Dan’s initiated the first academic program
change by requesting that he have the modified independent study program, and the
subsequent program changes were initiated by the school administration and Mrs.
Caballero, because of Dan’s actions. Dan had the greatest number of absences over the
course of the study.
Dan was a suave, extremely social young man, who prided himself on his
interpersonal skills, on having Attention Deficit Disorder, and on his shrewd powers of
persuasion. Dan reported having been diagnosed with ADD since the age o f three and
had been under the care of a psychiatrist since that time. Throughout the interviews,
Dan made frequently references to his extensive knowledge on ADD because of his
experiences with others with ADD, and with his psychiatrist.
68
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan in the following expert is asked why he always responds to my questions
regarding ADD in the third person plural. For example, listen to his voice in the
following excerpt, the “them” refers to persons with ADD:
Dan’ s Collective Self: An experience with ADD
PI: You talk about them! Like this is what goes on with them.
Dan: Cause I know. I know from them I been going to u m ... my doctor,
my psychiatrist since I was three years old. I know so much... I know so
much... I don’t think I need to go to counseling. I think I could open up my own
company and be the counselor. Cause some of my friends come to me with their
problems and I will be like OK here is what you need to do. And they are like
thanks man you are the stud.
When I met Dan at the inception of the study, he was experiencing adverse
affects from a new medication that was making him extremely lethargic. This lasted for
two days. In addition, due to the extreme difficulty Dan was having functioning in class
he had persuaded the IE? team to allow him to go on a modified independent study
program. This was a particularly unusual status for a student to have at this school, for
nearly all the students on independent study would work at home and come to school
once a week to receive their assignments. However, at Dan’s request the team
consented to allow him to come to school each day and work independently in the
conference room, which was located next to the psychologist’s office in the main
administration building. In addition, he had supplemental help from the teacher’s aides
and form Mr. Dysan, the school psychologist.
This initial change in his program from special education classes to a modified
independent study program was made just a day or so before his first scheduled
observations. However, due to an abuse of the privileges (leaving campus without
permission) Dan forfeits being on this modified program. By week four, he was having
69
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
some family problems that caused him to be absent from school. Three weeks after this
transition, Dan, due to his outrageous behavior during classes was placed on
independent study, at home. Dan’s special education teacher who recommended that he
finish his year on the traditional independent study program, at home makes this. So by
the first interview I needed to clarify what changes where made, and for what reasons.
The following is an excerpt from that first transcript with Dan:
Dan begins the study: Modified Independent Study
PI: First o f all you made some changes in your program after your lEP. Tell me
about that. What was the change?
Dan: If 1 come on a regular basis and be here on time and focus in class and
medication change... that I can personally see is really good. I can see a change
that I am actually focusing, more interested in what 1 am doing. So...
PI: That’s good.
PI: So, do you still have your same classes? Government, history, English, and
physical science?
Dan: Yeah, I still have all the basics.
PI: OK. And you are doing independent study in the morning in this conference
room.
Dan: Yeah, cause I did, like, an observation on myself and ah.. .cause 1, like,
work better alone. Cause whatever is going on, like mainly friends; if I see a
friend I just want to talk to him and see what’ going on with him rather than
focusing on my work where 1 should actually be doing. So I isolated myself so I
would not have to be going in that kind of situation to where I don’t have to
choose with my friends and socializing.
PI: OK, you are in this conference room for all your classes now?
Dan: Yeah. What I am going to do is focus on one subject every day. One
subject. So I don’t have a whole bunch of stuff and get overwhelmed and put the
pencil down and be like urgh?
PI: That urgh is what? Like I’m done?
Dan: Yeah!
In the above narrative Dan was able to recount clearly the expectations of the
lEP team, of which he was a key part, as he listed the “ifs.” Attending school on a
regular basis, and taking his medication, was Dan’s ascribed prerequisites to earning
credits for graduation. In the following narrative, he minimized his attendance problem,
70
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
and painted an optimistic picture regarding his future attendance performance. Dan
noted he had an attendance problem; but felt it was a small one:
Dan Minimizes his Truancy Problem
PI: How has your attendance been before the change in the meds? Were you in
school pretty much September through January? Was attendance a problem?
Dan: Yeah I was out a little. Attendance was a little problem. Ifs getting better.
PI: How little of a problem?
Dan: I’d miss a week out of a month.
PI: And now.
Dan: I am doing really good I was here all last week.
PI: (Laughter) Hum so in a month’s time this is the third week we have been
working together.
Dan: I have been out four days.
PI: And why was that?
Dan: Last week? Doctor appointments.
PI: And what do you think your attendance is going to be like in the future?
Dan: Good! Like I said before attendance plays a big role in school. Cause if
you don’t attend where are you going to get the credits?
Later on in the same interview, he stated that new medication was proving to be
good for him in that it was enhancing his ability to concentrate, and to organize his
thoughts, and most importantly as a filter to reduce the amount of thoughts, he has to
manage. Dan began to participate in the research study two days after his first scheduled
appointment due to the lethargy initially caused by his adjustments to the medication.
Dan found that the medication was helpful in reducing the amount o f thoughts he had to
sort through, and that his reading was focused. He also spoke of the medication
controlling impulsive speech, such as giving him the ability to think twice before
speaking:
Medications Role
PI: How have you adjusted to the medication?
Dan: Good.
PI: How do you define good?
Dan: Un.. .very aware of my surroundings. I am not always having a million
thoughts going through my mind. I actually.. .when I read a book, a question or
71
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
write something down I am actually focused. I don’t just go blah, blah, I actually
think it over and I think twice and t hen say...
It seemed of importance to me to note his response to medication changes, since
this might have a significant influence upon his occupations. By his own admission,
Dan felt that the medication was beneficial and the initial lethargy that was noted at the
inception of the medication change did not emerge again over the course of the study.
Contrasting Classroom Occupations
The following section contrast the difference between the type of classroom
occupations that Dan chooses to engage in the conference room, and those of the special
education classroom. These excerpts give excellent examples of the variety of
classroom occupations that Dan was capable of creating within different environments:
The Conference Room: Modified Independent Study
Knocking on the door, I enter D ’s classroom. He is now working on independent
study. At 11:27, an aide will come in to work with him. The conference room
has a table and four chairs. There are two windows one at each end of the
rectangle shaped room. One window faces the street and provides a lot of light
and the other has partially closed blinds that face into the administration office.
The square footage of the room is approximately 150 feet. From the lobby the
blinds are open enough to permit one to see people come and go and for people
to see in. On the wall is a poster of ‘Expected School Wide Learning Results’,
which reads as follows:
Critical Thinker (who)
Questions to promote understanding
Identify cause and effect
Apply problem-solving strategies
Determine appropriate technologies
Self-Directed Learners (who)
Set goals
Access, locate, and apply resources
Utilize the decision-making process
Use emerging technologies
72
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Effective Communicators (who)
Express themselves clearly & appropriately in writing and speaking
Listen & reads in order to comprehend, interpret, and respond effectively
Utilize correct forms of language
Use technology to communicate ideas and information
Positive Contributors (who)
Show tolerance & respect others
Accept responsibility & fulfill commitments
Cooperate with others
There is a chalk drawing of a duck and a clock on the wall. The environment is
very quiet. The street sounds are muffled and a faint hum o f airflow can be
heard. Occasionally, conversations between staff coming to use the copier and
the doors opening and closing in the adjacent office is the only sounds heard.
D sits facing the wall with the Learning Results Foster. After initial greetings, he
and I discuss briefly the changes listed at the opening o f this field note. Upon
conclusion of these facts finding exchanges, I tell him to pretend I am not here
and I begin to take field notes as he opens his Physical Science Test and a red
folder that has hand written questions. He is working on finding corrections to
his previously answered questions. Sitting on his right side, I note he uses his
left thumb to pace his visual scarming of texts as he reads and searches for the
appropriate answers. His head turns rapidly left to right as he glances from the
text and simultaneously writes with his right hand and makes corrections in his
red folder. His torso leans heavily into the table and there appears to be an
aggressive, goal directed purposefulness with him as he works. He rapidly turns
the pages and his changes in posture are quick short spurts of reaching to leaf
through pages, writing or realigning his work materials as he goes. Even erasing
with brushing away the fillings are done forcefully. Occasionally, he ■ w ill
verbally re-auditorize the questions he is reading or break into a slight, faint
hum... However, this soon gives way to sustained silence and concentrated
effort without auditory overlays. He sighs occasionally. His time on task has
been 15 minutes.
D is nicely dressed. A rather large bolt earring piercing is seen protruding
through his right ear lobe. Another piercing stud on his eyebrow is also adorning
his face. His black hair is spiked with gel, giving his hair an appearance of
frozen motion. He is right handed and the materials are positioned 12 inches
form his face as he leans into a high conference table. He taps his feet
intermittently as he works. D ’s, “Hum” breaks the silence . . . Having sat in the
lobby previously and observed at a distance for 15 minutes, it appears that D ’s
pace, concentration and time on task has markedly increased since my entering
the room. In the lobby, I could see him looking out the window more, stretching
his arms over his head and there did not appear to be the same intensity of
execution that he has been currently exhibiting. His foot rocking is intense and
constant now, leafing through pages rapidly the sound of turning pages erupt
and decline at intervals of 1-2 minutes. He moves back through previously
73
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
searched paged and forward. There is less writing going on. The aide knocks
and enters the room. She shows him a group o f flash cards. M the aide tells him
that he must review them and study in preparation for an exam Monday. He asks
her if they can study them today together. She tells him yes after lunch. S is
animated and makes good eye contact. The aide exits the room and reminds him
that they will meet after lunch for their next session. Returning to his work he
quickly resumes his search of the text to correct the work he is doing. It is now
11:05. For the brief moment the aide M was in the room there was liveliness to
the atmosphere. The stark contrast of human exchange verses isolation is
intense. The door opens with a knock it is the school psychologist, Mr. Dysan.
Dysan: Dan will you want lunch at some time soon?
Dan turns to look with a brief glance and then turning back to his work says,
Dan: Nah, I don’t think so.”
Dysan: “OK”
The psychologist exits, and closes the door.
Knowing that Dan is struggling to stay in school and to complete the goal of
graduating, I feel in some small way a benefit. By just sitting along side and
writing there is a feeling of being a support. The voices form the adjacent office
not fill the conference room. Dan continues to work without apparent
distraction. It is 11:10. The voice of the psychologist is heard saying, “His
working is in the conference room is helping him.” A second voice is heard
sympathetically sighing. Dan turns to me and says, “I’m getting sympathy. They
are talking about me.” Again the voice o f the psychologist is heard, “You do not
need to disturb him.” The door opens. At that moment, a male student pokes his
head in and asks if Dan is going to lunch. Dan smiles and says, “ No, dog bound
catch you later.” It is 11:15 Dan has not picked up his pace again and feverishly
leans into his work, rapidly jotting down information.
Dan worked with persistence and seemed quiet content to refuse his friend’s
request to stop working and go to luneh with him. In a subsequent interview when he
was asked about his choice to continue, working Dan stated that he knew the kid was a
junior and had another year. However, he felt that he only had limited time to focus on
his credits.
Field note excerpt: Conference Observation with Dan
Turning toward me he asks to be excused, and leaves to sharpen his pencil.
Upon returning, he pauses and looks down at my field notebook, which is open
as I continue to write. He sits makes a few popping noises with his mouth and
goes straight to work. It is 11:18.
74
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I decide to forgo a break. Lunch will end at 11:25 and the aide will return.
He asks me for gum . . . I offer him an Altoid Cinnamon Mist and he accepts.
Dan: Do you mind if I take two? He asks. To this I reply, “ Sure take as many as
you like! Working for a while he now is shaking his leg, sighing and looking
around. It is 11:21.
Dan turns to me. Does this count as a meeting? I respond, “Yes, four hours a
week 1 will observe you and one hour a week we will have an interview.
Dan: To the end of school?
PI: Yeah. When does school end?
Dan: Before my birthday the (he gives his birthday). So the (he mentions the day
of the month )of June
PI: Can you believe that the year has gone by so fast?
Dan: Yeah I look at all my years from freshmen to present and I can’t believe it.
The door opens another aide takes his work, for correction and Dan rests his
head on the table.
As the second hand on the clock methodically rounds the face of the clock
without stopping, I am reminded of the passing o f time, and the constancy of
time moving on into infinity, eternity one designated second at a time.
Collectively, the time is marked by occupations/activity and events.
Dan’ s method for memorizing material
Dan is flashing his flash cards, reading and memorizing them. He now leans
back in his chair in a relaxed posture as he continues to shake his right leg. As
was observed in the pilot study with elementary students the leg rocking/shaking
is consistent. Dan is reauditorizing quietly. The dichotomy between filtering
internal verses external distracters and mediating the issues of boredom etc. is
interesting to explore.
Dan would start each morning o f his modified independent study in the
conference room working on one subject each day. The environment was quiet and
seemed conducive to his academic pursuits. He preferred blocking the work into one
subject per day, as it made it easier for him to focus. The aides routinely came in to
check on his work and would return with recommendations for his next assignments:
Dan Works with the Aide
The aide returns and reproduces the corrected work. She states he is correct
except for one question in which he must find six answers. Dan says with
surprise, “They are all right?
Aide: Yes, you are OK. Just find me six. Then I will send the aide over.
75
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The aide leaves and in a moment the aide enters the room. She asks Dan if he
wants to work on the flash cards.
Dan; Test me on them.
Aide: Diplomat.
Dan recites the answer perfectly; verbatim from the definition on the card.
Aide: Chief of Staff.
Again, Dan recites it perfectly.
Aide: Right and what else?
Dan, (a pause) the aide continues.. .they are like a manager, a boss of all the
president’s employees.
This drill was very orderly and the working rapport between the aide and Dan
was very good.
Dan’ s on task: 1:1 support
Dan continues to lean on his elbow with his head resting on his hands, makes
eye contact with the aide, and answers the questions.
The aide gives examples o f the definitions and expands it.
Dan: Really!
Dan interjects appropriate social exchanges in a very natural way into the drill
breaking the rigor of the question and answer format. The aide keeps the pace, and
continues to drill, he seems to be showing some signs of fatigue at this point:
Fatigue brings reduction in accuracy and attention to task
Dan: When is the 300th episode of the Simpson’s?
Aide: Wednesday
Aide: Treaty.
Dan: ahh... I forgot.
Aide: Do not memorize this. Use your own words.
Dan: Yeah, I know, I forgot.
Aide: Amnesty
Dan: Person that left the Vietnam War?
Aide: No, like a pardon.
Dan becomes distracted
Dan appears distracted as he gazes out the window. A conversation between him
and the aide emerges regarding a group of students returning from a local fast
food restaurant.
Aide: Oh, they are returning because they got their credits.
Dan: Those lucky dogs!
76
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Aide: Hey, you get yours and we will hook you up with the burger joint.
The aide begins to review the definitions again with Dan, focusing on the one
that he had missed. She mixes the cards.
Dan’s attention to the students returning to the school campus is the catalysts for
the aides introduction o f social conversation. At that moment it seemed to be an
indicator of Dan’s need for a change in activity. However, it was a very subdued cue
for a transitional change.
In the conference room, we see a calmer Dan, isolated environment where Dan
was able to perform his classroom occupations with good productive outcomes.
Although his motions are forceful in regard to writing and the amount of energy
expenditure all his actions are more regulated within constraint. This was at the
beginning of the morning, and he is focused, engaged and able to concentrate for three-
quarter of the morning session without internal distractions. When external distracters
emerge in the environment he is able to filter them out enough to attend to his task, or
self redirect without difficulty. However, by the end of the morning he appears fatigued
and has more difficulty focusing as evidenced by the incident where he stares out the
window and does not respond when the aide is attempting to get his attention. Despite
these minor attention disturbances, his overall performance for the observation has been
very organized and goal directed.
In the next excerpt, Dan is observed in the context of his special education
classroom. This observation took place after his second transition, when he was taken
off of independent study and placed back into his special education classes.
77
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Special Education Classroom programming:
Science: Special Education Classroom
The classroom is a small rectangle shaped room, with two adjacent rear rooms in
the back. Two large white dry erase boards flank the left and right walls with the
teacher’s desk positioned at the head o f the room closest to the door, and a
second small wooden desk in the rear near the two small rooms. The two rear
rooms have large windows on the walls facing into the classroom, and a small
window on each door. A computer and video equipment are stationed near the
front of the room by the teacher’s desk. Posters o f life science, artwork, and
world maps adorn the walls. The classroom is the special education classroom
for English, physical science, history and math. Therefore, the wall displays
illustrate the diversity of subjects taught in the room. The class is staffed with
two math aides. A sink and microwave are on one wall.
Dan was often engaged in negotiation with the teacher, on this day he was trying
to find an alternative classroom occupation, art:
Dan Attempts to Negotiate
The bell rings as Randy and Dan (both research participants) are laughing
because R has noodles Dangling from his mouth.
DAN: Did you get that down (He is addressing me.)
D goes to the teacher.
DAN: Can I get a pass to go to art?
MRS. CABALLERO: I thought you were going to get your mom to bring your
work.
DAN: I tried but was unsuccessful.
MRS. CABALLERO: Well, I’m sorry you are not going to disrupt the art class
the last day before Easter.
Dan frequently had difficulty focusing his attention in class. Dan’s attention is
drawn to many things in brief moment-by-moment encounters. For example, Dan was
taking in and interacting with a variety of stimuli in the environment, Randy’s
humorous use of noodles, the researcher recording fieldnotes, and seeking the teacher’s
approval for a pass to art class.
78
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan Struggles with Attending in Special Education Class
Door opens and Mr. W the PE teacher come in.
Dan: Mr. W, can I play? (D buffs out his chest and is being very obnoxious.)
MRS. CABALLERO: Go ask him nicely. Waving things in front of people’s
faces and yelling does not work.
Dan comes back with Mr. Levine, the Principal.
MRS. CABALLERO: Come sit with me. (She is speaking to Dan.)
Dan sits in the chair near to Mrs. Caballero.
MRS. CABALLERO: Then lights on. Everyone get your science out.
Another student: Get another movie.
MRS. CABALLERO: Movie time is over.
Door opens and Randy says Dan cannot play.
Dan: Ask Mr. Willbur for me.
G: I did... he said no.
Dan: Fuck that fool.
MRS. CABALLERO: Dan.
Dan’s language and demeanor is forceful and aggressive. Mrs. Caballero’s
request for Dan to sit near her is an attempt to rein him in, slow him down and reduce
his movement through the classroom. However, Dan continues to take control of the
stage of the classroom. The teacher soon becomes frustrated and threatens to have him
removed from the classroom:
Dan’ s way of asking for Alternative Classroom Occupations
Dan: Why can’t I go to Mrs. C’s art class and bring it over here to work on?
MRS. CABALLERO: No.
Dan: Work with Me! Dan says with a pleading voice.
Dan goes to his rear room.
MRS. CABALLERO: JR you have been so perfect, can you go to that direction
and continue. (Referencing JR having gotten out o f his seat and talking with
another student.)
Dan fluctuates between attempting to convince the teacher to let him go to the
art class, moving about the classroom, impulsively breaking into song and making
sound effects:
79
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan Creates Alternative Classroom Occupation
Dan comes out from the rear room and goofs with JR.
JR enters the left rear room and DAN enters the right rear room.
A cell phone goes off.
One student sits and stares, and another male student does the same.
Dan sings out Grand Control to My Control...
JR: Hey I like that song.
MRS. CABALLERO: JR, do your science.
Dan makes the sounds o f a horse naying from the rear room. He then strolls into
the room.
The teacher’s expectation is that the students must quietly work on their core
curriculum assignments:
Teacher’ s Expectation: Do it quietly
MRS. CABALLERO: JR, enough get your science and do it quietly in here or
the back room.
Dan’s constant motion, impulsive behavior, vocalizations and refusal to comply
with the teacher’s request to work on his chapter questions taxes the teacher’s tolerance
level:
Dan is Given an Ultimatum
Dan drinks and snorts water at the sink spitting it out.
MRS. CABALLERO: I guess you find this amusing?
JR: Shit! She is breaking out the sarcasm.
MRS. CABALLERO: Get a sheet of paper out and write chapter 26 and work on
the definitions. (Speaking to Dan.)
Dan: I have nothing to do.
MRS. CABALLERO: If I have to ask you again I am going to have you
removed from the classroom for the rest o f the day.
Dan shared Randy’s heavily theatrical style, but imlike Randy, Dan is more
dramatic in self-display and interpretation o f the landscape around him, which makes it
impossible for Dan to remain a part of the formal classroom setting.
80
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
His exotic and overly staged behavior served as a deterrent to his ability to be a
continued part of the landscape. At times his antics were so intense and the speed o f his
gestures so rapid that the images were lightning-like. The classroom shows his penchant
for self-display. As the events from the second excerpt showed, that day seemed to
evoke a profound change in the relationship he had with his teacher. Her comments to
Dan were indicative of the final warning stages:
Dan fails to comply
Dan: Where will I go?
MRS. CABALLERO: JR
JR I’ve been waiting for a pencil.
Dan: Hooked on chronic, a-ei-o-u are vowels.
JR: It’s not me this time.
Mrs. Caballero goes to check on Dan.
MRS. CABALLERO: Get your textbook out: You have one choice...
Dan: Uno, dos, tres, Cinco de Mayo.
Dan: Did you get that down? If I say uno 100 times, will you chart it down?
Dan: The boy says uno 100 times. (He had directed these comments toward PI)
The teacher walks toward the rear room where D is.
Dan: Can I just stay here and shut up?
Mrs. Caballero closes the door.
This was Dan’s normal very disruptive behavior in the classroom environment.
On this day Mrs. Caballero appeared to have reached a point of disquiet with Dan and
attempted to segregate him into the rear room by closing the door to the rear room were
he was seated. This was not sufficient isolation to permit Dan to filter distractions:
Immediately tapping and drumbeats emerge from the rear room where Dan is.
Dan: I smell like shit!
His relentless motion and references to odors seemed to be a sample of the kinds
of thoughts that were pulsing through his brain. Not only was he responding to intemal
destructors, he readily merged into other students’ conversations at will:
81
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
MRS. CABALLERO: You need any help? (She is speaking to JR)
JR: No Fm looking up fish.
Dan: I like fish.
JR: You screwed up...
Dan’ s behavior Escalates
Dan was so out of control, and his loud joking and questioning of me had
brought me into the script somewhat. The teacher was watching him and
frequently looking over at me. I interpreted this to mean that she was associating
some o f his behavior with me. At a break, I quietly went into the rear room and
asked him to try to get some work dovwi. I was concerned that I could be
removed from the research site as a distraction to the class. He remained quiet
for ten minutes until JR started yelling.
MRS. CABALLERO: You are up to strike number three Dan!
Dan emerges from the rear room and washes his hands. He plays with his belt
buckle. The buckle is a skeleton head and laughs with JR.
Dan moves back to his room.
JR: I have not used one cuss word. That’s on my lEP.
Dan starts in again; it is now 11:55. He makes attention-getting vocalizations
from the rear room.
Aides checks in on Dan.
JR and Dan joke back and forth.
MRS. CABALLERO: I would not bum a lot o f bridges.
The aide stands at the door watching Dan.
Dan: (In a taunting voice) Life revolved around Dan. What work . . . women?
(Referring to Mrs. Caballero).
Mrs. Caballero is on the phone calling Dan’s mom.
MRS. CABALLERO: Can I send him home cause he is disturbing my class.
She hands the phone to Dan.
Dan is animated on the phone making the class laugh. She wants me to do a
chapter versus going to art and eaming a credit. She is goanna say... OK....
Thanks but no credit. Ok.. .I’ll do the credit. OK... all right bye.
MRS. CABALLERO: Did you get scared?
Dan: No.
He returns to the rear room and cackles loudly.
As I glance over Mrs. Caballero is looking at me. Dan can be seen from the
window working on his chapter. He opens the door...
Dan: I need a pencil.
MRS. CABALLERO: Last time I looked, you had legs. We don’t kowtow to
Dan. We are not your slaves.
Dan’ s Impulslvity& High State of Arousal Reigns
As he enters the room Dan says in a character voice:
Dan: It’s goanna smell like pay back here. Does C have to pick up his check
today?
82
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
JR: He reminds me of Paul.
Drama: He sounds like Sponge Bob.
The phone rings.
MRS. CABALLERO: answers the phone...Hi! Right OK, OK ITl try to get
there around 1:20 Bye.
It has been very noisy and out o f control today. Dan has a vibrato that is so loud
and forceful. It is extremely exaggerated for this environment. The one-to-one
with pull out seems more appropriate for increasing productivity and in
decreasing disruptive behaviors for the class. His inability to self regulate in this
environment appears to be related to an apparent inability to resist interacting
with others in the environment in ways that were disruptive to the classroom.
For example, his demeanor and ability to quiet down, and act within acceptable
norms when Mr. Levine brought him back to class was very noticeable, as
compared with his non-stop antics after MR. G left. The environment is quiet
now as I write. The room has quieted to a pin drop.
JR: It’s too quiet.
It is 12:10
Dan breaks the silence with what sounds like him wrestling with himself.
Randy comes in the room. He is back from the baseball game.
RANDY: They have there own rules. We lost it was somewhat fun.
Dan comes out with his backpack on. It is now 12:10
JR: This class is way to quiet.
Male student: No it’s not! This class is way too noisy.
Dan: Have a J dude.
The aforementioned transcript illustrates how Dan is unable to focus, and is
absorbed with interacting with the other students and assists in changing the milieu of
the classroom by his very presence. Dan’s same fast paced, forceful movements are
observed as he moves through the classroom and interacts with others.
His inappropriate invasion of personal space with the Physical Education teacher when
asking him if he can join the game and leave class is one example of this. His loud
voice and uninhibited outbursts into song, character, or animal imitations are others.
Nevertheless, unlike his time in the conference room he is unproductive in the special
education classroom and is unable to control his behavior to align with the demands of
the environment.
83
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Comparing and Contrasting Classroom Occupations in both Settings
In the conference room, Dan is engaged in reading, writing, scanning text for
answers to questions, learning and memorizing historical facts. He uses flash cards to
facilitate this process. He and the aide perform question and answer drills with the flash
cards until he is able to answer each question. He is calm, but persistent, attentive,
focusing on listening and responding to the aide’s questions. When he is distracted he is
initially self-redirect to task, but as the session progresses he has more difficulty
focusing his attention. He initiates socialization and engaged the aide in some
conversation on the Simpson television program, even this socialization is conducted
within a natural flow of conversation. He sits in his chair, shakes his leg and responds
with smiles, eye contact, and patiently waits for responses to his questions.
However in the classroom Dan is explosive, his speech patterns are forceful and
pressured. He rapidly walks through the classroom. The calm demeanor that 1 observed
in the conference room is replaced with an aggressive overbearing and obnoxious tone
and demeanor. At the beginning of the class as the bell rings Dan is engaged in laughter
as Randy Dangles noodles from his mouth. Dan is demanding the teacher cooperate
with his request to go to the art class, or to go and bring his artwork to Mrs. Caballero’s
class to work on. He asks the PE teacher if he can play softball during the period and his
request is denied. The teacher has asked Dan to work on chapter question in his science
book. He does not want to do this. Clearly, Dan’s preferences in activities during this
class session are more kinesthetic and less academically challenging, such as playing
softball, or drawing. As he asserts his demands and forcefully walks through the
84
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
classroom, he creates a dramatic contrast when compared to his classmates who are
seated quietly in their seats working. Dan’s movements in the classroom seem to affect
his classmate’s behavior. For example, Mrs. Caballero has to remind JR that he had
been behaving perfectly and encourages him to continue to do so as Dan, begins to goof
around with JR. Dan’s loudness and jesting is accompanied by tapping, drumbeats and
inappropriate comments. Dan is busy the whole class period, however he is not engaged
in the teacher’s suggested academic classroom occupation of answering science
questions. Instead, he is engaged in attempting to negotiate with the authority figures in
the classroom, Mrs. Caballero and the PE teacher, albeit unsuccessful. He used humor
in context to defuse the teacher’s attempt to force him to comply with her request by
having him speak with his mom on the phone. As the teacher challenged him, by
handing him the phone he responds by making the class laugh. His forceful use o f self
in the classroom placed him on stage where he could create improvisational characters.
Moving in and out of character, he used voices, and transitioned to drum rolls.
The extreme change in the types of classroom occupation afforded to Dan in the
special education classroom versus the isolation of the conference room appears to
forge his selection of classroom occupations. Dan chose classroom occupations in class
that permitted large body movements, and verbalizations. He rejected the academic
classroom occupation, which his teacher had offered.
These excerpts point out the significance of context concerning classroom
occupation formulation. The people present, raw materials in the environment, along
with the historicity one brings to bare on the context gives rise to the multiplicity o f
85
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
classroom occupations that can be constructed. In the conference room, his options for
social interaction were much more controlled and limited. That environment afforded
him the ability to self-censor when asked to stop working and socialize with his peers at
lunch. However, in the presence of a full audience Dan was unable to affect self-
regulatory functions sufficient to produced sustained workflow throughout the course of
the period. After speaking with his mom, he was able briefly to attempt to comply with
the teacher’s request for him to do the chapter questions. However, the telephone
conversation with his mom did not appear to be enough o f a perturbation to sustain his
ability to complete the assignment that the teacher had requested.
No sooner had Dan entered the small room after his phone conversation and open his
text, I observed that he was up sharpening a pencil, and he never returned to the task of
attempting to answer questions.
Like most teenagers, Dan is playful, but in his own style, his behavior favors
complicated compositions of interactions and personal display o f self in the classroom
as opposed to the more serene atmosphere of the conference room. In the conference
room, his task performance is generally quiet and well organized. He seemed in contrast
to reserve his dramatic expressions for the main classroom with impeccable staging and
larger then life projection of self. Dan refused to be merely another student in a class; he
was to be an independent subject on center stage influencing the emotions of his
audience. He used the classroom occupations of humor and self-display to focus his
peers’ attention on himself. During one interview when asked, “What purpose does your
use of humor serve for you, he said, “ I don’t know, when I make someone laugh I
86
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
probably made their day“. When we discussed his classroom behavior, he asserted that
the different environments required different deportment. Here is an excerpt from that
interview;
Acting differently in Different Environment
PI: Umm you know watching you in class was a real eye opener for me
because...
Dan: I know 1 saw you charting it down like (he mimics a rapid writing motion
on make believe paper) you were kind of psycho.
PI: I was... cause it was so different from watching you.....
Dan: Yeah I know!
PI: In this conference room when you are working.. .1 wonder.. .1 understand the
need to make other people laugh... and all the other people to get involved with
in the classroom .. .and stuff to do ... .but you were over the top, loud, moving
between things really rapidly.
Dan: You act differently when you are in a different environment, you know.
Wouldn’t you act differently if you were in a jungle then in here? You know.
PI: Yeah... so the classroom is the jungle.
Dan: Yeah, swinging monkeys. (He says softly.)
PI: W ow... (With amazement.)
PI: Knowing that the classroom environment is something that you needed... I
don’t know did you think you needed it versus being in here?
Dan: You mean when I acted up in there?
PI: Yeah.
Dan: Well it made my day. It did not bother me one bit because that’s me.
In an attempt to explain the variance between his behavior in the conference
room versus the classroom environment, Dan expresses his understanding that the
different environments require different behavior. His behavior in the classroom was
one that was focused on his enjoyment, over any academic pursuit. He also gives a very
interesting glimpse into his ability to rationalize his conduct as justifiable because it
represents his authenticity. His deportment in the conference room on some days was a
better-balanced and more harmonious form of classroom occupation; that was
conducive to obtaining core curriculum content. Yet, Dan’s selection of classroom
87
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations aliened with his needs for movement, social novelty, and his boundless
quest to achieve attention by putting himself on display, and constant motion while in
the classroom. Dan viewed the classroom as a jungle, where he could swing and play
with reckless abandonment, while entertaining himself and his audience of peers.
Whether by choice or happenstance he has developed an individual style, which has a
profound effect on, how he functions in class.
He overwhelmed the class with his voice and presence, power and audacious
antics. Such a strong and contrasting scene compared to the subdued style of ease and
grace in the conference room. This action-packed scene paints Dan’s style in class. His
choice of classroom occupations resulted in his third transition from the classroom and
into independent study at home. The teacher’s comments about him burning bridges
were in reality a waming of change to come. In his member-checking interview, Dan
spoke in angry and sarcastic tones as he attempted to make sense out of being removed
from the classroom and the campus while he conducted his own independent study at
home. Here is his reference to this change in programming and his subsequent attempts
to make meaning out of those events for himself:
Member Checking Interview: Making Meaning Out of His Program Changes
PI: The time on task was good in the conference room, although sporadic in that
you went from being overly absorbed in the work to sleeping, where you would
crash for a couple of days and do nothing. In class, you got nothing done.
Dan: Yeah
PI: With behavior management in the classroom it was a real issue you were out
of control. But in the conference room...
Dan: It was perfect.. .no one to entertain.. .unless I was going to talk to the
picture.
PI: It seemed like there was a lot of high emotional involvement in class
between the teacher and you. Always a clash, making jokes...
Dan: See that’s what I mean she was always getting on my case. If I said one
little thing, it is over. Before I swear to God, I use to get away with so much and
88
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I still got work done too.
PI: Your issues on fairness changed as the study proceeded. At first it was the
school was great, they are flexible, they do everything for you, and then...
Dan: You poop on their face
PI: Well do you think that’s what happened?
Dan: No, it’s a metaphor. But, don’t you think that’s what happened?
PI: Well...
Dan: They give you so much of this and so much of that and then I turn around
and stab them in the back. Am I not doing it? (With anger in his voice.)
PI: OK, OK all right!
Dan: No like. I’m asking you ...Am I doing that?
PI: Well, oh, you are asking me.. Well, yeah cause it seems like at first it was
about flexibility and you got that.
Negotiation: Process over Outcome
Dan: Yeah, and I got that flexibility.
PI: And then you just got totally angry and you were like, what’s wrong with
these people? You make one mistake and that’s it..
Dan: Oh that was when I was going back in the classes again, huh?
PI: Yeah
Dan: That was because o f Mrs. Caballero. Because I was pissed off because of
the fact that she was taking her anger out all on me. Cause, I use to like tell a
joke and she would just sit there and like she would laugh and actually enjoy it.
But now it’s like an attitude change.
PI: I saw the change in your attitude in the transcript, but it’s interesting now to
hear you say, “I pooped in their faces?”
Dan: Yeah, because their was opportunities that I did receive and did not do
something about it.
PI: OK, And why did you think you did not do something about it?
Dan: I don’t know.
PI: OK
Dan: It’s just like...I fought for it, I got it and I didn’t want it.
PI: It seems like you were trying to figure it out, how to negotiate?
Dan: How far could I go?
PI: Yeah, how much can I get.
It’s just like a relationship, once you know that the girl want you. You don’t
want her no more. It’s like OK!
In another part of the interview we revisit the issue of the events leading up to
his program changes:
PI: I saw you do a respectful thing for your teacher when you brought the
flowers to honor her suffering with the death of her...
Dan: Mother
89
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI; Yeah
Dan: But then she still kicked me out o f the class, like here
PI: It seemed like you were struggling to express yourself because you wanted
to do that and honor her, but at the same time you waned to the flexibility in
class to be Dan, and Dan can be fun and over the top and its OK. Because that’s
you. But for her it seemed like...
Dan: Like a slap in the face, huh?
PI: Yeah.
Dan: Like hah, hah 1 can take control now because you are one depressed
teacher.
PI: 1 don’t know if she is depressed, 1 never got that. 1 know that is your opinion.
Dan: Yeah
PI: But 1 did not really get the sense that she was bringing her stuff in the class.
She was really focused..
Dan Identifies the Site of the Problem as the Teacher’ s
Dan: Oh dude you should have seen her, she was way nicer... she was way more
flexible... and then there use to be another special ed.. Teacher here that got.,
well 1 don’t want to say...
PI: That was there before and was cut because of the budget?
Dan: yeah, after that she started getting down harder because the new kids and
its goanna be just me and some other teacher and its goarma be a lot harder. And
then her mother was in the hospital not too long ago and she was going through
that.
PI: Her mom passed.
Dan: Yeah. Once her mom died even the aides said like dude you need to lay
low.
PI: Then you felt a change..
Dan: Oh yeah! Big time dude 1 use to be her favorite and 1 am probably still am.
But she got really down on my case. Maybe that was just of me to do more work
to graduate, 1 don’t know.
Dan’s primary focus is on himself as he operates off the principle that the world
revolves around him. Even though he could see the plight of the teacher, as is typical of
other adolescence, he did not have the maturity and emotional tenor to delay his self
gratification in order to meet the needs of the teacher. His desire to be on display and to
entertain his audience was an overriding drive in regard to how he formulated his
classroom occupations. In so doing, he was changing his state of being, to a heightened
90
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
state of arousal, while simultaneously undermining his academic time on task. By the
end of the study, Dan was not able to fully resolve in his mind why Mrs. Caballero’s
responses to his antics had changed, but he expressed most vehemently that a change
had occurred. He attributed this to Mrs. Caballero’s depression following the death of
her mother, as opposed to Dan’s classroom behavior. He did however, suggest that her
change might have been in relationship to Dan’s need to graduate, and thus she saw a
need to increase the pressure on him to complete work pursuant to his credits needed for
graduation. Dan’s assertion that he had been her favorite student and in fact, might still
be the favorite, further denote his confusion over the interpersonal relationship between
he and Mrs. Caballero.
Dan’s goal of graduating was a priority to him despite his behavior in class that
served to undermine his progress toward that goal.
When he was alone in the conference room, the majority of the days were spent
completing the objectives to that goal. However, when Dan became overwhelmed with
the task at hand he resorted to other means to an end, as depicted in this excerpt from a
field note observation reveals:
The Ends Justifies the Means
As I arrive the psychologist greets me and says, it’s a good day to observe him
he’s a good student today.
10:00 D is well groomed with spiky hair today. He works quickly completing
page after page of Language Skill Vocabulary Usage Sheets. To his left is a
stack of book and a spiral notebook. In front o f him are ten packets of work.
They appear to be Vocabulary Comprehension Units covering trade,
Government and Economy Measuring Economic Performance, Capitalism, and
Free Enterprise.
All his written entries have shadows to the printing. He sighs and huffs as he
makes his entries. His left hand is pressed flat across the top of his page. His
right hand is observed to have hyperextension o f the 3’ ' ^ ' digit at the DIP as he
presses in on his pencil.
91
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
His pronators are seen contracting and relaxing with tendon activity as he writes.
The back of his hand is chiseled with the veins bulging as he writes.
He completes his packets and goes out to staple them. He stacks his work and
begins to leaf through another packet. Putting it down for a moment, he stretches
and starts on page one o f a new packet. It is 10:10 It appears that the showing is
the result of him marking over someone else’s work that has been previously
filed in on his worksheets. Wow, this is amazing. 1 wonder if he will attest to
this or not. We have our interview tomorrow. A person conversing in the
Administration office appears to disturb him and he closes the door that was
ajar. He watches me for a moment as 1 watch him write over the previously
completed script. 1 wonder if he is not capable. Overwhelmed or facing the
crunch to finish by June and is not concerned about the means any longer to the
end. He chews his gum and sighs as he goes occasionally huffing and scratching
out some entry. After each entry, he stops to survey his work and the places his
hand on his head. He shakes his legs for five beats but the majority of the time
his legs rest in a crossed repose. He opens the folder and takes out a stack of
worksheets, collates them and says,” ITl be back.”
He returns the materials to the psychologist who, responds. “You are goanna
keep me busy this weekend. He replies with a sweet angelic voice, “1 guess.”
Returning to the room, he puts his head down on the table.
DAN: ljust completed credits so that’s why Fm so tire.
PI: Yeah that makes it rough. Soon you’ll be done with school.
DAN: Yeah 1 hear the bells chiming. Hallelujah!
(He needs 41 credits. He has 25 credits and 14 weeks to go.)
Dan Denies that he Copied the work
PI: It appeared that you copied over the work that was done.
DAN: On the pen was getting faint so 1 just make it darker.
PI: Do you think they won’t notice?
DAN: Oh yeah 1 did that work.
His body language and facial expressions seemed indignant. After a break he
leaves and renters the room closing the door. He rests on his folded arms with
his head on the desk and shields hi face form me. He gently taps his feet in a
marching fashion. From the psychologist\s office we can hear her phone call. It
is 10:40 now. Total imprinting time was 30 minutes.
PI: Would you like some skittles?
DAN: No thank you.
PI: OK.
DAN: Thank you anyway.
After having confronted him he seems pensive. And, 1 was trying to regain
rapport by offering the candy. He is so socially intelligent he picks up on my
attempts and in seems to indicate his need to meet my need.
He turns and looks at me reading previous notes and puts his head down facing
away. With his right hand he strokes the books neatly piled by his hand.
92
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
With the assistance o f his girlfriend, he completed a mammoth series of modules
that served as a base for the milestones he needed to progress toward graduation. His
elegance and finesse for understanding and simultaneously working the system seemed
balanced and flexible albeit influenced by overwhelming circumstances. Dan’s temporal
rhythms are interlocked in a fantastic spin o f family, self-regulatory needs, and the
rapidly approaching ‘Graduation Day’.
In Dan’s earlier efforts, we see that he has a quality o f natural tenderness and
caring for his teacher when he brings her flowers, this tenderness does not appear again.
Between the 1 2 * * ^ week and the 15^ week, which represent the culmination of his
classroom occupations within the classroom setting, for he is banished to his home to
complete his independent study there. Each week he is to come in and meet with the
psychologist to review his progress. During the study, this participant has an erratic
course of events in his classroom placements and performance. Although his trajectory
toward graduation is not a straight line, he manages to weave his way through to
completion. Despite Dan’s place of uncertainty in the outcome of his efforts to
graduate, he retained his sense o f optimism. The conflicting themes o f realism were
overlaid with an impending doom only in the reality of the situation, but not in Dan’s
narratives. As I watched Dan dressed in his graduation gown step forward to receive his
diploma, I wondered if he felt accomplished and successful, or simply confirmed. When
I spoke to him briefly after the ceremony to congratulate him he smiled and said, ’’See, I
told you I would make it.” His last words, in uncompromising realism, reflect the
research study of classroom occupations, and the sincerity of his way o f being. He was
93
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
confident of what he knew about self, that he would succeed, albeit on his terms.
Although, his temporal rhythm was observed to be at opposition to that o f the school’s
in the final analysis Dan reveals the significance of ones ability to use classroom
occupations to mediate power relations, facilitate his predilection for self-regulation and
in so doing find balance to meet the demands of the environment and himself. Actually,
with diploma in hand Dan’s next phase is at the peak of the social rhythm for Junior
College.
Randy’ s Case Symbols & Temporal Rhythms
Randy was the most articulate, and often insightful of the participants. He began
the study at the same time that Dan did, but unlike Dan, Randy had far less absences
and missed interviews. Randy performed his classroom occupations in concert with
others as he struggled and worked within the structure of the classroom to develop his
repertoire of classroom occupations.
While Randy was the only student in this study to complete an entire class credit
in world history, and transition to American history during the study, Randy had
recognizable work performance levels in his classes, and he had variability in work
performance within each class, and between classes on the same day. Randy’s
classroom occupations varied depending on which classroom he was in and what
appeared to be his own temperament, and state on any given day. However, classroom
occupation patterns emerged in all his classes. For example, in his American history
class, he was the most productive, and looked most consistently like any other high
school student. He rarely spoke in class and spent his time engaged in doing classroom
94
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations like reading, writing, seeking answers to chapter questions, and completing
worksheets. In his world history class he spent less time on task than in his American
history class, and more time engaged in socializing with primarily the teacher and,
secondly his peers. In both his math class and his world history class eating and
drinking were classroom occupations, not observed in his American history class. In his
math class he was absorbed in socialization, and interacting with peers, and secondly,
the teachers and thus, minimized his time working on math worksheets.
More than any other class Randy was most focused on humor, and mediating
stress in his math class. He used humor as a strategy to mediate tensions in discourse in
the classroom, to change the atmosphere. For Randy, the sources of stresses were
sometimes internal as his ability to handle the environmental stimulation was
inadequate, and on these days, Randy was angry, moody, or irritable. On such
occasions, his participation in and choice of classroom occupations were compromised
to the extent that he simply shut down, opting not to work.
Randy throughout the study demonstrated that he had in fact become competent
in mediating his need for stimulation and controlling the urges to move by using
compensatory strategies, this will be discussed in detail in Chapter 5 .1 observed that he
had a variety o f postures and over time a pattern emerged that seemed to indicate the
postures were symbolic for particular internal states that Randy was experiencing. His
emergent work performance seemed to be associated with postures. These states had
ramifications for how Randy would, or would not engage in classroom occupations, and
how productive he is in class. As a observer to his classroom occupations, I was soon
95
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
able to predict with good accuracy what types of states Randy was in by his posture.
Thus, predicting how productive he would be that class was associated with the
postures. During the member checking interview probes Randy responded as follows
after I show him the sketches of his various postures;
Randy Clarifies the Interpretation of his Postures
I show him the picture of the teacher giving him instruction.
Figure 4: 1
PI: This posture.
Randy: Where I am hunched over like this that is confusion and I’m just over it.
I like that drawing.
PI: And this one.
Figure 4:2
PI: This is a work posture.
Figure 4:3
R looks and nods his head yes.
96
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: And this one...
RANDY: Oh yeah that is the total Homer Simpson look.
PI: So as I am interpreting your postures changes it sounds like I am pretty close
to the way you were feeling?
RANDY: Oh yeah you know wit me you can always tell my feeling by my
posture. I am always one to war my feeling out there and uh... you’ll know what
is going on.
P: Ah.. .yes, it has a lot to do with many times I will be tired and I will be
slumping in my chair, it is like oh God not this again. I am rally not going to get
much done. Other days it is fresh and it’s like hey for some reason it’s you
remember today and I know I am going to get some things done... I will start
working and good, good I can keep going.
PI: You know sometimes its even within a class you will go from a work posture
to the motorcycle posture. Let me show you the pictures and you tell me what
you think?
RANDY: Yes, I have many different postures that expose my feelings a that
moment.
PI: Um hum that’s exactly it, it is the posture matching the way you are feeling
at that moment.
When considering the meaning of the postures Randy appears to be undergoing
a process of self-discovery, not unlike a person viewing a video tapped interview of
oneself and critiquing the images that are presented. I saw that Randy was responding to
the data with a sense of discovery. His confirmation and expansion of the meaning of
the postures presented to him demonstrated what was a growing process o f self
construction in context, even the context of the interview process. For Randy viewed
the process of the interview as a repertoire for giving voice to his situation and appeared
to take feedback on his own responses, or my observations as a time to work through
his thoughts and feelings. While Randy shared Dan’s propensity for excitement and
humor, he demonstrated the ability to self-sensor more, which in turn gave him access
97
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
to the traditional special education and some regular education classes. However, Randy
still employed humor, but, within acceptable bounds for the particular class he was in,
and for specific purposes. The following excerpts indicate how Randy’s theatrical skits
are used to attempt to gain the teacher’s attention, when the teacher is not
acknowledging him. Note his response to the observation passage, his narrative
demonstrates the type of self discovery that occurred at points in the interview process
as well:
Randy’ s Self-Discovery
PI: You appeared to be having some difficulty getting your work completed on
the 2 1 ® * . Remember when you were working on the slope intersect?
RANDY: Oh, Yeah, (chuckle).
PI: Why was it so difficult that day?
RANDY: Umm... let’s see... what did I eat in the morning? .. .You know I just
can’t go back to that state of mind. I try not to... just to get away for that. I am
sure I was probably just tired o f work, just tired in general so ...
Since Randy was having difficulty remembering the incident, I opted to read
passage from my fieldnotes to refresh his memory, in hopes of eliciting some insights
regarding his actions in class that day. The interview continues:
Making Meaning Out of Actions
PI: I am going to read something to you and it might give you a flash back to
that day. Mrs. Caballero and another student were having a quiet debate over
why math needs rules.
PI: You remember that? And it sound something like this.. .I’ll just read you an
excerpt from my field notes.
All is quiet 4:6 students are on task its 9:25 one student and Mrs. Caballero have
a lively debate at the bard regarding the number line. They are arguing the
points and Mrs. Caballero sounds more like a mom and daughter then a teacher
and student. Randy is looking at his tattoo and stares over at them for
approximately 3 minutes just taking in the scene. He gets up stretches leaves his
desk to get a drink of Pepsi at the sink. He glances over and picks up the cake
knife and glances at Mrs. Caballero, pulls the knife up and says, “Silence”! He
quickly puts the knife down and retums to his desk. He sits and raises his hand
high in the air for two minutes. As his arm fatigues he rests his elbow on the
disk and uses his other arm to support his raised arm. Finally, he says, “Hi Mrs.
98
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Caballero.” But the other student addressed Randy sharply, “Shut up”!
PI: What was that all about?
RANDY: Oh, my God you were there. He laughs. Yeah the whole cake knife
thing. Yeah that was.. .laugh.. .OK that looks great doesn’t it? Well, I
was...sometimes I have random...just...I’ll be so tired or...it’s another day... I
will trip out... I’ll be like cake knife ahhhaha (silence)...there is no way to
explain that, but it’ll make me sound insane. I don’t know. 1 do this stuff like
that at home. Like I’ll hold up the toilet scrubbers. I’ll be like I’m the king and
start waving them around. My mom will be like Randy stop it, go to your room.
Desperate attempts to make someone laugh.
PI: There you go. You were competing for attention that day between the other
student and yourself.
RANDY: Oh, yes! Especially with the “Hi, Mrs. Caballero” thing is so.. .I’m
still here type of thing going on. Yes that is very much so the attention grabber.
PI: So with that in mind you were raising your hand trying to get an answer to
some intersect slope problem or something, and it is taking you a long time to
get Mrs. Caballero’s attention, to get the answer to the question.
RANDY: In Mrs. Caballero’s class it is usually hey Mrs. Caballero, hey Mrs.
Caballero...and one day 1 just decided...you know what to .. to just sit there and
raise my hand. La..la..la ...so naturally nothing happens, because she is
expecting a hey Mrs. Caballero and not a hand in the air ...so.
PI: So does it work?
RANDY: You know what...if she was not talking to another child it probably
would have worked. But she was talking to another child. You know I did not
expect it to work. I was just spinning my wheels to see what would happen.
As Randy struggles to make meaning out of his actions, he is rather at a loss for
words. His imagination takes over in the classroom and in retrospect, he approaches the
scene with a sense of realization that the observed, true-to-life details of his behavior, or
nonrealistic fantasy are difficult elements to explain. He initially takes the vantage point
of the third person, and worries that he will be thought o f as insane. However, he soon
retums to his first person narrative and focuses on the problem of giving meaning to his
actions in context. He works through the problem by giving examples of his dramatic
99
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
form at home. His depiction of his drama at home matches the scenes observed in class.
His personal point of view on his actions becomes clearer as he reflects on the reason
for his actions- gaining the teachers attention. His conscious attempt to explain his use
of humor is summarized as a desperate attempt to make someone laugh. The
sophistication of a raised hand was not sufficient to gamer the teacher’s attention.
Therefore, in desperation he unsuccessfully attempts to employ humor as a device to
obtain the teacher’s attention, but to no avail. While his spoof gamers the ire of his peer,
and temporarily interrupts the teacher to peer interaction, it does not net Randy’s
desired outcome.
Randy’s narrative in the interview reveals how he grabbles with making sense
out of his actions in context. His portrayal of his actions led to his understanding of the
actions meaning as he ponders and reflects on his behavior. As he tries to communicate
about his motives, his viewpoint becomes clearer. Thus the open-ended interview
question: “What was that all about?” Was the departure point, and a trigger for thoughts
and feelings that take his words beyond their literal meaning, and provided him with a
focus for his actions.
Randy’s occupational motifs shifted across the duration of the study with not
only variance in his energy expenditure, but his emotive states as well. His affect tended
to fluctuate from happy and exuberant to a flat affect with the appearance of being
overly tired and irritable. Listen to the following excerpt on his affect changes during
this member checking interview:
Randy’ s Affect Changes & Environmental Demands
100
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Yeah. You talked about the work being fun in Mr. Vine’s class and
accountability in Mrs. Caballero’s class in the past, but. I’ve noticed in the last
three weeks you have been getting angry and going off on people lately.
And you were like yeah, yeah! What do you think?
RANDY: I do notice it. I just been .. .you know after being compounded with it
you let it slide everyday and then the new kids come in and now there are other
kids you have to deal with and it’s like OK...when will this slow down. And its
not slowing down at all. Usually there is a calm before the storm but this time
there isn’t. There is just storms.. .so that does not give me a chance to break and
catch myself. So I’ve just started latching out lately cause it’s like you know me
personally ...I have my days when I am just as annoying as one of those kids.
FI: Nooo (laughter)
RANDY: Oh boy...
In the above excerpt Randy explains that his threshold for handling the
environmental demands of the school environment has reached, it’s limit for him, and
he begun to latch out at others in anger. A precipitant to the stress for him was the
initiation of new students on campus. Periodically, throughout the year new students
who have been on a waiting list are granted admission to the school site as a part of the
alternative school placement program for the community. His ability to handle daily
classroom occupations, and by his report, and handle campus life in general appeared to
be overly taxed by the arrival o f new students on campus. The patterns of behavior
observed and recorded are consistent with Randy’s narrative that he was having
difficulty coping. The discussion regarding these observed emotive changes in Randy
are continued in the passage below:
Randy is Overwhelmed
PI: I want to show you your schedule of observations and interviews. This whole
thing of getting over loaded and getting angry seems to be in the last three
weeks. (Holding the schedules in front of Randy, I continue) I want to show
you that it was at just about the three-week mark where you got ill. And then
your attendance at school .. .not a lot but a couple of days you were absent.
Where before you were just plotting along. Look at all these days without
101
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
missing school. Six weeks o f steady plotting, happy and content for the most
part, joyous and playing around. And suddenly around this tim e...
RANDY: What was the date?
PI: March (He names the date).
RANDY: Wow w e’re already in (he names the month)!
PI: Yeah, the third week in (month) was when you got sick, and all the stress
from that, and the new kids came in this week.. . so it’s like an additional thing.
But, I am wondering about the whole issue of negotiating and trying to keep a
balance that maybe the anger...
RANDY: Is making it worst?
PI: Yeah. Like you are not really thinking and self-analyzing and reflecting on
what’s happening but you are just responding.
RANDY: Yeah, I think it is because...personally I give it a certain amount of
time and I will do that and say you know what don’t worry about it take it home
with you and take it out on your couch, whatever ...and don’t worry about it.
Just don’t let it go to far. But I can’t stand this anymore...
During the first six weeks of the study, Randy had an observed record of success
in managing his daily ritual. Thus, he had established a pattern o f behaviors and
generated some benchmarks for ‘state’ management in order to function within his
classroom environment and participate in classroom occupations. The rituals he had
established with music, food, movement and humor were all indicative of the types,
amounts and frequency of stimuli he could manage at a particular moment. Randy’s
most common rituals revolved around his use of food in Mrs. Caballero’s class. This
class was the most challenging for him because of the demand to meet the thresholds of
Social negotiation . His kinesthetic motifs of postural changes, movement and eating
and drinking were more pronounced in this class then any of his other classes. In
Chapter 6 we will consider the sensory processing point of view to support the concept
of his classroom occupation rituals and build upon the idea that ‘state regulation’ is an
impetus towards engagement in classroom occupations. The form and composition of
his classroom occupations are organized in relationship to his regulatory states & needs.
102
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
His ability to successfully accommodate his regulatory states to the environmental task
demands has important implications on how he organizes his daily classroom
occupations toward his future goals, and his temporal rhythms in executing objectives
towards his goals.
Unlike Dan, Randy’s less tumultuous course led him straight through the study
with very few absences until the end of the study, when he exhibited signs of being
overwhelmed with school. He was an 11* grader who came to this school because of his
inability to comply with the requirements at the local High School. Randy’s change in
attendance at his new school was good. In addition, he attributed this to his newly found
sense of efficacy in the more flexible school environment. His newly acquired ability to
cooperate with the teachers and to attend school regularly permitted him to slowly, but
steadily complete his assignments.
Here is an interview excerpt that reveals some o f Randy’s feelings regarding
traditional versus alternative high schools:
PI: It’s different then when you were at your old high school?
RANDY: Yeah! A lot different.
PI: What are the major differences?
RANDY: The classes are not that hard and they are not that pressured. You
know.
PI: Uh..ha
RANDY: If you don’t meet the deadlines you are in big troubles because you do
get the F’s. So its like if you do some of the work and slip up a little you can still
do the work. You will just take a longer time to get though. Basically, that is
what I am doing right now. I’m going to have to fix that sometime soon. But..I
am behind.
Randy saw his opportunity to attend his current school a second chance to
redeem himself for graduation.
103
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In subsequent interviews he elaborated more on the difference between his
current school placement and the school he had previously attended:
Randy: Because in this school particularly they don’t really... shouldn’t in the
first place.. .because that is where we all came form... where teachers expected
a lot and you know... it’s not really their fault that you should expect
more.. .but.. .they would deal with the kids that are bad and have problems.. .but
us... they don’t expect much from this school because we are suppose to be
working at our own pace and we don’t want to overload the kids so that is pretty
much why 1 gave them all a false.
Randy Identifies the Teacher’ s Role in His Classroom Successes
His transition to Beautone High School has been a time of growth for Randy,
where he has come to understand that respect for the teachers and a willingness
to be taught is essential to his progression toward graduation.
PI: How have you charged your strategies for your class work.. .your attitudes
not what you are her at his school?
Randy: 1 am learning that school is respect for the teachers. 1 have learned that
respect for the teachers and 1 am trying to have a lot more respect for the
teachers and not fight them so much on everything. 1 am kicking things into gear
when they come along side and say OK its time to go let’s get going. 1 know I
should do it for myself, but there are so many things 1 get caught up with and my
brain can’t handle it.
In this excerpt, we see that Randy has come to the understanding that his
teachers serve a strategic function of facilitating his productive classroom occupation
endeavors. Their scaffolding serves as a compensatory tool for his lack o f attention to
relevant objectives associated with classroom occupations that are pursuant to credits
and his subsequent goal of graduating. For example, Mr. Vine’s reminders to complete
certain assignments as they relate to the goal o f completing a module and receiving a
credit was something that Randy felt was helpful for him.
104
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
He stated in interview, “ Mr. Vine makes you keep going, but he does not nag
you, he just tells you hey, one more credit for this.”
Randy acknowledged that he has limited degrees of freedom, when it comes to
being able to meet the attention demands of the classroom environment. He sees this as
a function of his brain’s limitations in filtering out information that is not pertinent and
productive when he is in class. During the classroom observations Randy’s mode of
being is characterized by rhythmic organizations that constituted shifts in his states of
being from day to day and class to class. His behavioral response continuum
demonstrated different neurological thresholds from sensation seeking to sensation
avoiding. Randy’s observed need for stimulation appeared quite high and he would do a
variety of things to generate the type of stimulation he was craving. The following
excerpts depict the nature of his kinetic energy tendencies:
Randy’ s Ticks: Always Needing to be doing something
PI: I noticed today that you were acting as if you were playing the piano or the
guitar. What were you doing?
Randy: Oh, when was that?
PI: It was algebra class. You had this going on. (I recreate the motions he was
making on the desktop with his hand.)
Randy: Oh that’s my ticks. I have ticks where I go like that (he plays a beat on
the table with his hand) I’m a drummer and a guitarist. I am taking lessons and
so when I do this (he repeats his previous move) it is because I’m goofing off. I
always need to be doing something.
During an observation early in the study it was noted that Randy was up and
moving excessively. He appeared to be suffering from allergy symptoms. I observed
that Randy would be out of his seat for a variety o f apparent reasons such as sharpening
his pencil, getting a drink of water, putting something in the trash, requesting a
bathroom pass, or simply strolling to the door and looking out of the window.
105
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
When I asked if there was a correlation between his allergies and his tendency,
on some days, to be out of his seat he gave the following response:
Randy’ s Explanation for being Fidgety
RANDY: Well, the allergy part, not... that was not usual. But the getting up and
wanting to be on the go, yes, that part is normal. Umh...I will tell you flat out I
have ADD and I have always had that. As kid I had the worst (he emphasized
worst with tonal inflections) experience with ADD. Because My and 4*
grade teacher would say, in front of the class,” Randy have you taken your
medication today? Because you know if you don’t take your medication you
know your brain don’t work right, if you don’t take the medications. I had to
learn to deal with it myself. I actually learned to cope with it myself. I can pretty
much turn it on and off, well except for the fidgeting.
PI: Turn what on and off?
RANDY: The getting up. I sit and fidget, but not get up all the time. I shake my
leg and moving around is like an energy release.
PI: Yeah? So that is a strategy o f sorts. The moving around is a release and yon
feel it and you know that the teachers perceive it as a negative thing so you
shake your leg to release the energy, but stay in your seat.
RANDY: Yeah, there are things I do to control it now. There were times when I
just wanted to sit down and o nothing. God in 5 * * ’ and 6 * ^ grade ah...But, that
was not an option. I was just too way hyperactive. But, I think it was after my
parents and I took a trip to Portugal to the island, that my mom told me that she
saw me more mature and I don’t know that made me feel more adult I guess.
Like Dan, Randy has a career goal in mind. He wants to graduate and join the
Navy after high school. Having successfully completed his junior year of high school,
he has one more year to go. For me the most striking features o f Randy’s case are his
stylized and somewhat complex use o f his body to communicate larger truths about
himself. He used postures, moods and emotions as symbolic references to the
conventions of his classroom occupations. We see in Randy’s classroom occupations
highly stylized renderings that are in a continual state of change. Randy’s classroom
occupations differ from Dan’s even though in general, they reflect the basic
106
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
characteristics of a need to manage states. Both Randy and Dan, make positive
statements about the joys of having ADD and the perceived advantage of peer
socialization opportunities, afforded them by having ADD. The balance departs from
this symmetry of experiences between Randy and Dan when we assess whether one’s
ability to stay in the classroom is representative of successful self-regulation, or simply
institutional rigidity, or an environmental barrier to be mediated. At the close of the
study, we find Randy concluding his junior year, preparing to attend summer school, in
hopes of being on track for what society deems as the rites o f passage, a high school
diploma, which he should obtain the following year. Randy’s ultimate desire is to be a
film actor. Like a theatrical plot, Randy’s unfolding classroom occupations leave him in
a convenient place, allowing us to imagine his future student life will continue as his
self-evident classroom occupations this year have dictated.
Mark’ s Case: Cire-Perdue
Mark starts the study four weeks after the other two participants. He concluded
the study 13 weeks later. His delay in starting the study was the result of awaiting a
confirmation diagnosis of Attention Deficit Disorder. (See Appendix B). Initially, when
it came to identifying and sharing his feelings he had the most difficulty. Mark was an
enigmatic fellow whose revealing of self unfolded during the study as previous
questions during interview sessions were repeated at strategic intervals to expose more
dimensions o f Marks feelings, motives, values and goals. Mark was very emotionally
cloistered as compared to the other participants in the study. Unlike Dan and Randy,
107
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark initially seemed like a moving target at times as the elements o f his
perspectives shifted frequently, but soon they began to emerge as repeated themes were
presented. Moreover, by the end of the study, he was speaking more freely about
emotions and feelings.
During the interview process, I could feel the impact of his value to be in
relationship with others. At times, he seemed guarded with self disclosure in interview
sessions. I felt this might be due in part to my reluctance to informally socialize with
him in response to his bids for social interactions. Given the mandates of the researcher
relationship, closer rapport with Mark was not appropriate. For example, once he asked
if I would meet him for coffee and do the interview at the coffee shop rather than
school. When I declined, his body language seemed to communicate a sensitivity to the
boundaries set by me.
On another occasion, he observed me walking to the bus stop, as my car had
broken down, and he asked if I needed a ride. When I once again declined, he appeared
disappointed. Lastly, of all the participants he more frequently attempted to engage me
in dialogue during his classroom observations, particularly in his art class. My own
sensibilities told me that he had a stronger need for bonding then the research process
would afford. Thus, to some extent he chose to impose more distance in his interview
responses, compared to the other participants, however this was in response to the
boundaries that he perceived I was setting. It took longer to achieve rapport with Mark.
108
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Nevertheless, although he was engaging, and responsive to the research process he
appeared to be detached from his feelings and thus made it more difficult for me to
elicit core information in the emotive realms. His concerns with trust and relationship
seemed to be at the core of these exchanges in the interviews, accompanied by his
propensity to be guarded.
As I got to know Mark I felt that he was leaving me with superficial renderings
of his self, but I felt that with time the authentic Mark would emerge. This reminded me
of the sculpture technique called Cire-Perdue, which is used to form the molds for
bronze works. Like pouring a wax mold that melts away Mark was a relief sculpture
project from the beginning. Over time as rapport was established, he became warmer
and his responses appeared more authentic.
Classroom Occupations: Socialization, Community Service Hours & Earning Credits
Socialization and relationships were important themes in Mark’s narratives, but
they were mediated through context. When he starts the study, he is concerned about
interacting with his peers for fear o f breaking his probation, by getting into a fight.
Thus, he choice to sit by himself in class, and he rarely respond to other students’
attempts to get him to socialize. By the end of the study, Mark’s peers routinely
engaged him in socialization to a lesser degree in his English class, but largely in his art
class. In art class, his joy was to sit at the teacher’s desk and converse with her. In his
interviews, he gave clarity to the meaning of being at the teacher’s desk. It was a time
for counseling and a place were he received personal regard and his voice was heard.
109
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
He perceived time talking to the teacher as a sign of her interest in him as an
individual. This was a high priority classroom occupation for Mark when he attended
his art class.
In addition, art class was a place for socialization, and mediating interpersonal
relationships between his peers. His on going struggles with one peer, Pat was based on
a value Mark held regarding the need for authenticity in ethnic origin, and the
sustaining of racial relations. Mark would not accept Pat’s overtures for mutual
engagement and friendship because Pat did not meet these fundamental criteria. Pat’s
use of Afro-American dialect and mannerisms as a Caucasian was distasteful to Mark,
who was of Asian and Caucasian descent. Mark felt that Pat was being “a wannabe” and
thus, was in Mark’s estimation disingenuous.
Additionally, Mark prioritized his classroom occupations according to
significance based upon ascribed meaning. For example, Mark was on probation and
needed community service hours. On occasion, his classroom occupations in his art
class consisted of cleaning, which was a means of satisfying his need for hours. This
took precedence over his need for earning credits at the start o f the study. Yet, his goal
of earning credits was a factor that contributed to how he constructed his classroom
occupations. For example, this excerpt gives voice to Mark’s perspective on earning
credits and core curriculum learning:
Mark’ s Perspective on Earning Credits
MARK: Seven I think.
PI: Sounds like you are doing really well in Mr. O’Brien’s class. You have five
more credits in English since out last interview. I heard Mr. O’Brien tell you that
you have earned 106 credits and need 146 credits more. If you go tot summer
school you will be able to make it.
110
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
MARK: Yeah.
PI: So how do you feel about where you are right now?
MARK: Umm.. .1 am still behind even though I have credits. I need 146.5
credits. 1 don’t know why they even put elective on the thing? They should
make it a choice if you are behind.
They could give them to students as honors if they are not behind. They don’t
teach you anything. 1 can’t change it so. It would make it easier for everyone.
There is really no point for it.
He was aware of his current credit status and was tracking his progress
to the .5-degree of accuracy. He did not see electives as a necessary part o f his learning
experience and the curriculum, given his need to earn credits for graduation.
He also gives voice to his lack of perceived efficacy in the situation:
PI: Do you ever have free time to choose your won activities?
MARK: No. Well, in art yeas, but anything else no.
Despite his steady progress toward maximizing credits earned he perceives his
situation in accurate terms, ...”1 am still behind” but fails to see the validity of earning
credits in electives, and asserts that he has no voice in the decision o f selecting his
classes. Traditionally, electives tend to be less demanding courses and more geared
toward students’ specific interests, such as art, woodshop, or printing. Mark did not
identify any benefits in taking elective classes. This consistent theme o f contrasts
continued throughout the study. Art class is where Mark feels connected with a teacher
that cares for him, and the course was the only one he asserted could be worked at his
own pace, a preferred work mode for Mark. As was the case in his English class he
made decisions to work independent o f the class, or copy someone else’s work in order
to earn credits as quickly as possible.
I l l
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
First interview
The following excerpt further describes some of the considerations that defined
the conditions under which Mark framed his classroom occupations in art and English
classes:
Mark Values Relationships
PI: First question what classes are you taking this semester?
MARK: A h.. .Art, PE, English and Math.
PI: And why are you taking those?
MARK: Because those are the classes they gave me. I was taking history
before.. .but I don’t know they took me out of there.
PI: Which is your favorite class?
MARK: Probably art?
PI: Umm.. .why is that?
MARK: Because when I came here they said you can work at your own
pace...do it at your own pace. But I notice that you can’t do it at your own
pace.. .because they get mad at you if you try to work at your own pace..
PI: OK.
MARK: ...so they get all mad and that’s the only class that I can work at my
own pace. There no one barely hassles you.
PI: Which class is your least favorite?
MARK: Math?
PI: Why is that?
MARK: I would say English, but I don’t know I guess it’s the teacher that
makes the difference. So, not the subject.
PI: Who do you have for Math?
MARK: Mr. Barrel.
PI: OK and for English?
MARK: Mr. O’Brien.
Here we see the beginning of the interview process. Mark points out the
importance he places on relationships with the teacher. This was consistent throughout
the study. He sought to get close to the teachers in more intimate ways and distance
himself from peers that he felt were unsafe, or he presumed to be speaking to him
disingenuously. Mark placed strong value in didactic exchanges in relationships with
teachers. These exchanges symbolized that the teacher cared about him as an individual.
112
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The following statements by Mark underscore this subjective principle; this principle
counts on the teacher as an impetus to foster Mark’s engagement in classroom
occupations. Mark ascribed to the belief that simultaneous inspection and evaluation of
others regard for him and degree of respect exhibited in those exchanges was important
to him. In the following excerpt, I am questioning Mark on his responses to the
questions regarding, why he preferred his art class to his English class:
Mark Values Being Cared For by Teachers
PI: Relationships... Mrs. Wycliff seems detached in that she is on the phone a
lot. And Mr. R is going through the process of running class and moving from
task...
MARK: Yeah, but I would rather have Mrs. Wycliff then MR. O’Brien because
Mrs. Wycliff she is on the phone a lot but I mean she talks she cares about me.
You know if something was to happen to me she would be the one to be sad.
And Mr. R would just be the one to go back to his work. Yeah like if he was
invited to my funeral and he had to take time off from class to go he won’t there.
PI: Oh
MARK: If he had to take off I don’t think he would do that, be there you know
Mrs.Wycliff would be the one they’re talking to my family, you know.
The content of the course-art, or English was less of a point of interest to Mark
then the relationships he held with the people who where teaching the subjects. This
was his explanation for whether he enjoyed the class or not. The actual work seemed
incidental to the relationship potential that the class held between he and the teachers.
Fluctuations in Kinetic Energy Levels
In regards to kinetic energy and postures, I observe that Mark experiences
similar patterns to those that I had seen Dan and Randy exhibit, but to a far lesser
degree. Mark would gently shake his legs periodically during class, but the persistence
and frequency was low. Unlike Randy, Mark did not display the marked swings in
113
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
behavior and attention in class. He did demonstrate the persistence on task that Dan
would during his highly productive days. However, Mark’s attention and concentration
issues were subtler. This may have contributed to the late diagnosing he had received as
a junior in high school. His work posture was upright for work, and he would rest his
trunk on the desktop while working. When asked about these movements and postures
he was not aware of any particular reason for the shaking of his legs. He felt that he was
tired when he rested on the desk. However, Mark had challenges with his energy level
as well but everything about Mark was more subdued and less apparent or exaggerated
then Dan and Randy. When asked about his time usage in his art class he transitions
into responding with information regarding his levels of fatigue by the end of the day:
Mark’ s Levels of Fatigue
PI: How do you spend your time in your art class?
MARK: It depends...it depends on how I feel.
PI: Um..hum
MARK: It’s like some times I do the work and sometimes I don’t. By the end of
the day I am really tired and I can’t really work so...
PI: When you are tired...do you kind of have emotion while you are tired
MARK: You know I don’t know if it is just m e.. .but school is too early, like
you are growing you know and you wake up and you are still tired.
PI: I could stay up late and be more awake in the morning then if I had gone to
bed at 8:00.1 would still be more tired then if I had gone to bed late.
PI: Hum
PI: Are you a night person where you get more energy in the late evening and
you can go and feel good or ...
MARK: Yeah that’s me I can go at night. I go home and take a nap and wake up
stay up until late and I do you know just whatever.
Mark’s daily participation in classroom occupations was dependent upon how he
felt. His routine of taking afternoon naps, which he revealed in a subsequent interview,
and staying up late at night were contributing factors to how he would feel during the
day. In addition, obtain credits motivated Mark. For example, when Mark is asked to
114
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
clarify his actions in English class Mark verifies that he was engaged in working on his
own rather then the group:
Mark’ Conception of Classroom Occupation & Time Usage
PI: In English it appeared that while the teacher was going over a practice test
that you were on another page and was not following along is that true?
K: No, I was not following along.
PI: Why?
K: Because I could get more done by going on my own then waiting for him.
You know what I mean. (Time is not to be wasted.)
PI: So the independent practice.
K: I was done before he got there.
By this time in the interview process Mark was speaking more freely and the
theme of time usage had emerged as a significant part of his classroom occupations.
Mark did not see the value of working in step with the class when he had credits to earn
and could meet this goal by working ahead of the class.
Mark’ s Conception of ADD
Today is our 8th interview. We have missed one interview last week. I wanted to
ask how things went with your counselor regarding the ADD.
K: He did his thing and I have ADD but he wants me to go to the doctor and get
some medication.
PI: OK so what do you think about all that?
K: If I do have it, it is no big deal cause I get good grades and I don’t really have
many problems with teachers so...it doesn’t obviously affect my life. It’s just
me I guess. Yeah like they can’t say that I have ADD because I don’t like the
math and I don’t like to sit there and do the math. You know what I mean? It
does not change my outlook on life; it does not change how I feel about subjects
and how it is.
PI: It is interesting to think about what it means to you?
K: Yeah but how is the medicine going to change how I feel about math? One of
my teachers love math and teaches it and another hates math. Does that mean
they have ADD? ADD or whatever.
Mark was struggling to make sense of his new diagnosis, his new label. Unlike
Randy and Dan who had grown up with the label Mark was trying to determine what
having ADD really meant for him.
115
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
For Mark thinking and feeling were synonymous. Just as he was struggling with
the meaning o f ADD, he struggled with identifying feelings and expressing them. Note
the following excerpt:
Classroom Occupations as Stepping Stones to the Future Self
PI: Even though you don’t like school you are targeting going to Junior College?
Mark: Yeah!
PI: Why?
Mark: Because there is no real reason. Just something.. .cause you are kind of
following the crowd sort of.
PI: Yeah, what other options would there be if you weren’t going to college?
Mark: Working with my dad. I already started there a couple of weeks ago, and
if I stay there I will be making more money then a lot of the students do here.
And I am just a junior.
PI: I heard you say that you work with your hands to fix your cars. And you
sound like you know a lot.
Mark: Yeah I work with my hands but I am just trying to learn cause the more
you work with your hands the more it becomes automatic you don’t have to
think about it.
PI: Yeah.
Mark: I did have help with fixing my car but I’m getting better the more I work
on it. You just have to get it down.
PI: And the cars today are complicated, they have computers and things to work
with.
Mark: Yeah
Mark also struggled with the idea of going onto higher education after
graduation. He spoke about pursuing higher education as a rite of passage, when he had
already begun working in the family plumbing business and saw the financial reward of
doing this type of work. Yet, the values he had regarding the inherent worth of a higher
education and the significance it held for his family members was o f key concern to
him. He seemed conflicted on this point throughout the study. In fact, at the end of the
study he was questioning attending adult school next year to finish his high school
116
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
requirements. By the end of the study, I still had questions as to the core of Mark’s
feelings. Yet, I had the sense that Mark often displayed the authentic him-a person in
pursuit of self, struggling with understanding and distinguishing the meaning of his
actions in context. The idea that his true feelings and motives existed was not in
question, but rather his ability to disclose them. He was not a shallow thinker, he
seemed indeed to have many strong opinions and appeared to enjoy having the attention
of someone watching and listening to him. Yet, this was definitely an observed part of
his way of being.
Value: Respect and Personal Regard
This foundational value of respect and regard governed the manner in which he
engaged in his classroom occupations. As his response to the following question about
the meaning of taking the annual standardized test reveals:
Who Wants to Know How I ’ m Doing
PI: What are your feelings about the standardized testing?
MARK: I COULD CARE LESS ABOUT THE TESTING. Since first grade I
have always guessed about the answers. It’s never hurt me. It never helped me
pass, or fail the test.
PI: Umm hum.
MARK: Which is all I am going for. Especially on tests like this to show people
you don’t even know how you are doing.
PI: Umm hum.
MARK: It doesn’t hurt me.
For Mark the contrasting missing set of conditions for attempting peek
performance on standardized exams is the relationship with the evaluators. The situation
of taking an exam without a corresponding relationship to the evaluators is
preposterous. He brings to this classroom occupation the historicity of his entire
academic experiences since first grade. Somewhere in this progression, he arrives at the
117
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
perceived position that guessing answers to the questions is not deleterious to his
academic pursuits. Despite his inability to rule out the punitive effects of performing
poorly on these exams through the years, he necessarily eliminates what is known to
him to be the case, the value he places on relationships. He sees no value in attempting
to achieve peek performance when taking the standardized tests because the audiences
of evaluators are unknown entities to him. Furthermore, void of a personal connection
with a person the context of this classroom occupation is perceived as unworthy of
sufficient effort. Relevancies of classroom occupations for Mark are situated in personal
connections with teachers.
Relevancy of Classroom Occupations
Altemative constructions of classroom occupations can be constructed when the
teacher acknowledges Mark’s interests. One of the ways this is accomplished is to
acknowledge Marks’s inquiry for knowledge, and under these conditions, the classroom
occupations becomes relevant to Mark. Such is the case in this next excerpt:
Mark & Mr. O’ Brien Co-Construct Classroom Occupations
Mr. O’Brien: Hey guys the next coupe of days we are talking about war. US &
Iraqi war. Yesterday, Mark asked me some questions about the war. We are
going to do a module, beginning today on the war to answer some of those
questions. The sand storms are so bad we may have to wait for a break in Iraqi.
Sand takes an hour to fall to the ground. Very fine...sand can cause things to
freeze up.
Mark is riveted to him...
Mr. O’Brien: If the President goes to war we have some questions to answer for
Friday. Why does the US feel it is necessary to go to war? Do you agree, or
disagree and why? Why do people around the work dislike/hate the US? Can
you understand their viewpoint? We need to know why people do not like us so
we can change if need be. This is the first time in history that we will have four
thousand j oumalists without guns up close to the war. Running next to and some
times behind the troops, but up front and close. We are going to see things as
they are happening. We might see American soldiers being killed.
118
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Open to pate 246. You will need paper for this exercise If you don’t have it,
please get some paper. He starts a overhead computer Projected Video. Page
264.. .do you ever feel trapped by society? Do you ever worry that your dreams
may be blocked by circumstances beyond your control? If you are trapped by
poverty you are stuck, Can’t pull yourself up by your bootstraps.
Mark has his book open and is following along.
On the screen is an MSN News Clip on Saddam’s Iraq. Mark is at a 90-degree
angel writing with his legs extended through the seat in front of him.
The students begin to state why they would go tot war.
Student: they attack us first.
Student: they are called to go
Mr. O’Brien: Mentally unbalanced who have no problem hating and killing.
Some go as far as enjoying killing.
Mark raises his hand and O’Brien continues to give examples, he fails to
acknowledge the raised hand.
Mark speaks up “Keeps our freedom.”
Mr. O’Brien: Good! Keeping those things going that support our prosperity.
This classroom occupation was interesting to Mark, as contrasted with
standardized testing. The very nature of this classroom occupation is forged out of a
conversation with his teacher were his questions become the catalysis for a module of
study not previously planned for in the curriculum. In fact, this example is key to
understanding how the environmental demands are nestled in concentric rings of
hierarchy that move from global issues such as war to narrowing issues o f individual
classroom for Mark, a student in an English class. When Mark is asked to tell me about
his student role he responds as follows:
Mark’ s Student Role
PI: What do you see as your role as a student?
MARK: It’s the same as the teacher! The teacher has more power. But the
teacher can leam things if they just listen. Obviously, they know more then the
students. But they can leam form the students if they listen.
PI: Hum.. .humum
MARK: You see Mr. O’Brien. You do not see anyone complaining about him.
Complaining about the work we do, or see anyone complaining that he is a bed
teacher. Everyone likes him, everyone! Why do you think he is in the newspaper
and a well-known teacher?
119
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: hum...
MARK: He listens.
PI: Do you feel that he listens to the student more then other teachers do? Or,...
MARK: There is a saying I heard that the people who teach can’t leam. Because
all they do is preach and say things and they never let anyone talk. They can’t
ever leam anything new...they are stuck somewhere... So the guy who listens
surpasses the ... well you know what I mean.
PI : Yeah. So if you want to leam you have to be willing to listen. OK.
MARK: You know just like the work we did in class on the war. Mr. O’Brien
answered my questions, he made us stop our normal stuff... and leam what we
needed to know then.. .he listened to me.
Mark likes Mr. O’Brien, asserts throughout his narratives that liking teachers is
an important theme, and tends to be a characteristic of those teachers he feels are
competent. Yet, he asserts that he wants to be heard and that this process of being
regarded has strong implication for his self-constmction. The teacher’s listening is
symbolic o f relationship. In listening, there is the assumption that the listener is learning
something from the speaker. This acts as an affirmation to Mark that he is not only in
relationship with the teacher, with a foundation of respect but that the teacher is
learning from Mark. He is leaming what knowledge Mark is interested in acquiring and
exploring. In this case, Mark sees his contribution as being on par with the teacher.
Although the excerpt on Mark’s student role give a clear and balanced look at
Mark’s experiences with classroom occupations and makes cmcial use of the notion that
context and relationship are key factors in the equation, the full picture o f Mark’s
experiences are not explained until we examine closely the meaning he ascribes to the
occupations. His natural resistance to self-disclosure would resurface at intervals in the
study. Despite his declaration that respect and relationship are important, he was not
able to completely integrate these themes into the meaning o f his classroom occupations
120
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
for himself, and chose instead to generalize his experiences solely on whether he had a
relationship bases on respect with his teacher.
Valued Relationships Based on Respect
PI: How has your experience this year compared with your experiences that you
had last year?
MARK: Well this year the math teacher.. .1 can’t remember her name.
PI: Mrs. Caballero.
MARK: Yeah, she is just like every other teacher I’ve had she doesn’t care. Mr.
O’Brien is a good teacher. I’ve had one or two of those. See most of the teachers
here understand. Like Mr. O’Brien, Mrs. Holt, and Mrs. Wycliff the art teacher.
Then there are some who are still stuck in the regular high school. You know
this is a regular classroom day, dah, dah, de, dah...
Self-Discovery
In Mark’s reflections, we see that he take a dim view of teachers who do not
care about their students. Mark’s actions in context repeatedly convey this value and
motive in subsequent interviews. However, in other the situations he had expressed that
Mr. O’Brien was not a teacher that cared about him, but was nevertheless a good
teacher because he did not frequently remind Mark that he was at the altemative school
because he messed up. He received verification of an emergent self as a student through
Mr. O’Brien’s asserting that his English class was like any other English class, and not
one relegated for “losers.” In this sense the meaning Mark held for his classroom
occupations was affirmed in interview process across time. To try to look beneath the
meaning of his narratives for a possible key to the problem of his shifting meaning
would not be empirically sound for the purposes of this study. The most reasonable
approach is to accept his narratives as a representation of the process he was
experiencing at the time and to become comfortable with the ambiguity that contribute
to and detract from every meaningful statement he makes regarding his classroom
121
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations. Any attempt to discover more than this is beyond the scope of this study
and is speculation. Mark’s search for meaning is embedded in contrasts. For the
purposes of further discussion, I shall assume that this notion of his struggle to make
meaning of his classroom occupations is coherent, albeit cloistered in a process of self-
discovery.
These contrasts emerged as the study progressed, and as events presented
themselves. However, contrasts are strangely enough often the predominant theme of
adolescence. Whether the compositions that Mark presented are an underlying fantasy
or reality is less of an issue then the process of his cognitive enterprise that obscures his
own understanding of self in process. His classroom occupation existences were self-
evident and to see more clearly how these aforementioned elements emerged the
following excerpt has been provided below.
Mark’ s Discussion with Mr. O’ Brien: Summer School
PI: It seems like you are doing pretty good. I was looking yesterday when you
were leaving O’Brien’s class you were saying that you needed to do summer
school but.
Mark: If I take summer school I will be done with English.
PI: So summer school is on tap.
Mark: Yeah summer school is a definite.
He is progressing along a prescribed course of action to obtain his diploma.
However, the reasons for the pursuit of the diploma were not always well defined. His
strongest assertion is that he is doing it for the family, with a secondary notion of
accomplishing the expected rite of passage within his peer group.
Ends Justifies the Means: Copying
PI: Ah taking too long. In English the teacher gave you an assignment on the
Raining River assignment. You were to complete the questions to get credit for
122
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the unit. It looked like you were copying your friend’s answers. Is that accurate?
Mark: Yeah! I copied the answers. He said, “Here finish this. You have enough
time.” But, I had to look up all the definitions and I did not have enough time.
So I just took it, since he had already done it.
PI: Is that permissible ?
Mark: Most likely it’s not you’re in class. It’s copying.
The pursuit of knowledge was not necessarily a motivator for classroom
occupations. Mark frequently expressed a perceived time pressure when addressing his
classroom occupations as the following excerpts describe:
Pragmatism in Art Class
PI: So your clay project is drying now.
Mark: it takes a long time.
PI: I was curious about the project. I myself enjoy working with clay. Have you
ever worked with clay before?
Mark: No
PI: That was your first experience.
K: Yeah, I don’t really like it.
PI: You don’t know. Why?
Mark: Cause, I just want my thing. I’m not really into waiting. I just want my
project.
Art Class
PI: Which project did you like better the paper mache, or the clay?
K: Neither because they both were too time consuming.
PI: You like something you can do quickly?
K: Yeah one day so you can get in there and get out.
English Class
PI: In English it appeared that while the teacher was going over a practice test
that you were on another page and were not following along. Is that true?
K: Yeah.
PI: Why?
K: Because I could get more done by going on my own then waiting for him.
You know what I mean.
PI: So the independent practice.
K: I was done before he got there.
123
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark finished the year with plans to go to summer school to cam additional
credit pursuant to his diploma. While there were discussions, about the possibility of
Mark attending adult school next year no definite decision had been reached, by the
close of the study.
Four Types of Classroom Occupation
Across the three cases, four types of classroom occupations became evident.
These were identified as self-regulation, core-curriculum, social negotiation and self
construction classroom occupations. These types were identified as emergent themes
over the course of the study and crystallized by the end of the data analysis process.
They are not discrete, but illustrate the dynamic interplay of forces that emerge in
context to formulate classroom occupation. In identifying these types my primary focus
was on the nature of classroom occupations as they relate to adaptation (i.e., form and
function). The observable characteristics o f the classroom occupations led to
identification of four main types of occupations, which acted as indicators for the
participant’s ascribed meaning of the events as they were constructed in context. The
observable events were used as probes to uncover meaning in the interview process.
Meanings that were discovered in the interviews will be discussed in detail in chapter 6.
Further explanation of the ways in which these four types of classroom occupations
interacted to facilitate the construction and maintaining of arousal state regulatory
functions are also discussed in chapter 6.
124
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The first of the four types of classroom occupations. Self-regulation classroom
occupations are neurobehavioral adaptations that the participants employed in varying
degrees to alter their arousal states, and mediate the tensions between their state
demands, and the environmental demands. Examples of such occupational forms
include the participant’s use of humor, kinetic energy releases such as getting up to look
out the window, and assuming a variety of postures. Randy referred to making people
laugh as his own “ultimate drug in life”. He spoke of causing others to laugh as a
pleasurable experience, a desirable euphoric state to be obtained. Laughter causes
endorphins, morphine-like chemicals produced by the brain, to be released (Cousins,
1989). Endorphins have been found to be effective in changing emotive states from
negative to positive (Panksepp, 1981, 1993; Solomon et al., 1988). Randy’s comments
about making others laugh leads me to wonder if he too has neuroendocrine reactions
that release endorphins when he causes others to laugh. Laughter is considered a reflex
whose motor center is located in the reticular system (Panksepp, 1993). Cousins (1976)
reported the benefits of laughter as a cathartic effect that brought feelings of well being
in his recovery Ifom ankylosing spondylitis. Perhaps Randy, too , experiences feelings
of well being when he laughs and causes other to laugh.
Core-curriculum occupations are cognitive academic pursuits that are focused
on leaming core content, or as was the case in this study, progression through modules
of core-curriculum content, to eam credits pursuant to obtaining a high school diploma.
This classroom occupational form includes academic activities focused on content areas
125
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
of reading, writing, math, art, English, world history, and American history, and require
cognitive activities such as attending, thinking, calculating, listening and concentrating.
Thus, Core-curriculum occupations are the more traditional suhject specific forms of
classroom occupations that can be classified in the cognitive domain of leaming. In the
high school district where the study was conducted, the module system o f completing
chapter questions, worksheets, and math packets were the predominate mode of
transmission of this core information. However, videos, writing journal portfolios, and
art projects were among some of the other media used to facilitate leaming in these
areas.
Social negotiation occupations are psychosocial occupational forms that foster
interpersonal relationships. They include peer mentoring, socializing, playing, and
joking. Randy and Dan both had strong desires to be on center stage. Making others
laugh was not only a self-regulation classroom occupational form, but also a social
negotiation. By employing laughter, Randy was able to exert his own agency to control
the actions, and emotions of others. As Randy engaged in social negotiation, he was
simultaneously exploring, and leaming about himself in context.
Self-construction occupations are psychosocial occupational forms that serve to
assist the students in conceptualizing self as an emergent entity, building upon historical
knowledge of self in context. Eisner’s (1994) concept of the null curriculum has strong
implications for this category of classroom occupations as the person is socialized into
community. This category of classroom occupations as observed and experienced by the
participants in this study included many null curriculum ideas. For example, advocating
126
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
for what you want in life, and being flexible as a way to accomplisb goals, are implicit
messages in the null curriculum, because they advocate behaviors that will help students
attain goals such as graduating from high school, and obtaining a job. While this list is
not exhaustive, it reflects some of the themes that emerged from the data.
Summary
In Chapter 5 ,1 have presented each o f the participants’ profiles, which have
focused on how they presented themselves and responded to their classroom
occupations. This is the foundational information related to the participants’
characteristic, values, motives, goals, behaviors, emotions and final dispositions.
With the participants and their classroom occupational profiles now established I
will present in chapter 6 a discussion of the context of the classroom. In examining the
classroom context, I began with how the initial conceptual framework of form, function
and meaning, along with Tharp and Gallimore’s Five Components of activity settings.
These concepts were distilled and elaborated to describe how construction of classroom
occupations occurred in each classroom genre.
127
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 5
Classroom Genres
Classroom
Genres:
Formal Order
& Dada
Classroom
Occupations
Across Genres
A Model of
the Nature of
Classroom
Occupations
State of
Being
Classroom genres emerge as students and teachers gather and generate particular
styles, forms, or content of classroom occupations. The classroom is the place where
students construct, constitute, and reconstitute their classroom occupations for their own
purposes. The meaning and content of classroom occupations as experienced by these
three high school students takes place within this context of classrooms, and is forged in
the background, aptitude, and interests of each participant. Truly, student leaming takes
place on the way to school, in the hallways, athletic fields, and other places on campus.
However, the focus of this study is on the students’ perspectives on classroom
occupations. In considering the classroom as the site for classroom occupations, I found
that two genres emerged in which the teacher and students co-constmcted classroom
occupations. Dewey (1938) suggests that the teachers’ role is to provide an
environment where students’ interests can emerge. Inseparably bound to constmcting
classroom occupations is both the process and content o f contextual relevancy.
128
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I would like to make a point about my own rite o f passage in this research study;
I came to hold more dearly the notion that we as humans are surrounded by a context
of significance that we create. Moreover, to study this phenomenon is to search for
meaning versus a set of laws that govern the phenomenon.
Chaiklin & Lave’s (1996) research on cross-cultural language in classroom
activities and discourse suggests that students encounter social practices in the
classroom. These encounters are in the form of activities that not only motivate and
facilitate goal acquisition, but also establish, ’’social positions and relationships, and
ideologies, technologies, and customs of language use, give rise to attempts to construct
close relationships between what is meant and what is said, between what is made
known through an utterance and what is explicitly represented in language ” (p. 346).
Therefore, for the purposes of this study the classroom settings are viewed as a
landscape upon which the drama o f social human interaction, both linguistically and as
the findings reveal behaviorally, are enacted.
Embedded within these complex interactions are classroom occupations, enacted
on textured landscapes that vary greatly from each other. Contextual interpretation for
each landscape is thus demanded. Throughout the research, new and meaningful
combinations of factors emerged to illuminate the range of experiences surrounding
classroom occupations. Certain themes or concepts regarding classroom occupations are
more readily emphasized within some classroom genres then others.
129
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Furthermore, ach participant illustrates the unique rendering of classroom occupations
as not only vehicles for leaming, but also is for a wide range of specific leaming content
in these environments.
Dewey (1938) thought that it was a fallacy to think that students only leam what
the teacher is teaching. The findings of this research study concur with this thought. The
students were not blank-slates awaiting information, nor did they passively obtain core
curriculum content as the sole precipitant to engagement in classroom occupations.
Their leaming varied considerably from the core curriculum content that one might
associate with leaming objectives for high school students. Eisner (1994) calls this the
null curriculum. Eisner suggests that imbedded in the context of the school
environment the students’ curriculum consists o f leaming social and cultural ideologies
that are the null curriculum. He also points out that content omitted from the curriculum
is informative for the students as well. For example, curricula that do not include critical
thinking, but do teach route memory work, are promoting the notion that memorizing
facts has more value then leaming to formulate questions. Thus in the following
discussions of the classroom context both the core curriculum and the null curriculum
are considered.
Genres: Formal Order & Dada
While each of the participants had a unique rendering of their classroom
occupations, there were some commonalities. This study found that classroom
occupations appear to be useful for the participants to satisfy: (1) their personal and
130
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
social needs for expression, communication, celebration and self-display, (2) their
neurobehavioral needs for self-regulation and to alter their states, and (3) their cognitive
needs for useful core-curriculum content in the form o f knowledge acquisition in order
to participate in a social rite of passage, earning a high school diploma. These features
of classroom occupations happen within the context o f classroom environments. Why
should we spend time trying to understand the milieu o f the classroom when we are
studying students’ perspectives on classroom occupations? Is there any connection
between the milieu and students’ perspectives on classroom occupation? This section on
classroom genres, addresses answers to these questions.
In this study two contrasting genres emerged as illustrations of the texture of the
environments in which classroom occupation may occur. These are asymmetrical
milieus, which I will call that of Formal Order and Dada. I suggest that these genres are
expressions of a teachers’ style of maintaining stability in the classroom, and, by
implication, in the world. The Formal Order teachers carried their ideology into the
classroom organization to emphasize a balance in work flow, harmony between the
teacher’s expectations and student behaviors in the classroom, emotional restraint, and
stability in the speed o f execution and volume of work production.
All three of the Formal Order classrooms (English, World History, and
American History) tend to be larger classrooms ranging between 300 to 400 square feet.
The walls have large white dry erase boards, maps, students’ projects, and bookshelves
stocked with novels, biographies and fiction books. The cupboards are stocked with
textbooks and supplies in an orderly manner. Computers and video equipment is
131
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
available for student use, and some classes, have one or two computers, while others
have six or seven. Desks neatly queued in rows of four or five across and five to six
deep fill the central area o f each room. Only one out o f the three Formal Order
classrooms has the teacher’s desk stationed at the front o f the class. The other two have
the teacher’s desk off to the side of the room. Yet, in all three classes the teachers’ desk
is the site of much activity for the students. It is a place where students dwell with the
teachers, who talk about students’ credits and review work. It was also the place where
two of the teacher, who deliver one-to-one mini lecturettes to individually selected
students. The following are three excerpts from my field notes during my observations
in those classrooms. These scenes depict the typical milieu of the Formal Order classes:
Randy’ s World History Class
Randy is at the computer today. He appears to be surfing.
RANDY: Mr. Vine what type of game is this?
Mr. Vine: How to be a millionaire.
RANDY: Oh, that looks good.
Mr. Vine: Did you read the instructions on the game?
RANDY: No.
Mr. Vine: Not doing the game?
RANDY: No, I decided its better for me to do history.
Mr. Vine gives a mini lecturette to H on Hungary and the Soviet Union. R rifles
through pages and taps his pencil and feet. His textbook today is positioned on
the right side of his desk for the first time. R turns and looks at me and then
raises his hand for Mr. Vine.
RANDY: What credit am I on?
Mr. Vine: 5* credit and you need 10 to go to US Government. Your paper work
indicates that you have 7 credits. This is not correct. Chapter 11 & 12 is 5*
credit.
RANDY: I’m looking at it now. [ For several minutes H and R have been
engaged in quiet conversation and Mr. Vine makes a comment to refocuses R on
his work.
There are 9 students today. 5- male and 4- female students. It is 8:30 the room is
quiet 9:9 are on task. Mr. Vine reads at his desk. The only sounds in the room
are the rustling o f pages turning, and an occasional sniffle and the faint tapping
of R’s feet on the ground.]
132
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In Randy’s history class, Mr. Vine is busy engaged with the students, guiding
their activities through questions and dialogue. Students raise their hands to ask Mr.
Vine questions and are quiet as he provides mini lecturette to select students. Each
student in the class is on task and the environment is relatively quiet. There is a sense
of order and that the teacher is in control o f the environment. Rules such as raising your
hand to ask a question are enforced and appear to assist in reconstituting the classroom
rules of engagement:
Mark’ s English Class
The bell rings and the room rapidly fills. Dan comes in after Mr. O’Brien yells
into the court yard “Let’s go.” Dan sits near the teacher’s desk. He looks over at
me, and smiles. 1 return the smile. The room has 25 desks. These desks are very
modem chrome interlocking rows with shinny surfaces. There is natural filtered
sunlight that comes in from glass blocks that line the wall. The students are
doing an assignment of correcting two sentences on the overhead projector. Mr.
O’Brien tells them they have forty seconds.
Mr. O’Brien: Anyone to do # 1? Mr. J.
James: Capitalize he change don’t ...to doesn’t. Capitalize the movie title.
Mr. O’Brien: How many wrote Lisa and me at the end of the sentence?
Pause.
Mr. O’Brien: You are correct. How about the second one. Let’s go to Andy
today.
Andy: Capitalize Dad, Mayor, Howard Memorial Square and lower case the
city. Add “ because”, in between square and the city.
[As is Mr. O’Brien’s style, he rapidly passes between the rows of students and
activities. He explains that the independent work packets for credit completion
are due in two weeks. The students begin to work independently at their desks.
A student breaks the silence of the class with a question . . . The class is quiet
with the exception of low conversations that erupt and then die down. The door
opens and a student enters. Mark has his head down on his desk working. The
shaking has stopped for 20 seconds with little intermittent flurries that emerge
from time to time.. .Mr. O’Brien rapidly moves through the classroom helping
students, but the entire environment is quiet and studious...
Mr. O’Brien: Don’t put your folders away. We have one minute...one minute
compounded is 20 hours a year wasted. In a year that is two full credits a year
you can eam. If you don’t believe me try it! If you worked at a company, you
would not clock out early. You would get fired.]
133
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
While the classes’ engagement and focus is on task, we see more group work
in Mr. O’Brien’s class than any of the others. This was true throughout the study. The
student who chose to pose a question in this class did not raise his hand to ask the
question; rather in this instance, he spoke directly to the teacher. Mr. O’Brien’s
movements through the classroom space are rapid and purposeful. His admonition to
the class regarding their utilization o f every minute available during the class time
conveys not only present goals for securing the students much needed credits, but also
serves as an exemplar to link future societal expectations for deportment on the job to
their present classroom occupations. His rapid movements convey a null curriculum
value of hard work and urgency. He clearly asserts his expectations to correct the
student who asked the question without raising his hand. However, throughout the study
Mr. O’Brien was observed to routinely require the students to raise their hands and
corrected students when they failed to do so.
Randy's American History
As I enter, the room Mrs. Hoffman and a male student are quietly engaged in
discussion regarding an assignment at her desk. The class is pin-drop quiet.
There are nine students present four female and five males. Randy is seated at
his desk working. 8:25 another male student arrives and searches a stack of
folders on a table in the rear o f the room. And another male student enters and
announces that the clip on the floppy disk had gotten stuck in the tower, but he
felt it could be fixed. The teacher inquires as to whether it could be done this
period. The student answers affirmatively. Another student enters and hands a
strip of paper to the teacher. He appears to be a new transfer in student.
Mrs. Hoffman: Please wait here while I help this student. This is our textbook.
You can review it at that desk... [the quiet oration of Mrs. Hoffman’s lecturette
is heard as the class quietly works at their desks.]
Mrs. Hoffman is multitasking as she addresses the needs o f her class. With one
student at her desk receiving a mini lecturette on US History, two students who enter
134
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the room interrupt her. One student has a computer problem and the other is a new
student entering the class for the first time, in need o f orientation. As is her style, she
shortly addresses each student with respect to their needs, prioritizes the needs, and
directs each student toward a purposeful outcome. To the computer student she
emphasizes the need to be expedient with the repair o f the disk. As to the incoming
student, she directs him to an independent review of the textbook and a place to work
while he waits for her to conclude the lecture she had begun with her current student.
Her actions indicate that she prefers order and establishes it the manner in which she
structures her tasks with the students. Her current students know how to access
resources in the classroom, as evidenced by the young man who, although he arrived
late, knew where to find his folders and daily assignments. This was true of all the
classes that I observed with the exception of art class. Every module was kept in a
folder and the students progressed through modules in each subject. The teachers’
demeanor and choice of words also assist in making the milieu of the classroom in
which occupations are constructed. For example, Mr. Vine routinely addressed the
students in his class with Mr. or Miss when speaking to them. From the manner in
which the desks are arranged, to the format of the classroom work flow, and personal
interactions between the students and teachers, each detail becomes the landscape for
creating and experiencing classroom occupations.
In contrast, the second classroom genre Dada, is a deliberate irrationality and
negation of some traditional social canons and values for deportment, to produce
classroom occupations o f varied compositions. This is due in large part to the students’
135
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
unremitting delight in employing the use o f self in acts o f creative freedom, and the
teachers’ highly individualized use of self in the classroom. The teachers’ use of self in
the Dada classroom often takes the form of mediating resistance, hostility, alienation,
and stubbornness. Unlike Dada in art, the prevailing theme o f absurdity, while present
in the classroom, is not the primary message, but rather a part of the reality of the
created environment in which the students and teachers live and work. For example, the
following excerpt highlights the diversity of themes and interactions that are indicators
of how the classroom occupations will present themselves:
Randy’ s Math Class
The door opens and JR enters the room. [I recognize him as the student who
threw the book last observation.] Mrs. Caballero greets him.
JR: What’s up?
He grabs a book and goes to the back room.
Aide: JR nice to see you.
JR: I need a pencil.
The aide provides the pencil and he goes to the back room.
His demeanor is sluggish.
JR: I’m here. [He says with a drawled response.]
Another student: I need help!
Mrs. Caballero: Yes Mama!
As the aides work with other students and Mrs. Caballero works with another
student, a tall male student stands up. It is Bob a student who usually does
nothing in class or sleeps the whole period. J another student is tapping on his
desk rather loudly.
Mrs. Caballero: Bob, sit down!
Bob complies and J stops tapping on the desk. Mrs. Caballero approaches JR
and demands that he remove a button he is wearing that has a bare breasted
woman on it. JR refuses. Mrs. Caballero sends one of her aides to go get the
school psychologist. The aide returns with Mr. Dysan the school psychologist
and announces that the principal is on his way.
JR: This is my jacket and I can have anything the FUCK I want on my jacket.
The door opens and the school police officer enters.
JR: Oh, here’s Robert. I thought you said the principal was supposed to come.
The officer escorts him out of the room.
136
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I found myself feeling anxious, with thoughts of Columbine High School and
how these problematic students are so out of touch with common respect and
courtesy. I wonder if the other students witnessing these types of events have the
same feelings and thoughts. Perhaps they are accustomed to it. The teacher is
petite, and while Mr. Dysan is larger the boy could easily use his strength
against them. As they stand aroimd him, I flash back to assault training take
downs that I’ve used in my psych settings for de-escalating a situation. The
students are working, with the exception of Bob who is drawing. The aides work
with students. They chat regarding hair color and the best hair care products. My
own tension has abated. I remember the days of handling patients who were
having acute psychotic breaks, gathering the sharp and clearing the room. But,
today I realize how being away from such settings and perhaps age, has changed
my nerves for these things. R returns from taking his exam in the front office.
RANDY: JR is an idiot. He tried to get me to vouch for him. He thinks I am
going to back him up for it.... [Jordan quickly fills Randy in on what had just
taken place in Randy’s absence.]
Blondie: He told Mrs. Caballero that he could have whatever he wants on his
jacket.
Drama: He tried to make himself look tougher by using FUCKING.
The teacher hands Randy videotape.
RANDY: Introduce this to the machine.
Female Student: That’s just wrong! (Referring to JR’s episode)
RANDY: Sorry this thing is not being cooperative. It’s being like JR. Oh, I’m
sorry.
Randy tries to rewind and prepare the tape. The bell rings and Randy remains as
he sets the Video.
Mrs. Caballero: Are you watching it in this period?
Randy approaches me and asked me if I got the JR incident recorded. I simply
look at him.
Although this is a math class, the day’s lessons are preempted by JR’s refusal to
comply with the teacher’s demands that he remove his button. His classmates’
attentions are drawn to JR as the central actor in a drama and to the social aspects of
discussing his behavior. The null curriculum is a lesson on authority, social conformity,
and adolescent defiance. It is a story of mediating power relations.
137
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The Structure of Classroom Occupation Elements
The structure of classroom occupations begins with elements, its parts and how
they assemble to produce classroom occupations that interweave within the context. The
observable structure of classroom elements is itself a source o f information that tells us
about the forms and functions of classroom occupations, while the student’s narratives
tell us how they perceive what has been created and its meaning.
As noted in Chapter 3, Tharp and Gallimore (1988) designate five components
of activity setting: (1) who is present, (2) their values and goals, (3) what tasks are being
done, (4) why are they being done (the motives and feelings surrounding action) and (5)
what scripts govern interactions, including those that shape and constrain the child’s
participation. Because I designed the study to focus on the students’ perspectives, not
the perspectives of the teachers or peers, I focused on the observable elements of the
context which influenced classroom occupation construction. Therefore, of the five
components of activity settings (Tharp & . Gallimore, 1988), three structural elements
are discussed below in relation to the classroom context: (1) people present; teacher and
students (2) materials and tasks being done and (3) scripts that shape the interactions.
Since meaning, values, motives, and feelings are revealed in narratives and the scope of
this study did not include interviewing teachers or participants’ peers, 1 did not address
the two remaining components of the activity setting (values and goals; motives and
feelings surrounding action) as they relate to the classroom context surrounding the
participants. Thus, the observable interactions, events, and individuals present in the
138
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
environment are the contextual structural elements that are open to interpretation in this
study. These structural elements are interpreted in relation to the two genres previously
identified: Formal Order and Dada.
When I look at interpreting the contextual criticism of this unconventional idea
of the classroom as Dada, I am aware that value judgments are intensely personal, and
in some ways unavoidable. Therefore, I am using extensive narrative text from the
fieldnotes and interviews to form interpretations about the context. For example, like a
theatrical play the events that unfolded after the door opens and JR enters the scene
provide an example of how classroom occupations are constructed in context.
One element of classroom occupations is people present, therefore JR is part of
the classroom context for one participant, Randy. It would have been impossible for JR
to enact his scene in the play without the human exchanges that required others to be in
the environment. Mrs. Caballero as a key protagonist in the play was a necessary figure
to allow JR to enact his personal psychodrama.
The second element is the materials present. JR provided his own prop (a button
of a bare-breasted woman) this day. However, JR had set the scenario for the drama that
would ensue long before opening the door and entering the room. His choice to wear the
“social weapon” (the bare breasted women) was the perturbation to gain the teacher’s
attention and subsequent plot formation for making an attempt to entertain his audience
of peers.
Thirdly, he writes the day’s script based upon the historicity he brings to the
class and his own set of motives, goals, and values that he brings to play on this
139
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
construction of occupations. For JR, the enactment of his classroom occupation can be
understood as a drama.
The central theme of JR’s script appears to be an anarchist power play, to
overthrow the authority o f the teacher and display his resistance to the administration by
refusing to remove the pin, while attempting to entertain his peers. JR’s actions in
context are the scripts for which other future actions can be constructed; he sets
precedence for future actions. Without being able to interview him about the meaning
he ascribed to the events, the meaning remains a mystery.
Narratives give meaning to what I was observing in the actions o f the actors in
the drama. As an observer it was not a pleasant experience for me to observe JR’s
consternation and violent behavior. When interviewing Randy about another similar
outburst by JR he expresses how he was affected by JR’s chief role as playwright in his
drama in which he creates his classroom occupation:
JR ’ s Drama
PI:.. .There was one day where there was a gentleman ( JR) that decided to
really give the teacher a hard time, throwing books aroxmd and just being a real
challenge. At one point you said. Hey, I will give you ten bucks if you can not
cuss and go to class and do what you’re supposed to do. But you did it in a kind,
joking way. Do you use humor that way?
RANDY: Oh yeah. One because my love in life, my ultimate drug in life is to
make people laugh. That gives me the m ost. . . you know, if you were to save
someone’s life you know how you would feel, so proud o f yourself. Making
people laugh is like that for me. It’s like yeah all right, yes, sweet. I try to make
light o f situations like that to make them diffuse the situation. For one thing to
make the kid shut up, cause the kid would never shut up! (Laugh) And two to
bring some light into the room. Because I was so tired of all the yeah, yeah,
slam, shout, slam book there, FUCK th is,. . . I was like, OK, I’m ready for
something different.
140
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Humans are occupational beings that engage in occupation for purposeful
reasons (Yerxa, 1989). The three students in this study whether engaged in English,
World History, American History, Math, or Art, all depended on their drive to pursue
‘occupation’ to meet the demands of daily student life. In a broad sense, the students
simultaneously co-created their classroom occupations in context. The form, function,
and meaning of classroom occupations emerge from the changing composition of the
environment, (of which they were a part). The participants in turn formulated the
classroom occupations to satisfy their drive for specific types of classroom occupation,
such as activities that generate movement or that focus on particular core curriculum
content.
In both classroom genres, I observed that there were concerted efforts by both
teachers and students to design and engage in classroom occupations. However, the
construction of those occupations happened in a spectrum of milieus from meticulous
order to transient collage-like images that could at times end in extreme emotional
confrontation.
The apparent nonrestrictiveness of the Dada class at first glance seemed less
traditional and more wrought with interpersonal dilemmas, and elicited more
emotionally charged interactions. Yet, as the research developed, it became clearer to
me that the milieu was best understood not in regard to whether it was good or bad, but
more importantly, as a venue for classroom occupations that were taking place, and that
the form, function, and meaning of those occupations changed with the patterns of the
milieu. What this shows us that is the milieu, or classroom genres, as scripted by
141
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
human exchanges in the process o f creating and enacting classroom occupations, is a
key aspect of classroom occupations. In every real sense, the students in both types of
classes were leaming about, creating, and engaging in classroom occupations.
A Model of The Nature of Classroom Occupations
In chapter 4 the four forms o f classroom occupations were introduced, and in the
present chapter, the contexts of classroom occupations were described and discussed.
These concepts were combined in a model that I have named the Nature of Classroom
Occupations (See Figure 5:1). This model was designed to organize the major concepts
that I have discussed in this dissertation up to this point. It also served as a spring board
for material that I will discus in the following chapter, which will explore the personal
meaning of classroom occupations to the individual participants.
As depicted in Figure 1 the inverted triangle contains the four types of
classroom occupations. At the apex o f the triangle is self-regulation, which is an
identified intemal drive toward modulating arousal state fluctuations in relation to
environmental demands. Self-regulation classroom occupations are strongly influenced
by the context of the classroom, and in tum strongly influence the students’
engagement in core-curriculum and social negotiation occupations. Moving to the self
construction portion of the model, the students’ engagement in this kind o f occupation
is strongly linked to the previous choices that the student has made in relation to self
regulation, core-curriculum, and social negotiation occupations.
142
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ClassTOom Occupation
Sdf~ CofistFiictiofi
m
Socmi NegotmPjm
m
tMmmmncmmm
C onte
Figure 5:1 Nature of Classroom Occupations
143
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Because o f the limitations o f graphic models, the four kinds of classroom occupations
appear as though they are discrete, when actually they overlap in form and function.
In this model philosophical space refers to the time-place matrix in which
classroom occupations emerge in context. The philosophical space is a dynamic place
that changes moment-by-moment, because classroom occupations and their contexts are
constantly changing.
The context of classroom occupation is located at the apex of the triangle. Self
regulation is linked to context and acts as a driver for how students create their
classroom occupational forms. The apex is perched on the convex circle of context,
where it comes in contact with aspects of the environment that either optimize or inhibit
the development of certain types of classroom occupational forms. For example, core-
curriculum classroom occupational forms were most readily pursued in Formal Order
classrooms, and seemed to be directly influenced by the reduced demands for
stimulation management that the Formal Order classroom afforded. In contrast, Dada
classrooms gave rise to social negotiation within a context that provided a high degree
of sensory stimulation. In the Dada classroom it appeared that self-regulation
occupations were chosen more frequently, as the participant attempted to modulate and
balance the environmental demands against intemal state demands. Formal Order
classroom genres by nature seemed to elicit less incidents o f high arousal state levels in
the participants, compared to Dada classes.
While this model is illustrative of this study’s findings it is felt that it is also has
application for looking at classroom occupations in any leaming setting. For example,
144
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
if this study was looking at adolescent devotees in the classroom of temple monks in the
Himalayas, it would be expected that the kinds o f classroom occupational forms would
be different than those found in this study. Yet, the notion o f the philosophical space
where classroom occupations emerge in confluence with the context would remain
viable. A key point in this model that might be generalizable to other settings is that the
construction of classroom occupations is dependent upon the context.
The Pivotal Role of Self-Regulation in Context
In the model depicted in Figure 5:1, particular attention has been given to the
relationship between self-regulation and the context dynamics that mutually support or
inhibit student engagement in classroom occupations. The context governs the type and
amount of stimulation present in the environment, thus challenging the students’
abilities to mediate the dynamic exchanges in ways that facilitate classroom occupation
construction. Over the course of the study 1 came to appreciate the pivotal role of self
regulation in influencing how students chose occupations within the changing context
of the classroom.
In occupational science the traditional notion of work, rest and play are viewed
as isolated entities as opposed to interactive states that are interchangeable within the
human experience. Quite often in the occupational therapy literature, we speak of
establishing a balance between these entities to ensure healthy life styles. Although we
can readily accept the traditional definitions of these elements when examining the
classroom it became increasingly difficult for me to isolate these entities, on the
dynamic changing landscape of the classroom. With Randy for example, I eventually
145
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
rejected preconceived expectations about work, rest and play, to embrace the realities
before me, when it became clear that he was mediating a moment-by moment shift in
his work, rest, play sequence in the classroom.
In the natural setting of the classroom, the students’ own temporal rhythms
emerged within the context o f a classroom period and between classrooms over the
course of the four-month observation period. During this time period, posture and a
variety of kinetic energy displays, such as exerting too much pressure when using
writing instruments, pressured speech, state transitions, irritability, endurance, levels of
arousal and alertness began to emerge. In addition, a variety of complex behavioral
responses to the environment soon became reminiscent to me of working with preterm
infants in Neonatal Intensive Care Units (NICU), in that these participants, each in
varying degrees, were organizing and controlling their behavior in response to
environmental influences. Signs o f stress and stability were observed that closely
resembled infants’ neurobehavioral states. Thus, the concept emerged that these
participants were engaging in classroom occupations to self-regulate, e.g., sustain or
regain a balance in subsystems in order to self-organize and function in the
environment. This is quite different from the more static classifications of work, rest,
and play in adolescence that we would normally ascribe to high school students. All
three participants exhibited in varying degree twitches, stretching, sighing, inattention,
and altered levels of alertness. Dan exhibited considerable difficulty with sustaining
arousal states, and would sleep under certain conditions. The other two were able to
sustain states of wakefulness, thus avoiding sleeping, but were more prone to exhibit
146
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
low levels of arousal and irritability while awake, as opposed to sleep. Like the infants
in an NICU, the participants communicated through their actions the level of stress or
stability they were experiencing in relationship to environmental stimulation. Als
(1982) suggests that there is a process by which neonates undergo stability or entropy in
a subsystem and each change in one subsystem is thought to have an impact on any of
the five interdependent subsystems i.e., autonomic, motor, state, attention-interaction,
and self-regulatory. This process of undergoing stability or entropy is called synaction.
As the participants began to discuss the meaning they ascribed to certain kinetic energy
displays, various postures and daily routines I observed that each participant engaged in
classroom occupations in a way that would produce stability or entropy in regard to
their personal needs for engagement in classroom occupations.
Self-regulatory classroom occupational forms stem from needs for
neurobehavioral organization. These needs would sometimes take precedence over goal
directed behavior to complete assignments in class. In this way, it could be said that the
self-regulation classroom occupations take precedence over more conventional notions
of core-curriculum classroom occupations such as reading, writing and arithmetic. Yet,
at other times, there appeared to be a supportive function to the self-regulation
classroom occupational forms in that the students would employ self-regulatory
strategies to facilitate their work production in class. These strategies were effective at
times in creating stability in the participants’ state and at other times proved to be o f
little use when the student had reached a state of being overwhelmed. In those instances,
the students would shut down completely, sleep, or become irritable and angry. The
147
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
following excerpts of observations and interview narratives serve as exemplars for the
aforementioned findings:
Randy \ Math Class
Randy taps his pencil and fingers as he works through his problems. His head is
now bobbing up and down. Mrs. C. is speaking to the aide in the room regarding
another student dropping the class. He stops for a minute and looks toward the
room where they are conversing. Then he restarts his work. R gets up and says,
“Break time.” He goes to the water faucet, marching and using his lips to make
bugle sounds as he goes. Mrs. C. says, “Sit down please.” Randy walks toward
me and throws a bottle in the trash can. He retums and sits to watch the
classroom and then the board where the following problem is being discussed:
FOIL (a-9) 2; (a-9)(a-9); a2-9a-9a+81; a2-a8+81.
Randy: What’s FOIL?
There is no response to his question, or eye contact.
World History
Randy starts tapping like a one-man band show at his desk.
English
Mark appears very focused on his exam papers reading them intently. His legs
are abducting and adducting at 1-second beats. He has his feet crossed. He
continues this for 1.5 minutes with a 3 second rest break and then back again.
This pattern continues for the entire time he is working on his exam.
Art
Mark works for 3 minutes and then gets up and converses with the teacher
again. Mark walks to the door and stares out the window for a few minutes; he
then chats with his teacher again. He goes to the computer. Another student tries
to engage him in conversation but Mark’s tone and voice is resistive. He is
unable to log on and several students try to assist him in the process. The teacher
goes to help.
English
Dan comes in and goes to the rear room.
Mrs. Caballero: Where were you the last two days?
Dan: I’ve been sick. Did I get those two credits?
Mrs. Caballero: Yeah. I suggest you get your work out and have someone check
it.
Dan leaves the room; he retums and attempts to hand some papers to Mrs.
Caballero.
Mrs. Caballero: Can’t you see I’m doing something. Just wait your tum.
148
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan: Oh silly me. Who are you helping? (Sarcastic)
Dan goes to the rear room and begins conversing with JR.
Mrs. Caballero: GET OUT OF THERE JR.
JR complies.
Dan: That sucks me hijo! (With an accent)
The class is watching a video of Laurence of Arabia.
Dan: Hey don’t they do that to horses...
D watches the movie form his seat in the rear room.
S: Is that the Mickey Mouse Guy?
Students chuckle briefly.
The Scene on the video is a follows: The Turkish General in what appears to be
a sexual manner is surveying Laurence. The soldier places Laurence on a bench
where he is to be beaten on his back.
DAN: Now he’s goanna play with his but!
Student: Why was he looking like that?
DAN: Was that a scary scene or something?
DAN: Can I just stay here and shut up?
Mrs. Caballero closes the door to the rear room where Dan is seated.
Tapping and drum beating erupts form the rear room.
Conference Room
His foot rocking is intense and constant now; he is leafing through pages
rapidly.
His movements are rapid and pressured; he has a tripod grasp of the pencil in his
right hand with excessive hyper extension of the DIPs his markings on the page
are wide and heavy. The written lines appeared embossed as the light reflects
off the lead imprints etched on each line. Today he reads using his finger to pace
his visual tracking.
All of these excerpts reflect the boys’ need for movement and the intensity of
their behavior in the classroom as they attempt to mediate the stimulation and demands
of the classroom. Dan was the most vocal of the boys. His vocalizations exhibited
qualities of pressured speech, and his movements were more exaggerated than the other
two participants. Nevertheless, the full spectrums of energy levels were seen in all three
of the boys. The next excerpts reflect the other end of the continuum of energy states,
that o f lethargy and sleep:
149
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan’ s Arousal Extremes
Knocking on the door, I enter to find Dan sleeping with his head resting on the
back of the chair. His life science book is open to page 233 and a % page of
answers to chapter questions is positioned on the table. He stirred a little upon m
entering but is either in a deep sleep or is playing possum. His right foot moves
and he makes a sigh, but does not awaken. Every now and then he flinches and
moves, as he appears to be dreaming. He repositions and opens his eyes. The
teacher’s aide knocks on the door and asks how are things going.
Dan; Says OK. Leans forward to get a book and the responds:
Dan: Yeah, I’ve done all of it.
Aide: All right.
She closes the door and leaves.
Dan slumps forward over his books and papers with his face turned toward me
and continues to sleep.
Mark’ s Lethargic Posture
Mark sits at his desk with his head down reading and writing. He repositions,
leans on the desk, and appears to be engaged in his study with a lethargic
posture (See figure 5:2).
Figure 5:2
Mark answers his question. He is at a 45-degree angle and is still. I noticed that
Mark’s movement patterns are much less frequent and persistent than the two
other participants. Mark stays on task for a total of ten minutes. He takes his
work to the teacher to review.
Randy’ s Overwhelmed Posture
Mrs. Caballero: Well, I knew you were not doing anything.
Mrs. Caballero answers his questions. I’m surprised to see Randy assume this
posture for 15 seconds.
Figure 5:3
150
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mrs. Caballero: Do you know how to do fractions?
Randy: Obviously I do since I passed all this but...
Mrs. Caballero: OK, then let’s see you do this page lock, stock, and barrel
Randy: Go away...
He gets up and gets a drink at the sink
Randy stares forward and then puts his head down.
Mrs. Caballero: You are not going to do work? You are going to have to attend
tutoring and you have not been coming.
Randy: When is the last time I wasted a whole period?
Mrs. Caballero: You can’t do one problem alone. At best you do 1-2 problems a
day.
Randy: I’ll take it home.
Mrs. Caballero: No, you have science at home, no math.
The argument stops and Randy has his head down doodling.
Figure 5:4
The cultural ethos of the classroom and the self-regulatory needs of the
individual, each play an integral part in how classroom occupations will be constructed
and enacted. The personal meanings o f student occupations as shaped by their motives,
values, and goals, are critical aspects of what they student brings to the classroom
enterprise. These complex issues are explored in Chapter 6.
151
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 6
The Motives, Values, and Goals that Shape Classroom Occupation
Goals fo r the
future as a
Source o f
Meaning
Self-
Regulation
as a Motive
Dynamics o f
Motives,
Goals, and
Values
The Nature of
Classroom
Occupations
Model
Introduction
Historicity is the formal historical experiences a student brings to their
classroom experiences. Within this self-knowledge is the student’s understanding of
their ability and capacity, ability being those successful matches with task demand and
skill set that the student has internalized to represent self-efficacy. The capacity is the
residual potential for generalizing those skill sets to new experiences given the
opportunity within a given environment.
It is quite clear that each student in this study had historicity and chose to
employ these cumulative leaming experiences as stepping-stones toward acquiring the
next unit of knowledge. Rogoff (1981) found that the first two to three years of
schooling leads to significant advancements in students’ performance levels on many
activities that reflect cognitive development. These developments emanate from the
students’ exposure to and participation in classroom activities. The students’ ability to
come to new situations with certain previous knowledge is key to making meaning of
their current experiences with classroom occupations.
152
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
This process of making meaning is a central concem in Chapters 6 through 10 of this
dissertation. These discussions of meaning emanated primarily from the interviews with
the students. In the present chapter the focus is on how motives, values and goals
imbued particular meanings on classroom occupations.
Goals for the Future as a Source of Meaning
Adolescence is a time of crystallizing interests and exploring future career choices. The
classroom can be seen as one of the social mechanisms for preparing adolescents to
enter the work force with the ability to focus their attention in personally satisfying
ways. In order to realize their future career options, adolescents must leam to enjoy the
intrinsic reward of hard work. Coleman (1974) suggests that the intensity of the
students’ involvement in classroom activities is more crucial then the content of those
activities in preparing youths for future work. The significance that students attach to
particular classroom experiences may be affected by their general enthusiasm for
education, their past achievements, and their placement in courses by ability
(Csikszentmihalyi & Schneider, 2000). Values, attitudes, and expectations are core
considerations in propelling students toward self-directed and teacher directed
classroom occupations. As expressed by the students’ narratives, they perceive a link
between their future hopes and aspirations to function in society and their ability to
master classroom occupations. For example, the following excerpts by each o f the three
participants denotes the significance they place on their current pursuits and future
aspirations. In this next interview transcript Mark has just stated that he felt the reading
andjoumaling assignment in his English class has been beneficial to him.
153
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
He tells me that he identifies with the students’ stories. He sees that he is making
progress by earning credits and getting off probation. He explains that he has a new
concept of his potential to progress despite having done “kind of bad” things in life. He
sees the students narratives in the book Freedom Writers as exemplars of successes
despite adversity, one where his future can include attending college, and getting “ a
good job” regardless o f a having been in ja il:
Mark’ s Commentary on Getting Somewhere
PI: The kids in the book the Freedom Writers are actually doing something with
their lives. What to you think about that?
Mark: Umm that’s good to hear.. .it means that.. .before 1 came here and started
getting credits and getting off probation and all that stuff. I guess you could say I
use to think I would not get anywhere. 1 guess the book kind of shows that even
if you were kind of bad, you did go to jail and that kid of stuff, you can still go
to college, you can still get the good job. Even though you have been convicted
and all that kind o f stuff.
In this next interview transcript I am asking Dan about his previous truancy
record. He explains that motivation to come to school was an issue for him. He prefers
non-academic activities such as playing the guitar, or taking a nap. His narrative
suggests that despite the desire for alternative occupations he sees the value of school in
the potential it will afford him for future job opportunities, and perceives that having a
high school education is a part of the expectations that future employers will have when
he goes for interviews:
Dan’ s Thoughts About His Future
PI: Oh well that’s a big change. Did you have a problem with just coming to
school? What was that about?
Dan: I don’t know. Sometimes I just don’t want to be there. 1 just want to be
home playing my guitar you know. Instead of the hassle of waking up so early
154
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
coming to school, blah, blah, blah, processing the day stuff. Fd rather be at
home taking a nap, or you know. But I know that that’s not what life is about.
What am I going to do without school? When I go to get hired, dah. ..(He makes
a goofy face.)
For Randy goal setting was something to be avoided. Yet, he was sure of two
major goals for his future: he wanted to graduate from high school and enter the Navy.
He saw objectives to his goals as difficult to manage. His past attempts to meet
objectives were not successful, so his strategy, designed to avoid low emotive states
associated with failed attempts at goal acquisition, was not to make objectives. In
subsequent interviews he spoke of simply doing as much as he could to move ahead
without focusing on the small objectives toward a goal. He opted instead to trust that
things would work out some how:
Randy’s Goals for the Future
PI: Do you achieve the goals you set for yourself?
Randy: So far for my age. There is not much to say for it yet. I want to graduate
and go to the Navy.
PI: So it sounds like you look at it like a big step. But, do you set little goals that
lead to the big goals?
Randy: I do not set little goals from here to there, like with grades. But I
should.... Only because I know myself too well. I do not want to make myself
feel wors than I used to about the way I set goals before and not meet it and it
was a downer. So I stopped it.
PI: Ok, because it has a negative effect on you.
Randy: Yeah.
Mark saw his current occupations in school as precursors to college, while Dan
saw them as foundational for his future work placement, and Randy seems to see his
current occupation as a milestone to a desired goal to enter the Navy. As important as
future goals were in this study, the role that self-regulation played as a motivator for
formulating classroom occupations was equally powerful.
155
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Self-Regulation as a Motive
Goals, motives, and values were recognized as intentional forces that were
organized by the historicity that each participant brought to the context, in addition to
the participants capacity and ability. The construction of classroom occupational forms
was a dynamic interplay of these elements (ability, capacity, historicity and current
emergent thought regarding goals, motives, and values) emerging in context as the
participants interacted with the environment through classroom occupations. Each
occupational form was created, or co-created to forge classroom occupations within
contexts. The novelty of each classroom occupational form is an attribute of the
participants’ intention and motivation toward goal directed activity, subconsciously
driven by state needs and self-knowledge. Both conscious and subconscious intentions
are enacted in context.
One characteristic of classroom occupation is the multi-dimensional form that
emanated from the raw materials (people present; including the participants historicity,
events, tasks, materials, and scripts) found in the environment. For example, in the
excerpt featuring JR’s drama, were Randy was interacting with JR’s anarchist refusal to
remove his button displaying a bare breasted woman, gave Randy the social occasion
for constructing and perfecting his own classroom occupations. Thus, Randy through
his interactions with JR builds upon the classroom occupational elements that JR
provided. Randy employed humor to diffuse anger and mediate power relations. By
using humor he was able to make people laugh, he was able to get JR to stop talking,
156
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
change the atmosphere in the room and changed the types of stimulation from angry
hostility and vile language to laughter. In addition, Randy changed his own state.
Cutler, Stevens, Dominguez, Oetter, & Westby (Getter, et. al., 1993) offers
three functional levels of self-regulation development in children. The three levels
include: 1) first order, automatic autonomic system functioning, such as respiration,
sleep-wake cycles and temperature management; 2) second order, subconscious
synchronization of adaptive movements to adapt to arousal states, and environmental
demands toward stable states, and 3) third order, involves higher order, executive
thinking skills that are organized, and planned to create adaptive responses, and
opportunities based upon the individual’s perceived recognition of arousal state change
needs. The third order focuses on goals and intentions. In this study the participants
seemed to predominately function at the second order level, with a tacit knowledge of
arousal change needs. In interviews when the participants were asked about their
motives and goals, their responses suggested a self-knowledge that directed their
actions. Even when discussing the reasons for shaking and extraneous motions found in
their self-regulation classroom occupational forms, they appeared to make meaning of
their actions in context as they reflected on them. For example, they did not have a set
plan or strategy for managing each state arousal change, but they were able to identify
certain behaviors as being associated to their self-regulatory needs.
157
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
For example, shaking their legs to calm down, or to expel excess energy; or, in
Dan’s case, procrastinating to generate more stress and pressure to force him to act at
higher levels of intensity when he lacks motivation for initiating and sustaining core-
curriculum classroom occupational forms.
The Dynamics of Motives, Goals, and Values
Classroom occupational forms occurring in this rich, multidimensional manner
are interdependent on each other. As participants’ motives, values, and goals shift and
change, so does the meaning that the students make of the experiences. Equally true, it
appeared that the four kinds of classroom occupational forms influenced each other as
they were enacted. To capture the dynamic quality of how motives, values and goals
influence classroom occupation, I constructed a graphic representation that expands on
figure 5:1 to depict motives, values and goals as gears that interface with each other to
drive classroom occupation formation. (See Figure 6:1). The use of gears as an
illustration in this model arose from the notion that force in any one area o f the
experience affected the adjacent gears. The environment for constructing and enacting
classroom occupations is not static, but dynamic. Thus, gears are suitable
representations for illustrating the interrelatedness of the occupational forms to motives,
values, goals and subsequent meaning.
158
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Nature of Classroom Occupations
i
Self-l?sf6uIation
Classroom Occupation
Figure 6:1
159
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
As students engage in classroom occupations meaning is constructed on two
planes. First meaning emerges from the interaction of values, motives and goals, and
second from the emergent forms of classroom occupation, which students are
constructing. For example, continuing with the previously presented interactions
between Randy and JR we note that Randy formed and experienced the reality of
creating his own classroom occupational forms in consort with JR. It was in this sense a
collaborative effort, a co-construction. The expressed meaning o f the classroom
occupation that was being generated depended on which classroom occupational form
Randy wanted to emphasize at a particular moment in time. Randy used the social
negotiation classroom occupational form with its element o f humor, in that place,
precisely for its’ intellectual qualities, to change the social dynamics in the classroom.
Like any play the plot, characters, language, and visual effects all contribute to the
audiences’ response. He manipulated the audience into laughter. Human interaction is
essential in this production for both JR and Randy to be able to explore, experience and
perfect their classroom occupations. Randy’s successful execution of humor in this way
is a symbolic representation of his ability to mediate power relations, a self-construction
classroom occupational form.
In figures 5:1 and 6:1 four kinds of classroom occupations are depicted in the
inverted triangle: self-regulation; core-curriculum; social negotiation, and self
construction. Core-curriculum occupations are easily identified because the academic
160
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
content is easily observed. In contrast, self-construction, social negotiation, and self
regulation classroom occupations are more abstract in concept. However, core-
curriculum occupations along with social negotiation and self-regulation contribute to
self-construction. They are employed relationally to make meaning o f self in context
and to explore new potentials for self in the future. For example, when we reflect on
Randy’s ability to elicit humor in the classroom the process of self-construction is
enacted in the use of social negotiation occupation (humor to mediate power relations)
and is also a self-regulation occupation in that it simultaneously changed the social
dynamic in the room from hostility to laughter.
Shifting now to the context arrows in Figure 6:1 we see that the null curriculum
is being taught in both Formal Order and Dada classrooms. Meaning arises from the
dynamic interplay of values, motives, goals, and the enactment o f classroom
occupations within the context of both the implied and explicit classroom curricula.
Teachers influence the ways in which meanings are created in the classroom
through their use of the null and core-curriculum. In the following excerpt, the teacher
creates a theme of political activism and then posits the classroom occupation of email
writing for her class. The circular form of her own classroom occupation mushrooms as
she crosses core curriculum content o f math with the null curriculum of political
activism.
In the excerpt below, the class starts out as any other day of math, with Mrs.
Caballero performing the ritual of culture in her classroom. She directs the students
toward their goals of completing modules and verbally joists with her students.
161
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
However, the ritual is broken as she inquires if the students will be writing support
letters to the Board of Education to protest the proposed teacher and psychologist
cutbacks that are being suggested. The question becomes a symbol, something
intangible and unobvious for the audience o f students. In the contrast o f the absence of
knowledge, the students are intrigued and gravitate toward the details that Mrs.
Caballero is presenting. With this source o f information secured, they are now primed
for the classroom occupation of writing an email to the Board, a political activity.
Before the class, they are ignorant of the reality of the political events and their
implications to their school. As Mrs. Caballero unveils the plan and the consequences of
the Board of Educations actions, the students become mobilized to action. Through the
use of words Mrs. Caballero transitions the students from the placement o f a decimal
making a difference, to the conceptual framework of students being connected in
purpose to write a letter on the computer to email to the Board, to make a difference.
The null curriculum is that the students’ voices are valuable, should be heard and have
power to make a difference. In discussing the cut backs she emphasizes the loss of
teachers and the students’ beloved psychologist being cut to half time.
RANDY: It’s Friday.
JR: Friday’s are the roughest days that’s what makes me not come back on
Mondays.
Mrs. Caballero: Oh, JR you are breaking my heart. It’s your school.
RANDY: Move it over like 2% more, 2 over 100.
Mrs. Caballero: Is what?
RANDY: This would be .3.
Mrs. Caballero: Move it over two places.
RANDY: .03.
Mrs. Caballero: It makes a difference.
162
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mrs. Caballero: Are you going to write a letter in support of our school?
J: Not Mr. O’Brien.
Mrs. Caballero: They are planning on having Mr. Dysan (school psychologist)
here for half a day. So you can’t have a bad day. I suggest you all write letters.
JR: I’m not coming to school on the day if Mr. Dysan is not coming.
Mrs. Caballero: Mr. Vine and Mrs. Daniels are also being cut.
RANDY: No way. They can have Mrs. Daniels. But who is goanna?...
R gets up and goes to the computer with J and begins to write a letter.
Mrs. Caballero: I’ll have to review it. No, lets have Renee review it as an
impartial person to make sure its appropriate.
JR, J and R circle the computer. Mrs. Caballero verbally guides J to click the
button to email all board members.
The phone rings and Mrs. Caballero answers it.
Mrs. Caballero: Yes J, is here, B, is here. J, is emailing the board. You know its
set up to the board. OK! How about the library right.. .right.. .right.. .right. You
want to send him over now.
R has taken a binder paper clip and clipped his T-shirt and is acting like it is a
bug. Mrs. Caballero asks him to remove it.
Mrs. Caballero: OK that’s enough Randy.
Mrs. Caballero: You can’t email out on that computer. Did you get the email
address.
J: Yes.
J silently types at the keyboard. JR is in the rear room talking to C and another
student.
R has returned to his desk and is seated but not working.
J: What is Mr. Dysan?
Mrs. Caballero: He is our school psychologist.
J: School psychologist, OK!
Mrs. Caballero: 33 days of school left.
RANDY: 6 weeks left.
Mrs. Caballero: 3-4 1 think. Not much time to earn those credits!
RANDY: Where is summer school going to be?
JR: 1 have to go because 1 missed 50% of it.
JR discussed his schedule for the summer, which included work, partying and
summer school.
RANDY: 1 got out of the shower and thought OK, I’m going to get a lot
accomplished today. And then 1 got to school and said, “Screw it.”
Mrs. Caballero puts the Board’s email address on the board. Mr. Dysan enters.
RANDY: If you’re not here I’m not here!
Mrs. Caballero: JR said he’s not coming on the days you are not here and J is
writing a letter.
Mr. Dysan: 1 appreciate that.
163
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
This excerpt provides a striking illustration of two forms o f classroom
occupations that would appear to be opposed to one another, but they are connected
along the elements found in the classroom, in that place, and at that time. It depicts the
temporal association o f the school board’s pending decisions, the students’ residual
potential to be advocates for the school and the teacher’s fundamental insight to educate
the students. In other words, the environment joins the elements: people, in time and
space and the classroom occupation is bom.
The images, meaning, and implications suddenly become profoundly engaging
to the students and a new classroom occupation is bom. The students seem to grasp the
coneept of their latent power in this matter. The focus of this use o f classroom
occupation was not targeted toward a person, but rather to the group collectively. The
response of three o f the nine students present that day appeared to be a function of
participating in a classroom occupation which satisfied the student’s need for an
optimum experience with classroom occupations. It was an exciting and meaningful
experienee with a classroom occupation that was being presented in the human
exehanges within the classroom. It created emotional responses, yielded engagement,
implied closeness to the observer. For the remaining students it may be a wide variety
of considerations that produeed their lack of involvement such as a self-absorption,
disinterest, preoccupation or rigidity in thought that did not let them perceive and
ehoose to engage in what was being offered. At a minimum, they were observers to the
scene, passive observer participants. Perhaps, meaning regarding what they saw and
heard that day might take on some significance in their own classroom occupation at
164
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
some future date, a part of their ever evolving historicity if you will. Nevertheless, for
Randy Mrs. Caballero’s positing o f classroom occupation as political activism, became
a perturbation that would later emerge into Randy attending the school board meeting
and addressing the Board as a student advocate to voice his concern with tremendous
emotional power, regarding the plan to cut the teachers, psychologist and school police
officer.
Administrative changes to the students’ programs also influenced how the
context of classroom occupations were constructed. The classroom as a social structure
fell into predictable patterns of interaction that was organized by the interactions and
relationships between the students and teachers. The norms for interacting within each
genre were defined in part by the expectations of school management and society at
large, but they were shaped to the greatest degree by the individual teachers’
expectations for their individual classes. For example, all three participants had
Individual Education Plans and were placed in classes based upon the goals and
objectives set forth on their plans. However, modifications to classroom placement were
accomplished by school administration according to the students’ classroom
performance and engagement in classroom occupations in the classes that they were
assigned. Here is an excerpt from Mark regarding these types o f changes:
Administrative Program Changes: To get something done
Mark
PI: Who changed your schedule?
MARK: Mr. Dysan and the teachers.
PI: Why?
165
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
MARK: Well, I was not getting anything done in Mrs. Ford’s class. She is a
jerk; I hate her. She does not respect anybody.. .the kids don’t respect
her...everybody talks. But, w ho...cares.
Mark’s changes in class placement were administrative changes made to
facilitate his ability to earn credits. The class that Mark was having difficulty in was the
last class of the day, math. By changing Art class to the end of the day, Mark was able
to have his math earlier in the day, and with a different teacher. Seagal (1995) found
that parents of children with ADD routinely changed their children’s schedules to
enhance their occupational performance. Randy’s only class change for the study came
because he completed World History and matriculated into his American History class.
During the course of the study, he was the only one to complete a class and move onto a
new subject. Having completed his credits in World History, he was ready to begin
American History.
For Dan a change back into the classroom versus independent study was made
when Dan left campus without permission one day, and a shift again from the classroom
to independent home study was made after he was unable to meet the teacher’s norms
and expectation for governing his behavior in her class. This missed performance for
the script is heard in Mrs. Caballero’s admonition to Dan to conduct himself according
to her specifications for his role in her class:
Mrs. Caballero’ s Expectations for Dan
Dan drink and snorts water at the sink spitting it out.
MRS. CABALLERO: I guess you find this amusing. ..get a sheet of paper out
and write chapter 26 and work on the definitions.
166
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
JR: Shit, she is breaking out the sarcasm.
Dan: I have nothing to do!
Mrs. Caballero: If I have to ask you again 1 am going to have you removed from
the classroom for the rest of the day.
Dan’s refusal to comply with the role performance causes him to be at odds with
Mrs. Caballero’s expectation. Dan was in a heightened state of arousal and was more
interested in sustaining that state then complying with the teacher’s script. His state
demands were incompatible with and conflicted with the role demands thus placing
strain on his relationship with Mrs. Caballero. He had no investment in the teacher’s
formation of the core-curriculum classroom occupation at that moment, but chose
instead to construct and engage in self-regulatory and social negotiation as the
following field note excerpt depicts:
Dan Chooses Social Negotiation Over Core-Curriculum Classroom
Occupations
DAN: Where will I go?
JR: I’ve been waiting for a pencil.
DAN: Hooked on chronic...a,e,i,o,u are vowels (singing loudly)
JR: It’s not me this time. (Looking at Mrs. Caballero)
Mrs. Caballero goes to the rear room to check on D.
Mrs. Caballero: Get your history book out! You have one choice.
DAN: Uno, dos, tres, Cinco de Mayo. Did you get that down? If 1 say uno 100
times will you chart it down.. .the boy says uno 100 times? (Speaking to PI).
DAN: Can I just say here and shut up?
Mrs. Caballero closes the door to the rear room without replying to Dan.
Immediately tapping and drumming beats emerges from the rear room.
DAN: 1 smell like shit!
The aide opens the other rear door and asks JR if he need any help. Dan cracks
his door.
JR: No, I’m looking up fish.
DAN: I like fish.
JR: You screwed up.
Dan was out of control and had drawn me into things somewhat. At a break 1
quietly went into the rear room and asked him to try to get some work done. He
167
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
remained quiet for ten minutes until JR started yelling and Mrs. Caballero
reminds him he is up to strike number three. Dan emerges from the rearm room
and washes his hands. He plays with his belt buckle a skeleton head and laughs
with JR. Dan moves back to his room and JR continues. I have not used one cuss
word that’s on my lEP. Dan starts in again making attention getting
vocalizations form the rear room. Mrs. Caballero gets up and checks on Dan to
see what he is doing.
JR and Dan joke back and forth.
Mrs. Caballero: I would not bum a lot of bridges Dan.
Mrs. Caballero stands at the door watching Dan.
Dan: Life revolves around Dan. What work, women? (Speaking to Mrs.
Caballero).
He escalates with increased vocalizations and JR is making faces and laughing.
Female Student: What is Dan doing?
Drama: (Speaking to Dan) She does not seem to be too happy with you! Mrs.
Caballero picks up the phone and begins to dial a number.
Mrs. Caballero: Hi Mrs. Sony. Can I send him home, cause he is disturbing my
class? Mrs. Caballero hands Dan the phone. He is animated on the phone
making the class laugh. Dan speaks with his mom on the phone
Dan: She wants me to do a chapter verses going to Art and eaming a
credit....she is going to say OK teaks but no credit...OK..ril do the credit...OK,
all right...bye.
Mrs. Caballero: Did you get scared? (She smiles at him as he walks away.)
Dan: No.
He retums to the right rear room and cackles loudly.
As I glance over Mrs. Caballero is looking at me. Dan can be seen from the
window working on his chapter. He opens the door.
Dan: I need a pencil.
Mrs. Caballero: Last time 1 looked you had legs. We don’t cow tough to Dan.
We are not your slaves.
Dan: It’s goarma smell like pay back here!
Dan chose to ignore the less then subtle wamings of his peers that the teacher’s
tolerance level for his behavior was being exhausted. While Dan was proud of his social
skills, in context his perception of his intra-personal intelligences seemed to exceed his
actual ability to pick up on the social cues in the classroom and use them toward
persuading the teacher or altering his behavior in the classroom. It was plausible that his
difficulty with being overly distracted in the classroom environment, contributed to his
168
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
inability to attend to the social cues and process the information in ways that would be
adaptive for him in the context of the classroom. He was able to successfully negotiate
in the lEP meetings, and in the conference room, but not in the classroom.
Dan’s drive to sustain his arousal level was a high priority for him when in the
classroom. He frequently engaged in using humor as a stimulant to boost his arousal
states and expressed a desire to entertain his peers’ by engaging them in the process. His
narrative about the meaning of his cultural, self-construction and self-regulation
classroom occupations is revealed in the following member-checking excerpt. Dan
reflected on having misused the opportunities he had been given in the modified
independent study program. We pick up the dialogue regarding the aforementioned
incidents:
Mediating Power Relations through Resistance
DAN: Oh that was when I was going back in the classes again huh?
PI: Yeah
DAN: That was because of Mrs. Caballero because I was pissed off because of
the fact that she was taking her anger out all o f me. Cause I use to like tell a joke
and she would just sit there and like she would laugh and actually enjoy it. But
now it’s like an attitude change.
PI: I saw the change in your attitude in the transcript, but it’s interesting now to
hear you say I pooped in their face, is that how you really feel...like you pooped
in their faces?
DAN: Yeah, because there was opportunities that I did receive and did not do
something about it.
PI: OK. And why do you thing you did that?
DAN: I don’t know.
PI: OK
DAN: It’s just like I fought for it, I got it and I didn’t want it.
PI: It seems like you were trying to figure it out, how to negotiate.
DAN: How far could I go?
PI: Yeah! How much can I get...
DAN: It’s just like a relationship.. .once you know that girl wants you...you
don’t want her no more. It’s like that. ..OK!
169
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Here Dan explains his behavioral patterns in class as an expression of his
perceived efficacy to mediate power relations through resistanee. He wanted to go to the
art class and work, but Mrs. Caballero refused to permit him to do so. He refused to
comply with her norms for his behavior. Dan assumed no responsibility for his actions
initially as he explained that it was the teacher’s attitude that had changed in response to
his jokes and behavior. As he spoke in the interview, he was impassioned and
vehement that the teacher’s depression and inability to deal with her mom’s death was
the key factor in his current conflicts and not his behavior. By the end of this dialogue,
he was noting that he took advantage of the opportunities afforded him. When pointing
out later in the member-checking interview that it was nice that he brought flowers to
Mrs. Caballero after her mother had died he responded:
Dan Reflects on the Teacher’ s Responses
DAN: But then she still kicked me out of the class... like here.
PI: It seemed like you were struggling to express yourself because you want to
do that and honor her. But at the same time you wanted the flexibility in class to
be funny and over the top and its OK. Because that’s you... but for her it
seemed like...
DAN: Like a slap in the face, huh?
PI: Yeah.
DAN: Like hah, hah I can take control now because you are one depressed
teacher.
PI: I don’t know if she is depressed, I never go that. ..I know that is your
opinion.
DAN: Yeah.
PI: I did not really get the sense that she was bringing her stuff in the class. She
was really focused...
DAN: Oh dude, you should have seen her she was way nicer...she was way
more flexible...and then there use to be another special education teacher there
that got.. .well I don’t want to say...
170
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan was sure that the teacher’s personal life issues were the source o f the
change in scripts that he had was accustom to. He also saw the budget cuts as being an
additional stress on the teacher:
Budget Cuts as a Perceived Reason for Stress
PI: That was there before and was cut because of the budget?
DAN: yeah, after that she started getting down harder because the new kids and
its goanna be just me and some other teacher and it s goarma be a lot harder.
And then her mother was in the hospital not too long ago and she was going
through that.
PI: Her mom passed?
DAN: Yeah once her mom died even the aides said like dude you need to lay
low.
PI: Then you felt a change.
DAN: Oh yeah big time dude. I use to be her favorite and I am probably still am.
But she got really down on my case. Maybe that was just for me to do more
work to graduate, I don’t know.
While both of those events may have contributed to Mrs. Caballero changing the
scripts in class, Dari still held some perception that his teacher cared for him and might
in fact have changed the script to motivate Dan to work. As was consistent with all the
participants in varying degrees as they shared information and opinions regarding their
experiences in the classroom, they seemed to be making meaning as they reflected and
expressed themselves. As the students responded to interview questions they reflected
upon their actions, and made meaning out of the drama that they created. For example,
Dan had initiated the initial lEP change to be isolated in the conference room to work
on his studies and complete credits. He was most productive in this setting.
In the classroom, he was unable to filter out the distractions and focus on the
task components pursuant to credits and acceptable role performance in the classroom.
During the interview, he was able to reflect on his actions and explain that they were
171
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
good choices as evidenced by his confirmation with these observations and analysis of
his behavior in class during the member-checking interview:
Dan Confirms the PFs Interpretations of His Behavior in Class
PI: The time on task was good in the conference classroom, but was non existent
in the conference room when you were on independent study. It was sporadic
and you went Ifom a overly concentrated effort to sleeping. You would crash for
a couple o f days and do nothing. In Mrs. Caballero’s class you got nothing done.
DAN: Yeah, that’s right.
When Dan was in Mrs. Caballero’s classroom, a special education class, Dan’s
non-core curriculum classroom occupations emerged more readily. Eisner (1994) calls
the non-core curriculum taught on school campuses the null curriculum. Null
curriculum is defined as the things that are not explicated in the curricula of schools. It
is the paradox that exists between what is emphasized and what are omitted, and thus
transmitted via ideologies and worldviews o f the social structure. For example, Mrs.
Caballero’s script for Dan to sit quietly and do his work as she dictated has a hidden
null curriculum that emphasizes norms of social status and position. Mrs. Caballero, as
the teacher, held the status for the role as leader. As Dan chose to pursue self-
regulatory, cultural and self-construction classroom occupations instead of core
curriculum classroom occupations, he asserted his power and perceived efficacy to
challenge her social position. He constructed these from the raw materials in the room,
that of his teacher and fellow students, and subsequently outside the room with the
phone conversation with his mom. Mrs. Caballero’s response to his challenge was
incompatible for the demands of the classroom occupation that Dan had created.
172
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Therefore, she opted to’ call Dan’s mother, the next norm of expectations that
governed Mrs. Caballero’s pattern for social structure in her class. Dan counters her
move by creating a cultural classroom occupation were he employs the element of
humor. Dan’s use of humor was well developed and effective in gaining attention, in
entertaining his peers, and by report previously, Mrs. Caballero. In this instance, he tries
to devalue Mrs. Caballero’s assertion that she had exercised more power over him by
attempting to evoke feelings of fear in Dan. Dan negates her assertion and used humor
as a symbol of his power to control the emotions of his peers. When Dan was asked to
reflect on his behavior in class Dan’s high regard for humor was evident:
PI: With behavior management in the classroom it was a real issue for you. You
were out of control. But in the conference room ...
DAN: it was perfect.. .no one to entertain.. .unless I was going to talk to the
picture.
PI: It seemed like there was a lot of high emotional involvement in class
between the teacher and you. Always a clash, making j okes...
DAN: See that’s what I mean she was always getting on my case. If I said one
little thing it’s over. Before I swear to God I use to get away with so much and I
still got work done too.
Dan wanted to entertain himself and his peers. In addition, he saw the teacher’s
attitude and not his own as the point of contention in their dyadic exchanges. In another
interview he was able to admit that his behavior was outside the rules of behavior or
expectations that most people held, even that of his peers:
PI: Hum, do you ever feel like you are over the top though?
Dan: Like I’ve gone too far?
PI: Yeah.
Dan: Yeah, but I don’t care.
PI: What do you do about that?
Dan: Unt huh.. .1 don’t care what people think. Write it down...take a
picture...send me mail I don’t care.
173
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Yet, Dan held a high regard for socialization and being in relationship with
others. He perceived himself to be liked above others. This was a constant and
strong theme in his narratives:
PI: So when you were going over your flash cards I hard the aide say she would
buy you an In and Out Burger if you got 100% on the exam you were studying
for.
DAN: Yah, that’ like.. .they only do that for certain kids...I am not trying to be
conceded, but.. .1 think Fm like their little favorite kid in there. (Referring to
Mrs. Caballero’s class.)
PI: Well, that is a good status to have, huh? Why do you think that is?
DAN: I don’t know I interact with the teachers more I thin. And I am a very
social person.
It is clear that Dan sees himself in a favored light among the staff and students in
his class. He keeps this narrative alive throughout the study. His sense of recovery from
the mishaps of classroom life was apart o f his narrative, his autobiographical form was
full of language that indicated he was resilient and would ‘make it’ no matter what the
circumstances. I saw this choice of affirming language as a part o f Dan’s reconstitution
of his identity. As he spoke o f potential as if it was firmly established as a possibility
for some future or current success. In this way he seemed to co-creating with others in
dialogue his self-construction, a classroom occupation. When asked about his
definition of success in the class he responded:
PI: What do you consider to be success in your class work?
DAN: Success? Socializing, that’s good.
PI: Tell me what the definition o f socializing in class is?
DAN: Knowing how to talk to people and how to interact. Like when I really
have something to do and I don’t know the answer I will go try any thing to do
with interacting. It’s like If I ‘m gonna do it, I’m gonna do it. Follow the
monkey (he says in a character voice.)
He speaks with a brilliant exegesis of his efficacy in social rhetoric as discourse.
174
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
However, he had only told us half the story. The other half resided in the stories
he tells about persons with ADD:
PI: Yesterday we had an opportunity to have some offline conversations and I
jotted down a few things that you said that I thought were really interesting and
wanted you talk some more about the. You said I am glad I have ADD; it is a
gift it is like I am on tweak. (Laughter.)
DAN: Yeah.
PI: We focus and we can do it and some kids can do it. Tell me more about that.
DAN: What about the kids that can?
PI: Well I am more interested in why you think it is a gift to have ADD? I get a
sense that it is different and I want to know why?
DAN: Well, ADD people.... you never met a non-social ADD person, never, so
that is that it brings the unique person out of them.. .1 mean they are not scarred
to show who they are. And you know they are very out going people. Wow
cause I see other people.. .normal people and they don’t have any social skills
and they are. And you know they are just really pathetic.
Dan sees socialization as a skill and a way of being. It is a key feature of the
value he has in being a person with ADD. He values the uniqueness and the strength of
making ones self known to others. He sees ’normal’ people as often lacking these social
skills and has pity for this portion of the population. Dan asserts a powerful narrative
and discourse for disability right activities. He tells us that it is more valuable to have
ADD, the embodied experience of socialization, then to be without ADD. To embrace
his assertion has the power to denigrate the myth underlying disability, the concept of
ineptness, or as persons that are less then significant in society. If we examine this
closely, it is a question o f classroom placement within a social structure, and the issue
of creating an environment where performance situations can be used to evoke core-
curriculum classroom occupations. Dan’s pursuit of his null curriculum-that of self-
175
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
construction, self-regulation, and social negotiation , are narrow and misaligned toward
role performance and goal acquisition for earned credits, and subsequent graduation. As
per the comments of his fellow students and Mrs. Caballero we note that his behavior
does not conform with expected social norms.
This offers the important reminder that another question is present in this
discourse: how can his public performance be harnessed in the classroom to bring about
the desired outcomes for both he and the teacher? Disconnected from the teacher’s
actual core-curriculum classroom occupation demands Dan is subject to create the
occupations that emanate from the underlying need for self-regulation, without the
ability to imagine how to integrate the core-curriculum classroom occupations into his
classroom experiences. This will be further discussed in the following chapter which
focuses on the temporal rhythms of classroom occupations.
176
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter 7
Orchestration of Temporal Rhythms in the Classroom
Orchestrating
Temporal
Rhythms o f the
Classroom
Nontraditional
Transitions
In the last chapter we discussed how the students values and goals were
influenced by their future visions, by their needs for self-regulation, and by the
influences o f the null and core curriculum contexts. This chapter addresses the ways in
which the students had to reconcile the discrepancies between their personal temporal
rhythms and the institutional rhythms of the school.
Orchestrating Temporal Rhythms of the Classroom
Socially transmitted values and goals acted as motivators to forge core-
curriculum occupations in order to secure credits pursuant to a high school diploma.
One of the findings of the study that 1 found extremely interesting was the manner in
which the participants sought to meet the environmental demands to earn credits toward
graduation. It was reminiscent of the economic system in Europe that was based on the
relation of lord to vassal. The vassal was under the protection of the feudal lord to
whom he paid homage (Merriam, 1994). For the participants in this study, the feudal
landlord is the formal educational institution, state, and national boards o f education
that sets the criteria or standards for this social system. A graduation diploma is the
177
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
social honor ascribed to those students who through eaming credits receive the social
sanction. Power is associated with this awarding both on the part o f the grantor and on
the part o f the grantee. Schools, via the process of granting graduation diplomas, are
able to reconstitute the social stratification in society. As a formal organization, the
power of ascribing status is imbued in the process. For the students who are able to
achieve the status by complying with the social systems demands to meet the set credit
criteria for the diploma advanced status is gamered. In a larger sense, the social
mobility of the students is upward when they meet the social system demands and
obtain the diploma. All of the participants were acutely aware of this, and uniquely
chose to personally engage in slaving for the lord of the manor to earn credits:
Randy Tracks Credits Earned
Mr. Vine: You have 22 credits
RANDY: Mrs. Caballero is like that is not enough? Why is she on my back so
much?
Mr. Vine: Ten in advanced math like Algebra. What about English?
RANDY: Bitch
Mr. Vine: I do not want to hear that.
RANDY: I have three weeks...point five credits cause her system is whacked.
Mr. Vine: Credit seven Essential of Algebra. Maybe you need Algebra Two.
RANDY: A
Mr. Vine: 113.5 credits ice what you have.
RANDY: 220 is what you need.
Mr. Vine: 1-6.5 to go
RANDY: Is that bad for junior year?
Mr. Vine: You should have 150! Five in here!
RANDY: Two credits in math. It’s a lot easier on me because I don’t have to
move around. I only have three classrooms.
Mr. Vine: Good keep you out of trouble. You passed English your freshman
year but not math.
RANDY: What does it mean?
Mr. Vine: You were a soccer player. What position did you play?
RANDY: Left full back position. That was before the Mexican kids came in and
I was out... they played every second of their life.
178
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mr. Vine: Every second of their life? Or, did they do their studies and that is
why they stayed?
RANDY: I guess. That’s why I’m here.
Mr. Vine: See it wasn’t your skills. It was academic.
As Mr. Vine reviews Randy’s credits with him, he is very interested and is
keeping mental note of the credits needed. He is not only reviewing the credits earned
and needed but setting the goals for credits to be obtained. Several times a day in
Randy’s classes, he was confronted with the reality of the credits to be earned. Here he
confronted Mrs. Caballero on her record keeping of his credits:
Randy Tracks Teacher’ s Record Keeping
Mrs. Caballero: Ready for your exam today?
RANDY: Mr. Vine says I have 22 credits. These modules are now going into
advanced.
Mrs. Vine: The principal says you have to have 10 credits o f advanced to
graduate.
Credits were tokens to the next subject as well:
RANDY: How many credits do I need to get to US History?
Mr. Vine: three more.
Or, a benchmark to another type of classroom occupation:
Mr. Vine: Mr. Randy you need to come up with the dreaded 8* credit. You said
you wanted part of this as an art project. Read article on page 810 and finish
those questions and then we’ll discuss your art project.
In Dan’s class a permanent graph was displayed on the wall that was titled:
Dan & Randy’ s Special Education Classroom Chart
Diploma! Student Credits. Below are the names of students and for each student
is listed the number of credits earned. Dan is the second highest in terms of
credits earned on the chart.
179
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
At that time, the credits seemed like symbolic representations of a process that
marked progression into the future. This graph stopped at the 4 ^ ’ ’ week of school and
was never updated during the course of the study. It was as if it was a visual reminder of
credits yet to come, but not yet secured. Dan’s response to the following question
reveals his values, motives and goals surrounding eaming credits:
D an’ s Values Credits as a Marker fo r Progress
PI: Are students angry about their credits?
Dan: Who wants to say that they are a senior with 30 credits.. .you know? Yeah,
I’m going some where in life. They don’t put no effort into it, they are not about
school. No wonder.
He placed value on credits as a barometer of progress not only in school but
also in potential implications for life after high school. In addition, motives as the
element of concern for school in general was embodied in eaming credits:
Cheating is a Means to an End
He retums the material he has just completed to Mr. Dysan the psychologist
who, responds, “You are goanna keep me busy this weekend.” He replies with a
sweet angelic voice, “I guess.” Retuming to the room he puts his head down on
the table.
DAN: I just completed credits so that’s why I am so tired.
PI: Yeah that make it m ff... soon you’ll be done with school.
DAN: Yeah I hear the bells chiming. Hallelujah!
He need 41 credits and he has 25 credits and 14 weeks to go.
PI: It appeared that you copied over the work that was done.
DAN: Oh the pen was getting faint so I just make it darker.
PI: Do you think they won’t notice?
DAN: Oh yeah I did that work.
His body language and facial expressions seemed indignant. After a break, he
leaves and reenters the room closing the door.
Here we see that Dan is cheating on his credits by having his girlfriend do the
actual work where after he attempted to imprint over the work to give the appearance of
his own handwriting. Determined to earn credits, he is a self-directed leamer making
180
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the decision to cheat to gain access to the prized credits pursuant to the diploma. He
accepts no responsibility for his actions at this time. It is not until the end of the study
that he admits that he had his girlfriend do the work.
For Mark credits were a simple process o f show up, do the work and keep
moving as quickly as possible. On this day, Mark asks Mr. O’Brien about his credits:
Mr. O'Brien Notes Mark's Efforts
Mr. O’Brien calls the office to check on Mark’s credits.
Mr. O’Brien: we need 5 credits .. .these two credits.. .so you need three
credits. You will need 10 credits this semester. You must do home work.
You have five the first semester.
Mark: Can I get homework?
Mr. O’Brien: Sure you can. If you work on it you will have a record for
the first person in the class to earn 9 credits in a semester.
In a subsequent interview when I asked Mark about how he felt about his credit
status he responds as follows:
Mark Reflect: Progress I Slow Secondary to Unnecessary Requirements
PI: We have how many weeks of school left?
Mark: Seven I think.
PI: Sounds like you are doing really well inn Mr. O’Brien says you have five
more credits in English since our last visit. You were told that you have 106
credits and need 146 credits. If you go to summer school, you will be able to
make it.
Mark: Yeah.
PI: So how do you feel about where you are right now?
Mark: Umm...I am still behind even though I have credits. I need 146.5 credits.
I don’t know why they even put electives on the thing. They should make it a
choice if you are behind. They could give them to students as honors if they are
not behind. They don’t teach you anything. I can’t change it so. It would make it
easier for everyone. There is really no point of it.
PI: 70 credits by next year.
Mark: Yeah 146.5 to go.
PI: That’s not so bad considering where you have come from.
Mark: I guess. I’ve only made up 20 credits since school started.
181
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Timm.. .it only seems like you really started working and kicking in over the
past.. .how long?
Mark: Six months.
PI: 1 started seeing you in March. Looks like you have been steady working the
whole time.
Mark: yeah, but it’s only been six months so even if 1 worked for a year 1 would
only have five more credits ...so you know.
PI: Yeah it’s a slow process you know. And whenever you get behind it’s
digging out of the hole that take a little bit. It seems longer.
Mark: Yeah
He felt the process of eaming credits was once again being slowed down by
unnecessary requirements to take elective classes. Mark’s focus was consistently
directed toward gamering credits as quickly as possible. However, in face of
administrative policy he saw himself as impotent to make any far-reaching changes.
When asked how he felt about some of the students that come from disadvantaged
backgroimd that he had been reading about in English class he indicated that eaming
credits was progress, albeit slow progress:
Mark Identifies with Characters in His Freedom Writer Book
PI: What do you think about the kids actually doing something with their lives?
Mark: Umm that’s good to hear.. .it means that.. .before 1 came here and started
getting credits and getting off probating and all that stuff. 1 guess you could say 1
use to think 1 would not get anywhere. 1 guess the book kind o f stuff that even if
you were kink of bad, you did go to jail and that kind of stuff you can still go to
college and you can still get a good job. Even thought you have been convicted
and all that kind of stuff.
The pursuit of credits set a cadence for the students as they progressed through
the classes the teachers would ask the students about their credit status. The teachers
would reminder a student that they were behind if they were opting to do non-core
curriculum classroom occupations, which were not associated with eaming credits. The
concept of temporal rhythms was a ‘despot’ for Randy and Dan and in more subtle
182
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ways for Mark. The boy’s own daily rhythms often varied greatly from that of the
environmental demands, thus a dissonance was a part of their everyday experiences
with classroom occupations. Each participant handled the discord differently, yet within
the same underlying need to balance his own rhythms with the environment to adapt
and be functional. For example, Mark often chose to move ahead of the teacher and his
fellow peers when working as a group, or on many occasions abandoned non-credit
eaming core-curriculum classroom occupations in favor of those that would eam
credits. Mark’s impatience with the teacher and peers did not solely seem motivated by
the desire to eam credits. Mark’s initial difficulty with his math class being the last class
of the day was also indicative of the challenges he faced with his temporal rhythms over
the course of a day:
Mark’ s Temporal Rhythms
PI: So what is a typical day like for you? What time to you get up in the morning
and what time to you go to bed at night?
Mark: I get up at 6:30 and I usually take a nap by the time I get home after
school. Then I am up until late at night like...2 or 3 am.
Mark would show signs of low arousal levels in class at times as captured by his
postures in class.
Figure 7:1
183
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In addition, Mark like Dan and Randy demonstrated kinetic energy releases such
as shaking his leg, or getting out of his seat. When asked about his temporal rhythms
Marks responds as follows:
Mark Reflects on His Pacing Work in Class
PI: In English it appeared that while the teacher was going over a practice test
that you were on another page and was not following along it that true?
Mark: Yeah.
PI: Why?
Mark: Because 1 could get more done by going on my own then waiting for him.
You know what I mean.
Dan on the other hand was either running on empty or on overdrive. He stayed
up late and on occasion went without sleep when he stayed over his girlfriend’s home at
nights. Randy was frequently tired in the mornings, spoke o f using soda, and candy as a
way of increasing his energy level in the mornings:
Eating, Drinking, and Randy’ s Energy Levels
PI: 1 remember you mentioning that at first in your history class with Mr. Vine
that you said that Mrs. Caballero hates you.. .1 come in with a soda can and she
yells at me to put it by the sink. 1 wondered if about that because when you went
to your next class when you were working the aide commented on how nicely
you were doing, and she pointed out that you had had water instead of soda that
day. Do you usually have cokes in the morning?
Randy: Oh, ye!
PI: Sugar and caffeine.
Randy: Yeah!!!!! Laughter
Randy: yeah sometimes bags of candy.
PI: Rally: do you have breakfast in the morning?
Randy: NO.
PI: But, the candy, soda thing is a normal thing every morning?
Randy: Sometimes. It all depends on how 1 am felling that day. I’ll have that
soda and bag of candy, because 1 have given up regular eating that morning.
184
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy and Dan’s narratives where full of references to how their energy levels
fluctuated moment to moment, class to class and day to day. Yet, without exception
they each centered only on themselves and events immediate to them in the form of
temporal rhythms to mediate the tensions between environmental demands and their
own rhythms.
The improvisational work of constructing classroom occupations was the out
growth of their attempts to balance their own temporal rhythms with the environmental
demands. The various approaches taken by Mark, Dan and Randy exemplify a move
toward balance and to exercise control of their classroom occupations, leaving their
unique modulation to their own manipulation. During these intense improvisations,
there was also an intense exploration of new possibilities encompassing both the use of
self and the environment to give rise to personal expression:
Randy Experiences Entropy: Irritability, and non-compliance
Randy arrives in class with a rather large donut. Mrs. Caballero yells at Randy.
Mrs. Caballero: You cannot eat in here. Do not bring food in her put it over by
the sink.
Randy; What my donut?
Mrs. Caballero: And the drink.
Randy: I anyone so much as look at my donut gets killed.
He reruns to his desk. He still drinks at the desk and say. I am not going to work.
Mrs. Caballero: It’s really up to you right?
Mrs. Caballero leaves the room and Randy retums to the sink to eat his donut.
Aide: Randy you are really better when you don’t eat sugar and drink pop.
Look you have been o this page for so long!
The aide continues to challenge Randy to engage and reminds him about his
agreement to come early and work. He says the door was locked. Mrs. Caballero
retums and the aid move on to help other students. Randy is up and sharpening
his pencil. There are five students and they are on task. Randy and another are
not. Randy walks to the board and erases a problem. He sits in his chair reaches
backwards and continues to clean the board. Another student Drama stands up
and goes to the dry erase board, and scribbles.
185
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy is irritable, resistant, and in need of movement. He does not respond to
the aide’s comments that he has been working on the same page too long. Nor does he
respond to her many admonitions across the study to stop eating so much sugar in the
mornings. He had made a decision not to work this day in math and he was not to be
dissuaded. Randy had moved into entropy on this day concerning his state mediation,
and was irritable, and non-compliant. His delay in finishing the math page was clearly
outside of the norms of the temporal rhythm of the class.
Some of these fundamental issues include difference among the participants, the
conceptual, ephemeral, and “ multidimensional" art o f constructing classroom
occupations. The narratives described the tension between state and classroom demand,
which gave rise to classroom occupations. The components of the classroom occupation
are derived from the students attempt to balance these elements, temporal rhythms and
environmental demand. Regardless of teacher input, the students rearrange the teachers
offering of core-curriculum classroom occupations to satisfy their own purposes. The
content o f the classroom occupations are wholly subjective and invented by the
participants. Their ability to respond to the classroom environment in a way that permits
them the greatest degree of freedom is an expression of the creative work,
improvisational work these students used in constructing classroom occupations.
In a conceptual sense, the idea behind improvisations of work is built foremost
upon the values, goals, and motives each student possesses, driven by their
neurobehavioral states. In this way, they explored their own style and created the “stuff’
classroom occupations are made of. The effect of time on the research study was very
186
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
revealing, while the data became saturated in regards to these foundational findings, the
variety of ways in which they were employed in the classroom were as variable as the
sunrises in the sky. Perhaps much of what they offered to the class was for this study
was made significant by the effect of time on the study. Each day contributed new
exemplars of the participants’ agency and imagination. Thus, building a story about
classroom occupations and was dealing with the student’s apparent meaning and
difficulty with classroom occupations as an academic process. The students’ behavior in
context was a symbol to make the commentary about the experience, and their narrative
reflections take on literal meaning as the study unfolded. As they reached the goals of
obtaining credits, they met the criteria of the social structure, but did so in reference to
their own temporal rhythms and creative compositions of classroom occupations. We
continue with the previous excerpt:
Resisting Core-Curriculum Classroom Occupations
Randy watched another student and Mrs. Caballero work. Earlier in the dialogue
Mrs. Caballero says to Randy it’s the ADD you have that is causing you
concentration problems. Randy seems unlike himself on previous observations.
He seems dark in mood and irritable.
Randy: Should I just use negative one for this one too?
The aide helps him.
Randy: so I’ll have 4x +3.
Mrs. Caballero: Do it on your own! Randy you are just asking questions.
Randy: Yeah but today...
Mrs. Caballero: I know but I need to see you work it out to determines where
you are going wrong if you are doing something wrong.
Randy looks over at me. Mrs. Caballero get up and walks over to help another
student JR sneers at her as she walks over to help the other student. Randy looks
up and his face reminds me of a horror movie zombie. He starts yawning and
stretching.
The door opens and the PE teacher checks in on the class.
Randy: Poor man he is like a wandering ghost.
187
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Jeremiah confronts Mrs. Caballero on a typo on a test. He jumps up form his
desk and makes a beeline to Mrs. Caballero’s desk.
Randy: Yeah get mad, get mad!
Mrs. Caballero: Oh my God can’t you figure out what it says? (Consternation)
Randy throws his donut in the trash and makes a face at the teacher as he exits
the room.
Often the students’ behavior appeared contemptible as they sought to resist
outside forces to determine the types of classroom occupations they should engage in.
Randy was not able to accomplish much in class this day. This was a problematic
pattern for him since his ability to eam credits was directly related to how many
modules he finished. His tormented face spoke volumes to me about the nature his state
and intemal straggle that day. His expression defined the condition o f his state as he
attempted to work. It defined a state and its antecedents in his demeanor with reference
to the particular form of classroom occupation he engaged in that day. He was resistant
to core-curriculum occupations and opted instead to engage in social negotiation
classroom occupation. He exercised power in his resistance. The attitude of his
engagements were angry and hostile as his condition got worse, and chaos reigned as he
attempted to work on an algebra problem. Nevertheless, the teacher’s script for
independent demonstration of his processing was not to be the mode Randy would
choose. He simply stopped working. His throwing away of the donut at the end o f the
class was his exclamation point for his resistance in the face of absolute uprising.
Randy’s ability to eam credits were often inhibited by his choice to engage in cultural
occupations over core-curriculum classroom occupations.
188
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
On days like these, Randy demonstrated an ability to manage his states
successfully to produce outcomes that would eam him credits. However, he was
successful in asserting his choice to pursue classroom occupations o f his own volition.
On more stable days, he would mediate his states successfully to meet the
environmental demands for core-curriculum classroom occupations, while avoiding
becoming overwhelmed and moving into states o f entropy.
Nontraditional Transitions
Randy was in a constant dynamic state of change within the classroom. His
experience was a series of consecutive moments lived in the moment as the following
narratives reveal:
Moment-By-Moment Experiences
PI: So when the teachers bring up the progress you are making toward credits
how do you feel?
Randy: Well sometimes it really bugs me. It really depends on the day that I am
having. I will sit there and something will be said to trigger something in me and
I will be like WHAT? I’m like a cat one minute ...I am fine and the next.. .but
you know it’s my problem.
As Mrs. Caballero attempted to show Randy that his usage of time in her class
was poor, it was not received with the results the teacher was trying to evoke in
Randy:
Teacher’ s Time Usage Expectations Vs Randy’ s Performance Time
PI: I noticed today Mrs. Caballero started writing the date on your paper so you
could see how much you were getting accomplished each day. What do you
think about that?
Randy: It’s just another way for her to rub it in that I take so long for one dam
page of math to do. It’s just another way for her to shove it in my face and say,
“See”.
PI: Do you thing it will be helpful?
Randy: It depends! If she uses it against me. ..it ain’t goanna help anything.
189
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy’s transitions were so subjective to his own neurobehavioral states that the
complexity of attempting to managing them was truly an art. Randy had developed
some very interesting strategies:
Using Music to Set a Cadence
PI: I remember that day from my observation that you did not get as much
accomplished as in previous observations. And then I heard Mr. Vine say that
the day before you had been giddy in class and did not get much done. Then I
heard the same thing in math class. You responded with “come on give me a
break it’s a new packet.” I noticed that you had earphones on today. Why were
you wearing headphones?
Randy: I get into the music emotionally. I don’t hear nothing else in class, I
don’t hear anybody’s conversation. If they say something about me I could care
less, I have better things to do than worry about it. It puts me in my own cubical
of sound. And the things that I think of when I listen to that sound and then open
my eyes and see that paper...then I know that stuff. When that voice that plays in
the back of our head you don’t want to do this any more (He says this in a
taunting fashion) It’s the music .. .keep going, keep going, just like the music,
keep going. So.. .it does help.
Music was a strategy that Randy used to help him keep moving in a productive
fashion as he engaged in core-curriculum classroom occupations. The cadence of the
music was his metronome to keep working and to counteract distracting thoughts that
beckoned him to stop working.
Another core-curriculum classroom occupation that presented a major challenge
for Randy was test taking:
When Testing is Overwhelming Have a Bubble Feast
PI: Well you guys just finished your START Testing.
Randy: Yes.
PI: How was it?
Randy: Gruesome! I heard everyone was guessing. ..it was just one big bubble
feast.
PI: Why?
190
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy; Cause no one in there wanted to do testing, no one cared, and how hard
was that they just didn’t care.
PI: How about you?
Randy: Truthfully, you want the truth, OK, OK, OK let me think.. .1 looked at
the question first so 1 did try somewhat. But 1 was tired and how it was affecting
my whole life. 1 wasn’t already getting up on time and not getting sleep already.
PI: Too much.
Randy: Yeah.
PI: so you filled in bubbles huh?
Randy: Yeah, but at least 1 looked at the questions first to see iff could answer
it.
PI: So what do you think.. .you know it sounds like you are saying most of the
kids and your self were overwhelmed by the testing and that you did not care
about the testing. But, the STAR testing what does it mean to you?
Randy: Just another test.
Randy indicated that the test was just a ‘bubble feast’ for he and the other
students. Yet, he emphasizes that at least he looked at the questions to attempt to answer
them as opposed to just filling bubbles without attempting to answer. It is interesting
that he makes this distension to clarify the degree of caring that goes into the test taking
process. He saw the standardized testing process as an interruption to his already hectic
and overwhelming days. This was a consistent experience for Randy:
Randy Reflects on the New Proficiency Exit Exams
PI: Do you guys take exams in your classes? 1 heard you say something about an
English exam and a math exam.
Randy: There is an exam that the state is trying to make us do. And for the
record 1 am opposed to it. 1 mean half the kids in these classes can’t even do
their schoolwork, let alone these tests. You know the state is trying to get us to
do exit exams and all these other testing and trying new testing and even some
of the straight A students in some of the classes 1 have are rebelling against it
also. You know she said how are we any different from you. You see these
people out there who have good jobs and they are dong all right and they did not
pass this. So why do we have to pass this? The juniors of this year are the first
ones that have to take this new test. 1 am so tired of taking tests, o f having to
prep. We barely have time to do stuff in class and do testing. Now we have to do
extra stuff and do testing ahh. ..it’s too much.
191
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Testing was not seen as a valuable tool to Randy but he perceived it to be more
of a barrier to access for him. He explained that he became fatigued when taking tests :
Randy Fatigues Halfway Through the Exam
PI: Do they give you the material and tell you what is going to be on the test?
Randy: If you are lucky.
PI: If you are lucky. Wow.
R: They will give you.. .you.. .they help you in class and show you what is going
to be on the exam in class. But other than that you are on your own. You have to
take note of it and remember it and take it home. Cause this is all you are going
to get.... I am totally not liking the test.
PI: Do you get tests on the module material to leam?
Randy: Yes. It is so simple it is a chapter review and yo can look back at what
you learned and answer the questions.
PI: Oh, so it’s an open book test?
Randy: .. .My easiest one was science, it was all there. The only thing that got to
me was the writing. It was long and the writing got to me. It does get me tired. I
can feel the presence of the test and I get tired.... No this is not good there are
tests in the room. Mid way I get to the point that I am ready for it to be done.
And that is were I rally kill myself because I am just bubbling.. .ya know.
PI: Yah Just filling in the bubbles to get the heck out of there.
Randy: Yeah. Exactly!
Throughout Randy’s narrative we here the underpinnings of the need for self-
regulatory occupation to combat the fatigue that sets in when he is taking tests.
‘Bubbling’ is a self-regulatory classroom occupation that assists Randy in moving
quickly through the task of test taking. It does not however allow him to be able to
demonstrate his knowledge o f the subject being tested. His tendency to become easily
overwhelmed causes him to perceive the process of test preparations and test taking as
an additional stressor that he would prefer to do without. Another area of benefit he
ascribed to tests were the potentials of being spared having to complete modules if he
passed the exam that demonstrated that he had mastered it already:
192
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Completing Modules Meant He Would Not Have to Be Tested
Randy: ...If my exit exam comes back and I have passed, it I will not have to do
math packet 11.1 am kind o f jazzed about that, but I have to wait until the
results come back before I know if I passed. ...I am secure, I know it won’t be
too much of a loss if I don’t make it.
While Dan had indicated that under certain situations time pressures brought
about from procrastinating was a suitable perturbation to move him ahead, one that he
desired, he did not feel the same way about pressure in testing situations. For Dan
testing was characterized as a situation that evoked feeling of being pressured. This was
not a favored state of being for Dan and in his appraisal did not bring about his optimal
performance:
Dan Did Not Do Well Under the Pressure of Exams
PI: There is a lot of emphasis being placed on the exit exams, but you do you not
have to take them because you are in the graduating class of 2003 right? What
do you think about the exams?
D: too bad if the kids cause... like I said; I don’t do good under pressure.
Dan also preferred taking oral exams as opposed to written exams. He felt that
his difficulty with organizing and processing information for taking written exams was
a barrier that prevented him from doing his best on exams:
Dan Prefers Oral Exams
PI: Do you always have exams that are written of do you ever have oral exams?
D: What do you mean?
PI: well, when the aide was giving you drill on the flash cards and ask you
questions to answer out loud that is a form of oral exam...
D: Oh yeah, its not like college here is a book, study they do that.
PI: What is your opinion on oral exams?
D: I like the oral better. I can do better.
PI: Why do you think that it is harder to do the written exam? It’s the same
information you know the information.
193
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
D: Yeah it’s the same information but.. .1 don’t know it is the processing in your
head. When ADD people try to put it out on paper it doesn’t come out right. If
you had so many thoughts in your head its just like dah... dah...Oh that’s what I
did wrong. But if you do it orally you can just go . ..OK bam there it is.
PI: You talk about so many thoughts in your head tell me about that.
D: It’s cool I guess, (laugh) I don’t know it may fool somebody that I have a big
vocabulary.
PI: When you are trying to process information in a written form and there are
so many thoughts going on in your head so that when you write it. it comes out
.. .different?
D: Retarded.. .1 always do that.
PI: so you see the error when you write it.
D: Yeah it’s perfect in your head and then when you write it it’s like what the
hell?
PI: Can you correct it? Look at it and say oh that’s not right?
D: yeah, yeah you will look at it and see that it is wrong. Sometimes I will have
the perfect sentence in my head and I’ll try to write it down and it comes out all
stupid. So by the time you read it you will be like OK I need to make that
correction right there and OK right here. You just have to do a process and then
you will have the perfect sentence that you had. That is why I like oral because
you have that perfect sentence is already in you r heads so it is like boom its
already said.
Dan’s narrative reveals the challenges he has with filtering out information,
organizing it and providing answers in a written form for exams. During observations, it
was clear that he could perform nicely on a one to one question and answer session for
studying material for exams. His actual performance on the exam was also
demonstrable of the effectiveness o f this strategy to master core-curriculum classroom
occupations:
Dan Performs Well With Oral Exams
PI: How did you do on the term test you were studying for?
D: Oh...I got 100.
PI: Does that mean you get to go to the burger joint?”
194
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
D: Yeah but I did not accept it?
PI: Why?
D: Cause I did not deserted it cause there was an after school thing I have to go
to and I deserted out o f that. So, I did not deserve it.
I did not have occasion to observe Mark take any formal exams however, I did
observe him in class during sessions when the teacher was going through Kaplan test
preparation modules to teach the students how to take exams:
Earning Credits is More Valuable Than Learning Test Taking Strategies
Mark is organizing his papers.
Mark: What are the Kaplins and DOLs worth?
Mr. O’Brien: (I could not make out the teacher’s response to Mark.)
Mark was most interested in acquiring credits and saw the Kaplan preparations
as a means of earning credits. Mr. O’Brien started each class session with Kaplan
reviews. However, the standardized tests had no relevance to Mark. As previously
stated in earlier excerpts Mark thought the standardized tests were irrelevant because
the results of such exams were for people he had no personal relationship. His previous
experiences with these core-curriculum classroom occupations were that it did nothing
to hurt his academic performance:
Mark Reflects on Standardized Tests
PI: You guys have been going through the Kaplan in preparation of the CAT 9
test next week. What are you feelings about the CAT 9, and testing?
Mark: I could care less about the testing. Since first grade I have always guessed
about the answers. It’s never hurt me. It never helped me pass, or fail the test.
PI: Umm hum
K: Which is all I am going for. Especially on tests like this to show people you
don’t even know how you are doing.
PI: Umm hum
K: It does not hurt me.
195
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
When Mark was asked if he was using any of the strategies that he had been
learning about in the Kaplan sessions each morning he responded as follows;
Learning Test Taking Strategies Was Too Time Consuming
PI: Is reviewing the Kaplan strategies helpful for you?
Mark: Oh yeah, that’s just ..I don’t know in one way., it is helpful and in other
ways its just taking up more time. Just teaching you stuff.
PI: Strategies
K: Yeah, it’s teaching you strategies where you are going to use them or not...it
is good to know stuff...
In the realm of social experience social negotiations were a predominant force
with two of the three participants, Dan and Randy. For Mark, his social negotiation
surrounded his teachers in a very subtle way. He explained that he sat next to teachers’
desks in the classroom if he liked the teacher. With peers there was initially a resistance
to mix with his peers; however, over time he began to engage with others and by the
end of the study he was interacting with others in every class. His most predominant
social exchanges took place in his Art class with other peers. In contrast to his English
class with Mr. O’Brien, Mark’s social interactions were more prominent on days when
substitute teachers were conducting classes in Mr. O’Brien’s absence. Mark’s two
central focuses at the beginning of the study were to stay out o f trouble to meet his
probation requirements and to earn credits so he could progress toward graduation. He
explained that his reluctance to engage with other students was related to his perception
that such exchanges would lead to problems for him.
Dan’s consciousness was that o f a social being, escaping the prescribed social
role mandates to express meaning in laughter, personal display and use o f humor as
power:
196
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Isolations An Anecdote For Making People Laugh
PI: Joking theme.
D: It’s me I love to make people laugh. It puts a wann feeling in my heart. You
get all spiked out and you go yes.. .1 did it.
PI: sounds powerful.
D: Yeah, if I tried to not get peoples’ attention well...that’s why I’m here. Two
weeks ago I went into Mrs. Caballero’s class and 2-3 kids in there , I already
had them going.
Dan refers to his being in the conference room for his studies because of his
perceived inability to resist making his peers laugh during class. He puts a high priority
on social negotiation to the determent of his core-curriculum classroom occupations.
Dan Reflects on His Efficacy With Intra-Personal Intelligence
PI: So you have really good people skills?
D: Yeah, I have really good skills. I am more of a resourceful person. That’s
what
.. .like school is just one thing.. .but socializing, meeting people. Just putting
your shoes in their shoes. Just be them for a little bit. That’s what I love.
PI: Getting to know people that is an interesting way to phrase it...putting your
shoes in their shoes.. .getting to know people is really about...
Dan: putting yourself in their place.
The irony of this was that his love of self-display and socialization would
eventually deny him the privilege of being in his classmates. His perspective on
socialization was so acutely significant to him that he defined success in terms of his
social negotiation and not core-curricula classroom occupations:
Dan Defined Success As Socializing
PI: What do you consider to be success in your class work?
Dan: Success? Socializing, that’s good.
PI: Tell me what the definition of socializing in class is.
Dan: Knowing how to talk to people and how to interact. Like when I really
197
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
have something to do and I don’t know the answer I will go try and thing to do
with interacting. It’s like if he’s goanna do it. I’m goanna do it.
Follow the monkey (he says in a character voice).
PI: A monkey example all right...huh.. .now that you have changed your
program...
Dan: Does that mean medicine wise?
PI: Well I keep thinking of it as a change because you are in the conference
room and not in with the rest o f your class you are kind o f...
Dan: Isolated?
PI: Isolated out here and that’s a major change. It is good for you because you
have identified that the isolation s shuts down the social stuff and you can get
more done But I wonder if you have set any goals for yourself. When you come
in her do you say, “ I know what I want to get accomplished?
Dan: No, no.. .1 just do it. 1 just do it. I just do what I can do, what I want to put
out.
Dan’s behavior at times where a paradox of contradictions and conflicts. He set
the goal of perfecting his socialization skills and gives a very accurate depicture of how
his socialization in class takes on a monkey in the jungle like persona. In fact, in a later
narrative, he uses the analogy o f a jungle for the classroom:
Dan Sees the Classroom As a Jungle
PI: In this conference room you work. And I wonder.. .1 understand the need to
make other people laugh and all the other people get involved with your over the
top, loud, moving about but..
Dan: You act differently when you are in different environments, you know.
Wouldn’t you act different if you were in a jungle then in here? You know.
PI: Yeah.. .so the classroom is the jungle
Dan: Yeah, swinging monkeys. (He says softly.)
PI: Wow... (with amazement.)
PI: Knowing that the classroom environment is something that you needed.. .1
don’t know did you think you needed it versus being in there?
Dan: You mean when I acted up in there?
PI: Yeah
Dan: Well it made my day. It did not bother me one bit because that’s me.
In the member-checking interview, Dan clarified his perceptions on the
importance he placed on socialization as he reflected on my summation of the themes
he had given me on socialization in earlier interviews:
198
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADD Kids Are There Authentic Selves
PI; You feel that sometimes when people don’t express themselves and don’t
choose to be social it has negative outcomes for them. You see this as being a
sign of embarrassment when students refuse to raise their hands. You put a lot of
value on socialization. Why?
Dan: I think socializing is a very important part of... it is important because if
you don’t know hoe to socialize with other it is going to make a huge problem in
the future. It stops you form who you are, you then ...you become that person...
Just like I said if you are not socialable you go to that his category when you
could be in that category.. .cause ADD kids are already who they are going to
be...like I said they say what’s on their minds and people who are non-
socialable. ..it’s weird ..I can just tell they react differently to different
situations.
Dan tells us that poor socialization skills is a barrier to becoming ‘who’ you are.
He speaks of self-discovery as a part o f interacting with others. He sees the person
lacking such skills as strange and a very different experience from his own and clearly a
less desirable state to be in. Dan was so aware of the challenges he had in managing his
social negotiation . The following excerpt shares his struggles and paradoxes with these
challenges as he addresses the contrast o f independent study in the conference room and
being in the classroom:
Managing Self-Regulation & Social Negotiations
PI: It seems like when I observe you in the conference room you get more done
then when you are in Mrs. Caballero’s class.
D: I KNOW THAT’S WHY I DON’T GET IT. I DITCH ONE DAY AND
THEY KICK ME OUT. (He is referring being placed back in the classroom
after ditching his independent study.)
PI: Ok, but when you where in the classroom they have that small little
classroom off to the side where you can close the door...
D: Well, I throw myself in there.
PI: You did that yourself?
D: Yeah, I was like I need to be in there, because if I’m out there I ain’t goanna
leam.
PI: But, then there were times when you were sleeping in the back room.
199
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
D: Yeah. ..I don’t know, I’m telling you ...cause some when kids are around or
someone’s around I need to be the center of attention.
PI: Do you feel like you have an option, or a choice in that you can control it?
D: Oh yeah! Anyone can control anything, right?
PI: OK, so what causes you to choose not to...
D: The excitement! To hear people laugh. You gotta be that number one person.
PI: Is that a high price to pay?
D: yeah. (He chuckles.)
He is not able to extrapolate the null curriculum o f accountability to a contract
and the subsequent consequences of breeching the contractual arrangements that
become invalid once he has chosen to break the agreement. Learning is stated as an
objective and motive for him to isolate himself whether in the conference room or in the
rear of the room. Yet, poor impulse control, or underdeveloped self-regulatory
functioning or inadequate adaptive strategies to cope with self-regulatory classroom
occupations are questions that need to be addressed when thinking about Dan. He is
capable, as evidenced by previous performance achievement e.g., graduating from
junior high school, completing assigned work in the conference room and his ability to
use his charm and humor to mediate power relations.
In his above narrative, we see the challenges of managing his self-regulatory
functions. He reveals that he has a desire to establish an arousal level, which evokes a
state of excitement, and so he does. I observed that when he did quiet himself in the
room he went to sleep; if he was the center o f attention, he was awake and joking. Like
a toggle switch, operating between on and off and he had limited ability to orchestrate a
balanced modulation between self-regulatory and Social negotiation . This was
problematic on many levels.
200
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
He had strained relations with his teacher by disrupting the classroom
atmosphere, and spent limited time on task for core-curriculum classroom occupations.
This ultimately resulted in having himself relegated to home study, which
simultaneously denied him access to his peers and his opportunity to practice his social
negotiation . His self-regulatory and social negotiation were tied into temporal rhythms
in that they challenged his productivity with core-curriculum classroom occupations.
He took a path that diverged from the temporal rhythms of the classroom, and the
teacher, as evidenced in the previous narratives. His behaviors in class and his inability
to generate work in class were indicative of the relationship o f states to affect his
temporal rhythms.
Dan’s construction of social negotiation classroom occupation parted with the
traditions of his classroom in three ways. The first was rhythmic complexity. For
example:
Dan’ s Complex Rhythms: Procrastination As A Tool to Alter States
PI: Discussion about the seriousness o f school.
D: Schoolwork is serious.
PI: Are you saying this just because 1 asked?
D: Well, it does sound intelligent. I wait to the last minute for everything. I take
the harder route my dad says. Procrastination is comfortable it’s a rush, makes
you high. Too much work is overwhelming and you don’t get it done.
Everything that Dan does in relation to his classroom is affixed to the reality of
his goals, motives and values interfacing with the self-regulatory realm of his existence.
His use of procrastination is even explained in light of his desire to change his
neurobehavioral state that is produced by creating additional time pressure on him. Yet,
201
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
he identifies degrees of freedom that limit his ability handle the pressure. He quantifies
these limits as the amount of work. When having to manage too much work his state
change is that of being overwhelmed a non-desirable state. The second departure
consisted of a focus on self-display:
Self-Display
DAN: Yeah, I don’t know, Fm telling you, cause when kids are around or
someone’s around I need to be the center o f attention.
PI: do you feel like you have an option, or a choice in that? That you can control
it?
DAN: Oh yeah. Anyone can control anything, right?
PI: OK so what cause you to choose not to...
DAN: The excitement, to hear people laugh. You gotta be that number one
person.
PI: Is that a high price to pay?
DAN: Yeah. (He chuckles)
The self-construction classroom occupation and cultural classroom occupation
nexus is seen in his statement of need to be on display. Once again, it is a state
regulation issue. So the merger of the classroom occupations are generated in concert as
he experiences and reacts to the stimuli in the environment and attempts to change his
states to preferred modes of being.
A third departure involved a dissonant resistance and rejection of the teacher’s
core-curriculum classroom occupations. In his narratives, he often referred to this part
of his experience with classroom occupations. However, as in most o f the observations
dealing with Dan there was not a straight correlation between what he proclaimed in his
narratives versus what I saw in class or in the conference room. The following narrative
exchange highlights this ambiguity of thought, intention and action in context. In the
member checking session, I clarify my interpretation of those previous narratives:
202
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan Perceived He had Outgrown His Oppositional Defiance
PI; The you were talking about oppositional defiance as a part o f the equation
that if some one says don’t do it, then yeah that’s like the green light to go and
do it.
Dan: Yeah, if you want to piss them off. Oh, do that. But if s just something that
you just do it. You know I have grown out of that.
PI: so it’s a part o f maturity. What does it mean to be mature to you?
Dan: I don’t know.. .to be responsible. Knowing that here is a time and place for
everything. So if you know those to be responsible and respectful.
For Dan leaving behind oppositional behavior marks maturity and he opens by
stating that the function o f oppositional behaviors is to evoke anger in others. The
power of doing this is now mastered and so he no longer needs to challenge his ability
to exercise such powers over others any longer. Nevertheless, when we revisited this in
the member checking session he responded as follows:
Dan ’ s Social Mood in Class
PI: ...sometimes when I observe you in a classroom
Dan: I am in a more social mood then anything.
PI: Yeah, loud, and happy.
Dan: Energetic.
PI: Energetic. But then I notice there is also like an intense, tension almost an
explosion. ..like the way that I see it is like there is something that wants to
explode inside.
Dan: Like I have to say something.
Dan Displays Oppositional Defiance
PI: Yeah, and sometimes you go from being real, real happy like that and then
something will happen and it appears you are angry. Like if the teacher does not
let you do something you wanted to do.
Dan: No...Mrs. Caballero is being a bitch now because her mother died and she
is taking it out on the kids. You heard her in the room when she said, ”I am
through with you Dan. I don’t want to help you no more.” Well, then don’t have
me in, your class, you know. I don’t want to be in someone’s class who does not
even want to help me. Forget you. Sorry that your mother died but you do not
have to take it out on the kids.
203
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan irrevocably loss of the teacher’s willingness to permit him to continue to
create and sustain his classroom occupations resulted in his ultimate removal from the
classroom. Dan continues to place blame of the current situation on the teacher. He fails
to acknowledge his own behavior. It almost seems like he is avoiding the emotional
pain of accepting responsibility for his behavior and the subsequent results of his
actions. As I listened to Dan’s narrative, I feel sorry for their misunderstanding between
he and the teacher. During I reflected back on earlier interviews where Dan praised Mrs.
Caballero for being his favorite teacher, and gave her flowers to comfort her when she
returned from her mother’s funeral. He was clearly upset at the teacher, blaming the
problem on her, as opposed to his own actions in class.
Alternatively, perhaps he is truly clueless. Unlike Randy whose motifs were
developed within the limits of the teachers’ expectations, and perhaps his own, he was
able to express and create social negotiation within the temporal rhythms that did not
create irrevocable dissonance, albeit irregular. As a result, he remained in the
classroom, that is to say that, the repetition of an infraction in meeting the teacher’s
expectations did not result in being removed from the classroom:
Randy Reflects on His Reasons For Making Others Laugh
PI: Do you ever engage in activities in class that armoy other people?
R: Oh, there’s no point in lying. Yes, I do. How could I act like...yes I have
participated in things that would bother another kid. Like acting up with
someone, making a joke. I am all about making people laugh. That is my
number one high. That’s my anti-drug. So hey I do participate in disrupting acts.
His ability to manage his self-regulatory classroom occupations within the
parameters of acceptable teacher expectations was valuable to Randy.
204
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
For Randy his degrees of freedom to engage in self-regulatory and social
negotiation were balanced against the teachers’ prescribed notion o f acceptable range
of deportment in her class:
Randy’ s Motive to Persist in Social Negotiation
PI: Hey playtime in class is that acceptable?
Randy: No. I don’t think so.
PI: But you keep trying.
R: I can’t give up! What kind of a fight would that be?
Randy was aware of the limits and worked within them as he constructed and
engaged in his classroom occupations. His perception of productivity was not always
accurate:
Randy’ s Perception of Time on Task is Inaccurate
PI: I noticed that when you changed over from your World History to American
History that your time on task has gone up a lot. You work 20 to 30 minutes at a
time and that has been pretty consistent. But, then I notice that when you get to
math class you are (PI laughs)
R: The mood the teachers and Mrs. Caballero alone turns me down, to be
honest.
PI: Yeah I notice you have been struggling.
Randy’s struggle with states that affected his temporal rhythms influencing his
ability to accomplish work in his classes, however this was most pronounced in his
math class. He attributed this to the teacher’s mood that affected his ability to perform.
This context specific element, the teacher’s mood was a perturbation for Randy to
construct cultural and self-regulatory types of classroom occupations of his own
choosing. However, unlike Dan, Randy was able to take responsibility for his choices in
this regard and saw his inability to execute core-curriculum classroom occupations as
his failure:
205
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Not Earning Credits is Failure
PI: What would consider your shortcoming or failures in both classes?
Randy: In history class 1 have not made up as many credits as 1 should or want
to. In math not paying attention and making the credits like 1 should. So, all the
credits 1 should be making.
This was a part of Randy’s emerging self. As he interacted with his core-
curriculum classroom occupations, he was finding that his attention was the limiting
factor. Earlier he spoke of the notion of respect for the teachers as a pivotal step in
learning how to be successful by not fighting the teacher so much. There are the
substantive pieces of self that are constructed as he engages in classroom occupations.
Each interacting with the other to bring new meaning as they are created in context.
Randy’s barrier to access to earned credits was his inability to adjust his
behavior to task demands under the milieu of the Dada math class:
Earning Credits in Math Was Most Difficult for Randy
PI: On average how long do you work on a task independently in class?
Randy: Ohhh.. .that’s tricky, cause.. .ah with my attention deficit disorder it
doesn’t go very far. Some 20 minutes depending on the actual assignment. If it
is reading I’ll give it 5 minutes tops. Unless it is very interesting.
PI: Your time on task on the 5* was 20 minutes. What does that mean to you?
Randy: There is hope for me sometimes. 1 know 1 can do it 1 just need to get
myself started.
Randy’s value for continuing to push ahead regardless of the current situation
was a continued theme in his narratives:
Randy Avoided Thinking About His Progress
PI: How do you think you are doing right now with your classes?
R: It depends on which class. Really. English class 1 can’t stand it, and other
times 1 can try to get to work. Like today, 1 got some work done. Her grading
system will take me forever...so.
PI: What do you do when you come to a challenge like that? You are struggling
and don’t know what’s going on with the grading system?
Randy: 1 just keep going, 1 don’t really try to think about it, 1 try not to think
206
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
about it and hope that something good will happen out of it. But, if I don’t’ think
about it too much, or try to hard I actually do OK. Not the best but just enough
to get me by. Sometimes I just wait to see what will happen.
As was the case with Dan, Randy had varied perceptions of his performance
level at various points in the study, as the earlier excerpt on his time on task revealed.
Before his transition from World History to American History, his time on task was
more variable. When asked about the discrepancy between actual time on task and his
perception of time on task Randy responded as follows:
Feelings Act As a Driver for Classroom Engagements
PI: I notice that sometimes you answer questions in ways that are different from
what I actually see you doing in class. For example, you say you can work for
20 minutes a session on problem. But, then I have observed times when your
total work time is 6 min. max before you stop. However, today you got up to 25
min. then an interruption back to work for 5 minutes and interruption and back
to work for 10 min. for the whole class in history. So I wondered if perception
and reality are the same?
Randy: Once again it is all about that day and how I am feeling. Cause some
days I really feel like getting things done and other days, I don’t feel like getting
anything done. I just want to sit there. It also applies to some periods because
some periods I will feel like doing stuff and other periods I won’t feel like doing
anything.
Randy’s self-reflection in context links his perceptions to his moods that are in a
state of constant flux. Yet, here again the theme of self-regulatory on a moment to
moment, period to period and day to day, skits is seen as generating changes in
classroom occupations participation and the types of occupations he will engage in.
When considering Mark’s non-traditional transitions they are more muted and
subdued yet present. Mark chooses to engage in kinetic energy releases o f shaking his
leg, position changes, or more subtle maneuvers like organize papers, move ahead o f
the teacher in English class. In art class, he is on the go, moving around the room
207
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
interacting with others and materials at will. Like Dan and Randy, he had the goal of
obtaining more credits and this goal was being pursued through his hierarchy of
classroom as dictated by his states and self-regulatory needs. The drive was a value that
emanated from within, and was reinforced by the social economy that surrounded
eaming credits:
Family Values Forge Best Efforts
R: My dad always told me that while trying to get the bigger plan done always
try to get it done the best you can. So a the same point and time that I am trying
to get my credits out of the way at least do the best I can while getting it out of
the way. For his class that’s my last credit and I want to get it done, but I want to
go out with a bang and do the best that I can. I want him to remember me as a
kid that did want to try, in case I ever need a reference, or, any thing else in my
day you know.
PI: It is only about the reference, or it is something about the relationship too?
R: Also, because he is one of my favorite teachers, he never pressured me. I
think that has mostly gotten me, one to finish the classes and hey why aren’t you
pressuring me? Well, because I am not the one loosing out. Yeah, right?
Randy’s value for trying to do his best as a legacy to his father’s expectations
for Randy and that o f Mr. Vine’s are linked in Randy’s mind. Eaming credits become
valued symbols embedded in his father’s advice for living and his teacher’s opinion of
Randy as a person. Thus, core-curriculum classroom occupations that are directly
related to eaming credits become occupations that re-constitute and teach Randy about
the null curriculum of relationship.
208
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter 8
The Meaning of Self-Regulation
Movement,
Posture,
and Dress
as
Expression
Emotion
& Moods:
The
Intersection of
States, Goals,
& Values
Fantasy
In the last chapter we explored how the temporal rhythms of classroom
occupations were influenced not only by the culturally transmitted valuing of obtaining
a high school diploma, but also the students’ needs for self-regulation. Now we will
explore more deeply the signs and symbols related to changes in state regulation needs,
emotions and moods.
Movement, Posture, and Dress as Expressions of State
An important consideration in a non-traditional transition is physical movement
and positions. Both posture and kinetic energy I identified as a symbol, a deliberate
strategy to mediate the tensions between the drive to move, and the need to comply with
the environmental demands to be still and productive.
209
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
While all three participants were observed to have distinctive postures and
movement patterns in the form of shaking their legs, stretching, getting out of their seats
and drinking or eating, Dan and Randy were the most pronounced. In addition, they
were each independently able to identify the meaning of these movements, while Mark
had not arrived at any significant meaning for this phenomenon:
Randy’ s Meaning of the Urge to Move
R: Well, the allergies are part, but no., .that was not usual. But the getting up and
wanting to be o the go, yes it is that part... is normal. Umh...I will tell you flat
out I have ADD and I have always hat that. As a kid I had the worst experiences
with ADD. Because my 3 " ^ * ^ or 4* grade teacher would say in front of the class
Randy have you taken your medication today, because you know if you don’t
take your medication you know your brain don’t work right, if you don’t take
the medications. I had such a bad experience I had t learn to deal with it myself I
actually learned to cope with it myself. I can pretty much turn it on and off, well
except for the fidgeting, I mean I shake my leg and moving around is an energy
release of sorts.
PI: Yeah. So that is a strategy of sort. The moving around is a release and you
feel it and you know that the teachers perceive it as a negative thing so you
shake your leg to release the energy.
R: Yeah there are things I can do to control it.
Randy reports having had this urge to move for a long time and thus has been
able to develop strategies to control the urges within the teachers’ norm. Dan spoke of
these urges as well:
Dan’ s Strategy for Calming Himself
PI: You seemed to have intensity about everything you were doing. The pages
were being turned rapidly and strong, the pressure you were putting on your
paper to write...
Dan: Yeah, I have always had that problem. I’ll be sharpening my pencil 10 time
as day and stuff.
PI: That’s always been...
Dan: Yeah that has always been with me.
PI: OK. I noticed that you did a lot of shaking and rocking of you body.
210
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
You have to get rid of it somehow. You know I always shake my legs like this. I
always shake my legs when I am talking to someone (He demonstrates the
shaking motions.)Cause you don’t know me. This is norm.
PI: This is norm hah?
Dan: Yeah (laugh)
FI: So what does it feel like on the inside once you start shaking and getting the
energy out? Are there highs and lows in that, or is it always the same? How do
you experience it on the inside?
D: Like when I do it?
PI: Yeah the energy.
D: I just calms me down um hum..so you don’t have to be moving around. You
know.
PI: Yeah
D: It’s just like a twicker, a speed addict they are always moving. Cause if you
stay in one place you just don’t.. .and ADD are just bom with speed in them.
You know .. .Let’s go leam.. .(He mimics a wide-eyed ready for anything face.)
Dan’s account of his experience with the movement and the meaning he
ascribed to the constant shaking was very similar to Randy. As Dan gave his account of
his feeling and the meaning he was making of these experiences, I remembered feeling
very amazed at the similarity of Randy and Dan.
They negotiated the intensity and complexity of their drives to move by using
the condensed movement of shaking their legs to dispel surplus energy. While Mark
was observed to shake his legs in a similar fashion, he had no particular insights, or
explanations to offer as to why he did this. This may have been in part due to the
newness of his diagnosis. He was still trying to make sense out o f what it meant to have
ADD. Dan and Randy have already integrated the diagnosis of attention deficit disorder
into their experience and are identifying them as traits and characteristics.
Moreover, to my surprise they explained that having ADD was a preferred state
because of the social skill advantage having ADD gave them.
211
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
During the classroom observations, I noticed that many students exhibited the same
behavior of shaking and position changes and wondered if this experience of dispelling
energy was something unique to persons with ADD, or, something that most people do
to varying degrees. One observation session when I was feeling somewhat bored, I
found it amusing to note that I had begun to shake my leg. While I am not making an
argument for any universal truths here regarding kinetic energy releases, I simply want
to point out that these three participants all exhibited this phenomenon and Randy and
Dan were able to ascribe the same meaning for the shaking, while Mark was not able to
do so:
Mark’ s Commentary on Shaking
PI: I notice that in class some times you shake your leg or, feet or tap, do you
know what that is about?
Mark: No. I just tapping really notice that sometimes ...I notice that I am doing
it...I just stop, and get tired and don’t do it any more and then it just comes back.
Mark’s newness with his diagnosis seemed to have something to do with his
inability to identify the manifestations of ADD in his own behaviors. After having spent
a session with his psychologist and discussing his new diagnosis Mark reveals the
depths of his questions surrounding having ADD:
PI: You were at the psychologist’s yesterday.
Mark: Yeah.. .but I don’t know they say I have ADD, but it doesn’t affect me.
So I forget things sometimes... everybody does right...
PI: Umm hum
Mark: Just cause I am active and move around.. .but I don’t know
PI: Sounds like you are not sure about having ADD
Mark: If I have it or not. ..it is still the same.. .what are they going to do give me
a pill to fix me?
212
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Like a scientist constructing a physical model to explain a system, the
participants’ body language represented to me physical models in the form of altering
body positions. The body positions seemed to be indicators of internal states of ‘being’
that the participants were experiencing at various times throughout the study. After
noting the positions, it seemed that they were more metaphoric and gave the observer an
impression of states, emotions, moods and temperaments:
Randy in World History Class
Everyone is reading and writing. The only sounds are pages turning, a potato
chip bag rustling and the church of chips being eaten. Randy continues to tap his
feet, but now with both toes on the ground and his heels raising and lowering.
He stops intermittently and begins again. His posture is erect and he appears
fully engage in is work and sipping his coke.
Randy in Math Class
Randy: 1 do not know when to put 4,3000 he says with frustration.
He is sitting like he is on a motorcycle: a very open position. He works only
with prompting from the aide.
As these positions emerged during the field observations, I began to name,
sketch, and label them. In the member-checking interview, I shared my observations
with Randy and these are his responses to the sketches:
Randy ^ s Member-Checking Responses on Postures
PI: I noticed some categories that came up in relations to what you are doing in
class. One category are classroom occupations that seem to be related to arousal
states and self-regulation. This is how alert you are and the physical energy you
expend in class, the shaking, and tapping. Another is the posture. What I see is
tat you have different postures that seem to be used at different times. You seem
to have a work posture. (I demonstrate the posture and show him illustrations
from the field notes.) You have your fee crossed; head up and you are going for
it working. Then you have a posture that I call a motorcycle posture where you
come in and you sit with your feet wide open and you look like you are on a
motorcycle. Usually, on those days you don’t get much done until you change.
What do you think about these observations?
213
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
R: Ah. ..yes, it has a lot to do with many times I will be tired and I will be
slumping in my chair, it is like oh god not this again. I am really not going to get
much done. Other days it is fresh and it’s like hey for some reason its you
remember today and I know I am going to get some things done. I will start
working and good, good I can keep going.
As I showed the figures to Randy he seemed to relate to what he was seeing by making
the interpretations as he reflected on what he was seeing:
PI: You know sometimes its even within a class you will go from a work posture
to a motorcycle posture. Let me show you the pictures and you tell me what you
think?
R: Yes, I have many different postures that expose my feelings at the moment.
As was consistent with previous narratives Randy spoke of his feelings as being
grounded in moments of time:
PI: Um hum that’s exactly it, it is the posture matching the way you are feeling
and also like work sets.
I show him the picture of the teacher giving him instruction.
PI: This posture.
R: Where I am hunched over like this .. .that is confusion and I’m just over it. I
like that drawing.
He labeled each drawing with his own interpretation, for example confusion and
being overwhelmed where critiques he ascribed to the illustration to explain the image:
Randy Expounds On the P i’ s Interpretation of Postures
PI: OK this was a day when the teacher was working on instruction, but you
were not making eye contact. After a while you changed postures and you came
up and were looking at her.
This is the work posture; this is when you are tired.
R: Oh yah.. .that is the total Homer Simpson look.
PI: So with the postures that is what I am interpreting with those. And it sounds
like I am pretty close?
R: You know with me you can always tell my feeling by my posture. I am
always one to wear my feeling out there and uh.. .you’ll know what is going.
214
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I felt as though any theme or impression that was emerging from the data alone
was not valid until verified and translated by the participant. For Randy it appeared that
it was new feedback to him that he had various postures as he worked in class. When
shown the drawings he could add meaning to the observations, although his previous
awareness about having different postures was not a part of his understanding. He did
have knowledge of self that reflected his awareness o f what he described as ‘wearing
his feelings’ out there. Dan and Mark were quite different. Dan’s postures were at either
end of the spectrum and Mark’s postures were subtler;
Mark Finds No Significance in Postures
PI: I’ve been noticing lately that you r posture has been more upright in the
work position. In times past you have had the other positions where you have
had you head down and your hand draped over your head. Maybe you are
working, but your head is down. You seem like you are in a more work posture
these days. Have you noticed that, or a change in ...
Mark: No, I just got to finish I guess that is why. Right after they told me I was
not going to graduate,.. .1 said it doesn’t matter I just need to still do my word.
For Dan these postures were more large full body movements then static poses
more recognizable in extremes such as, intensely working over his texts and papers,
stretching, or up out o f his seat moving and on stage, or in contrast sleeping:
Dan in the Conference Room
Every now and then he flinches and moves, as he appears to dream. He
repositions and opens his eyes. Mr. Dysan knocks o the door and enters. She
asks Dan how are things going. Dan rouses and says sleepily, “Oh”. He leans
forward and motions to get a book dropping his hand on top o f the stack and
then respond, “Oh, yeah the questions. Mr. Dysan does not seem t take note of
his sleepiness and says, “I’m just checking on how you are doing. What about
the corrections? Dan responds, “Yeah, I’ve done all of it. Mr. Dysan says. All
right, as he closes the door. Dan slumps forward over his books and papers with
his face turned toward me he returns to sleep. It’s 10:35.
215
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan in the Conference Room: Changes in work posture
Dan has rested his chin on his book and he had shields his face from me with the
pages of his book held at a ninety-degree angel wit his ring hands He sighs and
then starts after 20 seconds in this positions.
Dan in the Conference Room: Movement and Motion
There is a momentary rocking in his chair accompanied by popping his mouth to
generate a rhythmic sound. Retuming to his work he quickly resumes his search
of the text to correct the work he is doing. His is positioned over his work
making physical contact with the table and materials. His movements are rapid
and forceful.
Dan in the Special Education Classroom: Loud Vocal Interactions
Dan is loud; his movements are large and exaggerated. He reminds me of a
Steve Martin or Jim Carrie Comedian. He uses character voices in and out of
dialogue exchanges with peers and the teacher. Mrs. Caballero asks Dan what he
had to do in English and send him to the rear room to work. He goes to the rear
room closes the door with a slam. He then opens the door and asks if he has
gotten two credits for the last modules she corrected. He is very loud.
Dan’s extremes of loud speech, explosive movement to somber sleep were
indicative of his internal states. When asked about how he would manage from falling
asleep he responds as follows:
Sleep is A Powerful State That Can Not Be Avoided
PI: What are you planning to do to avoid being so sleepy?
Dan: ... Once you’re tired you are tired. Can’t fight sleep. Yeah that’s when you
run a car into a tree.
When we discussed his postures during the member-checking interview he responds:
Dan Has Extreme States Work Or Sleep
PI: Here are some of your postures during the
times that I have observed you. (I show him the pictures.)
Dan: Dude.. .just being Dan.
PI: What do you think these mean?
Dan: Hey, that’s m e...some days I can kick it into gear and yeah...some days
just sleep...
The symbolism ascribed to the postures was appropriate and consistent with the
observations; but the participants’ narratives gave more depth to the descriptions then
216
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
my observations could contribute. Randy’s postures were often contemptuous of his
environment, often expressing his despair, disquiet, or feeling of being overwhelmed.
Dan’s postures were emphasized in extremes of high intensity execution or complete
shut down as seen when he slept. Mark’s postures clustered around more modest and
less dramatic changes. Mark’s postures were evident in his English class were the
percentage of time he was in his seat during class was approximately 90-95%, while in
Art class he was in his seat for only approximately 40-50% o f the time:
English
Mark sits at his desk with his head down reading and writing. He repositions
leans on his desk to read and appears to be engaged in his study.
Mark’s positions were more contained within an arc of angles between 0-90
degrees when he was at his desk.
Figure 8:1
I labeled his position changes to make the recording easier during observations
to substitute written text describing the subtleties of these changes. Typically in his
English class Mark is distracted by environmental stimuli, but has the ability to self-
redirect for productive core-curriculum classroom occupations:
Mark's Reading Posture
Mark reads with his head resting on his hand at 90 degrees. He drinks soda,
glances out the door. He removes his jacket and continues to read. Someone
looks in the door. He glances over and then up and in to the classroom. He goes
back to reading. The class is quiet with the exception o f sniffles and students
walking to the cupboard to put thing away, or to teak them out.
217
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Students periodically approach the teacher’s desk and speak in whispers.
Three quarters of the class has packed up and Mark remains focused reading
until the bell rings. He dog ears his book, trashes his soda, and places his folder
in the cupboard and leaves.
In his art class by the end o f the study, Mark was always on the move. On some
occasions, he would spend the entire period on the computer chat line. At the beginning
o f the study, he was more sedentary and less communicative with his peers. His only
movements out of his seat were to secure materials or to go chat with the teacher. By
the end of the study his general mode was to engage in cultural classroom with peers,
enfold some core-curriculum classroom occupations o f working with clay, or clean the
classroom. He spent more time talking with peers than the teacher, but still chose to sit
at the teacher’s desk and chat each period for time frames ranging from 5 minutes to
whole periods as the teacher transitioned in and out of phone calls.
By the end of the study, there is a special class held in the library where Mrs.
Gruwell is going to address the students. She is the author of the book Freedom Writer
that Mark’s English class has been studying. On this day both Randy and Mark are in
the library. As the 25 students await Mrs. Gruwell, only Randy, Mark and one other boy
have assumed postures that stick out from the other students:
Mark and Randy at Mrs. Gruwell’ s Lecture
Tomorrow is the last day of school and will be a half day schedule with
graduation at 3:00PM. Two more students enter and sit in the back. Mark rocks
back in his library chair. This is unsafe. All the other students sit in their chairs
except for Mark and one other boy who is near him. The other boy has been
observed to tap his leg in Mr. O’Brien’s class as well. Randy is sitting in the
front row on a chair in a meditative folded leg position with his back erect and
his head at 90 degrees. He is attentive. Mark seems hyper vigilant as he glances
around the round with eyes bright, conveying anticipation.
218
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy and Mark’s postures are images before the observer, forms of expression
that appear to involve the movement o f their neurobehavioral states. The postures
acknowledges the role that the states plays in shaping their choice and participation in
occupations and can serve to enhance our understanding of the participants occupational
reality. It suggest obliquely that state transitions are often centered more around the
participants attempt to engage in self-regulatory classroom occupations than prescribed
core-curriculum classroom occupations. This acknowledgement of postures as
indicators of state need only to be documents by some means such as a verbal
description, or a simple sketch to bridge the change in states and perhaps be used by the
teachers as tools to view into the students states that are depicted in three different
participants’ realities. So the conceptual model, that is the positions as images of
internal states, presents a relationship between the internal subjective and the posture
signifying that state. In the field of psychology, there are a variety o f perspectives that
address the origins and functions o f nonverbal behavior. Feldman and Rine (1991)
argue that there is no unified theory on nonverbal behavior, but there are many theories
that embrace ethological, anthropological, neuroscientific, and communication
orientations. However, most theories concur that nonverbal behaviors, intelligences,
skills or communications are tools that can be used to encode or decode cues about
emotion. They can be understood as building blocks that when properly developed and
employed can establish and sustain intimate relationships. They are seen as essential
elements for successful social interactions (Feldman & Rime, 1991).
There is a growing body of research and theory on the role of nonverbal behavior in
219
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
educational settings. There is discourse that suggests that the educational process can be
enhanced by focusing on the nature of the nonverbal role in the classroom. The
underlying assumption o f this discourse is that nonverbal behavior plays a central role
in the educational process (Bloss, Bloss & Marlow, 2000). Postures in this genre of
research are seen as paralinguistic cues. The most frequently studied nonverbal or cues
paralinguistic cues are facial expressions. But, in this study the posture and shifts in
postures appeared to give significant cues into the neurobehavioral state o f the
participants and the intensity o f the states as viewed in kinetic energy releases and
posture as symbols of feelings and urges.
Another area of symbolism was seen in their changes of dress or costuming
during the study. As the participants were observed across the duration of the study
Randy, Dan and Mark each had their own individualistic style of dress, which changed
on occasion. As we explored the changes in dress, I discovered that the dress also told
us something about their states that mimicked positions and energy releases. Dan’s
spiked gel hair style days coincided with his intense periods as compared to his wet
head flat hair style days that corresponded to his low energy, sleepy days. Randy’s
flaming shoes and peacock blue pant days were indicative of his states of high energy
and high work production days, his black leather, chain days and college prep days were
also in accord with these modes o f core-curriculum and high work production days.
220
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’s hooded sweatshirt days corresponded with his antisocial and non-
communicative days were he kept his hood up all day, and he exhibited increased flexed
postures. When he wore his tank tops he was more energetic and engaged more with his
peers. He also tended to be more playful and happy on days when he wore his Le Tigre
shirts. The following are the participants’ feelings about various days of attire. Only
Dan did not see any significance in his choice o f clothing and his moods:
Mark Negates Feelings of Anger
P T . OK. Now art class. Ummm.. .1 was noticing yesterday.. .actually even in
English class too you seemed to be kind o f angry. You put your hood up and
you were kind o f...well I don’t know kind of...I don’t want to t be bothered.
Was that the mode yesterday?
Mark: Well, ah no..just like tired and I just didn’t w ant.. .to interact. You know
I still did my work and participated but kind o f lazier.
PI: You definitely gave that stay away message. I notice in art class you were
cussing more, which I had not heard before and just kind of I don’t know you
just gave that message of stay away.
Mark: Yeah. (Quietly spokes; seems to be thinking about yesterday.)
Mark’s ability to engage in self-reflection and to minimize his emotive states
continued throughout the study. He appeared more comfortable to characterize his
demonstrated anger as being fatigued:
Randy Reflects on Mood
PI: I think it is interesting what you wear.
Randy: Um hum
PI: Does that enter into the equation at all, your school and class?
Randy: Like what 1 wear that day? Actually no because the feeling is already set
and I just dress the way my mood is.
PI: Tell me what they are because I want to see if they match with I think?
Randy: What my moods are?
PI: Yeah.
221
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy: If I am in a happy mood my hang out mood blue stuff. Mad I’ll wear
stuff that looks like I did not care about what I wear. If I am in an important
mood I’ll dress nicely, nice slacks or something.
PI: The flaming shoes and the blue is
Randy: that’s my, don’t mess with me stuff.
PI: I am in a good mood today. Great.
Randy: The punk get up did not work for me.
PI: Which one was that?
Randy: Oh I don’t wear that at this school.
PI: Oh before.
Randy wore clothing that was indicative of his mood, and the mood seemed to
precede the quality and amount of time he spent on core-curriculum occupations. He
spoke of the mood being initially set when he woke up and in turn he selected what he
would wear to match the mood. These types of indicators could be interesting cues to
teachers regarding the students revealing of self in context of a classroom.
Dan
PI: What does dress mean to you?
Dan: Every one has there own style.
Like all forms of expression displayed by these participants, they were uniquely
rendered in individual styles. As each person creating and sustaining a relationship
between the contexts, the occupations, and the meaning of each Mark, Dan and Randy
dressed for the parts they were either cast in or creating. Randy was most insightful in
this recognition, while Mark and Dan were less reflective. Mark and Dan, unlike Randy
did not identify any correlations between their dress and emotive states.
222
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Emotion & Moods: The Intersection of States, Goals, And Values
Most of what I have presented to date is embedded in emotion demonstrating the
powerful effect of juxtaposing the elements o f the classroom occupations with the
complex neurobehavioral states and the evident motives, goals and values that appear to
be the background for organizing classroom occupations for the participants. The
occupations are not arbitrarily invented. Under perturbations these occupations emerge,
thus the form is felt and then created to give expression to the underlying states and
emotions. These were moods that arouse from multidimensional sources- it may result
from the careful adjustment of a need to change states from low arousal levels to higher
states of arousal; or it may rely on the need to reduce stimulation or change the types of
stimulation that the participant was experiencing. Heidegger suggests that these moods
are inner feelings, which affect they ways in which people view and engagement with
the world (Dreyfus, 1991). He makes the distinction between emotions and moods.
However, for the purposes of this study it seems most applicable to consider his term
Befindlichkeit, which means 'how one finds oneself, or roughly 'state of mind'. Self-
regulatory classroom occupations could be seen as entities that are engaged in and
dependent on some private world experience that is created to employ fantasy as a stress
release. At different stages of the engagement, the participants developed new insights
into who they are as individuals in context, their efficacy on the environment or, their
own moods. If they were in a mood and did not want to engage or engaged
inappropriately in the context of the environment they might be snapped out of their
present mood if others cajole them, provide new information that alters their
223
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
understanding of a given situation and thus, altered the mood. On the other hand, as
was often the case for Randy in his math course he would steel himself to engage in his
core-curriculum classroom occupations in the face of his mood. However, this was not
without considerable effort. The following excerpt is an example of how mood and
emotions are related to social negotiation for Mark:
Mark’ s Angry Outburst
Mark gets angry about a comment that another student made about his brother
being gay. Mark misinterprets the statement and the teacher corrects Mark. She
tells him that he is over reacting and misunderstood.
Mark: My brother tried to kill himself because the teacher called him stupid.
When Mrs. Wycliff gives Mark feedback his demeanor and his mood seems to
shift as he leams he has misinterpreted what was being said. His comment that
his brother tried to kill himself in response to a teacher’s inappropriate labeling
of his bother is telling. As Mark responded to the other students comment he
was relating previous experiences with the current interactions and coming out
with wrong conclusions regarding the nature of the current interaction. These are
real-life emotional events for Mark.
Camras (1992) asserts that more must be understood about the ways in which
we organize our emotional experiences in terms of the content o f the thinking and
appraisal processes that regulate emotional events. Emotional behavior always results
from value judgments (Ortony & Turner, 1990; Stein & Oatley, 1992). Fundamentally,
Mark’s emotions were adapting with help from Mrs. Wycliff to deal with the
environment. His appraisal of situations was first expressed in relation to his needs and
then expressed in anger as he wrongly appraised the comments of his peer. Mark’s
coping abilities were enhanced with feedback from his teacher. Thus, self-construction
classroom occupations in this example are a culturally and socially based consequence
of reflections and decision making in the context of the didactic exchanges that Mark
224
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
experienced in the classroom. In anger, Mark would have increased the probability of
chasing his peer away. However, the teacher’s intervention, which appeared to be
designed to change Mark’s perceptions, was effective and the perceived threat was
abated. While Mark wanted to defend and protect his brother’s reputation his social
negotiation of didactic exchanged were being challenged as his listening and
interpretive skill were being improved by receiving feedback form the teacher regarding
his inadequate execution of meaning in this context. Concerning classroom occupations
that evoke intrinsic subjective emotional experiences, this type of interaction was also
observed in Mark’s English class with Mrs. O’Brien. On one occasion as Mr. O’Brien
leads the class through the oral reading of an excerpt from Freedom Writers:
M ark’ s Freedom Writer Readings
Student: What is hazing?
O’Brien: Secret horrible rituals that are participated in by students without the
adults knowing. You are talking about the Chicago incidences. In that one the
parents participated. A student shares his feelings with the class. The excerpt
emotionally moves the student and he says the material is disturbing him.
Student: This is the most disturbing thing 1 have heard since I’ve been in here.
O’Brien: I’m glad I’ve disturbed you. Part of being human is not only to be
joyous and happy but to think about what disturbs us. My own perspectives have
changed since I started reading Freedom Writers four year ago.
One of the teacher’s intentions was to expose the students to literature that
caused disquiet in the students to assist them in exploring the full range o f emotions
from joy to disquiet through the core-curriculum occupations of reading “ Freedom
Writers” and by watching such films as The Diary of Ann Frank or the Simone
Wiesenthal: Video ‘Genocide’ to the class. The following excerpt describes one such
core-curriculum classroom occupation:
225
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’ s English Class: Video Genocide
The images flash before the class as they watch the Wiesenthal Video:
Genocide- Hitler becomes the Furor; hatred of Jews, slaves, gypsies, mentally
and physically handicapped; disabled were targeted; April 1933 we the start of
the genocide with anyone without German parentage; March 1933
Concentration Camps emerge; Jehovah Witness, Socialist, and Democrats were
targeted.
Mark watches in awe with his mouth opened as the crude and cruel cartoons and
board games that taught school children that Jews were the worst enemies. As
the narrator explained that to win the game a player had to kick out six Jews.
Some of the students in Mr. O’Brien’s class laughed at this notion as they watch
the video. As the video continued the scenes became very graphic showing
naked women and children being shot and thrown into mass graves, the music,
and images evoked strong emotions in me as I write. I am fighting back my tears
and am over come with grief, as once again my love for the Jewish people
emerges in deep sorrow for man’s inhumanity to man.
Mark continues to watch the scenes before him motionless. The overhead
announcement breaks through the air: Grad night seniors: Grad’s due Monday.
The narrator continues Jews in Belgium are ordered to have the Cathedral Bells
play the Kathita. German Invasion; Mark has his head down now. I wonder if
the emotion is too much for Mark I am...
A student yells out: Dam.. .again he says Dam those Nazi as he stands in front of
his chair leaning forward staring at the screen. He is over come with the images
he sees o the screen of naked elderly and young, women, children and men
being shot and falling into a mass grave. Mark exits gathering his things.
As a observer I was caught up in the emotion that the film evoked in me and
observed from the silence in the room and the looks on the student’s faces that they too
were being moved to emotive states. Mark’s facial expressions were intense. Facial
expression are one type of nonverbal behavior that gives some indication o f emotive
response to stimuli in the environment. The students’ facial expressions ranged from
disbelief, to outrage. In the subsequent interview Mark responded with the following
perceptions about the video:
226
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’ s English Class: Genocide Video
PI: What did you think of the Genocide Video?
Mark: Yeah, I don’t really like it.
PI: You don’t.. .why?
Mark: Cause 1 just want..I’m not really wanting to think about all that stuff..just
my project.
PI: 1 noticed
Mark.. .It takes a long time to watch those videos.
PI: Umm humm.. .1 noticed that you seemed to be watching the film with your
mouth open at one point.
Mark: Yeah, it was like what is going to take place next. Cause the children and
the old people were just waiting to be killed and ...1 don’t know.. .it was hard to
watch.
PI: How did it make you feel?
Mark: W ell...hey it happened a long time ago...
PI: 1 know but how did it make you feel now?
Mark: N ow ...like first 1 was shocked and then like ...angry, sad 1 don’t know.
Because 1 need to catch up 1 don’t care, just let’s get finished with this.
PI: Your fellow students seemed to be concerned. That one boy just yelled at the
screen and stared at it.
Mark: Yeah, that’s him.
Mark had a hard time processing his emotions around the core-curriculum
occupation of watching the film to ascertain the ethos and information about the Nazi
genocide of the Jews. He chose to focus on the need to gain credits when asked in
interview about his feelings, yet when observed in context he was visibly engrossed in
the process of comprehending the images before him with some level of emotional
arousal, albeit more muted in the narrative. This was true of Mark when looking at his
responses to what would appear to be moments of enjoyment for Mark with core-
curriculum content in his art class:
227
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Immediate Gratification
PI: Have you ever worked with clay before?
Mark: No
PI: That was your first experience?
Mark: Yeah, I don’t really like it.
PI: You don’t like it. Why?
Mark: I’m not really into waiting. 1 just want my project.
Panksepp (1990) suggest that the subjective experience people have to feel pain
can be numbed by intentionally cutting off all feeling. Thus, in so doing a persons
ability to feel joy and happiness can also be diminished:
Mark’ s Struggle with Emotions
PI: Do you ever bring your won experience, outside stuff into class like if
something is going on at home?
Mark: No, 1 try not to think about it at all. Like even at home. 1 make it a smaller
thing when it is a big deal. Like people go... you make too light of things. You
don’t care too much about stuff. And I’m like that’s right... look at you. You are
stressing out and 1 am over here still calm and ready. You know what 1 mean?
People just start freaking out and yelling and stuff. Sometimes 1 get mad, but not
as bad.
PI: Hum like those days when the hood comes up and you push everyone away.
Mark: Yeah.
PI: Um hum if something comes up you retreat in rather then out.
Mark: Yeah, 1 am not going to show that one thing little thing makes me weaker.
PI: Hum.
He equated demonstrating emotions with weakness. Mark’s potential for certain
types of feelings is intrinsic, while the expression of these feelings in the real world
depends on his historicity (Panksepp, 1991). It appeared that it was difficult for Mark to
feel and synthesize his emotions. 1 think that his perception of classroom occupations
cannot be separated from his struggles with processing emotions.
228
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Heidegger suggests that knowledge is understanding about ones’ self and others
in the world. He asserts that mood is a particular way to view the world that influences
our engagement with the world (Inwood, 2000). Thus, moods as a part of self can be
seen as feelings that restrain our ability to function and engage with the world. As the
study proceeded and the uniqueness of my presence in the classroom wore off, I could
see patterns emerging with each participant that were steeped in emotions and situated
in context. Racial, political, interpersonal and sometimes academic elements evoked
emotions in the participants that affected their formation and participation in classroom
occupations:
Dan
PI: Tell me how you experience moods in general, in class?
Dan: Moods
PI: Um hum
D: What ever floats my boat.
PI: OK
D: It’s not like I’m goanna plan a mood. You know.
PI: OK so when you go to class and you have a mood.
D: Like I have a mood of I want to leam, but I am not... like goanna just go into
the class and disrupt the teacher. It’s just what ever happens, happens.
Moment-by- moment modulations o f experiences that were not necessarily
governed by higher cognitive override that would dictate conformity to the social
cannons was Dan’s mode of operation. Self-regulatory classroom occupations emerged
spontaneously as he sought to mange his states. If he were bored, he found something to
do:
229
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Boredom Is Not An Option
PI: How do you deal with boredom, how do you get thorough it?
D: U m ...1 don’t know. An ADD person they, will always be busy. Everything
keeps them going. When they are bored, 1 swear to God they will find
something. You could put me in a box for eight months, and 1 swear to God 1
will he just fine.
On another, occasion Dan states concerning boredom:
PI: Are you bored?
Dan: Never bored can always entertain myself. Some kids can use sleep to
escape.
Feelings and attitudes expressed in the narratives are themselves expressions of
reflection based on experiences. Each participant makes some introspective statements
as they reveal the details of their experiences and often the sensory experience that
accompanied the experience:
Music As An Emotional Adjustment
PI: The other day you had your earphones on during World History class.
At first 1 thought they were earrings, but, no those are earphones.
Randy: Yeah!
PI: So what was that all about?
Randy: Me personally, 1 can’t live without music. It is absolutely mandatory. It
is like breathing for me. Someday’s when 1 wake up. If 1 haven’t listened to
music the day before. It’s like an addiction. 1 need my music to calm me down
and put me in a state of mind. Calm and 1 seem to work better and think clearer
when 1 have music in me. It is like my Ritalin for the day. 1 found that works for
me. That’s why in class sometimes you see me doing my little riffs; it helps to
get me back on track. It helps me tremendously with a lot of things. When 1 am
working on a project at home, if 1 wouldn’t. Have music and 1 was in a bad
mood my patience would be like (he holds his index finger and thumb 1/18 inch
apart). But with music 1 could go all day and mess up and not care.
PI: So it is like an emotional adjustment?
Randy: Yeah! Right!
We can control what we feel to some degree, by limiting our exposure to
external stimuli and controlling our conscious thoughts. Larson (1994) suggests that
230
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
teenagers often listen to music in the isolation of their bedrooms while contemplating
the themes of the songs in relation to their own lives, as part of the process of emotional
self-regulation. Randy’s use of music was not only a mood adjuster but a way to limit
his exposure to external and internal stimuli in the form o f thoughts that he would use to
manage his states:
Randy’ s Use of Music As a Cubical of Sound
PI: Why were you listening to music to day?
Randy: I don’t hear nothing else in the class, I don’t hear anybody’s
conversation. If they say something about me I could care less, I have better
things to do than worry about it. It puts me in my own cubical of sound. And the
things that I think of when I listen to that sound and then open my eyes and see
the paper.. .then I know that stuff. When that voice that plays in the back of your
head (You don’t want to do this any more) said in a taunting fashion. It’s the
music keep going, keep going, just like the music, and keep going. So...it does
help.
PI: humm that’s interesting. I noticed that the student to your right had touched
you and gotten your attention and you took off your earphones. When you
removed them you said, “What’s up?” The student said, nothing. You seemed
irritated.
Randy: Yeah! That was Hank you know its like don’t do that to me, don’t do
that to me. You broke the silence.
From a phenomenological perspective, Randy, describes how he deals with core
aspects of emotional adjustment to cause changes in states and to increase his
productivity. By controlling the stimuli, by using music, his experience with core-
curriculum content is enhances. This is a type of strategy, which denotes his
understanding of his neurobehavioral approach. First, the exposure to certain external
stimuli is counter-productive to his pursuit of credits. He perceived that his thoughts
will be influenced by the conversations of his peers so he opts to avoid a less desirable
state, filled with painful, or bad feelings is avoided, thus controlling the potential of
internal distractions that would interfere with his emotional state and productivity.
231
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Second, there is a change in meaning Randy ascribes to this perspective. He labels
music as a “sound cubical”. Third, novelty is introduced by providing him with new
stimuli, music that acts as a resource to enhance his core-curriculum classroom
occupational engagement.
The distinction between meaning and emotions was often muted for the
participants as they answered interview questions. Values, goals and motives were
emergent themes, works in process as well as defined entities, arising fiom the
historicity of the participants. As they shared their opinions and thoughts, emotions
were evoked and expressed in the vocal intonations and body language. Cognitive
processing of information in didactic exchanges during interviews was an interesting
challenge. It often took several questions to turn their unintelligibility of thought into
some recognizable form. I felt that this was in part due to the what Dan had earlier
described as the filtering of thoughts that they had he had to do in order to produce in
writing what he was clearly thinking internally. In addition, what is meant by the "use"
of a word? 1 found that if I allowed the participants room to ramble the richness of the
data was increased because they expressed tangential information associated or
disassociated with the question but they formed common bits of ordinary language; and
then there was no particular difficulty in understanding what they were trying to say.
Their animation or lethargy during interviews was also informative. Mark was typically
more even tempered, while Randy and Dan were more polarized in their moods during
interviews.
232
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Moreover, I could be quite specific about what sort of things I was trying to
explore with them after they were allowed to take off on their tangential wanderings
intended, in the present interview context, to let their voices be heard. In following
excerpt, the question asked is answered in Randy’s typical fashion with emotion and
humor. However, the final tangential comment reveals something about his feelings and
the use of caffeine and sugar:
Randy’ s Use of Stimulants
PI: Do you have cokes each morning?
Randy: Oh, yes!
PI: Sugar and caffeine.
R: Yeah!!!!!!!!!!!! Laughter
PI: Really! So you have breakfast in the morning?
R: NO
PI: But, the candy, soda thing is a normal thing every morning?
Randy: sometimes. It all depends on how I am feeling that day. I’ll have that
soda and bag of candy, because I have given up regular eating that morning. I
don’t know...
To begin, I have in mind a specific question; I want to know if Randy drinks
coke each morning. This is specified by the use of the word each in the question but by
the allowing Randy to ramble and be free in his explanation a certain acceptance, which
held true to be useful in gaining the information and additional information I would not
have otherwise asked, specifically. I also found it helpful to enter into their experiences
during the interview times by dropping my own speech patterns and adopting their use
of language. For example, I would say things like really dude, or, frequently interject
the use of the word like into the exchanges. In addition, to emphasize my desire to let
there voices be heard I would permit them to interrupt me in mid sentence, and
frequently use pregnant pauses as opportunities to let them continue as opposed to me
233
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
interjecting another question or facilitating by filling in the lull in conversation. The use
of the vocalization Uum or, Hum, um was helpful to prompt them on without adding
any words of my own to the narrative. It is important to note the emotional responses
while discussing the meaning of the classroom occupations in interview were indicative
of special places of emphasis a particular question held for the participants. Yet, the
participants own ability to express their emotions was sometimes very difficult for
them. As previously described, Mark had difficulty feeling his emotions and giving
them expression. Yet, of the three participants, Dan had the most difficulty identifying
and speaking about his emotions. While he was more verbose and impassioned, it was
difficult to pin him down to talking in the first person.
The interview process seemed to move the abstraction o f talking about the
events into the realm of the immediate as meaning, making meaning and emotions
coalesce in reflection as they attempted to answer an interview question, or in the
following excerpt; Dan’s response to the member-checking statement:
Dan ’ 5 Exposes the Meaning of having ADD
PI: OK other things; your grouping ADD kids are like a family. They are not
characterized as abnormal but just different. ADD fold are connected with
camaraderie, a sorority, sense of belonging and there is a virtue in the behavioral
similarities that you have.
D: Yep! Haven’t you seen that in the study?
PI: Well, I have seen it with you guys.
D: Yeah, well that’s what I’m saying. We think alike, we act alike. And we all
have our own little thing that we do everyday.
234
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan saw many commonalities between himself and those who have ADD. His
question to me implied that this was of course a very obvious thing to note when being
around persons with ADD and thus, I certainly must have discovered this in my
investigation.
Dan Awakes To States
PI: Yeah moment-by-moment experiences. However, your feelings govem
what’s going to happen.
Dan: Yep. If you wake up on that side of the bed that day then you are going to
be that person that day. And on the side you are going to be that person that.
Dan verified that each days activities were influenced by the mood he was given
upon awakening. Like a Jackal and Hide the potions in the form o f endocrine
combinations were the continual balance he had to mediate.
Dan frequently spoke of the difficulty he had with filtering and processing
information. In the interview this was also observed:
The Collective Voice of ADD: Dan’ s Narratives
PI: Throughout the study when you speak of your own emotions you tend to
project it out to the group when explaining it like, this is the way kids with ADD
feel or some people feel rather then just speaking about yourself and saying
yeah... this is how I was feeling about this or that. Did you notice that, or do you
think I’m off on this point?
Dan: What that I don’t have a lot of upset days?
PI: No you tend not to talk about your own emotions, but tend to speak of it as if
it were a group experience. Like ADD kids do this or those kids.. .But when it
comes to saying Dan, first person I, you rarely speak that way. Like this is “my
opinion, or T feel this way’.
D: Ah you are going to have to put that in retarded terms.
PI: I don’t know what do you think? You know how you might tell a story about
going to Disneyland and say oh I had a good time but when I got on the roller
coaster, I felt sick. You know I am talking about me. Now I might have some
friends there who had a totally different experience because they didn’t get
nauseous and didn’t even get on the ride. But I am using I, and I’m focusing on
me and you know that I am telling you about what I experienced. I am the
subject!
235
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
D: Oh, OK like I will bring in everyone into the story.
PI; Yes...
D: Doesn’t it make the story more interesting?
PI: Then just thinking about you?
D: Yeah. PI: I don’t know?
D: Dude yeah like I was over here and like.. .(he uses a boring drawl character
voice.) Dropping the voice he says) It’s like that’s boring dude... get out of here.
I don’t know I use it to make the story more interesting. Actually it grabs the
people’s attention. (Chuckle.) Say if I was telling a story and I pause.. .And start
up again I caught your attention.
PI: Yeah.
D: It actually garbed you and made you hipped up finish it. Like then you hear
the other little details like then I turned and w ooo.. ..woooo.. .he makes a
screeching noise. You make like little sound effects and people will actually
listen. Instead of, (in a boring low tone) today.. .1 want...to...the M all... and it
was fun. People are not going to listen. Like good job., .you went to the Mall.
Notice that what I am taking to be the meaning constituting is not merely that
the words he says, but the fact that his accounts also omit something. In this case the
absence of the personal pronoun I. This was a constant throughout Dan’s narratives.
Thus, his meaning was embedded in his identity with others and more specifically with
other persons with ADD. What it does constitute by his regular use of this form of
expression is a value. His actions in class that stem from the neurobehavioral states in a
psychological sense may also through the use of self-display re affirm his presence as
other and reaffirm his peers’ collective consciousness by using humor.
Throughout the study, I was intrigued with the complexity of the landscape upon
which classroom occupations were constructed, constituted and reconstituted.
Classroom occupations evolved over the course of the study, and were integrated
wholes produced by specific contextual processes rather than a reflection of universal
truths about classroom occupations. In the beginning o f the study, all of the participants
presented with joy and excitement to be a part of the study.
236
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
They seemed to enjoy the notion of being observed and interviewed. Randy initially
would frequently look back in class to see if I was watching him, but as the study
progressed he became more at ease and simply made occasional glances at me as he
entered the room. Mark had to have boundaries set, as he would try to engage me in the
action of his classroom routines. The following exchange took place at the beginning of
the study:
Mark
Mark: Who are the people that you are studying?
PI: It’s confidential.
Mark: That confidential stuff. Someone should make a movie out o f my life.
At the close of the study, Mark states:
It’s really been cool having you study me this year.
In the member-checking interview, Dan interrupts my series of questions to ask
me the following questions:
Dan’ s Question Regarding the Research Study
Dan: What do you think is the most important piece of information from all of
this?
PI: Well, you know I have not analyzed it all yet...
Dan: What amazed you?
PI: That amazed m e... about the ADD. 11 amazed me so much because as a
researcher, therapist and a parent of a child with ADD I am so into working with
people that have disabilities and to hear you, and not only you but the others
says something similar about their feelings about ADD...I was amazed. I was
shocking because it really jolts my mind about what we really say disability is.
Dan: When actually it is an advantage.
PI: Yeah it can be an advantage. The advantages that I hear in his narrative is
mostly social ones and it’s not to say that everybody would have the same
experience that you had with ADD, but it causes us to think. But it is a unique
perspective and that’s solid, it’s a unique one.
237
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
I was sensitive to my own tendency to want to help the participants in some
way, a contradictory thought, when executing this type of research study, and the
natural force of conversation to facilitate reflection. To keep trust and rapport it was
important to be genuine in the encounters; and as much as was possible to resist the
tendency to be therapeutic in our interview exchanges. Randy’s comments at the close
of an interview one day during a time when he was particularly emotionally subverted
express the presence of this type of a dilemma when looking at the emotive meaning of
classroom occupations:
Randy Experiences Changes in Emotive States
PI: I want to show you your schedule o f interviews. Because it seems like your
getting overloaded and getting angry seems to be in the last three weeks. I want
to show you that it was at just about the three week mark where you got ill and
then you r attendance at school.. .not a lot but a couple o f day were increasing in
absences. Where before you were just plotting along. Look at all these days
without missing. Six weeks o f steady plotting, happy and content for the most
part, joyous and playing around and suddenly around this time.
R: What was the date?
PI: the 19‘^
Randy: Wow we are already in the month o f________ .
PI: Yeah, the third week in __________ was when you got sick and all the stress.
So the new kids just came in this week, so you had indicated this to be a stressor
to you. But I am wondering about the issue of negotiating and trying to keep a
palace that maybe the anger
Randy: Is making it worst?
PI: Yeah, like you are not really thinking and self-analyzing and reflecting on
what’s happening, but you are just responding.
Randy: Yeah, I think it is because. Personally I give it a certain amount o f time
and I will do that and say you know what don’t worry about it take it home with
you and tike it out on your couch, whatever and don’t worry about it. Just don’t
let it go to far. But I can’t stand this anymore.
It was at the end of this interview after the tape had stopped running that Randy
said as we were leaving the conference room, “Wow that was really good, it was like
going to see my psychiatrist.” This deeply concerned me because I feared that I had
238
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
breached the research arena and stepped over into the therapy domain. Yet, real
situations and human interactions cannot be denied, nor should they be. As Randy
reflected on the questions, as clarifications of the questions were made, he was making
meaning o f his situation in context and so was I. Thus, in this fashion, questions built
upon each other through out the research process.
In my view, the exchange in interview was non-replicable because each
exchange was unique and once again, based upon context. My judgment on this
particular day was that Randy was deeply troubled and the feedback given to him about
the classroom observations evoked refleetions, self-discovery and in some way
resolution of the emotions he possessed. I believe that his closing remarks about the
session being like therapy lend itself to this type o f an assertion on my part. For
instance, the one-to-one didactic exchange that takes place in interviews is very similar
to therapy sessions. On the other hand, in the interview process there is a recognition
that open ended dialogues is most suited toward the purpose I had which was to gamer
information, not seek to resolve the emotional tensions Randy was experiencing at that
time. Moreover, so on this day I too was feeling conflicted. Perhaps its sole purpose is
to add to the credibility of the study by sharing this encounter and not omitting it.
In many respects, as the study progressed I became less o f an outsider. This was
essential to try to understand the worldview of the participants (Hammersley, 1990). In
an attempt to determine how who I am directing and shaping the research process,
throughout the study I employed what Wilkinson calls ‘continuous, critical
examination’ to reflect on my actions in context (Wilkinson, 1988). This was done to
239
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
expose my own assumptions, values and biases. Of course, I was concerned about
Randy’s psychological well-being, and dignity, and could hear the concern in my own
voice as I transcribed the interview tapes. The intonations in my voice communicated
empathy and caring. This struggle was a part of the confusion inherent in the research
process. However, I believe I kept a reasonable balance in this regard.
Fantasy
The innate capacity for adolescent imagination to act, i.e., to exercise praxis, in
thought is intriguing. Through the use of the creative imagination, the bridge between
the realities of what is taking place around us can be placed into the background as the
element o f fantasy is constructed. It is apart of the self-regulatory classroom
occupations that offer release from the problems that are present in and situated in the
classroom. There is a direct purpose in using fantasy as Randy explains in this excerpt:
Fantasy Carving Out Personal Space Within The Classroom
PI; Do you ever engage in mental play in class?
R: Mental play like...what...I am sure I have.
PI: Oh, thinking about something you enjoy doing...
R: Oh, ye...OH YES...(He is animated and lively as he share his thoughts). Oh
that is a big ten on the Richter scale. I am always staging...always!
Sometime you can really notice it and sometime you can’t. Most of the time you
can’t because I get into those little...(he motions that it is internal).
PI: What are the themes of your daydreams, your mental palsy?
R: Acting with Jim Carey.
We laugh.
R: Most of them while I am in class are o f me doing so good and getting out of
high school seeing me up on the stage, getting my diploma. Then all my teachers
crying and oohh.. .oohhh (he voices the sentiment of them weeping with joy.)
Other times.. .well like one of them was today. Like wouldn’t it be fun to run in
a big warehouse with a bunch of big blown up balloons? Just running loose and
some times I think this is nuts.. .1 have to step down and let myself chill out.
Then I get back to work.
240
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy’s explanation is rich with imagery, and he takes great joy as he shares
this inner world with me. Randy uses fantasy to change his states. The use of fantasy
calls into play the imagination, and the concept of power to choose fantasy over the
subjective world that Randy found himself in during class time. Placidity in fantasy is
uninhibited for Randy, as his movement exists out of view of an audience, and only in
his mind. He is engaging in cognitive movement, distraction, or as I propose self-
regulatory classroom occupations during a time of his choosing for his own purposes.
Each classroom occupation has a prescribed rhythm. At its core are the dynamic
interplay between the environment and Randy’s desire to create and engage in
occupation, to establish a regulatory balance in his state, and in so doing construct
himself in the process.
Randy’s classroom occupation gives attention to the developing creative mental
imagery intelligence. Gardner’s (1993) notion of multiple intelligences acknowledges
that human capacity to exercise intelligence is not limited to reading, writing, and
arithmetic, but has at its core multi-dimensions of intelligences. Gardner lists eight
intelligences i.e., linguistic, musical, bodily-kinesthetic, logical-mathematical, spatial-
visual, and intra-personal/interpersonal and naturalistic. He argues that it is the
combination of intelligences that gives humans the ability to fill specific niches in
society.
Each of the participants’ values, goals, and cognitive capacities can be thought
to arise out of their socialization, genetic and neurological predispositions, which are
subjectively expressed as they interface with the environment. (Gardner, 1993).
241
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Csikszentmihalyi (1988) suggests that measures of the quality o f task performance are
only distinguished in the presence o f a social structure. However, Randy’s engagement
in fantasy is an escape from view of the social structure and it’s judgments of his
performance. Randy’s play with fantasy takes place in his thoughts, hidden from the
teacher and his peers. The executions of these fanciful thoughts are devoid of public
scrutiny, thus evoking a satisfactory state of being for Randy. The cognitive powers of
his personality and dispositions seen in the colorful narrative of the warehouse full of
balloons and his unrestricted abandonment of joy as he runs through the warehouse
hitting the balloons. It is a novel intimate domain, where he alone is the creator and
sustainer of the classroom occupations. There is a tension always between the thoughts
and the emotions. As he creates the self-regulatory occupations, he changes his state
and in so doing regulates his state at that moment. His use of fantasy transcends the
immediate moment of being in the classroom and gives rise to a plethora of possibilities
beyond the core-curriculum classroom occupation the teacher has set before him. From
Csikszentmihalyi’s (1988) standpoint the social structure for Randy’s engagement
perhaps can be thought of as the perturbation for creating his own self -regulatory
classroom occupation. His classroom occupation lacked richness and the desired
stimulation he needed, and or desired, so he improvised, replete with the desired
emotional state he wanted to achieve at that moment. In this sense, it is an innovative
aspect of determination and drives to engage in classroom occupations for purposive
reasons.
242
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Just like Randy’s use of humor to change the atmosphere of the classroom
dynamics of peer interaction and to create a desired state. In this member-checking
excerpt, Randy responds to my assertion that he uses humor to turns JR’s cussing to
laughter:
Randy Uses Humor to Mediate Social Interactions
PI: I see you have used humor to diffuse situations when things are getting out
of control. There was one day where there was a gentleman that decided to
really give the teacher a hard time, throwing books around, cussing and just
being a real challenge. At one point you said, “Hey, I will give you ten bucks if
you cannot cuss and to class and do what your suppose to do.” But you did it in
a kind, joking way. Do you use humor that way?
Randy: Oh yeah! One because my love in life, my ultimate drug in life is t make
people laugh. That give me the most.. .you know if you were to save someone’s
life you know how you would feel. So proud of yourself. Making people laugh
is like that for me. It’s like yeah all right, yes, sweet. I try to make light of
situations like that to make them diffuse that situation. For one thing to make the
kid shut up, cause the kid would never shut up! (Laugh) And two to bring some
light into the room. Because 1 was so tired of all the yeah, yeah, slam, shout,
slam book there, fuck this.. .1 was like OK I’m ready for something different.
In aspiring to change the atmosphere, ergo the stimulation in the classroom,
Randy employs humor. His actions must be recognized as a goal that Randy sets out to
accomplish, which is emanating from a desire to alter the effects of the current stimuli
on his affect. He tells us that he was tired and ready for something different, a transition
from intense hostility to humor. Through the use o f humor in this real-world classroom
event, Randy successfully remedies the situation.
There are many variables that are operating concurrently in this interaction.
Randy’s need for change does not automatically provide precise knowledge of the
outcome, but acts as a perturbation to attempt to change the circumstances. Thus, even
though Randy probably had previous success with these types of interventions in the
243
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
past there was no insurance that the outcome would be similar this time. Yet,
emotionally and skillfully, he expresses his efficacy in this cultural contexts, not to
mention his ultimate goal of altering his arousal levels. He lets us know that he
differentiates states with higher priorities (e.g., making people laugh) whose
interconnectedness is likened to a narcotic effect with substantially power to alter his
enjoyment.
Thus, the understanding of general goals that Randy has in mind when engaging
in self-regulatory classroom occupations we see the interconnectedness of self
construction and social negotiation principles of dynamic interplay. This automatically
provides insight into the complex meaning of classroom occupations as expressed by
those engagements. In short, there is a high likelihood that Randy’s need for change,
feelings of efficacy to attempt to mediate such a change in the complex social context
with unlimited degrees of freedom is elaborately connected to the context in which they
occur.
Yet, Randy is not a blank slate entering this environment. When we look at
Randy’s narrative, we understand that the natures of his current experiences in the realm
of classroom occupations extent from previous experiences. He uses his self-regulatory
classroom occupation as a tool to mobilize his ability to stay in his seat and yet exploit
his freedom to move within the mental, fantasy of his mind is utilizing a strategy to
manage the activities within the classroom genre. One strategy he had developed to
comply with the demands of the environment within the social norms of the teachers’
expectations that was developed over time as this excerpt reveals:
244
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Learning to Control The Urge to Move
PI: Do you feel like you just have to be up and on the move?
Randy: I have always had ADD. As a kid I had the worst experiences. I had to
leam to stay in my seat. There was a time when I just wanted to sit down and do
nothing. In 5 * * ’ or 6* grade.. .but that was not an option.
Learning to cope with his propensity to be on the move was something that
Randy had perfected within the environmental press. The neurological predispositions
that drive his sensory experiences and responses to the environmental stimuli were often
at odds with the classroom scripts and teacher expectations. Therefore, Randy was
developing an emotional intelligence about his own efficacy in managing his state need
around this constantly shifting landscape of classroom events. Thus, the null curriculum
was one of efficacy to mediate power relations. His goals, values and motives were
precise in their significance as they were synthesized into the context of the classroom
events and balances against his own state demands. A detailed understanding of each
instance of the experience is prohibitively complex due to the subjectivity of the
experiences, and yet his narratives along with the feedback from observations were
valuable tools for excavating the dynamics that underlie Randy’s psychological
abilities, neurobehavioral adaptation and classroom occupations.
Drawing was another symbolic representation o f fantasy in Randy’s self-
regulatory classroom occupations:
Drawing An Expression of Self-Regulation
PI: Today I noticed that you were drawing after a while when the movie was
going on.
Randy: I had seen the movie before and I never liked their graphics. The movie
the Time Machine, I loved that movie. There are some though that are so
cheesy.. .1 just get mad and I can’t watch that.
245
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Was that when you mentioned the Journey to the Center o f the Earth in
class?
Randy: No, it was different in my head...it was like won’t that be cool. The set
was fake , but that was what they had then and they did the best with what they
had. But...Fahrenheit they had the backpack guys...come on, I’ve seen enough.
Drawing is an alternative self-regulation classroom occupation, which
constitutes meaning to Randy, one in which he chooses to engage in, in lieu of the core-
curriculum classroom occupation, which the teacher has designed, that of viewing a
movie. It can be seen as a symbolic representation of Randy’s internal world of fantasy.
Having already viewed the movie and determined it to be lacking in the graphics he
desired, he opted to draw. Thus, in relation to the fantasy o f his own making he tells us
that it was different in his mind.
He was in accord with his teacher’s expectation to be quiet and sit in his chair,
but opposed to her choice of occupation for him. His reaction is equivocal, transitional
perhaps, but the meaning is not easily detected by mere observation. His choice of
occupation becomes clearer when we see that his dissatisfaction with the graphics
evokes his own private fantasy as he recreates the graphics as they appear in his mind.
Drawing was frequently used by Randy to escape the task demands presented through
core-curriculum classroom occupations. In particular, his math teacher would make
frequent inquiry into whether Randy was drawing or completing a math module.
Although the act of drawing was readily identifiable, the intelligibility of the drawing’s
content and impetus was not. This type of symbolic fantasy content cannot be explained
by mere observation, since the nature of any symbol will inevitably depend not merely
on what it means to others, but what it symbolizes to the student.
246
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Art therapists have explored this type of inquiry for decades. But, it seems likely
that this may be a point o f interest to educators and therapists, since these classroom
occupations were very prevalent practices among the students observed in the
classroom at this school. Transitional moments like these may yield blueprints to state
change needs or more philosophically interesting, the null curriculum. Thus, there may
be indeed a useful connection between the core curriculum and self-construction
classroom occupations when viewed through the self-regulation classroom occupation
of drawing.
In discussing fantasy with Randy, he saw fantasy as a very valuable and unique
attribute of persons with ADD as this excerpt describes:
Randy’ s Use of Fantasy
PI: Tell me more about how you see persons with ADD.
Randy: W ell...it’s liked me and my friends have done some crazy things. We
dressed up in costumes and drove our scooters through Jack In the Box’s drive
through window...we were like w o... and the people were looking at us...
PI: sounds like you like excitement?
Randy: Yeah. ..once we found this old shack in the woods and this man wanted
us to tare it down.. .so my friend and me were like pirates and we went to town
and took it apart. The man was like dude what can I pay you.. .we were like hey
we will pay you.. .you got any more to tare down?
PI: So were you dressed in pirate clothes?
Randy: Laughs.. .no but we were so into the drama...
Here the emphasis falls on the sensory expression of fantasy play in drama,
where Randy and his friend are on display before the Jack-ln the Box personnel and the
self-regulatory experiences. It is interesting to take note of the significance he places on
the shard common distinctive of his other ADD friends’ proclivities to engage in the
same type o f occupation together out side of school.
247
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy’s narrative speaks about what he has learned about his concepts of ADD and self
as he imposed order on the chaos of cognition, emotion, and experience.
Mark was not prone to display o f fantasy and did not express any fantasy in his
narratives. However, Dan was engaged in play-acting throughout his time in the
classroom in the form o f dramatic improvisational skits, and monologues. Dan’s
character voices and erupting into spontaneous song, gave indications of a very active
mental process. Yet, he did not express the same kind o f subjective imaginary play that
Randy described. I observed that on occasion Dan and Randy liked to act in consort
creating a dramatic, spontaneous display of fantasy via the improvisational skits in the
classroom, ‘a place of being seen.’ Heidegger when explaining the concept of Dasein
suggests that everything humans do cries out for others to witnesses, co-creators, and/or
interpreters of Dasin’s actions (Dreyfus, 1991). Therefore, the world is a public forum,
where both others and self exist:
Mrs. Caballero’ s Special Education Class: Randy and Dan Improvisations
Randy and Dan are in class today. The class has been very noisy and busy with
many activities going on at once. Dan emerges from the back room and
approaches Randy who is standing at the sink drinking a Pepsi Blue. They begin
to relive a popular commercial on television where Ozzie Osbom calls his wife
because their two kids are turned into Donnie and Marie Osmond. They are
animated and play off each other like an acting class with the teacher has just
called for an improvisational dialogue surrounding the commercial. After this
very intense and concentrated effort the two break and Randy returns to his
desk, and Dan retums to his rear room from which he had originally emerged.
Dan in interview was not able to identify himself as engaging in fantasy, but
when observed in class he most certainly did in fact move in and out o f various
character voices and action roles as he interfaced 'with teaches and peers within the
classroom.
248
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Like actors in a skit, they improvise their lines and actions. Their fellow students,
teacher’s aides, and teacher are the audience.
As I too was a part of the audience, my attention is focused on how dialogue and
character voices were used to reveal the characters in Randy and Dan’s skit as they
develop their cultural classroom occupation. Their fellow students seem to engage at the
level of entertainment as their faces beam with delight or others with apparent
consternation. The aides and teachers look on with epic patience and tolerance as the
class begins for yet another session. The elements of their skits are shaped in the context
of a few brief moments. Here are some excerpts that help us to go beyond the imagery
o f the actions to look for literal meaning as ascribed by the actors:
Randy’ s Meaning of Improves: Taking a break
PI: The last English class observation I noticed you were at the sink drinking
and another student approached you and you started doing a commercial of the
Osbom family...
Randy: Oh yeah.. .(laugh)
PI: I notice you like to go into and out of various characters in class. Why is
that?
Randy: Hey like I told you.. .1 want to be an actor so bad.. .it’s just like in me.
PI: You had been working at your desk for a little while before you did that little
acting at the sink. Where you thinking about the Osbom family or something?
Randy: No.. .Like when Dan looked at me drinking it all just fell into place. It’s
a break from the routine.. .you gotta do something or you will go crazy!
Dan’ s Meaning of Improv: Entertainment
PI: You seemed to enjoy playing around in class?
Dan: Well, yeah.. .what do you mean?
PI: Remember when you were in English class and you started doing a
commercial with another student at the sink.
Dan: Oh.. .you know me always going for the laugh.
PI: Who where you trying to make laugh?
Dan: Everybody.
PI: How did you think of the Osbom commercial?
Dan: I don’t know .. .Randy was just like drinking and it reminded me of the
commercial.
249
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Were you thinking about the Osborns before when you were in the back
room?
Dan: N o.. .it was just like boom.. .there it is.
A production of their own making, Randy and Dan brings us into a world that,
apart from their narratives, would lack the dimensionality that is often mistaken for
reality when observed in isolation. For Randy it was a break and for Dan a tool to evoke
laughter and entertainment. Their narratives tell a story, and exist as for evidence that
there are meanings in the form o f expressions that cannot be detected by simply
observing a scene. Taking a break might look very different for another student, perhaps
simply ceasing to work, or asking for a bathroom pass. Making someone laugh might
simply be telling a joke. However, for these two students improvisational skits with its
movement and form of expression were frequent tools. These mini dramas were in short
intense displays of personal emotion in dramatic form. Their improvisations skits can be
thought of as a system of language in which the words are actions triggered by a desire
to compose cultural and self-regulatory classroom occupations. The need for a change
in state form a lower level of arousal to a higher level of stimulation acts as a catalysis
the moment. This is a type of worked designed to convey a vivid and imaginative sense
of their experience in context. These types of displays of self were not observed in
either the World History, American History classroom nor in the Art classroom, but
only in the Mrs. Caballero’s math classroom. Again, the students’ capacity to construct
and pursue classroom occupations is the product of the genre of the classroom. We see
in Mrs. Caballero’s classroom a place of open expression and more fluid thematic
license to work form the elements of self-display and humor.
250
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In the formal order classrooms, the elements are scripted in clarity of different
teacher expectations and tolerances. So large-scale productions and performances are
only relegated to Mrs. Caballero’s Dada classroom. 1 am not say that the more subdued
and hidden compositional elements of fantasy were not present across all genres, but
rather the display of this type were not evidenced. Randy’s admission that he quite often
went on fantasy journeys in his mind leads me to think that fantasy did exist in the
formal order classrooms, but in the private domains of Randy’s mind. Neither Mark, nor
Dan could attest to having flights of fantasy in class.
251
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter 9
Social Negotiation and Self
Social
Negotiations
and Self
Objective
Agency
Self-
Construction
Expiation
in Relation
to Cultural
Standards
Self
Construction
Beyond the
Classroom
In the last chapter we explored how postures, movement, and dress were
symbolic expressions of state change needs. In this chapter we explore how self-
knowledge, and striving to meet the community expectations influenced self-
construction occupation toward a notion of self. This section looks at the ways in which
objective agency i.e., exerting power to mediate relations with peers, teachers and the
institutional system, were employed, and in turn created self-construction occupations.
Objective agency as a primary social negotiation classroom occupation, was informed
by the participants values of resistance, and persistence. Thus, we will see how values,
and goals, operationalized motives toward objective agency as an instrumental
contributor to the formation of self-construction classroom occupations.
252
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Additionally, the participants’ choice o f the types o f classroom occupations to
engage in was not only based on values, goals and motives, but in part on an emergent
form of meaning making, the construction of self in context. Such values as being
heard, regarded and respected contributed to self-construction classroom occupational
formation. Each students’ perception of role performance was driven by such values as
resistance, and persistence, while socially transmitted values, motives, and goals such
as obtaining a high school diploma was a part of what each participant had to mediate,
in order to move into the next rite of passage in society. Both the implicit and explicit
curriculum merged in context to create themes in which self-construction occupations
could be enacted, and directly related to the types of future employment the participants
envisioned themselves doing.
Moreover, in this chapter we explore how two of the participants identified with
having ADD as a positive construction of self, as a preferable personality trait. While
Mark perceived having ADD as simply a label of insignificance.
Social Negotiations
This next section focuses on the issue o f entertainment and mediating power
relations as it occurred in the classroom. These two issues remind us that there is a null
curriculum beyond the core-curriculum. The marginal references to the core-curriculum
in the previous section are by design a way of demonstrating the findings of this study.
Without question, core-curriculum occupation was being accomplished in each class to
some degree, but by comparison, the null curriculum as brought forth by the social
253
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
negotiation, self-regulatory, and self-eonstruction classroom occupations far out
weighted the former. How the core-curriculum and the null curriculum is similar or
different is a question I will attempt to answer using only the evidence of the classroom
occupations itself and the descriptive terminology 1 have been discussing earlier in this
section.
The student’s perceptions about their classroom occupations are complex. As 1
studied this phenomenon, the challenge of explaining the interpreted differences
between the participants as well as there particular set of similarities is unfolding not in
a linear sense by any means, but in a multidimensional fashion, which mimics much of
what I experienced in the data collection phase of this study.
The relationship of the self-construction classroom occupations to the whole experience
of classroom occupations is found in the participants narrative excerpts which describes
their meaning making. What is important is that the interpretive responses presented
here represent the voices of the students. So the text continues to serve as the
resemblance of the participants individual voices. The critic of their voices, and the
emphasis of content are the pictorial representations that 1 bring to this discourse
believing that they accurately represent the patterns that emerged from the research. It
continues to be my position to verbalize the interpretive units into a cohesive whole by
focusing our attention on certain emphasis as they emerged from the data. Therefore, 1
turn my analysis to the area o f objective agency.
254
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Objective Agency
Objective agency is the term I have chosen to describe the manner in which
Randy, Dan and Mark operated within the system and deviated from the system while
constructing their classroom occupations. Objective agency is for the purposes of this
study are defined as the observable phenomenon of exerting power in their relations
with peers, teachers and the system. The following excerpts highlight objective agency
as they compare and contrast the subtleties of operating within and deviating from the
system as the participants’ experiences their classroom occupations:
Dan’ s perception of student role
PI: If you were going to make up a job description for a student what would you
expect to put on the list? What would you expect students to do?
Dan: I don’t know. Some o f them try to be defiant. I don’t know about that
question.
PI: Well think about it this way...
Dan: How do teachers act and how do students act?
PI: Well from the expectation o f...
D: From a teacher?
PI: Well...
Dan: What you would expect form a seventeen-year-old student?
PI: Yeah.
D: Expect him to act defiant..
PI: OK
Dan: Responsible maybe.. .there’s a lot of things you can’t rally label that cause
there are a lot of different personalities out there. So.. .probably try to get
through with school as fast as possible.
PI: How would you answer this for yoiuself?
Dan: You mean m e.. .how I would be?
PI: Yes.
Dan: Self-disciplined, competent, proud, honest, ummm.. .responsible.
255
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan’ s perception of how others view persons who have ADD
PI: Do teachers and other students generally look at students with ADD
differently?
Dan: They approach them differently, a special way. It doesn’t take a special
person to understand an ADD person. A teacher just has to be open-minded and
open to the ADD person. Just because we have outburst, or start talking to
people or cracking jokes you know. Some teachers just get mad and real quick
like boom get the hell out of my class. That’s not good. That is just going to
create problems from right there. You just have to be flexible and you can’t be
all stiff. You have to set the rules down and you can’t let us take over. Cause
(chuckle) we will take over if we can, but...
PI: So kind of a restrained...
Dan: You bargain.. .1 let you do this and you can do this. We don’t like
boundaries .We would be like (He demonstrates stepping over the imaginary
boundary).
PI: You’d step over it.
Dan: Yeah (chuckle)
Dan shares his thoughts regarding his expectations for himself as a student and
the teacher’s role. As is usual with Dan’s narratives I had to assist him with finding his
feelings, and his voice versus the collective voice of others. As he narrows his focus to
himself, we see that defiance is a priority characteristic. Yet, there is a dichotomy of
thought, a paradox between reality and his perceived ideas on the student role. In the
first excerpt, he describes himself in the ideal like a boy scout with his supposition that
as a student one is self-disciplined, competent, proud, honest and responsible. However,
in the second excerpt we see the reality of the Dan I have come to know in context,
talkative, cracking jokes and having outbursts. He admonishes teachers to use
negotiation as a strategy for working with him that is characterized by flexibility over
any firm boundaries that he abhors. With regard to his self-disciplined, being proud of
his accomplishments, responsible and competent mode o f being this was more readily
observed in the conference room, but not in Mrs. Caballero’s room.
256
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan had orchestrated the change in venues from the classroom to the conference
room. By choice, he had pushed the boundaries o f that negotiation to its limits. Finding
that he was back in Mrs. Caballero’s classroom he continued to attempt to push the
boundaries of her tolerance for his behavior. He maintained the intention to negotiate
long after his options for negotiations had been exhausted. Subsequently, the inevitable
happened and he lost the negotiations and was relegated to independent study at home.
Perhaps the null curriculum lesson here was the system does in fact have limits in the
form of boundaries; and, when you refuse or are unable to acquiesce to those
boundaries you are removed from society and isolated at home. For Dan this was the
least restrictive environment. His use of his girl friends assistance to complete much of
his over due credit assignments was his way o f navigating around the system.
Mark’s refusal to work at the teacher’s group pace, but to forge ahead on his
own was another illustration of objective agency outside the system. The agency is in its
self a form of defiance. Each participant had one common denominator, each of them
were behind in credits and on a road to obtaining them by whatever means was
necessary to achieve the desired result, emancipation from the system with a graduation
diploma in hand:
Mark makes his voice heard
PI: What are the best experiences you have had in classes this semester?
Mark: U m .. .1 just.. .1 guess...I don’t really enjoy anything.
PI: Hum
Mark: Watching the PE teacher when my mom yelled at him. That was the best
experience.
PI: Laughter
257
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark: He brought his family life into school and is haring problems at home. He
would not give me that credit for my class and tried to explain that and .. .my
mom is lie, I dropped him at school there is one way in and out and he left 5‘
period with he was suppose to...So I don’t understand how he couldn’t make it
to the that class!
In this narrative, Mark seemed to be reliving the previous scenes in his mind and
nurturing his spirit, his triumph over the PE teacher’s attempt to devalue his being. This
subversive maneuver of calling his mother into the dialogue with the teacher gives
testimony o f Mark’s need to have his voice hear, for his teacher to respect and
understand that his efforts of attending school would be acknowledged. Mark realized
that his own power and credibility lie in his ability to call his mom in to advocate for
him, to give presence to his voice that was not being heard. His agency rested in his
notion that he would be vindicated of any wrongdoing. Defiance again is seen in his
demonstrable agency to call his mother into the negotiation process.
Was this the way he had learned to approach power relations in the past or was
he exploring new territory? Understanding that historicity is an ever-present force in the
process of “being in the world,” I suggest that he was exercising previously learned
patterns of negotiation and simultaneous exploring new ones. He had no guarantee that
his power play would work, but suspected that he had agency to try:
Mark shares his values regarding negotiating power
PI: Is there anything that happens in class that worries you?
Mark: Umm only when 1 get in trouble. You know sometimes the teachers do
not understand. Like when it’s a sub...you know like Mrs. Papan’s math class. (1
do not observe this class).
PI: Is that class a challenge for you?
258
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark; No its not a challenge, I got kicked out... She and Mr. Levine called me in
the office beeause the sub got mad at me. She told me to get off the computer
and I said all right. I will sit right here. I was not using the computer and she
flipped out and turned the desk and unplugged all the wires. And I was like all
right if you want to do this... I’1 1 just reach over and turn off all the power to the
computers. There were two computer and she was like what the heck...she was
like.. .its not my fault he’s the one that he’s the one that tweaked it out.. .OK I
am going to send you to the office for not doing your work to talk to Mr. Levine.
Iff got to talk to Mr. Levine I will come baek to the class with Mr. Levine and
show him that everyone is not doing their work. Everyone will get in trouble. I
guess she wanted to write my name down because she cannot sent me to Mr.
Levine, she did not want me to go to Mr. Levine. But she got her way of how
things went on paper and Mrs. Papan gave it to Mr. Levine when she got baek to
class. Mr. Levine talked to me and said, why don’t you talk to Mrs. Papan. I was
like obviously she is not giving me the chance to talk to her, if she sent me
straight to you. You know this is the big thing that makes me look just more
down on her. You know what I mean.
Mark beeame very animated and impassioned as he told his story. He seemed to
demonstrate some sophistication in understanding the teacher’s place of vulnerability
and delighted in pointing out to the teacher that her inability to control the class was an
opportunity for Mark to expose her weakness to administration. As Mark explains to the
principal that their was no grounds to negotiate with the teacher, Mark summarizes his
perceptions of the teacher as one he did not respect. Being heard was a consistent theme
of respect for Mark:
Mark Values Being Heard
PI: Hum When things like this happen and you have a dispute with the
teacher in class and something like that happens how do you feel about it?
Mark: Sometimes I feel right, like when I am...and other times 1 feel
wrong.. .like I’m just wrong. Most of the time I am wrong. But, there are times
when I am right. There were two times this year when I was right, like when the
teacher said she was going to send me to the principals office for not doing my
work dah...dah.. .dah.. .and when the PE teacher said 1 was not at school, when I
was.
259
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The sub did not mark me here and he tried to argue with me and I was just like
you know what... .can I just call my mom? When he was standing there. And he
was like just call your mom .. .you know how people will just say that...
PI: Yeah they are just bluffing.
Mark: Yeah, but I called my mom and 30 minutes later she was here. And then
he marked me here for the day.
PI: So your feelings either goes from I am right or I’m wrong.
Mark: Yeah, it is never in between. I know when I am wrong.
Mark was interested in the objective things he could express in black or white
terms. His feelings feel somewhere outside of this realm of reality and perception.
Repeated attempts to gain insight on his feelings was often met with resistance. But on
occasion he would share this area o f reflection:
Mark Clarifies How He Experience Emotion
PI: Do you every feel emotional like angry or sad?
Mark: I get angry! How most teachers handle things like that, when they get into
an argument is do you want? Detention? And, Fm like do you want to talk
about this? You know some people...1 remember getting into an argument at the
beginning of the year and they were like why don’t you act adult about this? I
am talking to you now with no one around, what do you want me to do? Take
you out to candlelight dinner and talk to you? What, what do you want me to do.
It’s like they don’t even know what they mean by act adult.
Mark wanted to be engaged in negotiation and discussion with teachers. He
found it frustrating to be treated as if he was not worthy of such exchanges.
Mark’ s Notion of the Student’ s Role
PI: Tell me about your student role. You know like the teacher has a role and the
students have roles. What do you see your role as a student?
Mark: It’s the same as the teacher! The teacher has more power. But the teacher
can leam things if they just listen. Obviously, they know more then the students.
But they can leam from the students if they listen.
PI: Hum.. .hmum.. .hum
Mark: You see Mr. O’Brien you do not see anyone complaining about him.
Complaining about the work we do, or see anyone complaining that he is a bad
teacher. Everyone liked him. Everyone, why do they thing he is in the
newspaper and a well know teacher?
260
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Hum Hum
Mark: He listens.
PI: Do you feel that he listens to the students more than other teachers do Or...
Mark: There is a saying I heard that the people who teach can’t leam. Because
all they do is preach and say thing and they never let anyone talk. They can’t
even leam anything new.. .they are stuck somewhere...so the guy who listens
surpasses them .. .well you know what I mean.
PI: Yeah. So if teachers want to leam they have to be willing to listen. OK.
He was extremely impassioned about this subject and revealed more of himself
then in any other single passage of narration during the study. He is concemed with
negotiation and yielding the power he has, albeit small. His admonition to the teachers
to talk things out is an example o f his desire to be heard and regarded. His plea is to
understand what it means to be adult. Debates are theater stages for developing adult
interactive exchanges. He is not sure at this junctures what the finer nuances of these
role-plays are, but he is intrigued and challenged by the opportunities to pursue them.
Liking teachers is an important theme in his narrative and tends to be
characteristic of those teachers he feels are competent. Oyler (1996) studied the
classroom of a teacher who was explicit about her intention to share authority or control
with her students. Oyler observed that teachers share authority through the use of time,
space, and materials. Listening to students can be time consuming, but as Mark
describes this is an important part of engagement for him. Spending time in dialogue
with teachers was one way that he felt he could forge the concept o f adult, and practice
his much-needed skills of negotiation. Who he is in context is the null curriculum and a
part of the feedback he gets in the process of negotiation.
261
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The very notion of ‘being heard’ and having a forum to ‘be heard’ was found to be an
essential part of the experiences of these participants. The participants held in high
regard the value ‘being heard’.
Being heard, continues in this theme and has a strong implication to the teacher
to listen and negotiate with the student. In listening, there is an assumption that the
listener is learning something from the speaker. Thus, the agency is reinforced in the
listening and learning. Mark’s idea of equal power is illustrative of this reinforced
agency. In this next excerpt, we see Randy at times was more interested in being seen,
then heard, when attempting to gamer his share of the teacher’s time and attention:
Randy’ s mode of being heard and opportunities for negotiation
R: Oh, yes! Especially with the “Hi Mrs. Caballero” thing that is so.. .I’m still
here type of thing going on. Yes that is very much so the attention grabber.
PI: So with that in mind you were raising your hand trying to get an answer to
some inter slope problem, or something and it is taking you a long time to get
her to respond. So what do you think about the time it took to get the teacher’s
attention to get an answer to the questions?
R: In Mrs. Caballero’s class it is usually Hey! Mrs. Caballero and one day I just
decided you know what to just sit there and raise my hand. La..La.. .La... So
naturally nothing happens because she is expecting a Hey!... Mrs. Caballero and
not a hand in the air so.
PI: So does it work?
R: You know what if she was not talking to another child it probably would
have worked, but she was talking to another child. You know I did not expect it
to work I was just spinning my wheels to see what would happen.
PI: We spoke about raising your hand as a strategy of getting help in your math
class. Are there any other strategies you use that you thought about?
Randy: Being obnoxious which is not always the kindest way but it works
sometimes.
Like Mark’s subtler acknowledgement of regard through having the opportunity
to negotiate and ‘be heard’ Randy too valued this form of respect. If there are no bases
of verbal regard there can be no negotiation, no display of self.
262
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In such instances, Randy chose to yield his agency in non-conformist ways.
Being obnoxious was a strategy to gamer the attention denied him, and thus reinforced
his agency to be regarded by any means:
Randy’ s Math Class: Strategy to be Regarded
Randy: So I’ve started lashing out lately cause its like you know me personally I
have my days when I am just an annoying as one of those other kids.
PI: Nooo (laughter)
Randy: Oh boy...
Randy: But, it is like a certain extent for me that there has to be some ounce of
respect to ensure the teacher that she still has control of their classrooms. I hate
seeing these kids disrespect our elderly all the time. It is like I have been brought
up to like never do that! There is a time to mess around and a time for respect.
You must always have respect or don’t expect to get respect when you are older.
And so you know, they say mean stuff, serious stuff to the teachers like you
would say to anther kid on the yard! And I just, then that’s when I’m just like
I’ll pay you twenty bucks, I swear to God I’ll pay you, if you just shut up.
He also saw his objective agency in being able to influence his peers. On
numerous occasions he would in fact literally offer students money to stop being
obnoxious. Respect was not only something that the teachers granted the students, but it
was also Randy’s objective agency to offer the teachers. Randy saw that allowing the
teacher to have control of her class was a symbol of respect for his teacher.
Competing for the teacher’s time was a definite environmental barrier to be
over- come. On another occasion:
Randy’ s Respect for the Teachers
PI: How have you changed your strategies for your class work, your attitudes
now that you are here at this school?
Randy: I am learning that school is respect for the teachers. I have leamed that
respect for the teachers, and I am trying to have a lot more respect for the
teachers and not fight them so much on everything. 1 am kicking things into gear
when they come along side and say OK its time go let get going. I know I should
do it for myself; but there are so many things I get caught up with, and my brain
can’t handle it.
263
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Objective agency could be seen here in submission to authority; with the
teachers as perturbations and scaffolding tools to facilitate Randy toward his core-
curriculum occupations. We cannot reconstruct what classroom occupations are like for
any other students in the class during the time these three participants were
experiencing their classroom occupations; because, as we can see from the excerpts we
have just examined, these classroom occupations occurred in highly subjective ways for
each participants. However, there is some evidence that perhaps others in the class were
experiencing some sort o f similar experience as suggested by the other students’
narratives in class sessions. There is no proof for such conjecture without the narratives.
Being in the world is about being with others and about giving language to the
experiences as the individual realizes them. Heidegger’s concept of Dasein (human in
context) is incomplete without others (Dreyfus, 1991). He views “being-in-the-world” a
public existence. Objective agency, or the synonymous phenomenon of “exerting
power,” which dominated the classroom experience for these participants, reinforces the
issue of the null curriculum as a central portion of the total experience with classroom
occupations. Others are needed to practice objective agency, and to have the
opportunity to do so is the null curriculum of what it means to be-in-the-world. Exerting
power depended on context to do so; its effectiveness was dependent upon the
communication of the participants’ through language and gestures. Objective agency
was accomplished mainly through operating within the system and deviating from the
system in ways that constituted classroom occupations for the participants as they were
created in context.
264
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In much the same way, the classroom occupations that Randy chose to create
and engage in were symbols of his relationship to his teachers and, through them, to
their fellow students. In this recursive manner, the students enacted classroom
occupations by using their teachers and fellow students in a dynamic exchange. In
context, the students influenced the environment to reconstitute the social order and
practices or to defy the processes of culture. It was a dynamic process of exerting
agency, receiving feedback, and returning for ongoing negotiations.
Randy’s moods were often shifting and acted as a barrier to core-curriculum
classroom occupational performance. His moods, influenced by states, became the
perturbations for the teacher to spend time and attention (as particularly was the case in
Mrs. Caballero’s class) cajoling him into core-curriculum encounters. This too was
objective agency to gain the prize position of center stage.
Dan had no opportunity for such negotiations in his conference room, for all the
negotiations had been conducted prior to his lEP. He was now mandated to execute the
plan according to the previously agreed upon terms. As he lost agency with failure to
keep his contract, he slowly and systematically was vanishing from view. In contrast
these two participants experiences, they can serve as examples of ways agency can be
effectively employed to remain within view, or, how they can if employed poorly lead
to being removed form view, as was Dan’s outcome.
In every genre, Dan felt he had carried the classroom occupations as far as it
could go, and that he must find radically new directions in the raw elements of
mediating power relationships as a technique, to create, manipulate and explore the
265
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
extents of his boundaries of power. For example, he was productive while working in
the conference room, but his impulsivity to leave campus stretched the boundaries of his
perceived power. Dan valued debate and in this cultural classroom occupation, he was
able to explore the extent of his power. However, his interest abated once he achieved
his objective of obtaining a modified independent study program. His action to leave
campus that day seemed symbolic as it threaten his very existence on campus and in
fact, culminated with him having a home program. Gore (1995) studied teachers’
boundaries of control in their classroom and presents an explicit example of a teacher
exercising control over the use of classroom space as a way of contributing to the
construction of classroom power relations. One way that teachers reconstitute their
power is to rearrange the room and reseat students during class. When Dan challenges
the teacher’s authority in class, after breeching his modified independent study
program, he was simply removed from the classroom and reseated at home.
Self-construction
Kondo (1990) asserts that the concept of self is understood as ‘referential
meaning’ that is a composite of the multidimensional ways in which people make
meaning of self posited in the context of their environment and culture. She describes
this process as shifting fields of power. This was a true representation of the three
participants expressed experiences with forming self in the context of their classroom
occupations. It presupposes that we are not static entities as Descartes famous quote “I
think, therefore I am,” but that we are in a constant state of flux. This was the
experience of these participants as they expressed their thoughts and feelings regarding
266
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
classroom occupations. Their perceptions were a part of the non-tangible reality of
constructing self in context. It gave explanation to the ambiguity of their responses at
times and the contradiction o f what they sometimes said and actually were observed to
do in class.
While responding, to interview questions the participants quite often engaged in
reflections, which seemed to make self clearer to them. They had a pre-established
sense and belief of self, and a co-existing emergent self. While this was apparent in all
three of the participants, it was more readily heard in Dan and Randy’s narratives and
seen in their behaviors then in Mark’s. Mark as more cloistered; revealing of self
required more time to emerge, yet present in his narratives. 1 began to see their thoughts
as the construct for forming self, as they attempted to give reasons and motives for their
actions in the classroom. There was an apparent potentiality within the relation of the
thoughts they were expressing that constituted their best rendition of their minds, their
construct of self at the moment. They spoke with intention to challenge the boundaries,
negotiate and mediate social relations with teachers and peers which I call the “as i f ’ of
objective agency. “As i f ’ can be defined as their spoken inertia in exerting perceived
personal power:
Randy’ s Form of Resistance
PI: When you have a conflict between yourself and one of the teachers, how do
you work it out?
R: It depends on what it is about, cause 1 mean some things will be dealt
differently. Cause when it ends with shouting it usually ends bad. If it is
laughing conflict, or if she laughs it will go down easy because no hard feelings
right! Sometimes it just doesn’t work out. Which most of the time is the case.
Cause very seldom do they take it easy to heart. I feel bad for them.
267
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: So resolution is not always an outcome.
R: Yeah it just ends it.
PI: So it may not get your need met, but it will just end.
R: Right.
PI: It will stop the interaction?
R: Yeah.
Randy takes a position o f stopping the interaction as a form of resistance to
control the situation without necessarily seeking any final resolution to the conflict. At
other times, Randy was confrontational and used sarcasm, mixed with humor to mediate
the tensions between him and his math teacher. In this next passage, he chides his
teacher for being in a testy mood:
Randy’ s Math Class: Mediating Tensions
Randy: 1 remember Mrs. Caballero...it brings back good memories.
Mrs. Caballero: You give me a hard time I’ll send you to Mrs. Hong’s class all
day.
Randy: Why are you here? Get your ass into gear boy. (He says mimicking the
teacher.)
The other students have all joined in now....
Mrs. Caballero: Your PO will get a copy o f your progress report Friday.
[Speaking to Bob.]
Bob: Why is my PO getting a progress report? At least its good!
Mrs. Caballero: It’s good?
Mrs. Caballero: You jealous? I’ll be your PO. [Addressing this remark to
Randy]
Randy continues to play and joke and work.
Mrs. Caballero: You have not done anything all period. So you are not going to
sit in that kind of chair. It’s not going to occur in here. [Addressing Bob.]
Mrs. Caballero slams her hand on Randy’s binder to gain his attention.
Randy: Hey not on my binder you are so rude.
Mrs. Caballero: Joins in the character voices.
Randy: You sound like my grandmother.
Mrs. Caballero: So you are staying after school today. What is your excuse?
Randy: Because my butt hurts. A h.. .1 haven’t had enough abuse.
Student: Yeah. It turns him on.
Randy: Ooh yeah.. .can 1 have some study time?
Bell Rings
268
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy is frustrated and chooses to use the sarcasm to communicate his state, yet
cloaked in a humor that abates escalation of the situation. This cultural classroom
occupation is designed to assert his anger within the boundaries that he has come to
understand for being able to remain in the class. This is an artful execution of Social
negotiation . Randy is perfecting his skill within context of his Dada classroom. The
Formal Order classroom did not offer him an opportunity to develop this part of self. In
the following exeerpt, he explains how he values the struggle as an ongoing fight that
must be sustained;
Randy Values Playtime in Class
PI: Now the teachers make plans for you right? And you kind o f like it, and it
shows that they care?
Randy: Yeah sometimes.
PI: and the other times...
Randy: sometimes I am a nuisance, so I’ve been told. My playtime.
Pi: Hey playtime in class is that acceptable?
Randy: No I don’t think so.
PI: But you keep trying.
Randy: I can’t give up. What kind of fight would that be?
Mark on the other hand was quite different in his “as i f ’, his intentions to
challenge the boundaries negotiate and mediate social relations with teachers. Mark
exerted power in his demand for and response to respect from his teachers. Mark held
respect in high regard as a value and ultimately and framed his relationship with his
teachers as an issue of respect. In his self-construction classroom occupations, self-
determination was an underlying theme, which was supported by this value.
269
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
To Mark being honored was to be treated as if you were not a failure. If he was
respected, he felt responsible to enter into relationship with the teacher by complying
with requests to do certain classroom occupations:
Mark Values Respect
PI: If you were teaching a subject, how would you approach it?
Mark: I would try to get their respect, that is all you need. There are different
ways of doing it. But, at the same time teach. I don’t know how I would do it,
but I would figure it out...
PI: What would be your expectation for your students?
Mark: Do the work. I mean don’t fail and just do the work, but actually try.
PI: Humm
Mark: But once you have the respect o f the students, you would just say would
you do this? Just ask them. If you ask them, they do it. Honestly, if you have
their respect they will do the work.
PI: How is respect achieved? What causes it to happen?
Mark: Well, Mr. O’Brien has the respect of all the student he did it. He did not
really stereotype the students. You are not here because you are bad.
PI: OK.
He felt that respect was the key to motivating students to cooperate and do the
required work. He saw respect as a valuable attribute teachers like Mr. O’Brien would
extend to the students by not reminding them that they were at the school because they
had failed to meet societies expectations. He felt that Mr. O’Brien looked at his students
as normal students needing help to leam, but not screw ups needing reprimand:
Mark Valued Being Treated As A Regular Student
Mark: See, like most teachers are saying, you are here to catch up. But, he is just
teaching a regular class and he would add in every once in a while you need to
catch up. But it is a normal class we are not always reminded that we are at
Beautone High School
PI: Hummmmm
Mark: so you see what I am saying?
PI: So its an issue of respect, it is an issue of reminding people that they are here
to focus on the content of learning rather then emphasizing the mistakes they
made.
270
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark: Yeah, everyone knows that they are here because they screwed up they all
know the name of the school, so why keep reminding them? It’s like they stuck
some where in their head. Cause I am sure it does not feel good. Like me I know
it does not feel good to be here. I don’t like t be known as the guy who is on
probation the guy who has a year over his head in Juvenal Hall. It’s like going to
you class and talking to your PO everyday. You’ve done this .. .this and
this.. .it’s like you don’t care.
PI: Hum
Mark: After a while you keep hearing the same thing and you just don’t care any
more. Like I don’t know.. .you know how the teachers don’t think the students
are not listening because you have heard it a thousand times. Like I listen
but.. .the same thing. ..and I’ve heard it before. Stuff like that is just get’s on
your nerve.. .you are not going to get respect by bothering the. Mr. O’Brien does
not bother people. He just helps you.
Mark identifies the challenge of having respect from the teachers as a
prerequisite for receiving instruction, ergo knowledge from the teacher. Remembering
that Heidegger’s notion of knowledge for Desin is equal to understanding self in context
(Dreyfus,2000), Mark’s construct of self demands respect from his teachers. He defines
respect as the ability o f a teacher to teach core-curriculum content to the class without
constantly reminding the students that they need to catch up. Thus, Mark ascribed
meaning to such emphasis is that the teachers are reminding him that he is at an
alternative school placement because he was bad, or had failed in the regular high
school setting. As Mark shared his values on this issue, he was intense and sincere. His
monologues were extensive, which was uncharacteristic of Mark’s customary demeanor
during interviews. Mark held firm in his opinions and valued the notion of having
teachers extend respect to the students in this way.
271
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Other exemplars of respect I observed in the classrooms were the manner in
which the teachers addressed the students. The teachers in the Formal Order classrooms
consistently used polite forms in their speech and attitudes toward students, much more
often than they gave direct commands. For example, Mr. Vine would address students
with the use of Mr. or Miss, while Mr. O’Brien and Mrs. Hoffman addressed the group
with a very professional, business like demeanor. In Mr. O’Brien’s class particularly
there was daily dialogue regarding the students’ families and jobs. In addition, the
teachers in the Formal Order classes seemed to expect that students to comply with
polite requests without question, and insisted that they did so. In the Dada classes, I
noted a more casual form of addressing the students by first names, with more frequent
direct commands. Public discourse regarding family life was not routinely engaged in,
although in the art class, quiet one-one conversations at the teachers desk on personal
issues was something that Mark relished, and sought out. These scripts were the
language of engagement that gave implicit information about relationships in the
classroom.
Dan’s “as i f ’ (intention to challenge the boundaries negotiate and mediate social
relations) were strongly related to his notion of self as a person with ADD. As
previously stated, he frequently responded to questions about himself in a global way as
if speaking for all of the persons in the world who have ADD. His identity and
emerging identity was embedded in his understanding of ADD as collective
consciousness, and family, not as a disability but more as a desirable personality trait:
272
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ADD Is A Gift
PI: Yesterday, you said, “I am glad I have ADD, it is a gift, it s is like I am on
tweak. Tell me more about that. Why is it a gift to have ADD? I get a sense that
it is different and I want to know why?
D: Well, ADD people.. .you never met a non-social ADD person, never, so that
is that it brings the unique person out of them.. .1 mean they are not scarred to
show who they are. And you know they are very out going people. Wow cause I
see other people...normal people and they don’t have any social skills and they
are just really pathetic.
My understanding of Dan’s description o f persons with ADD falls into the realm
of culture, as embodied in ‘a way of life’. Dan values socialization as a skill and a trait
of having ADD. He saw uniqueness and strength in making one’s self known to others.
His use of the term ‘normal’ to differentiate between people without ADD is telling. It
reveals the cultural portion of his interpretation of self that he has been socialized into,
while asserting the “as i f ’ (intention to challenge the boundaries negotiate and mediate
social relations) of his narrative that he pitied people lacking in social skills. This is
further clarified in the following excerpt:
PI: I notice that you use the word normal. What is normal?
D: Well, normal is a person that does not have A D D .. .1 don’t know...
While he makes the assertion that to be without ADD is to be normal, his
narrative that having ADD is a gift seems to have an inherent dissonance. As previously
stated, it appeared that Dan was struggling with the socialization he was experiencing
and the emerging self.
273
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Continuing to see parallels between art and the scenes before me in Dan’s
construction of self, I wondered if Dan would be considered a minimalist in the art
world, one who would cast off the unessential as he redefines ADD as a personality
trait? If the label is taken away with its associative stigmatization, what is left? Is the
phenomenon of ADD a personality trait so pure that it can only be seen, and not
labeled? Is it a perception of society that is made through discourse and named to
control the persons by whom the name is applied? Like Randy’s omission of ADD
when speaking to the school board, Dan seems to have mixed feelings.
The conflict between the words ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’ is a wide divide.
Unwittingly, Dan shapes his construction of self in the historicity o f the culture he is
operating in. His perspective of self as an agent o f social form is a status that is visible
and permits him to exert power in the face of the optical illusion o f disability. At
present it seems challenged to organize the concept of ADD as a personality trait within
the spectrum of society’s apparatus of abnormal. It would be interesting, however, to
think of how Dan might shape his construction of self, if he were exposed to the
discourse of the disability rights activists. The only self Dan can effectively occupy is
within his own eye’s view-that of a social, outgoing being, eager to be known by others
and to know others; that is, where his experience has brought him to date.
While core-curriculum classroom occupations seemed to be connected with
being compliant to environmental demands to move through modules, thus
reconstituting efficacy of self in the process. Social negotiation were a powerful
medium for facilitating self-construction classroom occupations.
274
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy in an interview one day asked me if I was in class on the day when
Jeremy attacked him. It was not an incident that I had witnessed. However, Randy
explained how the boy grabbed him and threatened to hit him. He recalls saying: “You
are going to hit me, aren’t you?” Only to be roughed up some more, but not struck. He
expressed concern that his teachers did not come to his rescue and that, although the
boy was later sent to the principal’s office that day, he continues to be in the same class
with Randy each day. He saw this as a continued place of stress for him living the
reality of unexpected psychodrama.
Controlling personal distress in the face of the day-to-day realities of classroom
life was a perturbation for fashioning his concept of self in context. This is the reality of
being Randy and having emergent knowledge of his strengths and weaknesses a part of
his learning, self in context is the null curriculum that emerges as he engages in
classroom occupations. Sharing the context with others, he co-constructs his encounters
within the context of others. Ultimately, therefore, Randy decided which classroom
occupations he must examine, or refuse.
The following observations of Randy, Mark, and Dan further illustrate the self
construction classroom occupations:
Randy’ s Self-Construction: Math & Employment
P T . You do not like math, so why do you study it?
Randy: Yeah, math is needed all the time. My step-dad is in the airline industry
and they use a lot of math, whether it is for accounting, budgeting, or you know,
just pay his men or how much the airplanes are going to cost, or even the
construction for the airplanes laboratories themselves. All that adds up. There is
a lot of math in all that, probably even more complex then what I am doing a
more...
275
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: Do your foresee yourself in a job where you will be doing math?
R: No (He says rapidly) Maybe someday if everything comes down to it and
nothing else is working. Yeah, my dreams and ambitions are going toward
acting. That is my one goal in my life. If I could be in film for one minute, I
could die happy.
Applying his father’s use of math in his current job in the value for application
that Randy brings forth to explain his own feelings about why he studies a subject he
does not like. While he does not intend to pursue a job that uses math, unless all other
options are closed to him, he sees value in having the math skills. Values that have been
transmitted to him form watching his stepfather use his math skills for his job. Randy is
constructing an image of himself based on his knowledge of likes and dislikes,
proficiencies and deficits in core-curriculum classroom occupational performances that
shape his perceived future career options. Csikszentmihalyi (1988) suggests youths
engage in the productive activity of learning, as occupation that is the precursor to adult
work:
Mark’ s English Freedom Writer Assignment
PI: What do you think of the Freedom Writers Book?
Mark: Uh it’s all right. It’s just that some of the stuff is like kind of. ..it is a
better book then some of them. I’d rather read that book then any other book. I
guess you can say it is only interesting to people who have not had that stuff
right in their face before. Like oh man that guy got jumped.
PI: Um hum
Mark: It’s all been seen and it’s still gong on. It’s just not showing me different
that I’ve not seen. I could write that book, you know what I mean? So...
276
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark minimized the novelty o f the readings content as compared to his own life
experiences with getting into fights. But, he seemed to find some relevancy with the
journaling as he got to tell his own story, building on the themes generated from the
book, but quickly shifts his focus to emphasize the rapidity o f which the assignment can
be accomplished:
Journaling A Way of Comparing His Experiences to Peers
PI: How about the journaling process how is that going?
Mark: Its’ going fine. Just all the journals I write, they relate every time. Like
they kind o f...they relate every time like they writ on...
PI: Umm to the story. So like yesterday it was about.. .ditching, so you wrote
about ditching?
Mark: Yeah. Everyone has gone through ditching. Well everyone’s .. .1 can’t say
everyone has gone through the fighting process, the drugs and all that. But, its
there and a lot of people have seen it.
PI: People seemed to be writing in class yesterday.
Mark: Yeah
PI: Most of the kids were writing, but some were not.
Mark: Yeah.,
PI: In two minutes you had a half a page.
Mark: Yeah, it’s easy to write about ditching. But some of the kids in there they
show off about what they did. They cream it out. You know if I were the teacher
I would be like seriously we don’t care. Just write it down. I just want to finish
my paper. I don’t want to hear about your story you know. You ditched. It’s not
the most interesting thing you know. Everyone has already been through it. The
book is not that great of a book because you can’t make something so interesting
if you have already experienced most o f the stuff in there.
As he continues to reflect on the assignment he finds meaning in the narratives
that are found in the book. Freedom Writers. He draws parallels between his own
experiences of having had problems with breaking the law, going to jail and
subsequently going on to make something out of ones self.
277
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark Projects Future Selves Into the Present
PI: Are you curious about the kids and what they are doing today. The teacher
mentioned there were 150 of them.
Mark: Yeah... they all went to college and all that junk.
PI: Yeah
Mark: Umm it’s good to hear...it means that...before I came here and started
getting credits and getting off probation and all that stuff. I guess you could say I
use to think I would not get anywhere. I guess the book kind of shows that even
if you were kind of bad, you did go to jail and that kind o f stuff you can still got
to college, you can still get a good job. Even thought you have been convicted
and all that kind of stuff.
PI:Um
Mark: If you can still own hour own business and It can get kind o f big so...it
kind of gets a chance for everyone.
Mr. O’Brien’s English assignment to read and prepare journal entries on the
topics discussed in the book are perceived by Mark to be uninteresting because they
offer him no new themes. Yet, a null curriculum is being taught; Mark is becoming
more aware of how his own life experiences compare to his fellow students, and those
in the book. As he reflects upon and responds to the question, he begins to differentiate
his own experiences from those of his fellow classmates. He culminates these
reflections by telling us that the meaning of the book is the potentialities that imderlie
their characters and their events as they make it to college and employment. He goes on
to summarize this concept into the notion that everyone gets another chance. He is able
to identify with the characters in the book as having a second chance. Although his
initial response to the question is that he does not consider the book interesting, as he
reflects on the question and begins to discuss it he is able to find meaning in the
assignment.
278
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’s father is a plumber; and, in the interviews, Mark often referred to the
fact that he thought he could do very nicely learning his father’s trade and had in fact
been working for him already.
Values that have been transmitted to the boys from their families were a theme
for all three:
Dan Sees The Future Selves As A Choice of Engagement
PI: Do your teachers give you assignments where you have to read critically for
information and ideas from directions?
Dan: Unt ah.. .but when I get a job I will.
PI: OK
PI: Speaking and...
Dan: You said that OK because if you do not do it now; why would you do it
then?
PI: Um hum
Dan: NOO that’s wrong (He leans into the tape recorder as he says this smiling)
PI: Yeah, OK explain (We laugh)
Dan: Because there are some people out there that are like they never done it
before they could be the laziest person. All of a sudden, like for instance
teenagers get pregnant how come.. .all o f a sudden they get so responsible? They
were never responsible before! Like my sister, she got pregnant at 20, she was
an adult but I am just giving an example. She was responsible before; but now
she is like 35, she is a registered nurse; she pays her own bills, and everything.
See, she never did that before.
PI: So how about you?
Dan: Yeah! I am going to use reading and stuff in my job.
A simple inflection of tone when I used the word ‘OK’ unleashes some
profoundly important values that Dan holds regarding the disparity between operating
in the here and now and his ideas about potential successes in the future. He
disagreement with me that a lack of skill development today in finding crucial
information from manuals, and books would in the future be an indicator for not using
those skills in later life. Dan uses his sister as an exemplar for his truth.
279
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
All three of the boys linked their families into narratives regarding job selection
and future pursuits. The values they and their parents held as interpreted by the youths
appeared to be instrumental in moving them toward the goal of graduation. They each
wanted to graduate to meet the families’ expectations, and that o f society. They
expressed joy at being able to succeed. One o f Randy’s fantasies in class was about the
day he would receive his diploma. While Dan was not prone to Randy’s use of fantasy
play, he did have similar visions as expressed below:
Dan Values Support of Family, Friends & School Personnel
PI: Who wants to see you graduate?
Dan: A lot of people.
P T . Name them.
Dan: Umm mom, dad, sister, grandma, girlfriend, my friends, Mr. Dysan, Mrs.
Caballero a lot of people.
Found throughout the participants narratives are the clues of who they are in
context, and who they might become. Earlier we heard from Dan that his ideal role as a
student would be proud, competent, responsible, and honest. These values and motives
seem to move him forward toward graduation, despite his circumstances and inabilities
to actually execute these values in context as a null curriculum. They are for Dan a
vision of some idea of self. On the last interview as his status for graduation was still
uncertain, he expressed confidence that he would in fact graduate. The very process of
moving toward the goal and ultimately obtaining it reconstituted the formation o f self.
Self-construction classroom occupations were valuable tools for defining self and
exploring the meaning of self in context. For Mark and Dan the nexus of potentiality for
future selves were not the same.
280
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’s meaning of the Freedom Writers book, a core-curriculum classroom
occupation, was its meaning as an example of what potential the future could hold for
him. However, Dan chooses to disassociate current student experience as predictors for
the future opting to see larger degrees of freedom in his world. For Dan not being on the
same temporal rhythm or particular trajectory for skill acquisition did not mean that he
would be locked into a future void of having or using critical information skills on the
job.
A strong theme in Randy and Dan’s narratives on Attention Deficit Disorder is
their celebration of social skills and humor. Increasingly, I recognized that even as their
classroom occupations united them in similar, but different experiences, their unique
conceptualization about ADD was a different but shared experience. Dan’s narratives
spoke of ADD kids, while Randy’s narratives spoke of having ADD. Dan and Randy’s
primary theme pursue two major thoughts; 1) extreme joy o f the social simplicity of
being ADD, and 2) a kinship with those who also know the experience of having ADD.
While Randy had strong negative emotions surroimding the being identified, and
labeled as having ADD by his elementary teacher he recounts the story as a historical
event. His present narratives capture the joy of having ADD for its social and
imaginative traits and he identifies, but minimized the qualities that are problematic. He
uses them as tools for explaining the difficulties he has with attending or concentrating.
Dan in like fashion heralds the benefits and minimized the limiting qualities as only a
dimension of experience that explains imperfections in meeting community standards.
Their meanings seemed counterintuitive to me, and surprised me although they make an
281
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
intense appeal to the imagination. The meaning seems to have all the ethos of the
disability movement and dispels the mythic quality of the very definition of disability;
hut, on the other hand, we also get a sense that they are aware of their difference as
described by the benchmark of the culture in which they reside and have their being.
The boys’ admiration for the social qualities o f persons with ADD seems to provide
endless dynamic and suggestive motives for their pursuit of cultural and self-regulatory
classroom occupations.
The amount of time and energy that went into constructing and sustaining their
self-regulatory and social negotiation were disproportionate to their time and energy
expenditures on core-curriculum classroom occupations. This too seemed like an
oxymoron, an abstraction that defies the definition of school, classroom deportment and
education. Yet, the movement toward and engagement in the cultural and self
regulation were more pervasive in the Dada environments. Thus, the richest
environment for provoking these occupations appeared to be the classrooms geared
toward Dada genres.
Regardless of the raw material available to the participants, they seemed
compelled to generate classroom occupations of their own making. The capacity to use
core-curriculum classroom occupations was more of a challenge for Dan and Randy
than for Mark. Yet, core-curriculum classroom occupations were the substantive reason
for being in class. This was the ongoing tension of being in school. As I considered the
amount time and energy that Randy and Dan spent trying to mediate their states, as
compared to time on tasks for core-curriculum occupations the tension was immense.
282
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The self-regulation, self-construction and Social negotiation seemed to be lost under a
label of disability to the teachers and peers. These were hidden forms, or imprisoned
occupation in this realm of classroom life. I could only image the residual potential
available to maximize core-curriculum classroom occupations if there was a way to use
their hidden classroom occupations as facultative tools for accomplishing core-
curriculum classroom occupations. If the purpose of these classroom occupations could
he understood and synergies to influence the core-curriculum classroom occupations
would there, be a quality enhancement and increase in productivity?
Student role performance appeared to be a process of finding the most effective
ways of working with the available raw materials to appeal to the states that were
present in the students at any given moment. It typifies the attitude o f Mark, Dan and
Randy to fashion their occupations associated with the change that they were
experiencing as they moved forward supported by their values, motives and goals.
Working directly or indirectly with teachers and peers, the participants co-constructed
their classroom occupations. These foundational pieces helped to make meaning as the
participants explored their classroom occupations. Creative strategies were seen among
the participants as they shifted into core-curriculum classroom emphasis. A table of
niche strategies has been created. (See Appendix E). Each strategy was developed by
the participant to adapt to the task demands and comply with the ever-present task of
earning credits.
283
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
It is an external representation of the inner space of each participant’s ability to
generate efficacy. Randy’s creative use of music to make his own ‘sound cubical’ or,
fantasy to carve out a niche within the available environment to expand his options for
play are intriguing.
The core-curriculum classroom occupations were happening throughout their
experiences in the classroom, filtered amongst their experiences in varying degrees of
intensity. This work constituted contributions to their self-construction classroom
occupations. This melange of core-curriculum, cultural and self-regulatory classroom
occupations are the aspects that attributed to the self-construction classroom
occupations. The occupations work together to provide experimentation and mastery
over the environment as well as providing an outlet for the expression of states as they
are managed across the ever-shifting landscape of internal states and goals, values and
motives. Self-construction classroom occupations are cast in the context of the
classroom genres, exhibiting precarious balance as each participant molded the
occupations from the raw materials available and the historicity that they brought to the
process. The interaction of these classroom occupations lived out on a moment-by-
moment base function as the overriding experience.
The effect is fascinating, and unlike the individual moment captured in any one
exchange, they illustrate the multidimensional, constantly changing and evolving nature
of a very dynamic process. New meaning is made as the exchanges are experienced and
modified. Whether engaged in rebellion (refusal to comply with the teacher’s script; or
perfecting the boundaries of self-display) or simple reaction to outlandish peer exploits
284
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
(CT physical attack; JR outburst in math class) the process by which self-construction
classroom occupations are created.
Like a projected trilogy, Mark, Dan and Randy each speak to the prospect o f life
after high school and the significance of today’s impetus for tomorrow’s potentials.
Exemplary of their combined sense of direction, they describe the provocative nature of
engaging in classroom occupations to deliver future results, with or despite their ADD.
Randy and Dan had the most well defined narratives that demonstrated their ideas about
ADD in the context of self, and others. Mark as a newly diagnosed person with ADD
was still trying to determine what significance if any such a diagnosis held for him. For
Randy and Dan their social skills are, compliance with standards for obtaining a
diploma included the themes surrounding sensibilities to having ADD. Their insights
reveal a passionate love for social exchanges and heightened states of arousal.
Throughout the study, what would seem to be randomness soon emergent as a pattern,
which illustrated the participants ways of developing control through very
improvisational behaviors that seemed to be associated with their neurobehavioral
states.
Persistence was a value that motivated them as they embodied the trajectory of
society to be successful and conform to the opportunity to go to college. Yet, each of
the three participants had explicitly stated during interviews that school was not their
love. The great womblike cave of the educational process had successfully conveyed
that college was the next step in their trajectory, whether they have an aptitude for, or
enjoyed, school or not. The BDHS was in a very socioeconomic affluent area where the
285
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
expectation was to go to college, and make plenty of money to be successful in life. The
social expectation of the community and the school was to promote college as the end
of the academic endeavor. When I attended the graduation, it was revealing that only
two of the 200 students from two alternative high schools in the area that were present
that day stated that they would not be going to college. All the others spoke of their
intentions to go forward to Junior Colleges, professional trade schools or a University.
The education process employed at BDHS is in itself a symbol of change and
growth. The system of completing modules that is used by the high school re-constitutes
the notion of steps toward an end, framing the student’s efforts in a spiral of upward
striving. A mega stmcture o f core curriculum content moves the students step by step
through the requirements of the culture to gain their high school diploma and display
their accomplishments at commencement.
The narrative of all three participants indicated that they wanted to be noticed,
enjoyed and recognized as extraordinarily powerful people that can receive and give
respect. All three liked being on display but chose different degrees of intensity and
frequency to do so. The larger-than life characters Dan produced and Randy’s created
interludes in class, were markedly exaggerated when compared to Mark’s more playful
yet determined demeanor in class. Randy and Dan’s behaviors conveyed specific
information about their mood, and their evolving self. This was illustrious of their
choice of classroom occupations. Randy and Dan chose to participate in more social
negotiation and self-regulation occupations than Mark did. Mark participated in the
core-curriculum occupations in his English class and more cultural and self-regulatory
286
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
classroom occupations in his Art class. While Randy had the same Art class as Mark, it
was observed that Randy was more engaged in core-curriculum classroom occupations
in the art class then in his Math class. Randy’s US History class was predominantly
core-curriculum in nature with minimal cultural classroom occupation. His World
History class was a combination of self-regulatory and core-curriculum with most of his
social negotiation focusing on interactions with Mr. Vine. Randy and Dan felt that
being in front of the teacher was a way of accessing help and being noticed. While
Mark stated that he chose to sit next to the teachers when he liked them. In addition, as
was the case in all the classes I observed him in, he would sit in other seats when
substitutes taught the classes. In his art class, he felt the time sitting at his teacher’s desk
chatting with her was an expression of her caring about him and similar to counseling
sessions.
Perhaps this need for display is in its self a product of historicity. Since Randy,
and Dan both have embraced their ADD as predominantly social characteristics as
opposed to a disability. They refused to be shocked by their differences but instead opt
to force others to look at them as persons when others might instinctively want to look
away. “Abnormality” was an underlying theme as they spoke o f the difference between
themselves and others without ADD, but they seemed to have adopted this term from
their environment rather then as a principle they truly believed.
Seating in class for Dan and Randy was more a center stage position, whereas
Marks choice of seating was indicative of his reverence for 1:1 time with teachers.
There appears to be a close connection between the self-construction classroom
287
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations and the objective reality of the need to be confirmed in the experience.
There is no monocular way of seeing these participants’ experiences, their authentic
voice of their own stories surrounding classroom occupations controlled and captured
me as I listened to them making meaning o f where they sat in class or how the symbolic
ritual of sitting next to the teacher conveyed rapport and caring. From the mere process
of recording the events, and interviewing the participants on these events patterns and
meaning emerged. As the patterns emerged further during the coding process labeling
was required to interpret and give new meaning and significance to research process.
The participants’ sacrifice of sleep and personal time to engage in weekly
interviews and to express and explain their actions through a reflexive process during
interviews shows us there is a connection between the inherent reward of desiring to be
regarded and heard. Volunteering to participate in a research study seems to signify
something beyond the participants’ own need for personal regard. Perhaps, it is an
extension of their constructing self, an expressed existence. This following excerpt
gives an example of how Dan’s choice of words in his narrative revealed a value he
held regarding his voice as a person with ADD:
Dan Sees Persons With ADD As “One Big Happy Fam ily’’
PI: guite often you refer to those ADD kids and I am wondering how it relates
you?
Dan: Cause the are different from other people. They have there own.. .well I
don’t know we are one big happy family. Like we automatically know if another
kid has ADD, we are like you have ADD huh and they go like yeap! We just
know.
PI: So the comment of those ADD is just to make it a group.
D: Yeah
288
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan reveals that he studies himself in context to determine how he functions the
best with core-curriculum classroom occupations and how he decreased extemal
stimulation in the environment to achieve a desired goal of increased focus, that was
essential for progressing in credit acquisitions:
Dan ’5 Self-knowledge
PI: You are doing independent study in the morning here, or do you....
Dan: Yeah, ‘cause I did like an observation on myself. And, ah, ‘cause I like
work better alone. Cause what ever is going on like mainly friends. If I see a
friend I just want to talk to him and see what’s gong on with him rather then
focusing on my work where I should actually be doing. So I isolated myself.
Dan engaged in self-reflection of his performance in core-curriculum
occupations. His motive was to keep trying. He valued persistence, which was a strong
asset to help him make progress in his academics:
Dan Values Persistence
PI: So do you ever think about why you are struggling with math, or is it even a
thought?
Dan: Yeah, not it’s a thought. It goes through my mind I comprehend it. But, I
don’t know. ..It’s like whatever math. I’ll try and not give up. I’ll try and I’ll do
it. You know. Like for me you can show me and I’ll do the next 50 but when the
next test comes up you know I am like day.... That’s my problem.
Dan had identified that it was difficult for him to retrieve information. This was
problematic for him because the environmental demands required recall of material he
had previously mastered for tests etc. His preferred mode of learning was visual, as he
referenced frequently the need to be shown how to do things. In addition, he stated and
demonstrated that he was willing to work through the complexities of core-curriculum
classroom occupations that he does not like because he sees value in having the skills.
When the environmental demands exceeded his abilities to comply with these demands,
he would opt to find alternative ways of complying with completing assignments, such
289
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
as having his girlfriend do the work. In this, we see his determination to successfully
gain a diploma regardless of the means in doing so. Even if his actions in context
conflicted with his ideal self as honest and competent.
His narratives reveal many self-affirming statements, indicative o f the internal
motivation to keep trying because he possessed efficacy. This seemed to align with his
strategy to make light of, or refuse to think too much about, problematic situation
surrounding his deficits in core-curriculum classroom occupations. When he had to take
tests the cognitive issues of registration and retrieval of information at these crucial
times in the form of information recall were challenging. He prepared oral exams to
facilitate this process. However, in interview he did not seem to know what was the best
time for taking tests after having studied material. Observations of his behavior in this
regard revealed that he could successful recall information studied on a Friday for a
Monday morning test and receive 100% on the exam. While Dan’s self-reflections were
accurate when attempting to employ strategies to focus, he seemed to need to broaden
and refine his knowledge base on other areas of performance such as area of test taking.
He also seemed to lack the ability to manage his core-curriculum work load in a
way that afforded him the opportunity to keep from being overwhelmed and resorting to
alternative strategies that had more short term then long term benefit e.g., having his
girlfriend do his assignments and turning them in as his own work. These strategies
were a part of the building blocks that netted the construct of who he was in context. If
strategies were successful and met the environmental demands, thus meeting the
teachers’ and IBP team member’s expectation he was positively affirmed.
290
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
However, should his strategies fail to net the desired goal of earning credits
toward his diploma, he would be found lacking in his execution and devoid of the honor
of receiving a diploma. For Dan, his narratives asserted that such an outcome would
mean that he would be a “bum”.
Mark found argument and debate a worthwhile endeavor, amidst his pursuit of
core-curriculum classroom occupations. These social negotiation were the substantive
pieces of the null curriculum of the art o f negotiation and the ability to exert power that
Mark enjoyed:
Mark Values Being Acknowledged
PI: Do you ever say hey I am not going to get into this situation, I am just going
to work through this to get it done and move on cause I want to get more
credits?
Mark: So if I get into a conflict with a student or teacher? They are not going to
stop me. If I am wrong and they are right then of occurs I am going to keep
going. If I am wrong they are right they are right, then I am going to say w ell...
OK all right.
PI: But if you get involved in an argument that interferes with you getting your
work done, is it worth it?
Mark: I still do my work.
PI: But is it productive?
Mark: Yeah, I can argue! Like Mrs. Papan the math teacher and students and
the PE teacher and still get my work done. Remember I told you about when the
PE teacher marked me absent with the sub and my mom came to school. If I
know I am right. He said you know you are just a student you are not a reliable
source. I knew I was there of course I am I was here. He told me. You know
what you are such a clown!
PI: So it almost sounds like being right, standing up for what you believe is a
high priority.
Mark: Well I am not going to be less of a person because I know I am right but I
am just going to sit back and say nothing.
He asserts a construction of self that prioritizes dignity and integrity of being
acknowledged as valid. By challenging power relations, he uses resistance as a voice for
effective humanization and validation. The interconnectedness of all the varied
291
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
elements that seemed to contribute to the self -construction classroom occupations are
described and analyzed within the concept of function dictating the form of the
occupation and arising from the formation o f values, goals and motives that the
individual brings to the occupations. Meaning then is a network produced within an
incredibly complicated system of wheels and gears where excreting force upon any
‘gear’ in the network eventually tugged at every other identified factor.
The interpretation portrays the complexity of the dynamics surrounding the
participants’ selection of and engagement in classroom occupations. Self-construction
classroom occupations provide new insights to enrich or extend existing notions I had
about students’ occupation in the classroom by not merely offering a degree of
complexity but also an element of discovery within the analysis. This was particularly
interesting to me because of its importance to the field of occupational therapy and
education. I felt that this discovery of self-construction classroom occupations
substantiates the need to focus on the individual operating within a context as opposed
to reductionistic renderings of isolated skill sets for academic achievement. As
occupational scientists’ seek to inform the practice of occupational therapy, it seems of
keen interest for occupational therapist to understand the nature of the student
engagement in classroom occupations. Since educators are constantly seeking to find
new and more effective ways to teach students these self-construction classroom
occupations would be valuable tools to facilitate their quest.
292
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In educational research, many studies are conducted in controlled settings that
usually do not resemble the complexities and continually changing nature of real life
classroom occupations. The emphasis in this type of research has focused on diserete
skills and predetermined standards for isolated skill sets. This deficit perspective has
historically been prominent in special education programs (Trent, Artiles, & Englert,
1998). Individual Educational Programs (lEPs) have been used as a tool to facilitate
remediation of isolated skills for students with disabilities. McDonald (1992) asserts
that lEPs tend to focus on specific goals and objectives rather then looking at the child
as a whole. Frequently the aptitude and strengths o f special education students are
unnoticed or hidden beneath the stigma of the disability label. Thus, throughout the
students’ educational careers, they are viewed more in terms of their specific deficits
rather than in their complexity of emergent self-constructions such as personalities,
talents, interests, or the ways in which they establish the function, form, and meaning of
their classroom occupations.
Qualitative research in occupational science to date has not been done to reveal
the nature of classroom occupations. As the participants were observed they revealed
abilities, strengths, and coping strategies that emerged in the natural setting of their
classroom and with each new event that took place in class. This study’s multifaceted
finding has yielded unexpected information that goes beyond the original focus of this
research study. The students reveal unanticipated points of view such as Randy and
Dan’s feelings about having ADD as a personality trait verses a disability. This
viewpoint discovery was the emergent process of listening to the students talk about
293
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
their experiences in the unstructured and open-ended conversations (Ely et. al., 1996).
It underscores the need for schools to incorporate forums where students’ voices can be
heard individually. Forums of this type would yield information to direct lEP for both
disabled and non-disabled students toward holistic renderings rather than reductionistic
framings.
Expiation in Relations to Cultural Standards
The concept of value as defined in the dictionary is stated as utility, importance;
precise significance; principles and standards that are considered intrinsically desirable-
is a sufficiently and precise definition that was used to guide my inquiry into classroom
occupations (Merriam, 1998). Originating from principles and standards of the culture,
the students assimilate the existing values and create new values as they experience
their classroom occupations. The pursuit of a diploma is an assimilated value, one
derived from their parents, teachers and legislators. What is important in the eyes and
hearts of the students is revealed in their narratives:
Randy (member-checking)
PI: You initially talked about just wanting to get the credits and just wanted to
get it over with. And that seems to be a consistent threat about start to finish.
Although, at points and times it seems that it is about the quality of the work
being produced as well. I noticed when you are working in Mr. Vine’s class, he
will engage you in a discussion about a particular topic. And if you were only
interested in the credit you would cut it short to get the work done and get a
credit, but you don’t you go on and ask more questions you take it into different
direction. Do you feel like you have some part of you that wants quality? Or, do
you think that is just not the case?
Randy: My dad always told me that while trying to get the bigger plan done
always try to get it done the best you can. So at the same point ant time that I am
trying to get my credits out of the way at least do the best I can while getting it
out of the way.
294
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
For his class that’s my last credit and I want to get it done but I want to go out
with a bang and do the best that I can. I want him to remember me as a kid what
did want to try. In case I ever need a reference or anything else in my day you
know.
PI: Is it only about the reference or is it something about the relationship too?
Randy: Also, because he is one of my favorite teachers, he never pressured me. I
think that is what has mostly gotten me, one to finish the class. And hey why
aren’t you pressuring me? Well, because I am not the one losing out. Yeah,
right!
Family values incorporated into current classroom occupations, passed on to
Randy by his dad are evident in his pursuit of credits. He balances the pursuit with best
effort building his ability to negotiate process and product toward his desired goal of
earning credits. His motives are a sense of loyalty to the teacher who has worked with
him and Randy’s notion of self as constructed in the quality o f work he has done for his
teacher. He references future needs for recommendations as a reason for doing his best
Randy attributes his success in Mr. Vine’s class to the teacher’s ability to modulate
pressure, environmental demands, but at the same time sees the ultimate responsibility
and outcome up to himself in his parting phrase, “I am not the one losing out.” Randy
attributes his successes in Mr. Vine’s class to the teacher’s ability to acknowledge the
differentiation of self from the teacher and the teacher’s motives for restraining pressure
on Randy to perform. In this Randy’s objective agency is one of the elements along
with the teacher’s modulation of pressure that make it possible for Randy to
successfully complete all his credits for World History and move on to his American
History class.
295
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
The inevitable question is why is the value of earning credits so important for
the students? From the perspective of the students who have assimilated these values
from their culture, it is the barrier that must be overcome in order to move to the next
step, college. As previously stated, college is not something they perceive themselves to
have aptitudes for, rather it is the right of passage into society and the prelude to work,
and the good life:
Dan’ s Notion of Future: A Good Job
PI: You talk about success being social. That seems like a goal in a way. You
know sustaining that sharp edge social thing and graduating form school. Do
you have any other goals?
Dan: Yeah, in the future? Get a good education and get a good job.
PI: And a good job would mean...
Dan: Financially stable. I can actually live on my own.
A projected self in context of independence, a financially secure person having
obtained a good education. As opposed to a life as a janitor without an education:
Dan’ s Definition of A Poor Job Option
PI: There was a 21 year old at my school here, and I swear to God that guy
would have bought me beer after school. Oh my God he’s my grandpa.. .that
guys a winney. That guy 21 and still in high school oh my God dude. Hello
welcome to the janitor work. You should think he would get it together by the
third year, but duh..a wake up call.
Dan found value in his relationships; his social way of being-in-the-world with
others was satisfied with some notions of compliance to environmental demands toward
earning credits to graduate:
Dan ’ $ Values: Respect, Regard and Receiving Kudos
PI: It appeared to me that you are concemed with passing and the credits to be
able to graduate.. .you seem like you are concemed with being compliant with
everybody like Mr. Dysan, your mom and grandma in the lEP process. So
whether you were working at school, or on independent study it seemed like you
were doing it for other people verse doing it for yourself. Is that true?
296
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan: Ahh...yeah I could say that.. .yeah I was doing it more for the attention
after. PI: The reward.
Dan: Yeah, like good job son, you did it.
PI: I hear respect is a big issue for you.
Dan: Well, isn’t it for you?
PI: Yeah I think for most people it is.
Dan: For most common people.
Being-in-the-world with others and being respected, regarded and receiving
kudos as a reward were strong values for Dan. These elements of construction
embodied in values and motives propelled him toward the goal of graduation. As he
engaged in the process he was making meaning of who he was in context, while
reconstituting what he already knew to be true o f himself, that he was persistent.
As they create their classroom occupations based on their own values, motives
and goals there appears to be power in the bringing forth of something unique to
themselves through the process of spontaneity that accompanies the creation of their
classroom occupations. A critical assessment o f their values is brought into existence as
they choose to or refuse to engage in classroom occupations that produce credits. This
might be seen as a phenomenon of dissonance formation of values and actions. To
assimilate the values of their society that demands attendance in school, compliance
with eaming credits pursuant of acquiring a high school diploma. Yet, attendance was
most problematic for Dan, and Randy had a pattern of being absent occasionally
through the weeks of the study. Whereas Mark’s attendance was near perfect, prompted
by his probation status. The dissonance that emerged was another element of the
complexity of the occupations that the students created. They chose to be self-purposive
within the degrees of freedom their own values, goals and motives afforded them.
297
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Students are occupational beings, and what the students create, by way of
developing new values principles and standards, is so fundamental to them that I see
these self-constructed values as constitutive parts of the structure o f being. Randy’s
creation of respect for teachers was an emergent value a newly formed self-construction
as an exemplar of self-constructed value creating:
PI: How have you changed your strategies for your class work & your attitudes
now that you are here at this school?
Randy: I am learning that school is respect for the teachers.
To say that the students are occupational beings is to say that they are always
engaged in oceupation. Whether asleep or creating core-curriculum, self-regulatory or
social negotiation they are always engaged. Heidegger suggests that the being in is
about always being involved as a characteristic of Dasein (Dreyfus, 1991). In classroom
occupations the value, goal and motives, influenced by states oblige them to do so. But
the values, goals or motives themselves are in a state of reconstruction and thus are not
static entities. Rather, I see them as having the propensity and potential to choose to
engage in classroom occupations and create values since doing so is an integral part of
their constitution, or part of the ontology of being-in-the world. But Dan’s choices to
sleep in class, or Randy’s choice to refuse to engage in core-curriculum classroom
occupation of the teacher’s choosing, or Mark’s refusal to participate in-group class
work are all examples of self-will, objective agency, and an occupation of resistance
that can be classified under social negotiation .
298
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
This expression of freedom is potentiality, as well. It is the residual potentiality
of the “as i f ’, the freely created classroom occupation potentials that lie dormant until
they are discovered, actualized, or employed by the students. This very improvisational
work is constituted in the values the students ascribe to the tasks. For example, Dan
found watching films to be a form of baby sitting employed by the teacher to do her
grade books and thus was of no interest to him. Perhaps most poignantly, it took the
teacher’s attention away from Dan and directed toward other endeavors. Randy and Dan
both enjoyed perfecting their use of humor to control and mediate power relations, thus
reconstituting the value of such skill development as their efforts reinforcement they
received positive outcomes. Mark’s option to engage in self-paced work modules versus
the assigned group work are the tools for exercising power while moving toward his
goal of credit acquisitions. Self-paced core-curriculum occupations were more closely
aligned to his motive for engaging in the work to expediently earn credits.
Although the participants do not formally attest to making goals, they are
managing their goals in the spontaneity o f daily classroom life and occupations.
Empowered by their values, motives and goals, the students use classroom occupations
as tools to seek and exercise freedom of choice in a compulsory educational
environment. Thus promoting self-realization and actualization as their ‘null
curriculum’ through their selection, engagement in and, in some cases, refusal to
participate in certain classroom occupations.
299
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
This is the function of self-construction classroom occupations. Hidden within the
execution of function is the power of occupation to perform self-construction.
Goals, motives and values are the elements that can constitute self-construction
classroom occupations. (Kiros, 1994) suggests values that are self-constructed are also
the ones that are genuinely self-empowering; the same can be said of motives and goals.
Self-construction classroom occupations are complex. The complexity could be
seen in many different interacting features of the students’ engagement. There were
interactions among the following: the teachers’ competing views of core-curriculum
classroom occupations and that of the students’ alternate choices, the students’ self-
regulatory classroom occupations, which seem to drive the core-curriculum and Social
negotiation ; the different peers in the classroom; the tension between the cultural and
self-regulatory classroom occupations processes and core-curriculum knowledge
acquisition pursuant to eaming credits; and aspects of classroom genres and teacher
practices, school board politics and the United States’ engagement in the Iraqi War all
came together as issues to be considered. Beyond the scope of this research were the
elements of difficulty at home and the unknown elements. These complex interactions
operated in an interconnected manner with varying degrees of emphasis on any given
day. These complex interactions maintained the conditions under which the classroom
occupations were constmcted and sustained. The constant dynamics of change in any
one dynamic interaction adjusted another area including: test taking, work production,
ability to sustain work patterns for eaming credits, time it took to progress within a
module of core- curriculum content, behavioral responses, peer and teacher
300
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
relationships and ultimately attending, or remaining in an isolated conference
classroom, or in the special education classroom. The intercoimectedness of these
elements produced a constant state o f change, with underlying patterns of stability over
time. This stability was seen predictably within certain classroom genres as behavioral
responses, postures or kinetic energy levels that were indicative o f the quality, and
quantity of core-curriculum classroom occupations that the students would engage in.
Mark, Randy and Dan’s self-construction classroom occupations are complex as
each element of interactions and interrelationships are explored within their classrooms.
Goals are another of the elements that were embedded in the landscape of the
participants. It provided another layer to interpret, communicate and increase
understanding of classroom occupations in context. Goals can be defined as aims
toward an end in which effort is directed (Merriam, 1994). Achievement goal theorists
assert that school settings which promote competitive and are likely to evoke feelings of
frustration, hostility, and reticence for many students, whereas settings that emphasize
task mastery and development may relate to diminished self-consciousness in the
classroom (Ames, 1984, 1992; Covington, 1992). Each of our participants wanted the
teachers’ attention, and Dan and Randy sought the classroom as a theater stage to be
seen. But, competition between themselves and other students was not a theme that
emerged in the study for academic reasons. Randy was engaged in competition with
other students to gain the teacher’s attention. Dan’s outlandish classroom antics
dominated the environment making the other students in the classroom no match for his
competition for attention.
301
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’s major competition was in art class where he vied for the teacher’s
attention between phone calls. The students joking referred to the teacher as a
‘phoneologist’.
While comparatively few studies have been conducted to date, the current
research findings indicate that students' perceptions of the goals emphasized in their
schools are linked to their personal achievement goals, feelings of academic
effectiveness, use of successful learning strategies, and behavior in school (Maehr &
Fyans, 1989; Midgley, Anderman, & Hicks, 1995; Boekaerts, 1993). The schools’ goal
appeared to be to get the kids to graduate with a diploma. Thus, considerable dialogue
was heard in each class and each observation that focused on eaming credits. This was
done in the form o f checking credits, reminding students that if they were not engaged
in work they were not eaming credits, reminding students of lEP goals that focused on
credits. As teachers, assigned material they would preface the assignment by saying
how many credits could be eamed. Goals as defined entities were difficult to excavate
when the boys were asked if they made goals for themselves. However, in the text of
their narratives were many examples of goals that they set for themselves, although they
each denied making goals as these excerpts illustrate:
Randy’ s Notions of Making Goals
PI: You said you had a bad experience with goal setting before do you think you
would be at a place sometime to try to make goals again? Rand: Well, tow goals
that I have I cannot fail on graduating and the Navy. I must not let myself fail. It
is fairly easy to get into the Navy and I am going to take that. Every time I tried
to get into the small goals its’ like one more small thing to remember every
week every day and it doesn’t get completed. So you know it’s like when your
brain gets to the overcapacity place not one more drop.
PI: Overwhelmed.
302
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy: Yeah. Right.
Randy had found that setting objectives toward a goal was not effective for him
because it evoked negative feelings that he wanted to avoid if he failed to accomplish
his objectives. He also, found it a source of stress trying to keep objectives in mind and
operate from them, so he opted to omit objectives from his conscious daily experiences.
Although I noted that in fact during observation, the objectives were being routinely
enacted:
Objectives Are Embedded In Daily Execution of Classroom Occupations
PI: So you like art, um .. .when you are going into class, or in the first portion of
class to think about what you want to accomplish or have a goal in mind?
R: I know what I want to accomplish but more of what I think I can accomplish.
Sometimes not thinking g al all. You know that is what my weak point is
because I don’t think much about it, only what I think I might like to have
happen. And what can happen and what I wish could happen is kind of iffy time.
PI: Do you achieve the goals you stet for yourself?
Randy: So far my age. There is not much to say for it yet. I want to graduate
and go to the Navy.
PI: So it sounds like you look at it like a big thing. Like graduating and getting
into the Navy. But, do you set little goals that lead to the big ones?
R: I do not set little goals for here to there, like with grades. But, I should. Only
because I know myself too well. I do not want to make myself feel worst that I
use to about the way I set goals before and not meet it, it was a downer. So I
stopped it.
PI: OK because it had a negative effect on you.
Randy acknowledged that he should make objectives and goals, but, he does not.
He avoids the negative emotive states associated with recognizing a failure to meet set
objectives in the past and uses this as a premise for not setting objectives past his major
goals. He seems to lack the ability to see the potential for experiencing joy with
accomplishing objectives and goals. This may be in part due to a lack of previous
positive experiences with meeting goals. He found that he became over stimulated
303
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
when attempting to manage objectives and would reject formal goal setting. He equated
the task of remembering small details, such as objectives, as a burden and potential
threat to bis emotional state stability. Thus, be reasoned that be was avoiding negative
feelings by refusing to set goals. This seemed to be a strategy to control self-regulation.
Mark like Dan and Randy were not inclined to make goals. He did not make
explicit goals daily but bad the goal of graduating. The following interview excerpt
explains that Mark’s idea of achieving the objectives to the goal was a global
acknowledgement that any movement toward the larger goal o f graduating was
sufficient for him:
Graduation Was Enough of A Goal For Randy
PI: Do you ever have written reports to prepare for class?
Mark: Yeah.
PI: How do you go about planning for this?
Mark: I just go for it. Just go for it. There is no real plan.
Csikszentmibalyi (1997) suggests that being-in-the-world; as a spontaneous
entity is for some people a way of avoiding setting goals, and that this way of being
results in people blithely following goals established instinctively and through the
education of the culture in which they reside. But, Mark had a steady persistence in
tempo to the class demands of his English teacher. He appeared to get less core-
curriculum classroom occupations done in his art class.
Dan ’s Conception of Quality Is Getting Through
PI: Do you set goals for the quality of your work? How do you measure quality?
Dan: Probably getting through. But when it comes down to like you need to do
your best for a test, then yeah, I’m doing it right and getting it done that would
be considered doing your best, right?
PI: OK.. .and how do you measure quality of your work?
Dan: By the outcome of it? What I want to put in, what effort I want to put into
it.
304
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
PI: OK, how much does the opinion of the teacher’s work play into things?
Dan: I don’t care about the teachers’ s opinion of my work. No, nah I don’t
really care about the teacher’s opinions...
When Dan spoke of his efforts it seemed that he was expressing that the quality
of his work was dependent upon his own temperament as defined in his efforts toward
the outcome. At the time of this segment of interviewing, Dan was angry with the Mrs.
Caballero for not permitting him to stay in her class. He seemed conflicted over her
opinion that he should be on independent study at home and yet still maintained that he
was probably her favorite student. Given Dan’s high value for socialization and
relationship, this was difficult for him. Thus, his response regarding the quality of work
seemed to be influenced by his current struggles with the teacher. If the same question
had been asked during the week he had given the flowers to Mrs. Caballero, 1 venture to
think his responses would in fact be different. He seems sad during the portion of the
interview and spoke in low tones with his arms crossed. Despite his inability to set
specific objectives or perhaps recognize his actions as goal setting, he was able to
describe the very definition of objectives and goals in this following excerpt:
Dan’ s Definition of Goals and Objectives
PI: How do you feel about your level of work today?
Dan: 1 feel 1 could do a lot better.
PI: Are you on target?
Dan: Umm yeah 1 can do it.
PI: So the plan.. .Do you have any plans around how you are going to do the
work and get it accomplished at home?
Dan: Yeah 1 am going to sit down and just do it.
PI: Are you going to work by yourself, or with your mom, your grandma, or,
your girlfriend?
Dan: Probably my girlfriend. 1 do a lot with my girlfriend cause she is very
smart and she is going to help me out.
305
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan had a strategy in mind to employ the help of his girlfriend to assist him with
his remaining assignments. Graduation was still a priority goal, which he eventually did
achieve. However, objectives to the goal were realized not in planning but in execution
of the core-curriculum classroom occupations as enacted in situation. Csikszentmibalyi
(1997) suggests that learning to manage one’s goals is essential to; quality of life. He
proposes that extremes of spontaneity, or compulsive control should be replaced with
reflective understandings of one’s motives. He links this idea to the pursuit of one’s
highest potential consciousness, one of order and proper use of social and material
resources within our environment.
I was left with the notion that the context of the mind is an ever-evolving
process of discovery and development. The ‘context of the mind’ is that process of
reflective self-disclosure that leads to new revelations about one’s self in context.
Interestingly enough it seems that occupations are very useful tools to assist in this
process. Learning to manage one's goals is an important step in achieving excellence in
everyday life. To do so, however, does not involve either the extreme of spontaneity on
the one hand, or compulsive control on the other. The best solution might be self
reflective processes whereby one's motivation, values and goals are discovered.
Recognizing that there is an emergent process associated with making meaning of the
occupations as biased by values, motivations and goals. Goals appear to be present with
or without conscious effort to make them and track them. Thus, to choose goals that
will meet the social demands with the raw materials available in the environment might
306
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
be the path the students understand best at a tacit level. To developing, their potential
within the environmental demands seemed to be their response. In this sense, defeat
might be defined as not trying, dropping out. None of the participants did this, they all
kept their objective agency as they progressed forward albeit at a different temporal
rhythms.
Self-Construction Beyond the Classroom
Randy’s impassioned speech at the school board meeting was a part of the null
curriculum in action. Mrs. Caballero’s use of core-curriculum classroom occupations
spawned the dialogue that became the catalysis for Randy. He was being socialized into
a culture o f politics and forging his identity as objective agent in the process. Randy
used his leisure time outside of class to engage in political advocacy. Csikszentmihalyi
(1997) explains that the root word for leisure in Greek is ‘scholea’, which the word
“school” comes from. According to Greek philosophy, to become truly human one must
devote time to self-development by learning, engaging in the arts, and political activity.
This political forum gave him the occasion to be a spokesman for the entire
student body. He was not elected or commandeer into this role. He assumed it based
upon his previously emerging skills in advocacy. He had been perfecting his Social
negotiation . Larson and Richards (1994) assert that adolescence is the time for learning
roles, sorting out ones values and beliefs. But not to be underestimated was Randy’s
ever-present drive to reach high arousal states and to be on display. Of the 300 students
on campus at the school he alone opted to represent the student body. Randy’s
participation in advocacy was the extension of his social negotiation classroom
307
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations. In class he was provoked to action that in turn brought about his initiating
his presentation at the school board. His classroom occupations prepared him to enter
the social, and political community discourse. The classroom is a place where the
cultural values are transmitted. Amett (1992) presents a theory of socialization, which
suggests that, there are seven sources of socialization for adolescents including: family,
peers, school, commimity, the media, the legal system, and the cultural belief system. In
addition, Arnett’s theory asserts among other things that the purposes for socialization
include role preparation and performance and the cultivation of meaning as understood
by what is important, what is to be valued, what is to be lived for.
Randy was engaging in a cultural ritual by entering the process of going before
the school board. This could be seen as an example of how Randy’s Social negotiation
could move him into community levels of political advocacy. In Randy’s case, his
engagement in the School board meeting in this way was an acceptance of his own
culture’s rituals (Spiro, 1994). He was superimposing order into the chaos of emotion
as he experienced: the impact of the proposal of budget cuts at his school. Perhaps
Randy’s vivid imagination was more readily suited to create dramatic productions of the
future with these proposed budget cuts, or as his narrative reflects, perhaps the reality of
his graduating from high school was being put at risk. He clearly wanted to advocate for
his teachers, fellow students; but the reality of the benefits he had received since
transferring to the school were of key concern to Randy. He did not want to loose these
benefits in the next academic year. What is the relationship between capacity and
ability? My answer would be praxis, as Randy’s example of carrying his classroom
308
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
occupations out into the community. He had not gone before the school hoard before.
He had both the capacity and the ability. Once he operationalized both of these he was
able to demonstrate efficacy. The next day after the board meeting, Randy received
many accolades around campus from the teachers. He garnered additional attention
from his peers as he described the events from the evening before. Such a wonderful
reward for his emotive states (Gillford, 1959) as realized through his efficiency within
his emergent political activism. His engagement in this cultural classroom occupation
moved from the classroom to the community teaching him new things about his own
feelings and attitudes toward self and others, not only in school settings but also in the
community. This might be an indicator of generalizability of learning across settings.
Integration of social negotiation, self-construction and core-curriculum
classroom occupations that are embedded in Randy’s evening before the school board.
It clarifies the relationship between cognitive, cultural and neurobehavioral states as
expressed in ability of classroom occupations to be applied to areas of learning in
school, and the capacity, or potentialities of being-in-the world as an adult. Randy’s
actions are honorable. As a member of the commimity with ADD he also represented a
hidden voice. When he went before the school board there was no mention of him
having ADD, nor did he speak about eaming credits. He used instead political language
suitable for the audience he was addressing. When positing an argument for how he
had personally benefited from the school he chose to speak about how his grades had
improved. While he was tangentially aware o f his grade status in school, on day-to-day
bases he tracked his credits, not his grades. In addition, when Randy was asked why he
309
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
did not mention that he had ADD to the board, he simply said, “I never thought about it.
Should I”? What a marvelous enthusiastic spirit of self affirmation he brings to the
quality of classroom experiences. He was not attached to the label of ADD to the
exclusion of more global experience in the public arena. In short the issue was budget
cuts not his disability. Therefore, he represented the student body as a student, not a
disabled student. He transferred his acquired null, and core curriculum learning into
political advocacy in the public arena.
In Csikszentmihalyi and Schneider’s (2000) Sloan Study o f Youth and Social
development looked at how parents, friends, teachers, schools and communities affected
adolescent development and career formation. The study included students 12 through
18 years of age across racial and ethnic compositions as to give a proper representation
of the United States in public middle and high schools. They had thirty-three schools
sites in nine states. The cohort sample included 3,602 students in grades sixth through
twelfth grade. This four- year study was carefully designed to be highly sensitive to the
greatest diversity available. Yet, there was no mention of persons with disability. The
Racial and ethnic sampling included Affica-American, Asian, Hispanic, Native
American and White. How could it be that a study of this magnitude with a scope of
inquiry to see how youth were developing and being prepared for career selection not
mention persons with disabilities? If Heidegger’s assertion is correct the being-in-the-
world is to be with others something is dramatically wrong with this picture. Heidegger
suggests that even when we are other affects alone us, in the form of their absence
(Dreyfus, 1991). There is an interrelated significance to the absence of the mention of
310
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
disability. The study yielded valuable information on both male and female students of
various ethnicity and race from 1992-1997 in the United States. But, where are the
disabled among the group? Are they hidden beneath the surface like Randy in the public
arena of the School board meeting, or is it an issue to consider? “If it is true that
loneliness has been a constant threat to humankind, strangers have been no less of a
problem. Generally we assume that people who differ from us— by kinship, language,
race, religion, education, and social class— will have goals at cross-purposes from ours,
and therefore must be watched with suspicion. Early human groups usually assumed
that they were the only true humans, and those who did not share their culture were not.
Even though genetically we are all related, cultural differences have served to reinforce
our isolation from each other” (Csikszentmihalyi, 1997, p. 91).
Randy and Dan assert that they are persons with unique desirable social
personality traits. Such an assertion makes the issue of disability of non-importance.
But, the fact that Randy’s narratives were frequented by the term ADD throughout his
interviews and were conspicuously absent from his community narrative seems to me of
some concern. Is the concept of ADD too close for Randy to see? Or, is it an issue of
seeing and choosing not to reveal that part of the himself to a world that would not
appreciate him? Perhaps Randy had learned his lessons well in regard to an emergent
and re-constituted self. The self with ADD was tacitly known, but relegated to
undefined space as he was exploring unfamiliar environments within the realm of public
community space, outside the classroom were suspicious onlookers might assume that
his goal of advocacy as a person with ADD was at cross purposes with their own. This
311
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
assumption on Randy’s part presupposes that the people he was addressing at the
School board meeting did not have ADD and therefore where different from him.
Heidegger suggests that Dasein as being-in-the-world knows others as well as knowing
itself, yet the self is emergent (Dreyfus, 1991). He also calls the way of being-in
’’dwelling.” When Randy dwells in his language (a narrative about ADD as a
personality trite) and he feels at home and inhabits that being-in-the-world. When in
front o f the School Board he is “dwelling” with perhaps future notions about how to
mediate the “inhabiting” and thus chooses to omit the fact that he is a person with ADD
attending special education classes (Dryefus, 1991). Heidegger asserts knowing in part
this is the phenomenal content of Dasein and that “We always conduct our activities in
an understanding of being. Out of this understanding arise both the explicit question of
the sense of being and the tendency that leads us toward its conception” (Dryefus, p.
11).
312
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Chapter 10
Meanings of Classroom Occupations
In the Core and Null Curriculum
Hinging
Pragmatism
&
Existentialis
A summary oj
the
Null
Curriculum
Occasion
For
Socialization
In this section we look at strategies that the students employ to address their core
curriculum occupations. We look at Mark’s English class lessons around the book
Freedom Writers and the Iraqi War; and clay in Art. In Dan’s class we look at the use of
films such as Laurence of Arabia and in Randy’s American History and World
lecturette and modules in Mark’s History class. A summary of the null curriculum is
presented all in the voice of the students.
Mark’ s English Class lessons book Freedom Writers and the Iraqi War:
Mr. O’Brien introduced a new module of study to the class. He explained that
the class would be reading the Freedom Writers Diary, a book written by
students. However, the content was filled with vulgarity, murder, drugs and
rape. Due to the nature of the unedited material, the students were to bring in
signed parent permission slips so that they would be able to participate. He went
on to tell the students that Erin Gruwell the teacher and co-author o f the book
was a friend of his who might be able to visit them after they complete the book.
Mr. O’Brien enthusiastically told the class that the book was about how his
friend and 150 of her students used writing to change themselves and make an
impact on the world around them. Explaining that the class would write journals
for submission at the end of the year in their own book, he introduced Zlata
Filipovic’s story to the class. She is a girl from Sarajevo whose diary was
published in 1999. He then spoke of Anne Frank’s diary and how they would be
watching the television production of the Diary of Anne Frank on video. The
class was attentive and seemed eager to hear what they would be doing in class
for the next several weeks. They quizzed Mr. O’Brien on the confidentiality of
the diary entries and the manner in which they would be able to write.
313
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark was busy organizing his papers, as was his custom in Mr. O’Brien’s class.
Concluding his introduction to the class, Mr. O’Brien transitions the class to
some computer work. At this time it becomes apparent that Mark has not been
attentive to the teacher’s lecture. Mr. O’Brien notes that Mark is not working at
the computer as he had been instructed to do.
Mr. O’Brien: Come on over to my desk. Computers do not get lonely. How
many credits are you on? Question 1-7 you can get completed today. You have
enough time and get one days credit for finishing it.
Mark: I was absent this day.
Mr. O’Brien: That’s what I said and the beginning o f class... If you were
listening?
[Transition to Mark’s comments regarding the Freedom Writers: Then the last
day with Mrs. Gruwell.]
Mark Values Teachers Help
PI: I was thinking of things that reminded me o f the Freedom Writers. You say
you remember the James Almost movie. What do you think was the key feature
in that movie that made the students succeed?
Mark: From the book cause I was thinking about it from the whole time that we
have been reading it. Cause you see the teachers actually try to help the students
the principal and the system doesn’t let them. The teacher is wrong even when
the students are passing, and really learning stuff. The whole office the whole
system everyone that runs the school doesn’t let them.
FI: Umm Mark: You get a good teacher you just say she is wrong.
PI: Um that is what Gruwell has been going through. And James Almost’s Stand
and Deliver in the same character.
Mark: Yeah I seen that movie. You can’t be a good teacher without getting
criticism and going through all that trouble.
PI: Why do you think that is?
Mark: Honestly, I think the office could care less. Pass or not you are at another
high school more money. They don’t care. They say they really want you to go
through and succeed. But how come every time when succeed or have a good
teacher that is helping us succeed they put them down and us down? It does not
work that way.
Mark’s comments were not consistent with what I had observed of the staff and
administration during the time the study was conducted. His perception of
reality did not match the observed interaction and culture o f this school from my
vantage point. Mark had been angry the day before and during this interview
314
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
seemed uncharacteristically perturbed. This lead me to suspect that he might be
struggling with some anger issue and venting as he responded to the questions.
A rt Class: Clay
PI: So your clay stuff is drying now.
Mark: It takes a long time.
PI: I was curious about the project. I myself enjoy worked with clay. Have you
ever worked with clay before?
Mark: No.
PI: That was your first experience.
Mark: Yeah I don’t really like it.
PI: You don’t.
Mark: No
PI: Why?
Mark: Cause I just want my thing, I’m not really into waiting. I just want my
project.
PI: What about working with the clay?
Mark: I would more if it didn’t get your hands all dry. It’s all right.
PI: It was funny when I was watching you it seemed like you were really
enjoying getting into it. And making it from a lump of clay into something
special. You were like enjoying it and kind of relaxing.
PI: The other thing I notice was slamming of the clay. Do you know what that
process of slamming it on the table is all about?
Mark: I don’t know. I was just slamming it on the table to make the bottom flat?
PI: OK. At one point yon cut the clay, and it exploded and some hit the teacher.
You were wow what’s up with that? Did you know why that happened?
Mark: Yeah that was funny. No.
PI: The class is full of air and the slamming process is to get the air out. When
you cut it you hit an air bubble and that is why it exploded. It will do the same
thing in the Kiln when you fire it.
Mark: Ahh..
PI: Yeah, so it’s going to be interesting to see if it makes it through the firing
process.
Mark: Ah..it explodes.
PI: Which project did you like better the paper mache or the clay?
Mark: Neither, because they both were too time consuming.
D an’ s Rare Occurrence o f Core-Curriculum Classroom Occupation
10 students in class: Dan is very loudly responds to each question the teacher
asks. He shakes and laughs. Three kids are primary in the interactions. Dan and
Ted and Romi. Catalin joins in the group at the desk but three kids rest with
their heads on their desks.
315
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Two females quietly write. Dan is loud his movements are larger and he reminds
me of a Steve Martin or Jim Carrie comedian He uses character voices in and
out of dialogue exchanges with peers and the teachers. The aide asks Dan what
he had to do in English and sends him to the rear room. He goes to the rear room
closes the door with a slam. He then opens the door and asks if he has gotten
two credits for the last module he corrected. He is very loud. Mrs. Caballero
discusses with the class the difference between evidence and generalizations.
Two of the students sleep as five students work and Carlie sits in the comer
looking into the class. Tapping is heard form the rear room. Dan is looking out
the window and tapping as I turn to observe he stops and retums to his work.
The remaining group of students who are working with Mrs. Caballero are very
orderly, and quiet since Dan was relegated to the rear room. Dan is no longer
visible form the window. It is assumed he has his head down on the desk. Five
minutes later his head is up. The sound of tapping comes form the rear room and
stops after a few beats. From Dan’s room the sound of pages turning emerges.
He continues to work with his head up. Dan emerges from the rear room and
begins an impromptu skit with Randy. Dan starts banging on the desk and
singing. Dan is standing in the back of the classroom. Another student raises his
head and begins complaining of symptoms. Dan slams the door saying,
spreading cold, and exits the room.
On this rare occasion Dan was observed to actually open a book and do some
core-curriculum classroom occupations in the class. However, time-on-task was too
limited to really accomplish much. His preferred mode was to be in the social realm of
Social negotiation . In the rear room he was given some reduction in stimulation, but it
was insufficient to permit him to make advancements in the core-curriculum classroom
occupations toward earning credits.
He opened this session checking on his most recent credits earned. But, unable
to stay with the group at the teacher’s desk he is isolated in the rear room. Kinetic
energy releases are heard as he attempts to dispel energy. As was customary, soon his
poster was in a position of lowered arousal state over his books.
316
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
With a short engagement with his studies he seeks to elevate his arousal level
and leaves the rear room to engage with Randy. Dan is imable to operate within the
social cannons of this Dada genre.
Randy’ s American History and World History class we look as the lecturetts
and modules.
World History: Modules
Hughes asks Mr. Vine a question and R stops working to look at Mr. Vine.
Vine: After WWII what did the US start producing? We pay the soldiers and
they can’t spend their money. They come back and they get married and they
need what?
Randy: Houses.
Hughes: So we started building houses, but that’s not an invention.
Mr. Vine: Ahh the question the suburbs are bom. Track housing.
Randy: Just like those really nice model homes.
Hughes continues in dialogue with Mr. Vine and Randy listens, glances at Hugh
and then resumes his working.
Randy: The Hinddenburg was that before or after?
Mr. Vine: Before.
Hughes obsesses on nuke bombs asks if he can put this for an answer. Randy
comments you’re into destmction dude.
Randy: Cosmetic Surgery Center looks like a pet cemetery.
Randy was able to work within the parameters of the genre even though he was
distractible. Randy was not working on the same assignment that Hughes was working
on but Randy readily enters into the dialogue and then shifts the teachers’ attention to
his assignments questions. Core-curriculum classroom occupations were enfolded
within the process of social negotiation .
American History: Lecturette at the teacher’ s desk
On module 6 OK go forward to 7. Each one is to be checked and there will be a
quiz at the end. The teachers’ voice is low and confidentially as she speaks to
Randy.
Mrs. Hoffman: It’s up to you. Finish this credit you are 1/3 away from it and
could have it finished. Have you signed up for summer school? I’m just trying to
tell you what you can do to push yourself because you can do it. I can make it
easier by quizzing you along the way. But ask if you need help.
317
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy retums to his desk, he has 8 color pens lined up on his desktop. His pant
pockets have zippers and the sounds of boxed candy are heard as he arranges his
supplies into his pockets. It is 8:25 when he sits to begin to work.. .he continues
to work. The class is almost over.
On this day, Randy was straggling with getting himself started working. He had
been faithfully working each day in his American History class since his arrival. In this
class he was the most productive of all his classes with less observable signs of
distractibility. This class was exceptionally well ordered and quiet. The teacher’s
expectations for a professional student-learning environment were evident in not only
how she conducted herself in class, but also how she structured her students’
assignments. Every class her one to one lecturetts at her desk was with a different
student as the others worked independently. When addressing the students she was
professional, respectful, and courteous. While making observations in her class I never
witnessed one student say or do anything disrespectful to her. One student was observed
to be caught cheating on an assignments by copying his friend’s answers. When the
teacher discovered this she took the work away from the student quietly reprimanded
him and demanded that he start again without the aid of his friend’s notes.
Mrs. Hoffman was forceful, yet handled the incident with finesse. When Randy
was asked about his challenges in getting started on his module that day, he responded
as follows;
American History: From Modules to Good Feelings and Confidence
PI: You seemed to be having difficulty with getting started on your work in Mrs.
Hoffman’s class today.
Randy: Yeah...man.
PI: Why?
318
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy: Well...Because I said something that I should never have talked about to
this guy at school and he took it too far.. .and well it’s his problem now. (He
looks pensive and saddened.)
PI: After awhile you started working and continued to do so through the rest of
the period.
Randy: I needed to just move on from my head.
PI: It seems like you are working on these modules in American History at a
much quicker pace then you did in your World History class. Why do you think
that is so, or what does it mean to you?
Randy: I’m improving .. .I’m feeling good about myself, more
confidence.. .much more, everyday like.
As Randy struggled with some interpersonal peer dynamics on campus, he was
having difficulty focusing on his assignments in American History. Once he was able to
redirect his thoughts, he was able to keep engaged for the remainder of the period. The
observed rapidity with which he was completing his modules in his American History
class was attributed to his newly found feelings of confidence and generally good
feelings about himself. He found that he was making progress and this was a motive for
enhanced concentration. His history class was still first period. Yet, the mood swings
and lethargy was not as apparent in his American History class. However, there was a
marked change in how he was ftmctioning in his second period Math class.
He was more distractible and irritable. It seemed that his increased attention to
task and corresponding work production in his first period class was making it more
difficult for him to engage in core-curriculum classroom occupations in his second
period class.
A Summary of the Null Curriculum
Eisner (1994) explains that student’s intellectual repertoire is shaped by both the
explicit core-curriculum content and the implicit null curriculum. The null curriculum is
319
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the cultural system of the school that promotes rules, expectations and the alternatives
students are not offered. What Mark, Randy and Dan were taught in the implicit null
curriculum was as important as what they learned in the core-curriculum, or explicit
curriculum. Eisner (1994) argues that unawareness in the form of inferences made from
content that is omitted is not simply a void; it has important effects on the kinds of
options that Mark, Randy and Dan were able to consider. For example, the participants’
classroom occupation alternatives that could be examined, and the perspectives with
which they viewed their classroom occupations were embedded in the schools’ null
curriculum.
Mark, Randy and Dan were daily privy to subliminal transmission of the
community and school’s beliefs and values taught through the, practices, and
perceptions of this culture that determined acceptable modes of communication, social
interaction, taboos, ways of thinking and knowing, and ways of distributing power,
status, and resources. For the most part, the system of module completion was a
mechanical procedure with few options. In this system, the teachers did not routinely
explain assignments, or explain underlying concepts. Textbooks were used irregularly
in math, but more frequently in English and History. However, English was the only
class that provided a variety of intellectually rich experiences in the forms of a wide
range of classroom occupation. This included writing journals, group problem solving
for grammar exercises, oral and silent reading, viewing videos like Genocide and the
Diary of Anne Frank, class discussing, small group and individual work, answering
chapter questions, computer research and writing, reports, dramatic skits, and having
320
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
outside speakers. Dan’s English with Mrs. Caballero also afforded the opportunity for
hands on projects such as the Iraqi War assignment of making two posters one for
original source material and the other for propaganda. Or, providing time to view films
like Laurence of Arabia, and Fahrenheit 457. The majority o f the modules in Math
were Xerox copies of worksheets. In the History, classes the modules consisted of
answering chapter questions with occasional use of videos, writing and oral reports and
drawing representations of concepts such as the French Revolutionary War that Randy
completed. However, none of the participants gave an oral report during the course of
the study. Dry erase board work was used in the Math class infrequently. As the
participants conformed to the procedures of modular work, they were being taught that
compliance was more important than life long learning. Each module was worth credits
and credits were the pecuniary dividend required to earn a diploma. Little, or no
discussion took place between the teachers, or students regarding grades. The implicit
message in this null curriculum was qualitative performance was not as essential as
progressing through modules and garnering credits. There was little to no deciphering
of information to make informed decisions in the process of modular work. Most
poignantly missing in this form of instruction was the null curriculum of life-long-
leaming and the joy of expressing creativity and originality. In a mechanical and routine
manner, the progression of modules was one worksheet after another in the math class.
While the history classes offered more variety, the predominant theme was still
answering chapter questions. Thus, reading and responding to information without
conceptual foundation was the mode of choice. Both History teachers did provide mini-
321
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
lecturette that supplemented the mundane process of chapter questions. The participants
were not being taught how to direct their lives and be decision makers, they were
instead being taught to comply with a regime.
What is missing? With the exception of Mark’s English class and occasional
deviation from modules in Mrs. Caballero’s English class the participants were not
being taught to develop analytical intellectual powers. For Dan who was removed
placed on isolation in the conference room he was not afforded the opportunity to
benefit from Mrs. Caballero’s instructional alternatives. His was the more restricted
form of worksheet completion only. The lack of through and continuous exposure to
opportunities for problem solving was omitted as worksheet and chapter questions were
employed. These were intellectually poor instructional quality design for evoking
quality of expression, and personal satisfaction. There was little opportunity for the
participants to leam to understand concepts, generalizations, principles, and rules that
identify and describe relationships among and between ideas and phenomena. The null
curriculum of employing the module system predominated by worksheet completion
was devoid of creativity, originality, and did not give the students opportunities to
analyze problems and apply principles and rules. This content omission influenced the
participants’ values, classroom practices, and perceptions (Eisner, 1994). Thus, their
narrative emphasized similar themes focusing on graduation as a priori for all three
participants, and tracking their credits in some cases (such as Mark) to the .5-degree of
accuracy. The participants appeared to echo the voice of the dominant culture, yet they
lacked expression for their own voice in the curriculum of learning.
322
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Schools act as agents for the transmission of culture by controlling school
curriculum; thus schools reconstitute cultural continuity. They do this by selecting what
is taught and how it is taught and evaluated. In this way schools endorse the
predominant culture’s values as knowledge (Roth, 1984). Csikszentmihalyi and
Schneider (2000) found among many things that despite the diversity of school sites
chosen, and the students within the study that the activities in which the students are
asked to participate appear to be the chief determinants of their experience in
classrooms. In addition, they found that the activities that predominated the classroom
experience were perceived by the student to lack challenge and perceived significance
for the students’ future goals. Thus, classes that produced flow experiences were
activities that emphasized individual work.
Mr. O’Brien’s Freedom Writers assignments which culminated with a visit from
his friend Erin Gruwell the teacher and author was a perfect example of the eloquence
of bringing the critical culture of the kids own experiences into alignment with classic
literature, in their English class. In her presentation to the students, Mrs. Gruwell
explained how she was able to bring her educationally deficient and recalcitrant
students into an appreciation of the great works of Shakespeare by beginning with a
poem” A Rose in concrete” written by Tupac Shakur (a deceased rapper and former
gang member). She then had the students write about their journey from home to
school each day as they journeyed through various gang turfs. This assignment was the
catalyst for them to begin Langston Hughes’ work, the Odyssey and then Shakespeare.
She took the culturally bound arts of her students own constructions as imbibed in the
323
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
work of Tupac Shakur and made a nexus for what the students felt had questionable
validity and little relevance to their own life situations, that of Shakespeare and the
Odyssey. She saw in the Odyssey at its most basic level was a story o f getting form
point A to point B, and that the route her students took to school each day past
prostitutes, and rival gangs, etc. were comparable to the journeys in Odyssey. Erin was
concerned about the logic of juxtaposing these extreme positions, finding
commonalities by listening to the voices o f her students and realized that classical
works could take their place alongside the suppressed and unrecognized contributions
of a rap artists from the non-dominant culture. She did her research to understand the
voices of the kids by entering into their experiences through their narratives and went as
far as finding modem authors who felt Tupac Shakur was a genius.
As I listened to Mrs. Gmwell explain her motives and methods to the students
that day I was amazed at the brilliance o f her perspectives and was captivated by the
similarities of what 1 was finding in my research to her own experiences. She provided a
forum for the voices of her students and the results were expediential. She spoke of the
world tours the students had taken and the impact the book had made on students
around the world. Sharing with the students she explained that a motion picture is
currently being developed to tell the story. Her 150 students appeared to have found
flow, and they were continuing to make wonderful contributions to society. They are
currently developing teaching materials and videotapes to assist others in replicating
what they have found.
324
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Jerome Bruner (1996) asserts that the function o f education is to empower
people to operate at their maximum potential, by providing them with the tools to do so.
In addition, he argues that schools have as their pedagogy a contradiction in that they
also have a substantive function of reproducing the culture that supports it and
furthering the economic, political, and cultural ends. At Beautone High School, the
agenda was to move the students through the system toward graduation. This high-risk
population was deemed to be fragile for completing high school and thus their potential
delinquency was of economic, political and cultural significance to the school. Thus,
what is left out “flow” attends to the embedded assumptions that, for the students at
BHS, educational outcomes are attributable to a lack of compliance with social norms.
Mark referred to this as his appreciation for Mr. O’Brien’s manner o f teaching him as a
student that need not be reminded that he screwed up to get into the school in the first
place. Bronfenbrenner (1993) states that “among the personal characteristics likely to be
most potent in affecting the cause ... .of development... .are those that set in motion,
sustain, and encourage processes of interaction between the [developing] person and
two aspects of the proximal environment: first, the people present in the setting; and
second, the physical and symbolic features of the setting that invite, permit, or inhibit
engagement in sustained, progressively more complex interaction with an activity in the
immediate environment.” (p .ll). Mr. O’Brien seemed to be aware that the adolescents
were in the process of character development and chooses to link his assignments to the
developmental process:
325
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mr. O’Brien: Open your Freedom Writers to the contents. I am reading for 14
minutes. Then you have the last 10 minutes to write in your journals. Do not ask
me what to write about? You can write about what we have read or your own
thoughts. K has his book open to the contents page. R gives an explanation of
the construction of the book. The class is quiet and organized and all are on task.
Forward is explained as a contribution by Zalta’s Diary author a Sarajevo girl.
He begins to read and stops to comment...
O’Brien: More rambunctious stories of awaiting, you do not want to miss it.
Male student: Sweet...
O’Brien begins to read again with passion and then interjects an advertisement
for the students to read Zlalta’s Diary at the library. He passes through the rows
Mark gently shakes his feet and legs as he listens and follows along in silent
reading as Mrs. O’Brien read in. Mark is in a work posture. Question: shaking?
Is he attending, or not.. .Work posture? He rears back into the other posture
through the slats of the chair in front of him
Figure 10:1
His gaze in on the pages before him... O’Brien emphasized the point in the
forward by using his voice to make inflections and modulates his rate and vocal
quality to generate interest. Some of the themes are as follows: being labeled
prior to arriving at the school; Anne Frank’s diary.. .He picks up a copy of Anne
Frank’s diary as he reads. ...Inspires human being this is what makes us human.
O’Brien: Anyone who wants to read Anne Frank I have a couple o f copies.
Think about Iraqi war as we read this. Make parallels:- innocent kids over there
and hopefully we want those kids to embrace us. Today is not a usual day,
because we are working toward testing you will normally have 20 minutes to
write in your joumals. Mark is reading in this posture
Figure 10:2
326
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
facing away. O’Brien reads the first chapter; there is another student in the first
posture. All the students were quietly listening. Some students were reading
along others just listening. One student stretches. Mr. R stops after one minute
more Mark has been still, he raises and begins to write.
Male Student; What do we do now?
O’Brien: Pay attention when I say something! Come after school on your own
time and ask, or ask one of your classmates. I am not going to tell you. The
student quietly asks D for information and then proceeds. The class is still and
quiet. Mr. O’Brien cleans off his desktop as the students write. The content of
this new book is provocative to me. In many ways, it speaks to the very topic I
am studying now. The use of joumals as a classroom occupation acted as a
catalyst to forge dramatic self-constmction of the lives of the students in Mrs.
Gruwell’s classes. Yet, as my research finding seems to be suggesting at this
point, the relationship of the teachers as a component of the environment in
which those classroom occupations are enacted is a key factor to how the
students dive and recreate meaning of their occupations.
Mr. O’Brien: Bell will ring shortly. For all of you who are interested in the
Holocaust I am going to place all my books on the shelf next to the pencil
sharpener. Students file out.
The teachers’ null curriculum is one of respect for the students’ time and
individuality. He speaks to them with the intention of assuming they will be interested
in the material that is going to be presented. His professional deportment commands
respect, and he coveys caring as he encourages the students to explore the related class
material of the Diary of Anne Frank and the holocaust. His reprimand of David is
concise and to the point, done with respect. The order and flow o f the class conveys the
inherent value of such an environment for work and the student’s compliance with this
expected social cannon is their ability to assume the cultures demands as their own in
cooperative learning. Knowing that the students are interested in the torrid, and
adventurous stories of urban life he builds the students anticipation by modeling
excitement, as Dan’s comment “sweet” seemed to indicate. Mr. O’Brien also conveyed
327
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the null curriculum that sincere individual inquiry into the nature of world affairs was
an important pursuit for his students. When Mark asked Mr. O’Brien about the Iraqi
War, it became the perturbation for a complete module of learning.
Mr. Vine was also skilled in generating this type of mutual classroom
occupation construction while inteqecting null curriculums designed to reconstitute that
of the predominant culture:
Mr. Vine: Did you get the job yet?
Randy: No, not yet, they didn’t call.
Pin drop silence permeated the air.
Gentle tapping of Randy’s foot in seen as he bends over his work.
Mr. Vine would frequently quiz the students about their pursuit o f work and
admonish them to work. He would frequently interject comments regarding work
expectations to the students:
Mr. Vine: Bobby are you going to get any work done today? Nice to see you at
school today. Now how about doing some work.
Bobby: OK, how many pages do I have to read?
Mr. Vine: when you go to work the employer is going to ant people who
organize their time and materials to get the tasks completed. I am not going to be
with you at your job...so you find your assignment.
While there is no learning objective in Randy’s World History class to identify
skills for success in the work place; the implicit message is clearly stated through Mr.
Vine’s expressed expectation for Bobby. As Randy listened to these exchanges, he was
being influenced by this null curriculum. In subsequent interviews, Randy expresses
how he makes meaning of these values that Mr. Vine is teaching the class:
Randy Makes Meaning
PI: so you kind of say that this school is easier and more flexible without
pressure and this gave you more hope. Yet at the same time those qualities can
cause kids to not process toward graduation.
328
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
R: Yeah, it depends on the kid. If you have too much stracture the kid ain’t
goanna work! So where is the middle the balance, kids like us get to work and
get what we need and not have to worry too much about restricts and too many
rules. And its not the schools place to have to do that. It is the kids lace to leam
how to deal with that, because later on in life the jobs are not going to sit back
and say,” Hey so what time can you bring in all the paper work? They are not
going to ask that time can you bring in all the paper work? They are not going to
ask that so you have to get real and think what is this going to do for me later.
Well, make you a more stmctures person. Get you ready for the business world.
I know this is all going to have an effect on me later in the business world.
Because sometime I don’t even do my best...I have a 3.20 grade point average
and that is OK but I can do little better here.
Randy sees the value o f the efforts he puts forth now as having the potential of
making future life as an employed adult more valuable. He sees the schools willingness
to be flexible with due dates as an advantage. It was a matter o f removing barriers that
inhibit the students from making progress and on the other hand under certain
conditions was a perturbation to stmcture the environment in such as way as to enhance
the student’s ability to exercise self efficacy and produce work. However, he ultimately
places the responsibility on the student to work.
Another null curriculum was the conveyed value of caring for the individual.
For example, Mrs. Caballero routinely spent special time with the students. On occasion
she would invite them to breakfast. Mrs. W ycliff s spent class time talking to Mark
about issues, that concerned him. Mrs. Hoffman gave individual mini-lecturette at her
desk, or the Principal made room visits and knew each student by his or her name, and
some pertinent information about what was going on in their lives at that moment.
These were powerful communicators of the null curriculum.
The answer to the question, what is missing, is found within the null curriculum
and concept of “flow”. To promote flow experiences the researchers suggested that
329
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
students should be engaged in creative learning experiences in the classroom to help
them understand the broad purposes of school. Eisner (1944) discussion on the
‘omissions’ in the null curriculum and the individual meaning o f assigned activities (as
posited in the narratives of the students) is needed.
Occasion for Socialization
The everyday classroom occupations of these participants are decisively
characterized by their compliance with or defiance of specific school standards. Each
teacher had slightly different expectations about the type and amoimt of peer-to-peer
and teacher-to-peer interactions that should take place in the classroom. Teachers
imposed demands within the framework of their own classroom-specific genres and
acted according to the patterns of their own cultural structures. As the two larger
categories of Formal Order and Dada emerged the pattern o f socialization and culture
with its specific transmission o f values, goals and motives was identified. I saw these as
a part of an ongoing process o f shaping and influencing the values of the participants as
they participated in their classroom occupations. The scripts in each class were viable in
transmitting the core values. Larson and Richards (1994) suggests that adolescence is a
time when identity-related issues such as occupational preparation and the expansion of
values and beliefs are emerging through the process of socialization. In the Formal
Order classes there was more controlled peer-to peer encounters that conveyed what is
to be valued is order and conformity. Individualism with regard to expressing one’s
desires and consternation was an implicit goal in the Dada classes. For example, Mrs.
W ycliff s art class belonged to the students. Every inch of the walls and ceiling were
330
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
inscribed with the artwork of individual students. The students were encouraged to
white out a section of the wall and create a new work of art. Their language of
superlatives was an independent expression of defiance to the cultures norms for
acceptable language usage in a classroom setting. This defiance was tolerated and some
times restricted, but there was an implicit message that this space was interpretive space
available to students. The teacher’s continual phone usage also conveyed student
ownership of the space as her attentions were directed outside the domain of the four
walls. The net result was consecrated spaces for socialization and being socialized.
Generally, the students chatted and worked on their projects, laughing and joking with
one another. On occasion, their verbal play would escalate to physical play:
Mark plays as he leans into a girl beside him and discusses the drawing. Celtic
music today. A female student Tom and Mark play game boy Talking shit day in
and out. Mark sits next to a second female who inspects his hair and tells him it
is unevenly cut.
Girl: I got an A plus in cutting hair.
Marks come over to me for validation that hi hair is uneven.
PI: Just a hair longer.
Returning to the girl she cuts his hair.
Girls: Just a hair, (laughter erupts)
Mark: That was a lot.
The girl continues to trim his hair nicely.
Mark: My hair looks like Dean’s hair.
Mark: Can I wet your hair Mrs. Wycliff? (She is on the phone; she stops to
interject)
Wycliff: No.
This period is thinning out as the school year draws to a close.
Tom: Yough! (He yelled very loudly as he plays the Game Boy.)
Five students are seated around Mark’s table one is drawing and the others
socialize.
331
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
There was a broad range of variability in this class for promoting self-expression
and socialization. This was equally true of Mrs. Caballero’s Data class. Each student
was encouraged to pursue tbeir own preferences largely by the degrees of freedom Mrs.
Caballero’s values brought to the classroom. For example, on numerous occasions Mrs.
Caballero stated that there was to be no eating or drinking in the class, and other
occasions, that such activities could only be done at the sink. She bad a stock of cup of
noodle soups that the students could help themselves. Therefore, the expectations for
this classroom occupation were not clear. Yet, it became an occasion to build and
construct the Social negotiation . While eating and drinking was permitted in Mr.
Vine’s class in contrast, little to no peer-to peer socialization was encouraged by this
occupation. Instead the teacher would tease the students about their choice of breakfast,
thus it became an occasion for teacher to student socialization. The food was kept at the
students’ desk, and there were no observed tensions about eating in the classroom. All
members of the class adhered to a prescribed standard of behavior.
Hinging Pragmatism & Existentialism
Pragmatism has application in helping us understanding the experience and
consequences of classroom occupations. Pragmatism is a philosophy, which focuses on
the concerns of social experiences as a means of seeking answers to problems. John
Dewey was a pragmatist the promoting the concept of experience in the realm of
education as a viable why to understand and answer the issues concerning learning as
long as there is purpose and value to the idea in question (Dewey, 1938). As
previously discussed the social negotiation were wrought with meaning for all three
332
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
participants. Mark’s meaning was more subtle, and subdued. In a practical, matter-of-
fact way Mark approached and assessed his situation of being on probation, and being
behind in credits. Thus, he ehose to solve these problems in pragmatic ways. Mark
initially exhibited avoidance of peer-to-peer interactions. He stated that this was a
strategy he employed to avoid getting into any trouble that would jeopardize his current
probation plan. By the mid-point of the study, Mark was interacting with peers in his
English and art class. He has successfully completed probation and seemed to be less
fearful of making a mistake while engaging in his social negotiation . His value
formation surrounding his elassroom oeeupations was based upon his interpretation of
his eurrent probation status. Thus, he assessed his classroom occupations as he engaged
in them, questioning whether it was purposeful in obtaining eredits, and his initial
refusal to engage with peers in soeial negotiation was also a reasonable qualitative
eonclusion for Mark. His ability to establish a sense of what was worthwhile and to
understand what needed to be changed was in essence, pragmatic abilities. In the end,
the manner in whieh he created and engaged in his assessment of his situation affected
the way that he actually constructed his classroom occupations. Mark’s very act of
assessing influeneed, with varying degrees o f intensity, the elassroom occupations he
selected and rejected.
Progressive educators like Dewey asserted that thought and knowledge were
only relevant as action, and that truth itself was a tentative condition, always under
inspeetion and always being tested by the consequenees that it produced under real life
eonditions (Feinber, 1975). Similarly, we can see classroom occupations as an ever-
333
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
evolving process as these three students sought to making meaning through the
assessment of their participation classroom occupations. Thus, they each had few
qualms about constructing classroom occupations that aligned with the centrality of the
meaning they ascribed to the tasks. Dan found social negotiation personally satisfying
and felt that he enriched other students’ levels of enjoyment in the classroom by
employing humor. Randy shared the same value. The sustenance and vigor o f their use
of humor was their response to their assessment of what was needed in the classroom.
When Randy used humor to change the atmosphere in the classroom he was making a
choice to employ the cultural classroom occupation based upon his understanding of the
problem. Qualified by his values, he found a way to regulate, understand, and ultimately
ameliorate present conditions.
A common theme among the participants was this notion o f moving forward,
progressing despite their inherent struggles to perform according to the expectation of
the system in which they found themselves. They saw their problem of being behind in
credits not as failures but as opportunities for improvement, as they secured each new
credit. While the quality of the core-curriculum classroom occupation, progression was
only measured in number of credits obtained within the period o f an academic year,
their regard for improvement or growth meant that some way had to be found to keep
earning credits. Mark seemed to find it relatively easy to pursue his core-curriculum
classroom occupations. While, Dan and Randy’s classroom occupations were more
difficult to handle. They seemed to be managed via altering states associated with
arousal and thus, self-regulation was predominantly employed in what appeared to be
334
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
an experimental orientation. The participants attempt to control their states appeared to
assist them to accomplish core-curriculum classroom occupations, and at other times
were directed toward seeking types of stimulation in the environment that would
stabilize their state, but were not facilitative of their accomplishing core-curriculum
classroom occupations.. These elements of values, goals, and motives when infused
into classroom occupations put the wheels into motion, giving the participants an
impetus to change the manner in which they constructed and progressed through their
core-curriculum classroom occupations. By assessing their classroom occupations in
this manner, they were allowing new combinations, and greater degrees of freedom to
select or reject classroom occupations. Each change in one gear generated of changes in
other parts of their classroom experiences. Thus, perpetual motion is created as the
evolution of classroom occupations are created to meet the environmental demands of
both ‘self in context’ and that of the system they found themselves. While I stop short
of thinking that the students in this study were trying to find the highest level of
fulfillment through the process of education, a philosophical tenet of pragmatism as
explained by Dewey, they were in faet apparently seeking to emphasize their own
efficacy to mediate the challenges before them. They had to adapt to the demands of
hoth their own states and meet the socially sanctioned goal of obtaining a high school
diploma. For the participants if their abilities were working toward this goal they were
experiencing the truth of the idea that school is a site of learning. Both the null
curriculum and the core curriculum was the subject of study.
335
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Now this understanding of the ways in which classroom occupations held
meaning and were employed by the participants as an end to a means is only completed
when we consider the idea of existentialism. Existentialism is a philosophy that
emphasizes the uniqueness and isolation o f the individual experience in a hostile or
indifferent universe, regards human existence as unexplainable, and stresses freedom of
choice and responsibility for the consequences of one's acts (Grene, M. (1959). The
essential doctrine of existentialism is that human beings are what they make of
themselves. Thus, existentialism proposes that humans are not predestined by God,
society, or biology, but have free will and the responsibility that goes with it. Christian
existentialism holds that the positive act of the will is a matter of religious choice and
must ultimately leads to God. With a notion of freedom being in the core of the
discussion of existentialism, the application here is that the participants held the
responsibility for giving meaning to their endeavors with regard to their classroom
occupations. Heidegger’s concept of being-in-the-world is how the participants were
seeking to make sense out of their everyday classroom occupations, to become aware of
their efficacy to create occupation. Significance was present and found in the narrative
explanations of the meaning the students were making of their occupations as well as
the manner in which this significance was being constructed in their reflections. There
apparent lack of concern for things such as Randy’s expressed disregard for what others
were saying about him, balanced against the observed reality that he used headphones to
create separate space for himself where the comments could not be heard, and his focus
on core-curriculum classroom occupations could be enhanced to produce credit earning
336
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
products. This was the attitude of pragmatics, yet the knowing about when and how to
employ these strategies is the process o f being-in-the world that existential philosophy
brings to the discussion. Rather then solely relying on theories of education there seems
to be some value in finding out what the students are thinking, feeling, and experiencing
as the priori to linking education to learning. Pablo Freire (1994) asserts that oppressive
education does not permit the oppressed to question why things are the way they are.
This notion is perfectly illustrated in Paulo Freire's (1970) words, "Without dialogue
there is no communication, and without communication there can be no true education"
(p. 81). According to this viewpoint, students should be co-investigators and creators of
knowledge. It should now be clear that, classroom occupations are the tools for
beginning such communications. Thus, teacher and student would be co-constructor of
classroom occupations. This seems to happen in a very natural way as the raw elements
of classroom occupations interact. Formal acknowledgement of their existence as such
can give rise to specific areas of inquiry revolving the experiences, values and meaning
the students are making out of the occupations the teacher provides and the ones that the
students place as priori over the presumptions of the teachers. We may understand this
position of providing intrinsically motivation classroom occupations arising out o f the
expressed quality of those experiences as perceived by the students.
The initial analysis of the data in this study described and communicated this
process, but it did not become clear until I shifted to a higher level of qualitative
research (Kearney, 2001, p. 148) were interpretation o f data to “convey new meaning’
or “reveal something unknown”. This was the process of the ordinary become
337
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
extraordinary as the background moved into the foreground. As I attempted to analyze
the students’ classroom occupations as a phenomenon, I discovered something, which is
the essence of the nature of classroom occupations itself, temporarily. The students’
experiences with classroom occupations are intimately bound up with temporality and
temporal transcendence. In this respect Randy, Mark and Dan had knowledge of the
meaning of their classroom occupations (produced in time) not as absolute, but as an
emergent process of reflection and action. Aside from the historicity that the
participants bring to their current classroom occupations, there appears to be an
arbitrariness of mood that given any threshold justifies employing self-regulatory
occupations to lower or raise a state, thus transcending the temporality of the moment.
Yet, despite the transient nature of their mood swings and states, it seems clear that
there is an element of temporarily that is optimal for some core-curriculum engagement
and at other times the possibility of applying their energies toward core-curriculum
classroom occupations were not possible. The irregularities, which were observed and
discussed with Dan and Randy, should serve as an example of the strong need for
managing the excess kinesthetic energy and determining what is the preferred state at
any given time. Engulfed in the Randy and Dan’s epistemological narratives we see
different applications of self-regulatory classroom occupations. A deepened
consciousness of their neurobehavioral needs at the tacit knowledge acts as a
perturbation for sensory change. For example, the need to eat and drink as observed in
Randy’s case was a relevant alternative to other activities that might have been less
conducive to keeping him in the classroom. Dan had little interest in eating, but vis-a-
338
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
vis what Dan described as a drug he longed to make people laugh and claimed that the
relevance of this activity was to make his day. When others are eliminated from the
setting, Dan works to exhaustion with a persistence matched only by the extreme of
sleeping, when he is unable to work. Alternatively, when Randy transcends time to his
fantasy space to alter his state, he is simultaneously transported in mind to another
temporal passage or consciousness that reaches arcos time to other temporal locations,
such as the warehouse full of balloons. As he imagines himself running through the
balloons hitting them, his actions and reflections become a portion of his temporal
realm. I have in one respect indicated that it seems that “context determines the human
experience of time” (p. 1). Based on knowledge from the past the historicity of
classroom occupations and what it means to be-in-the-world the participants bring the
past to bear on the present. The temporalities of current moments are bound to
anticipatory, or future-oriented, dimensions as well.
For example, they anticipate graduation as they earn current credits.
Randy was move eloquent in describing how he would in his fantasy in class sometime
envision the graduation scene and saw his teachers celebrating his victory.
The students were in a perpetual state o f change and self-discovery as they
created and engaged in their classroom occupations. The values that were forged
regarding respect is an example of how they were able to bring historicity in classroom
occupations to bear on the current situation. Randy characterized his ability to leam to
respect the teachers as a mile stone in self-advocacy as his submission gave him greater
degrees of freedom to accomplish his goal of eaming credits, by completing core-
339
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
curriculum classroom occupations. Dan’s ability to net a positive outcome, a high
school diploma served to reinforce despite being compromised by his inability to
comply with the temporal rhythms o f the classroom environment. Mark’s increased
ability to complete core-curriculum classroom occupations unfolded over time. One
might ask if this is a deconstruction o f the education process in that the students were
able to generate meaning, and thus learning in the presence of challenging dilemmas
such as poor attention, a need for energy releases high and low emotional intensities,
peer and teacher scripts that at times challenged their construction of self? For
example, Randy’s historicity surrounding having ADD, and the emotional scarring that
he speaks about being singled out in his third and fourth grade class. Moreover, Dan’s
identity challenges of being considered the favorite student of Mrs. Caballero but not
being able to identify and accept responsibility for his actions in a way that could have
permitted him to stay in classroom. In Mark’s case, his consistently opting to move
beyond the temporal orientation of his English teacher to complete assignments.
Perhaps these were developed as the adaptive response to the environment but they
were all examples of agency and an ephemeral moment-by-moment generation of
classroom occupations designed to mediate their states toward their perceived needs at a
particular moment. While they engaged and constructed their classroom occupations
this way, void of objectives there is intertextuality that is every present. Each choice
they make affected the final outcomes of their decisions and impacted their future
experiences with classroom occupations as their current classroom occupations became
historical representations of what they would look back upon as either struggles or,
340
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
accomplishments. In so doing their identity in the form o f self-construction classroom
occupations were being created. Mark’s sense o f future was being revealed in his
current abilities to engage in the core-curriculum English assignments arising from
reading the Freedom Writers book, earn credits. As he progressed through the
occupations he began to identify with the characters in the book’s stories, and he has a
new emergent understating that someone like himself could go to college despite being
on probation.
Summary
The interview process in this research became a forum for self-discovery as the
participants were observed, answered questions and explored the meaning they were
making out of their classroom occupations. It was an unfolding process o f discovery
for the participants and for me as we explored who they are in context. Their power for
invention and transformation is not easily forgotten.
Trying to make sense of the parts to the whole was a discovery process of
organizing what I was seeing without forcing it into a cohesive unity. The process has
been visual, intellectual and intuitive, for me. From the inception of this study until now
I have wanted the voices of the participants to be heard. I’ve desired to be open to the
degrees of freedom the setting offered me as I focused my lens on the scenes before me.
Not wanting to be restrictive in my focus as new emergent themes where recognized
those images and connections were highlighted. It is hope that they are now represented
in the sensibilities of the readers of this dissertation,. I will now discuss the formation of
the conceptual model that emerged as the data analysis progressed.
341
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CHAPTER 11
Concluding Overview of Classroom Occupations
Theoretical
Concept for
Classroom
Occupations
Form
Function and
Meaning of
Classroom
Occupations
Conceptions of
Classroom
Occupations
How Do We
Evaluate
Classroom
Occupations
Research
Questions:
Elements of
Classroom
Occupations
How Students
Constitute
Occupations
Within the
Classrooms
Meaning
Students Ascribe
to their
Classroom
Occupations
Future Research
& Implications
for Occupational
Science &
Conclusions
Qualitative paradigms are holistic in nature, with the main aim of understanding
the meaning that people attach to everyday life (Dey, 1993). Glaser and Strauss (1976)
suggests that theory construction is a disciplined imagination. Using a grounded
(constant-comparative) method of data analysis, I identified salient, recurrent pattems
that suggested a description for a theoretical concept of classroom occupation replete
with defmitions, statements, and interrelationships based upon the concepts that were
emerging from the narratives and classroom observations.
342
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Earlier in this dissertation I presented two graphic models depicting how various
kinds of classroom occupations interface with the changing context of the classroom
and are driven by the motives, values, and goals of the students. (Figures 5:1 and 6:1).
To represent more fully the findings that were discussed in chapters 7-10,1 constructed
a third model (See Figure 11:1). In this model, again I used gears and wheels to
describe the multidimensional constantly, moving dynamics o f classroom occupations,
as driven by the motives, values, goals, and emergent meanings. The participants
brought to each classroom experience their ability and capacity , as well as their
historicity and their gained self knowledge, of others, and the physical world as they
experienced their classroom occupations. Their skill in controlling the environment
through the construction of their classroom occupations was a process of inventions and
discoveries. At the base of figure 11:1 are the four kinds of classroom occupations, with
specific contents listed. The classroom occupations are superimposed on an underlying
field of context, which reaches beyond the immediate tasks o f the classroom to the
sociopolitical grounds of school district and international politics.
343
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
•A CONCEPTUAL MODEL
FOR CLASSROOM OCCUPATIONS
HomACapacify
6 - * > ^
o a i ^ t ,:
m
CLUSSROom occrpatiONS
Occupation Constructed in Context for Neurobehavioral and Psychosocial
Adaptation
Kinetic hncrgy
Releases
• Postures
Fantasy
• Listenin
gto
'-•MSfC
ADD as a personality trait
Advocate for what you want ^
Being flexible is valuable to accomplish goals /
Respect is to be earned by teachers fe; students
alike
Employment & College: are desirable options
« » « «
.It or.'e.s.'.ia
fno-rc 1 .1 is
Socializing
S-lediating
p t> w ef
Mions
lassnyMa Genres
rormse scmol Board C
Ac c.'u:
. ^ ^Math En^ish
' a'd;;-
umor
" Non-verbal
ccmniiinicalion
Figure 11:1
344
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In order to understand classroom occupations, it is important to clarify the
improvisational nature of the occupations that these participants exemplified.
Classroom occupations are complex cognitive constructs, a multidimensional construct
which interfaces with emergent neurobehavioral states to address problems with
alertness, arousal, selectivity, sustained attention, distractibility, or cultural topography
of the classroom, in an attempt to mediate state changes and comply with or resist the
environmental demands. The following five key constructs are basic. First, the students’
narratives reveal the meaning behind the action. Thus, such listening to the students’
narratives and taking note of their experience, has potential to assist therapists and
educators in understanding the meaning ascribed to classroom occupations.
Second, the students not only bring values, goals and motives into the
classroom, but they are in a perpetual state of creating and refining these foundational
substrates as they interface with the environment in the form of self-regulatory, core-
curriculum and self-construction classroom occupations. Thus, daydreaming, a self-
regulatory classroom occupation can be understood not merely as a lack of focused
attention, but as a compensatory strategy to alter an existing neurobehavioral state to a
more favorable one. The students assumed preoccupation with activities other than the
task assigned by the teacher, then are by choice classroom occupations of their own
creating for purposive reasons.
Third, the students take the collective parts of classroom occupations and
assemble them into a whole as extraneous events, and structured lessons in the
classroom, didactic exchanges with peers and teachers become the raw materials for
345
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
them to, prioritize their focus and create occupation. For example, if Mr. O’Brien is
standing in front of the classroom and leading the class through the Kaplan Test
Preparation, and Mark opts to identify this as the least important event at the time and,
instead, engages his attention to organizing his folder, checking his credits or
completing an assignment he has employed objective agency to exert force in
constructing his own classroom occupations. This movement affects all other classroom
occupations and is interrelated. For example, Mark stated that he held on this his
assignments papers during class to avoid losing them, a strategy to retain and organize
work for obtaining credits. Once he had obtained the credit and recorded the
information, he routinely threw the papers away. Checking credits was a routine of
daily classroom life to ensure that he was kept current on his status. Working ahead of
the teacher was not only a tool to expedite work, but a means of exerting control,
choice, and in some ways defiance. It also gave him occasion to be more physically
active then his peers.
Fourth, context in which classroom occupations are constructed are the
classroom genres, which influence how classroom occupations are constructed. For
example, the students demonstrated greater ability to remain on task and to generate
core-curriculum content in Formal Order Classrooms, while cultural and self-regulatory
classroom occupations were more pronounced in Dada classrooms. However, learning
in the form o f experience with classroom occupations took place across genres.
346
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
In the Dada classrooms Randy, Dan and Mark had greater difficulty with sustained
attention, or persistence. However, Dan exercised over persistence or vigilance with his
core-curriculum classroom occupations when working in isolation.
Fifth, meaning of classroom occupations arose out of the students being-in-the-
world, which enabled them to understand what significance the occupations held for
them. In addition, this meaning was linked to self-knowledge, and was expressed not
only in their narratives, but could be noted as self-display through observation o f their
behavior, postures and kinetic energy release (Goldstein and Goldstein 1990).
Form, Function and Meaning of Classroom Occupations
Classroom occupations are intrinsically multidimensional, and present
themselves in the perceptions of these three participants as four interconnected forms:
1) Social negotiation , 2) self-construction classroom occupations, 3) self-regulatory
classroom occupations, and 4) core-curriculum classroom occupations. These were the
directly observable aspects of occupation as verified by the narratives of the
participants. The participants were studied in context allowing me to see how they
constructed and engaged in their classroom occupations. While the forms of classroom
occupations were constructed differently within classroom genres, the basic form
arrangements appeared to emanate from the participants attempts to mediate state
changes. Thus, suggesting that function was dictating the form in which classroom
occupations would emerge within the environments. In addition, the forms seemed to be
arranged in a way that each classroom occupation affected the other. This lead to the
understanding of the form of classroom occupations as a dynamic multidimensional
347
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
phenomenon. As constracted entities classroom occupations seem to be by inference
synthesized by the neurobehavioral state demands of the participants to varying degrees.
The pattems of form revealed themselves over time. This suggest that there is value in
time influencing the detection of form.
The participants constmcted and engaged in the classroom occupations for
purposive reasons. The functions were adaptive and seen as transformational processes
that were carried out in relationship to their attempts to alter state demands and perfect
classroom occupational skill development. These two attributes are closely intertwined.
The interactions between the form and function are instractive in solving the issue of
meaning as posed by the participants. The significance the participants ascribed to the
classroom occupations within the genres of Formal Order and Dada give us the
multidimensional space for elucidating the factors influencing classroom occupational
constmctions and engagement. Situated in temporal framings of class periods, an
academic year and socio-historically relevant events the participants perceived their
occupations.
Some surprising and counterintuitive results have been obtained regarding
Randy and Dan’s notion of attention deficit disorder as a personality trait versus a
disability. The students unanticipated points of view emerged from the interview
narratives about their experiences with ADD. This is underscores the importance of
listening to students’ narratives. Dan challenged the boundaries his teacher and
administration established as he pursued getting a diploma. As he negotiated and
mediate social relations his notion of self as a person with ADD was strongly related to
348
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
his actions. For Dan and Randy their narratives expressed value and appreciation of
their diagnosis of ADD, which they reframed as a personality trait.
While their classroom occupations united them in similar, but different
experiences, their unique conceptualization about ADD was a different but shared
experience. For example, Dan’s use o f humor in the classroom, made it difficult for him
to remain in the environment. While, Randy was able to mediate social interactions and
retain his status as a special education classroom placement. They both regarded the
social aspects of having ADD as a valuable trait. As Dan asserted, “A gift!”
Exploring the perception of occupational classroom forms and its assumed
connection to neurobehavioral states is in essences a sorting out of the cultural
phenomenon of persistently masking human disparity in classroom occupations beneath
the label of disability. To explore elassroom occupations from the perceptions of
students as occupational being rather then students with disabilities is to study the
human engagement in occupations. 1 believe this is a worthy pursuit. The expectations
is the results obtained in this research will stimulate discourse among therapist and
educators on occupation centered curriculum and teaching strategies, and that what is
learned here will tell us something about how we can create forums for the students
voices to be heard, perhaps reframing the notion of disability in the process.
Conceptions of Classroom Occupation
Classroom occupations are viewed in this research study as a “slice of student
life” in which we can focus attention on the subjective voice of each individual
participant as they constructed and engaged in classroom occupations, which were
349
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
influenced by neurobehavioral states and classroom genres. I argued that objective
agency was at work motivationally to masterfully formulate classroom occupations
based upon the values, and goals o f the participants. As co-constructors of their
occupations these students not only acquiesces toward teacher directed classroom
occupations, but also chose to resisted certain types of classroom occupations in favor
of ones that would alter neurobehavioral states.
Some of the fundamental issues that were covered included the notion that
having ADD was viewed by two of the participants as a personality trait verses a
disability. Fd like to now turn the discussion to the view that Dan held, that persons
with ADD are ‘family’. I feel it only fitting to use Dan’s assertion here, also noting that
Randy too held this idea of solidarity among those with ADD. However, Dan’s constant
usage of the collective voice as he spoke not only for himself but for all persons with
ADD seems to be appropriate. Realizing that Dan’s experience is unique to him, even
though he spoke in a collective voice, is but a metaphor.
Ramirez and Castaneda (1974) introduced a new term cultural democracy to
explain their educational philosophy that affirms the right of individuals to be educated
in their own language and learning style. In addition, they proposed that cultures have
the right to maintain a bicultural identity. A bicultural identity allows the student to
retain identification with their culture of origin while integrating the institutional values
of the dominant culture. Most importantly, they argued for the necessity of institutional
milieus, curricular materials, and educational approaches that are sensitive to the
student's historicity, sociopolitical reality, and cultural orientation. Hahn (1988) argues
350
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
that persons with disabilities have a culture, a culture o f disability. It might be argued
that Dan and Randy’s idea of personality trait over disability is an alternative way of
viewing culture. Obviously, such a stand requires that we be willing to move beyond
the boundary of labels to see the relationship between the boys’ culture o f humor and
socialization as key characteristics, if not traditions of their experiences of what it
means to be-in-the-world. Interestingly, Mark’s newly found label of ADD was
problematic for him because he lacked a sense of attachment to any significant meaning
to the term. In addition, he did not seem to have any formulated understanding of
commonalities with his experiences and a ‘disorder’. While Randy and Dan, moved past
a label to see the plain and ordinary things of personality as a characteristic, and revered
the perspective of sociability their culture held. Although I am taking the liberty to call
their experiences culture, more precisely they related to this phenomenon as tacit
knowing, and shared understanding. They uncover a very important reality the authentic
voice with which they speak to their understanding of having ADD. This may be
helpful for educators to identify this perspective as a possibility for dealing with
modifications in classroom occupations. If as Castaneda (1974) suggests, this would
allow the students to be treated as having a bicultural identity; and rationally, teachers
would devote time to finding out what the critical features o f the culture are and how
the students can be affirmed in their culture while having curriculum and educational
approaches that are sensitive to their cultural sensitive. This is the flexibility that the
boys seemed to appreciate in their school. Yet, with one very foundational difference
coming from the perspective of ADD as a (culture/personality trait) the inherent
351
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
behavioral pattems attributed to persons with ADD loose their stigma and become
situated in culture. Obviously, this would change the way in which educators defined
the problem, or challenge of teaching students with ADD. Adopting such a view we
would most likely not see a list of deficits, and remarks regarding deviations from
behavioral norms, but would instead see conventions of recognizable familiarities in the
form of culture, which would be largely understood as the social nature of the culture.
Finally, we might offer the idea that this is ’’ reality” and not an abstraction, so we can
see the complex formal relationships o f classroom occupations that are recognizable
forms, which are mainly the inventions of those who are constmcting and engaging in
them for purposive reasons.
The students would then engage themselves in the wisdom of their culture and
that of others. I must reiterate that this is the authentic voice of the participants. I want
to highlight the tension between perspectives. Thus, the defining of challenges and
proposed resolutions to issues conceming teaching persons with ADD would be
handled in very different ways. For example, Randy and Dan’s love for display could be
challenged into producing drama presentations, or hosting game shows in class to leam
and review core-curriculum memory work. Mark’s desire to work outside the temporal
domain of the teachers chosen classroom occupation, to generate rapid credits might be
explicated as a characterization of individualism over preferred notions of group
conformity and inclusivity. Noting that Mark’s less defined idea of what it means to be
a person with ADD, does not limit the options for problem resolution. It is compatible
with the others, it is the picture of individual educations planning that is not linear in
352
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
perspective, focusing on deficits, but rather choosing to recognize the subjectivity of the
persons departure from the teacher’s conventions of classroom occupations to construct
their own. In this perspective, there is a shifting of one’s perceptual gears, to understand
classroom occupations through the sensibility o f originality, the art of constructing and
engaging in classroom occupations for self-purposive reasons.
The question of meaning has a phenomenological nature. Denzin (1994)
presents the concept of symbolic interactionism as a theoretical concept to explain how
humans go about making meaning in their lives. The concept “rests on three basic
assumptions: 1) first, that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings
that the thing have for them 2) second, that the meanings of things arise out of the
process of social interaction; and 3) third, that meanings are modified through an
interpretive process which involves self-reflective individuals symbolically interacting
with one another”(p. xiv).
This means that people negotiate and construct experiences through an
interpretive process guided by representations or meanings. To understand the meanings
the students assigned to classroom occupations I had to listen to their explanations of
and their perspectives on their experiences within the social setting of their classrooms.
One of the things that seemed unavoidable in this context was the notion of historicity.
The experiences that these students have had in school, with teachers, and other
students, have shaped how they view and think of themselves. As is referenced in the
narrative excerpts of the students’ previous experiences in school influenced how they
are currently experiencing classroom occupations.
353
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Classroom Occupation Development
Lipman (1991) posits the notion that the ideal classroom would be a
"community of inquiry” that place where students challenge each other to rational
debate, assist each other in making inferences and identifying assumptions, and bring
together a variety of ideas. When I reflect on the classrooms were 1 observed in contrast
to this proposed ideal context, with the exception of Mr. O’Brien’s English class, very
few opportunities for students to engage in critical thinking and rational debate. The
system of module work was efficient, but it sent a null curriculum message, which was
restrictive. As teachers channeled the students’ thinking in socially acceptable
directions toward obtaining credits toward graduation, they simultaneously instructed
them in compliance over independent questioning and thinking. It maximized
behavioral conformity in this way, but it did not promote many opportunities for
developing rational thinking that would stimulate beliefs, and develop higher reasoning
powers.
Gallagher (1990) criticizes special education for sustaining a dual system of
service delivery, one that fosters the status quo for the special education population. He
asserts that the classification system for identifying children for services is poorly
defined and that there are low expectations for student achievement. In addition, he
argues that there is a lack of data on program effectiveness, and research regarding the
negative effects of separating children from general education programs.
354
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Gallagher proposes that a merger between populations to full inclusion programs and
the development of a unitary system of service delivery as the solution to improve both
equity and excellence.
Given the findings o f this exploratory study this argument is only partially true.
While more challenge in the curriculum to stimulate higher critical learning and flow
was needed to enhance the learning experiences, Dan’s most productive work sets were
done in isolation. There really can be no one model to fit all. A variety of setting need to
be established which would speak to the occupational nature of all students. While I
realize it would be utopian to think of dropping labels, it would be a worthy pursuit to
explore models of service delivery, which focused on multiple intelligences, and the
occupational nature of each student. Philosophically individual education plans would
be applicable to all students. Randy’s notion of the lEP process was as follows:
PI: What does the lEP mean?
Randy: Meeting with teachers and your mother. That’s all I can remember so I
can’t say much.
However, when asked in another interview why he attended an after school
tutorial session he responded thus:
PI: You made a choice to go why?
Randy: We had an lEP meeting this morning and that will be happening a little
more often now. There will be no more thinking twice about it anymore. So its
what I’ve got to do. I’m not doing terrible. It’s just that I am so close to where I
should be that they want me there now. Like come on Randy start pounding out
now and get safe and once you get here then you will have the rest of the year to
just stay there. And, you know, that is so what I want, I gotta go for it.
The lEP meeting was that place of joint consensus and review of the current
plan as per the groups established goals for Randy. He relates how the meeting
355
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
motivates him to change his thinking regarding options he had before him. There is a
null curriculum of we are all wanting this, a demonstrable action of support. On another
occasion the lEP, team modified his schedule of classes to facilitate productivity in a
given class. Dan shared Randy’s perception that the lEP meeting held little value for
him, however he was able to see the value of his parents being filled in on his status;
PI: lEPs
Dan: Id does not mean anything to me I know how I’m doing with an lEP. It lets
my parents know how I am doing.
PI: Is that good, or bad thing?
Dan: Depends on how I’m doing. In general, lEPs have not been good. Over
time progress.. .1-2-3 it was good but not good I got a pat on the back, but no
Chucky Cheese.
lEPs appear to be the place where goals and objectives can be discussed
and modified. But it is also that place where the participants can come to with
their teachers and parents to leam how the classroom genre is affecting the
students’ performance.
How do we evaluate classroom occupations?
We should approach the task of evaluating classroom occupations from the
perspective that occupation is taking place in the classroom, and that the student’s
perspective is the central unit of analysis. Moreover, we must acknowledge that students
co-create their classroom occupations in context. In addition, this study’s findings
suggest that evaluation tools need to have at least two forms of investigative probes
when evaluating classroom occupations: 1) direct observation and 2) student interview.
While this study did not address the teacher’s perspective, I feel that it would be
helpful to researchers to understand how best to facilitate classroom occupations to
356
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
enhance learning experiences, by evaluating a third dimension, how teachers as
occupational beings constitutes occupation in the classroom. The focus must be on the
meaning the student is making out o f the classroom occupations that they are
constructing and engaging in. Given the subjective nature of this work, it is assumed
that other forms of classroom occupations could emerge given different genres of
classrooms and constellations o f students that meet in the place o f learning, the
classroom. Thus, each setting must be evaluated for context specific elements that
influence the manner in which students construct and perceive classroom occupations.
The current discourse in instructional improvement in secondary schools
advocates an in-depth core curriculum and curricular paths, versus a shallow, but wide
range of subject matter (California Department of Education, 1992). This approach to
curriculum development has the potential of allowing students to make meaning out of
their curriculum. Educators suppose that selecting a particular career goal will enhance
the learning process by establishing a purpose for the teaming. For example, a student
who is interested in printing as a career or pre-career exploration might opt to be taught
the techniques of printing in the printing class and participate in cross content specific
learning. In this strategy, a team of teachers would prepare a curriculum that provides
an in-depth study of the field of printing. In the science and math classes, the student
might explore the chemical formulas and the processes by which ink adheres to paper.
In history and English, the student would produce a portfolio about printing in America.
Finally, in printing class the student would leam the techniques and tools used in
printing.
357
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
But the students have the option to change an area of focused study should they
determine that they do not like their original choice.
Conclusion
An interesting-distinction began to emerge in the form of a metaphor as I
observed the students’ classes. Art seemed to be a consideration as an emergent
tautology. Metaphors were present in the sense that the observation process was full of
art perspectives, theater, literature and visual arts. Many of the perspectives in art
seemed to mirror what I saw, and was indeed present in the series o f observations that
followed. The realization of the theatrical drama metaphor that sometimes erupted in
the classrooms, and subsequently in the interview narratives, both informed and
challenged my perspectives as I recorded data. These theatrical metaphors seemed to
underscore the meaning participants proposed for explaining the significance of their
classroom occupations. For example, after witnessing a student’s outburst, I recorded
the following excerpt in myjoumal entry, which reads as follows:
1 found myself feeling anxious. Thoughts of Columbine High School and how
these problematic students are so out of touch with common respect and
courtesy. I wonder if the other students witnessing these types of invents have
the same feelings and thoughts. Perhaps they are use to it. The teacher is petite
and while Mr. Dysan is larger, the boy could easily use his strength against
them. As they stand around him I flash back to assault training take downs that
I’ve use in my psychiatric settings for de-escalating a situation. The students are
working with the exception of B who is drawing. My own tensions have abated.
I remember the days of handling psychiatric breaks, gathering the sharps and
clearing the room. But, today I realize how being away from such settings, and
perhaps my age has changed my nerves for these things.
Phenomenological experience such, as these were an everyday occurrence to
varying degrees. Being sensitive to their effects on me was crucial to attempting to
358
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
ensure a balance in recording and reflecting back on the events. As a social being in a
group, the teachers and students alike were interested in drawing me into the drama of
the classroom.
As explicated by occupational science, occupations are central to what it means to
be-in-the-world. The contexts in which occupations emerge are worthy of
deconstructing to bring hidden occupations into the foreground. Once detected and
recognized these self-initiated, purposive behaviors function as repertoires o f relevance
revealing views of self and the world in context. The primary purpose of this study was
to investigate what constitutes student occupations within the classroom from the
perspective o f three high school students diagnosed with Attention Deficit Disorder.
More specifically, the research focus was not only describe these students’ occupations
from the students’ perspective, but explores and offer explanations for how these
students employ student occupations to respond to the cultural and environmental
demands within the classroom.
The research questions answered herein were;
4. What are the elements of classroom occupations for these three students?
5. What meaning do these students ascribe to their classroom occupations?
6. How are these occupations constituted within the classroom?
Research Questions
Elements of classroom occupations
Considering the classroom as a site of genesis for classroom occupations, I found
that two genres. Formal Order and Dada emerged in the classrooms, ones in which the
359
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
teacher and students co-constructed classroom occupations. Within the context of these
two genres three elements were recognized as being the structural elements for
classroom occupations: 1) people present; teacher and students; 2) materials and tasks
being done, and, 3) scripts that shape the interactions (Tharp and Gallimore, 1988). In
addition four forms of classroom occupation were identified as follows: 1) self-
regulatory; 2) core-curriculum; 3) cultural; and self-construction classroom occupations.
These four classroom occupations are inseparably bound to constructing classroom
occupations is both the process and content of contextual relevancy. Two of the three
participants Randy and Dan spent significant amount of time and energy constructing
and sustaining their self-regulatory and Social negotiation , which was disproportionate
to their time and energy expenditures on core-curriculum classroom occupations. Mark
found it easier to execute core-curriculum classroom occupations, but exhibited the
same issues of neurobehavioral states but to a lesser degree than Mark and Randy. Yet,
the movement toward and engagement in the cultural and self-regulation were more
pervasive in the Dada environments. Thus, highlighting the influences of classroom
genres on classroom occupation construction.
The students were not blank slates awaiting information, nor did they passively
obtain core curriculum content as the sole precipitant to engagement in classroom
occupations. It is quite clear that each student in this study came to the classroom with
historicity and chose to employ these cumulative learning experiences as stepping-
stones toward acquiring the next unit of knowledge. The students constmcted and
engaged in classroom occupations for subjective, purposes and their behaviors support
360
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the notion that humans are occupational beings acting in context to affect the
environment in which they find themselves. This is to say that the students are
occupational beings and that they are always engaged in occupation. Whether sleeping,
eating, laughing; thinking; fantasizing; or engaged in any of the four classroom
occupations. These occupations exist above the level of reflexes, but are influenced by
neurobehavioral states. In classroom occupations the students’ value, goal and motives,
influenced by states oblige them to construct and engage in classroom occupations. But
the values, goals or motives themselves are in a state of reconstruction as the
participants reflectively and unreflectively become socialized into the culture, and thus
are not static entities.
A strong theme in Randy and Dan’s narratives on Attention Deficit Disorder is there
celebration of social skills and humor. Most eloquently spoken was Dan’s assertion that
to have ADD was a gift. The students unanticipated points of view about having ADD
as a personality trait verses a disability was a very intriguing counterintuitive finding of
this study. Yet, Randy’s actions as an emergent politically active member of the
community with ADD seemed to represent a hidden voice. When he went before the
school board there was no mention of him having ADD, nor did he speak about the
earning of credits. He used instead the political language of the audience he was
addressing. When positing an argument for how he had personally benefited from the
school he chose to speak about how his grades had improved. While he was tangentially
aware of his grade status in school on day-to-day bases he tracked his credits, not his
grades. This seemed to be an area for Randy that has not yet been incorporated into to
361
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
his notion of self in public domains, outside the classroom. These were the similar, but
different experiences that Dan and Randy’s narratives revealed in their self-construction
classroom occupations.
In a recursive manner, the enactments of classroom occupations by the students in
context influence the environment to reconstitute the social order and practices or to
defy the processes of culture. Objective agency, or the phenomenon of “exerting
power”, which dominated the classroom experience for these participants, reintroduced
the issue of the null curriculum as a central portion of the total experience with
classroom occupations. The objective agency is in itself a form o f defiance.
Meaning students ascribe to their classroom occupations
In addition, this study found that classroom occupations appear to be useful for the
participants to satisfy: 1) their personal and social needs for expression, communication,
celebration and self-display, 2) their neurobehavioral needs for self-regulations and to
alter their states, and 3) their cognitive needs for useful core-curriculum content in the
form of knowledge acquisition pursuant to obtaining a high school diploma, a social rite
of passage for adolescents.
As expressed by the students’ narratives, they perceive a link between their future
hopes and aspirations to function in society and their ability to master classroom
occupations. All three of the boys linked their families into narratives regarding job
selection and future pursuits. Family values as transmitted notions and historicity;
motivating the students to move ahead with the goal of graduating form high school.
For Mark and Dan the nexus of potentiality for future selves were not the same. Mark’s
362
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
meaning of the Freedom Writers book, a core-curriculum classroom occupation, was its
meaning as an example of what potential the future could hold. However, Dan chose to
disassociate current student experience as predictors for the future opting to see larger
degrees of freedom in his world. This was the predominate mode of Dan. He chose to
compose his classroom occupations outside of the temporal rhythm expectations of his
teachers.
Here we discover that similar meaning regarding classroom occupations may arise
from students’ engagement in different types of classroom occupations. Fantasy was
Randy’s unique way to create separate space, within the public space of the classroom.
Dan on the other hand was prone to more dramatic public display of self, and Mark did
not have report experiencing fantasy and did not exhibit the same dramatic display of
self like Dan.. Drawing was another symbolic representation of fantasy in Randy’s self-
regulatory classroom occupations. It can be seen as a symbolic representation of
Randy’s internal world of fantasy. Although the act of drawing was readily identifiable,
the intelligibility of the drawing’s content and impetus was not. This type of symbolic
fantasy content cannot be explained by mere observation, since the nature of any
symbol will inevitably depend, not merely on what it means to others, but what it
symbolizes to the student. This, underscores the need to have students observed actions
confirmed through the students’ narratives.
Humor, as employed by Randy and Dan, was a self-regulatory classroom
occupations which seemed to be designed to change the stimulation in the classroom,
and alter his neurobehavioral state. However, Randy seemed to have a more skillfully
363
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
developed emotional intelligence that allowed him to employ humor as a means of
objective agency toward mediating power relations. The self-construetion classroom
occupations were developed as the students experimented with their own efficacy in
managing their states in the context of constantly shifting landscape of classroom
events.
The notion of ‘being heard’ and having a forum to be heard was found to be an
essential part of the experiences of these participants. This was a shared value among
the participants, and one that they each held in high regard. This was the experience of
these participants as they expressed their thoughts and feelings regarding classroom
occupations. Their perceptions were a part of the non-tangible reality of constructing
self in context. Like Randy’s omission of ADD when addressing the school board, Dan
seems to have mixed feelings. The conflict between the words ‘normal’ and ‘abnormal’
is a wide divide.
For Mark, such core-curriculum classroom occupations as reading and journaling on
the Freedom Writers acted as the perturbation for initiating self-construction classroom
occupations. As he responded to interview questions the meaning of these occupations
were posited in his ability to see parallels between the characters in the book and his
own journey through life. It was through the process of reflection that he was able to
see the potential to develop this type of meaning.
364
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
How Students Constitute Occupations Within the Classroom
By hinging pragmatic and existential thinking together the boys were able to
construct and engage in classroom occupations to mediate their needs for environmental
mastery. Their choice to use cultural, self-construction and self-regulatory classroom
occupations to address social experiences as a means of seeking answers to problems of
learning was a daily experience. The net result was to make particularly the Dada
classroom consecrated spaces for socialization and being socialized. In a recursive
process the null curriculum was present in what was taught outside of the explicit
curriculum. The implicit curriculum of who the boys are in context and the feedback
that they got from peers and teachers in the process was an ongoing theme, the null
curriculum.
The other portion of their experiences can be understood by the ways in which
classroom occupations held meaning and were employed by the participants as an end
to a means as they engaged in existential thinking. They emphasized their uniqueness
and often isolation as an individual experience as they attempted to exercise freedom of
choice and responsibility for constructing and engaging in their classroom occupations.
The consequences of these acts were varied. Mark was most successful in garnering
credits by working outside the temporal rhythms of the teachers suggested core
curriculum classroom occupations, Randy mediated his self-regulatory classroom
occupations to stay within the norms of classroom deportment, as he earned credits and
Dan was ultimately relegated to his home out of view, but was able to earn a high
school diploma. They each were essentially composing their student lives by
365
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
mediating their neurobehavioral demands with the environmental press. This was the
constitutive processes of making o f themselves in the process.
There appeared to be a supportive function to the self-regulatory classroom
occupations in that the students would employ self-regulatory strategies to facilitate
their work production in class. The process was a complex one that did not have a
straight trajectory, but was moved forward at different paces for each participant.
However, one shared experience was that when the environmental demands exceeded
their abilities to comply with these demands, they would opt to find alternative ways of
complying with completing assignments, such as having his girlfriend do the work,
copying another student’s work or simply guessing answers on a test, as Randy
described it, having a “bubble feast”. In this, we see their determination to successful
gain a diploma regardless of the means in doing so. Such instances seemed to illustrate
conflicts with his ideal self, and self in context. As Dan’s dichotomy of thought,
between reality and his perceived ideas on the student role. He described himself in the
ideal like a boy scout with his supposition that, as a student, one is self-disciplined,
competent, proud, honest and responsible. However, in the context of reality Dan
presented a self that was opposite the ideal.
Objective agency, or the phenomenon of “exerting power”, which dominated the
classroom experience for these participants, reintroduced the issue o f the null
curriculum as a central portion of the total experience with classroom occupations.
Whether as a form of defiance, or, control in stopping the interaction as resistance to
366
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
control conflict, they mediated the tensions between themselves, peers and teachers.
Randy use of sarcasm cloaked in humor was a display of his objective agency. But, it
also communicated his neurobehavioral state at the moment. Humor had dual purposes
of abating escalating situations and changing his states. Randy’s skill in using cultural
classroom occupation to assert his anger within the boundaries of his teacher’s
acceptable limits was deemed successful in permitting him to stay within view, and in
the classroom where Dan’s lack of finesse in his execution of humor resulted in him
being removed from view. Being in view was a coveted place for each of the
participants. The classroom was that place of ‘being seen’. He asserts a construction of
self that prioritizes the dignity and integrity of being acknowledged as valid. By
challenging power relations, they often used resistance as a voice for effective
humanization and validation of self. Being-in-the-world with others and respected,
being regarded and receiving the kudos of reward were strong values. Through the null
curriculum lessons, Dan was learning that the system had limits in the form of
boundaries, and when you refuse, or unable to acquiesce to those boundaries you are
removed from society and isolated at home. Randy’s impassioned speech at the school
board meeting was the null curriculum bom of social negotiation constmctions. The
message was that Randy had voice and could choose to use it at a community levels for
political advocacy. Mark found argument and debate a worthwhile endeavor, a midst his
pursuit of core-curriculum classroom occupations. This objective agency for Mark was
approached and assessed as he considered his being on probation, and being behind in
credits. Thus, he chose to solve these problems in pragmatic ways, while engaging in
367
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
the self-construction classroom occupations of asserting self in context.
His value formation surrounding his classroom occupations was based upon his
interpretation o f his current probation status. These values and motives seem to move
the boys toward their goals of graduating high school with a diploma.
Values and motives enacted in context became visions of some idea o f emergent
self. The very process of moving toward his goal and, ultimately for Dan obtaining it,
reconstituted the formation of self. Self-construction classroom occupations were
valuable tools for defining self and exploring the meaning of self in context as a null
curriculum. The nexus of potentiality for future selves were both realized in context and
in Dan’s perspectives projected into future potentialities beyond his current ability to
execute classroom occupations within current expectations. Self-regulatory classroom
occupations seemed to stem from needs for neurobehavioral organization and emerged
spontaneously as they sought to mange their states. The states seemed to influence and
encompass the emotions and moods. These moods were often shifting and acted as a
barrier to core-curriculum classroom occupational performance. Dan’s choice to sleep
in class, or Randy’s choice to refuse to engage in core-curriculum classroom occupation
of the teacher’s choosing, or Mark’s refusal to participate in-group class work are all
examples of self-will, objective agency, and an occupation of resistance that can be
classified under social negotiation .
The interconnectedness of all the varied elements that seemed to contribute to the
self -construction classroom occupations appeared to be emanating from state needs,
values, goals and motives that the individual brings to his occupations, and thus
368
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
dictating the how classroom occupations were constructed. Their values influenced how
they chose to or refused to engage in core-curriculum classroom occupations pursuant
to producing credits. This might be seen as a phenomenon o f dissonance formation of
values and actions. The boys were assimilating values from their society that demanded
that they attend school, and comply with earning credits to acquire a high school
diploma. Yet, attendance was most problematic for Dan, while Randy had a pattern of
being absent occasionally through the weeks of the study. Mark’s attendance was near
perfect, prompted by his ascribed values surrounding his probation status. The
dissonance that emerged was another element of the complexity of the occupations that
the students created. They chose to be self-purposive within the degrees of freedom
their own values, goals and motives afforded them.
Future Research Needs & Implications for Occupational Science
We as a scientific community, in occupational science, have not succeeded in
precisely defining what it is that we mean by the word occupation. Perhaps because of
the multidimensional nature o f the phenomenon of occupations that makes it difficult to
define. One thing that is clear, however, is that the current definition of occupation
when attempting to understand student pursuits in the classroom is too broad, too
restricted, and confusing to our understanding. Thus, this research study and subsequent
findings continues on the road to identifying more precise definitions of occupations as
found in the classroom. Frequent substitution of other related terms in the field has
been a reason for confusion e.g., occupation, task, activity, and occupational
performance.
369
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
How do we gain knowledge about the inherent value o f occupation to people?
This is the fundamental question that has guided occupational science thought from its
inceptions as a science. How do students perceive classroom occupations? The
conceptual similarity of these two questions makes the classroom nothing less then the
empirical arm of technical epistemology, one where the form, function and meaning of
classroom occupations were recognized and detected. This is the foundation question
of epistemology, how do we know? Labeling what we detect and recognize as inherent
values of occupation present in the classroom will give us ways o f entering the
educational discourse on curriculum development and how to facilitate meaningful
classroom occupations. Seeing the student as an occupational being is an argument for
deconstructing disability and adopting the framing of multiple intelligences and
occupation centered focuses in curriculum and instruction techniques. Understanding
the neurobehavioral state influences on classroom occupation formulation additional
research is needed to determine ways to identify stressors and control environmental
stimuli to maximize occupational pursuits. This may take the form o f teaching students
to be in touch with their bodies and states. Incorporating kinesthetic knowledge into the
classroom routines via Feldenkrais methods informed by the extensive body of
knowledge in Sensory Integration might be an interesting area to explore. Feldenkrais
Method is a form of somatic education of human movement that was developed by
Moshe Feldenkrais. It incorporated physics, engineering and judo. Adding to the body
of knowledge in occupational science in this way would assist educators in establishing
370
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
best practices for classroom occupations that are occupation based and context specific.
Therapist and teachers collaborating could design tools needed to capture the student’s
voice regarding their experiences with classroom occupations. Once informed by the
students collaborative strategies need to be developed to match environmental demands
to the occupational predisposition o f the students. Effectiveness studies on the outcomes
of programs designed to meet the occupation needs of the students also merits
investigation. Additionally, given the preponderance of time spent on the psychosocial
issues surrounding classroom occupations, tools are needed to capture the adolescent
mood as an influence on classroom occupations in context. Information garnered from
students will assist therapists and teachers in identifying strategies to match the
environmental demands to the students state demands, and foster quality core-
curriculum classroom occupational experiences.
Schwartz (1992) reminds us that the field of occupational therapy in its
inception was influenced by the progressive education movement o f the early 20th
century in America. She suggests that the founders of occupational therapy and the
progressive educators had a shared ideology; the humanistic views that engagement in
occupation has the potential of making people contributing members o f a democratic
society. This study’s findings supports this notion that students are engaged in active
learning and that occupation is the means by which they construct and engage in
occupations to reconstitute the society in which they reside. May this study serve as an
attempt to foster collaboration between the field of education and occupational therapy
for the new millennium.
371
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
REFERENCES
Als, H. (1982). Toward a synactive theory o f development: Promise for the
Assessment and support o f infant individuality. Infant Mental Heath Journal. 3,
229-243.
American Occupational Therapy association. (1993). Core values and attitudes of
occupational therapy practice. American Journal of Occupational Therapv. 47.
1085-1086.
American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of
mental disorders (4* ed., DMS-IV). Washington, DC: Author.
Ames, C. (1992 ). Achievement goals and the classroom motivational climate. In D.
H. Schunk & J. L. Meece (Eds.), Student perceptions in the classroom (pp.
327-348). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Amett, J. (1992). Reckless behavior in adolescence: A developmental perspective.
Developmental Review. 12. (pp. 339-373).
Banister, P., Burman, E., Parker, I., Taylor, M., & Tindall, C. (1994). Oualitative
Methods in Psychology: A research guide. PA: Open University Press.
Berg, B., L. (1998). Oualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences. Third
edition. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Bloss, D., & Bloss, K, & Marlow, L. (2002). Promoting Social and Emotional
Competency through Teacher/counselor collaboration. Education. Vol. 120. (4),
(p. 668).
Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Boekaerts, M. ( 1993 ). Being concerned with well-being and with leaming.
Educational Psychologist. 28, (pp.149-167).
Bogdan, R., & Biklen S. (1992). Qualitative research for education: An introduction
to theory and methods. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
372
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Bowden, D (1995). Development of a research toll to enable children to describe
their engagement in occupation. Journal of occupational science: Australia. Nov.
Vol. 2, (3).
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1993). The ecology o f cognitive development: Research models
and fugitive findings. In R. H. Wozniak & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Development in
context: Acting and thinking in specific environments (pp. 3-44). Hillsdale, NJ:
Erlbaum.
Bruner, J. (1990). Acts of meaning. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bruner, J. (1996). The culture of education. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University.
CA: The California Department of Education. Sacramento, (1992). Second to none:
A vision of the new California high school.
Camras, L.A. (1992). Expressive development and basic emotions. Cognition and
Emotion. 6, (pp. 269-283).
Carlson, M. E., & Clark, F. A. (1991). The search for useful methodologies in
occupational science. American Journal of Occupational Therapv. March, 45,(3)
(pp. 235-241).
Chaiklin, S., & Lave, J. (1996). Understanding practice: Perspectives on activity and
context. USA: Cambridge University Press.
Christiansen, C. (1994). Classification and study in occupation a review and
discussion of taxonomies. Journal o f Occupational Science: Australia. May,
Vol. 1 ,No. 3. (pp. 13-21).
Clark, F. A. (1993). Occupation embedded in a real life: Interweaving occupational
science and occupational therapy. American Journal of Occupational Therapv.
47.
Clark, F., A., Wood, W., & Larson, E., A. (1998). Occupational Science:
Occupational therapy’s legacy for the 2U‘ century. In Willard & Spackman’s
(Eds.), Occupational therapv (pp. 13-21). PA: Lippincott.
Cole, M. (1996). Cultural psvchologv. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Coleman, J. S. (1974). Relationships in Adolescence. Boston: Routledge & Kegan
Paul.
373
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Covington, M. V. (1992). Making the grade: A self-worth perspective on motivation
and school reform. New York; Cambridge University Press.
Csikszentmihalyi, M. (1997). Finding Flow: The psvchologv o f engagement with
evervdav life. Ne-w York: Basic Books.
Csikszentmihalyi, M., Csikszentmihalyi, I., S. (1988). Optimal Experience:
Psvchological studies of flow in consciousness. MA: Cambridge University
Press.
Csikszentmihalyi, M., & Larson, R. (1984). Being Adolescent: conflict and growth
in the teenage years. USA: Basic Books.
Csikszentmihalyi, M., K. Rathunde, (1993). The Measurement of Flow in Everyday
Life: Towards a Theory o f emergent Motivation. In developmental
perspective on motivation Eds. Jacobs, Vol. 40 of Nebraska Symposium on
Motivation. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Csikszentmihalyi, M., & Schneider, B. (2000). Becoming Adult: How teenagers
prepare
for the world of work. New York: Basic Books.
De la Rocha, O. (1986). Problems of sense and problems o f scale: An ethnographic
Study of arithmetic in evervdav life unpublished doctoral dissertation.
University of California, Irvine.
Denzin, N. K. (1994). Symbolic interactionism and cultural studies: The politics of
interpretation. Cambrigde, MA: Blackwell Publishers.
Dewey, J. (1910). How we think. Lexington, MA: Heath.
Dewey, J. (1938). Experience and education. New York: Macmillan.
Dey, I. (1993). Qualitative Data Analysis: A user-friendly guide for social scientists.
London: Routledge.
Dreyfus, H. L., (1991). Being-in-the World: A Commentary on Heidegger’s Being
and Time. Division I Book. MIT Press: Cambridge MA.
Eisner, E. (1994). The Educational Imagination: On the design and evaluation of
school programs. Third edition. New York: Stanford University.
Feinber, W. (1975). Reason and Rhetoric: The intellectual Foundations o f 20‘* ’
Century Liberal Educational Policy. New York: Wiley
374
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Feldman R. S., & Rime B.(1991). Fundamentals o f nonverbal behavior.
Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Florey, L., L. (1994). Valuing the ordinary. In R. Zemke & F. Clark (Eds.),
Occupational Science: The evolving discipline (pp. 425-429). PA: F.A. Daivs
Co.
Freire, P. (1979). Pedagogv of the oppressed. New York: Continuum.
Gahan, C., & Hannibal, M. (1998). Doing Oualitative Research Using GSR
NUD-IST. London: Sage Publications.
Glaser, B., & Strauss, A1 (1976). The discoverv of grounded theorv: Strategies for
qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine.
Gallagher J. J. (1990). New patterns in special education. Educational Researcher,
19(5), (pp.34-36).
Goldstein, S., and Goldstein, M. (1990). Managing attention disorders in children
. New York: Wiley.
Gore J. ( 1995). "Foucault's poststructuralism and observational education research".
In R. Smith & P. Wexler (Eds.), Education, politics and identity: A studv of
power relations (pp. 98-111). London: Faimer.
Griswold, L., A. (1994). Ethnographic analysis: A study of classroom environments.
American Journal of Occupational Therapv. May, Vol. 48, No. 5. (pp. 397-402).
Gillford, J. P. (1959). Three faces of intellect. American Psychologist. 14. (pp. 469-
479).
Grene, M. (1959). Introduction to Existentialism. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.
Hahn, H. (1988). The politics of physical differences: Disability and discrimination.
Joumal of Social Issues. 44 (1). (pp. 39-48).
Hammersley, M. (1990). Reading Ethnographic Research: A critical guide. London:
Longman.
Hannam, D. (1997). More than a Cup of tea: Meaning construction in an everyday
occupation. Joumal of Occupational Science: Australia. August 1997, Vol 4,
No, (pp 69-74).
375
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Hanvey, R. (1971). The social studies, the educational culture, the state. In Elliot W.
Fisner (Ed.), The arts, human development and education (pp.137-146).
Berkeley, CA: McCutchan.
Harries-Jones, P. (1995). A recursive vision: Ecological understanding and gregory
bateson. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Howard, B. S., and Howard, J. R. (1997). Occupation as Spiritual Activity. American
Joumal of Occupational Therapv. March Volume 51, Number 3 (pp. 181-185).
lllich, 1 . (1973). Tools for convivialitv. New York: Harper & Row.
Inwood, M. (2000). Heidegger: A very short introduction. Oxford: Oxford University.
Joyce, B. & Weil, M. (1996). Models of teaching. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Keamey, M. H. (2001). Levels and application of qualitative research evidence.
Research in Nursing and Health. 24, (pp.145-153).
Kuhn T. S. ( 1970). The stmcture of scientific revolutions (2nd ed.). Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Kiros, T. (1994). Self-determination. Joumal of Social Philosophy, 22, no. 1 Spring,
(pp. 50-65.)
Kondo, D. (1990). Crafting selves: Power, gender, and discourses o f identity in a
Japanese workplace. Chicago: University o f Chicago Press.
Joyce, B, & Weil, M. (1996). Models of teaching. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Lahey, B. B., & Carlson, C. L. (1991). Validity o f the diagnostic category of
Attention deficit disorder without hyperactivity: A review o f the literature.
Joumal of Leaming Disabilities. 24, 110-120.
Larson, R., & Ham, M. (1993). Stress and storm and stress in early adolescence: The
relationship of negative events with dysphoric affect. Developmental
Psvchologv. 29. (pp. 130-140).
Lave, J. (1988). Cognition in practice. Cambridge University Press.
LeCompte, M.D., and Preissle, J., with Teshc, R. Ethnography and Oualitative
Design in Education Research. (2 " * ^ Ed.) Orlando, Fla.: Academic Press, 1993.
376
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Leont'ev, A. N. (1981). The problem o f activity in psychology. In J. Wertsch (Ed.),
The concept of activity in soviet psvchologv (pp. 37-71). New York: Academic
Press.
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Lipman M. (1991). Thinking in education. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press.
Llorens, L, A., Burton, G., Still (1999). Achieving Occupational Role:
Accommodations for students with disability. Occupational Therapv in Health
Care, Vol. 11(4). Haworth Press.
Lofland, J., & Lofland, L. (1984). Analyzing Social Settings: A guide to qualitative
observation and analysis. CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co.
Maehr, M. L., & Fyans, L. J., Jr. (1989). In M. L. Maehr & C. Ames (Eds.),
Advances in motivation and achievement Vol. 6, (pp. 215-247). Greenwich, CT:
JAI Press.
McDonald, J. P. (1992). Teaching: Making sense of an uncertain craft. New York:
Teachers College Press.
McNeil, J. (1996). Curriculum: A comprehensive introduction. Fifth edition. New
York: Harper Collins College Publishers.
Merriam, S. B. (1998). Oualitative Research and Case Studv Applications in
Education: Revised and expanded from case studv research in education. San
Francisco, CA: Josey-Bass.
Merriam-Webster’s (1994). Collegiate Dictionary: Tenth edition. Springfield, MA.
Midgley, C., Anderman, E., & Hicks, L. (1995 ). Differences between elementary
and middle schoolteachers and students: A goal theory approach. Joumal of
Early Adolescence, 15, (pp.90-113).
Miles, M., B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Oualitative data analysis: a sourcebook of
new methods. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
Orr, C., & Schkade, J. (1997). The impact o f the classroom environment on
defining function in school-based practice. American Joumal of Occupational
Therapv. 51, (10), (pp, 64-69).
377
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Ortony, Al, & Turner, T.J. (1999).”What’s basic about basic emotions”.
Psvchological Review. 97, (pp.315-331).
Oetter, P., & Richter, E. W., & Frick, S. M. (1993). MORE Integrating the mouth
with sensory and postural functions. Hugo, MN: PDP Press, Inc.
Oyler C. (1996). Making room for students: Sharing teacher authoritv in room 106.
New York: Teacher College Press.
Panksepp J. (1990). Gray zones at the emotion/cognition interface: A commentarv.
Cognition and Emotion, 4, (pp.289-302).
Patton, M. Q. (1999). Enhancing the quality and credibility of qualitative analysis.
Health Services Research, 34, (5), Part II, (pp.1189-1208).
Phye, G., & Andre, T. (1986). Cognitive classroom leaming. Orlando: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich Publishers.
Polkinghome, D., E. (1988). Narrative Knowing and the Human Sciences. NY: State
University ofN ew York Press.
Provine, R., R. ( 1993). Laughter punctuates speech: Linguistic, social and
Gender contexts of laughter. Ethologv, 95 , (291-298).
(Public Law of 101-336, 42 U.S.C. § 12101)
Quiroga, V, A. (1995). Occupational therapv: The first 30 vears. United States
of America: American Occupational Therapy Association.
Ramirez M., & Castaneda, A. (1974). Cultural democracv, bicognitive development,
and education. New York: Academic Press.
Reilly, M. (1962). The Eleanor Clarke Slagle: Occupational therapy can be one
of the great ideas of 2oth century medicine. American Joumal o f Occupational
Therapv. XVI, (pp. 1-9).
Reynolds, P., D. (1971). A primer in theorv construction. New York: Macmillan
Publishing Company.
Rogoff, B. (1981). Schooling and the development of cognitive skills. In H. C.
Triandis & A. Heron (Eds.), Handbook of cross-cultural psychology: Vol. 4.
Developmental psvchologv (pp. 233-294). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
378
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Roth, R. (1984). Schooling, literacy acquisition and cultural transmission. Joumal of
Education, 166 (3), (pp. 291-308).
Seagal, R. (1995). Family adaptation to a child with attention deficit hyperactivity
disorder. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Southem Califomia.
Stake, R. E. (1995). The art of case study research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Stein N. L., & Oatley K. (Eds.). (1992). Basic emotions: Theory and measurement
Special Issue on Basic Emotions. Cognition and Emotion, 6 (3- 4), (pp. 161-
168).
Storch, B. A., & Eskow, K. G. (1996). Theory Application by School-Based
Occupational Therapists. American Joumal of Occupational Therapy.
September 1996, Volume 50, Number 8, (pp. 13-19).
Strauss, A. (1987). Oualitative analysis for social scientist. New York: Cambridge
University Press.
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory
procedures and techniques. Newbury, CA: Sage.
Schwartz, K. (1992). Occupational Therapy and Education: A shared vision.
American Joumal of Occupational Therapy, 46, (pp. 12-18).
Spiro, M. E. (1994). Culture and Human Nature. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction
Press.
Talle, A. (1995). A child is a child: disability and equality among the Kenya Maasai.
In B. Ingstad & S. Whyte, Disability and culture (pp. 56-72.) Berkley:
University of Califomia Berkley Press.
Taylor, S., & Bogdan, R. (1984). Introduction to qualitative research methods: The
search for meanings. New York: John Wiley and Sons.
Tesch, R. (1990). Oualitative Research: Analysis types & software tools. New York.
The Palmer Press.
Tharp, R. G., & Gallimore, R. (1988). Rousing minds to life: teaching, leaming. and
schooling in social context. NY: Cambridge Press.
379
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Toulman, S. (1995). The Department o f Occupational Science and Occupational
Therapy, Occupational Science Symposium: Occupation, employment & human
welfare: conducted at the University of Southem Califomia, Los Angeles
Califomia, March.
Trent, S. C., Artiles, A. J., & Englert, C. S. (1998). From deficit thinking to
social constractivism. In P. D. Pearson & A. Iran-Nejad (Eds.), Review of
research in education (Vol. 23). Washington, DC: American Educational
Research Association.
Trombly, C. A. (1995). Occupation therapy of physical dysfunction. Boston:
Willimas and Willkins.
U.S. Department of Education. (1993). National commission on excellence in
education.Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
Vygotsky, L. (1962). Thought and language. Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press.
Vygotsky, L. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psvchologic
processes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Wax, R. (1971). Doing fieldwork: Wamings and advice. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Whiting, B., & Whiting, J. (1975). Children of six cultures. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Willard & Spackman (1998). Occupational Therapy. 9 * ^ edition. PA: Lippincott.
Wilkinson, S. 1988. The role of reflexivity in feminist psychology. Women’s Studies
Intemational Forum, 11.(5). (pp.493-502).
Wolcott, H. F. (1994). Transforming Oualitative Data: Description, analysis, and
intemretation. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wood, W., (1996). The value of studying occupation: An example with primate play.
American Joumal of Occupational Therapv. May, 50, (5), (pp. 327-335).
Yerxa E. J., Clark, F., Frank, G., Jackson, J., Parham, P., Pierce, D., Stein, C.,
Zemke, R. (1990). An introduction to occupational science, a foundation for
occupational therapy in the 2U‘ century. Occupational therapv in health care.
Vol. 6, (pp. 1-17).
380
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Yin, R. K. (1994). Case studv research. Design and methods. Beverly Hills, CA:
Sage.
Zemke, R. & Clark, F. (1996). Occupational Science: The evolving discipline. PA,
F.A. Davis Co.
381
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDICES
382
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIXA
Letter of Introduction
Telephone Contact Sheet
Consent Form
Interview & Observation Schedule
Initial Interview questionnaire
Recruitment Flier
383
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
LETTER OF INTRODUCTION
STUDENT’S OCCUPATION IN THE CLASSROOM
Dear Parent:
I am pleased to invite your child to participate in a new and exciting study of
student occupations in the classroom. This study is called the Classroom Occupations
From the Perspectives of Three High School Students with Attention Deficit. I am a
graduate student at the University o f Southem Califomia (USC).
Your child has been selected at random and should you and your child decide to
voluntarily participate in this study he/she will be joining three other participants. These
students will be selected to give their experiences surrounding student activities in the
classroom.
After you indicate an interest to participate in the study I will contact you by
phone to ask you a few questions. Shortly after that contact you will be notified whether
your child has been accepted into the study.
The intent of this study is to provide important information to help all educators
and students identify how students engage in and make meaning out of activities in the
classroom. This is a unique opportunity for students to share their experiences in the
classroom. We hope that the findings from this study will give educators “food for
thought” on such things as curriculum design, how students are instmcted and
assignment requirements and much more. The findings from this study may be
published and used to develop classroom programming.
ALL INFORMATION COLLECTED DURING THE STUDY IS
CONFIDENTIAL. No information about an individual student will be reported in any
way. No names will be released. Since the school will not get any of the information
about your child, participation will not affect your child’s grades or progress in school.
All information collected will be kept in a locked file in the offices of The Department
of Occupational Therapy, University of Southem Califomia, Clinical Sciences Annex,
Health Sciences Campus, Los Angeles, CA.
If selected for the study, your child will participate in 3 45 min. individual
interviews, and a 4* focus group interview where the three other participants will join
your child in discussing classroom activities. In addition, the researcher will attend six
classes and observe your child during classroom sessions.
The study has been reviewed and approved by a committee of university
professors to ensure that it meets scientific and ethical standard. You may choose to
withdraw from the study or to stop the interviews or classroom observations at any
time.
Before we can proceed with the study, we need to hear from you. If you are
willing to help us out in this study, please sign the enclosed form and retum it in the
postage paid envelope enclosed for your use. Your permission to conduct the initial
phone contact with your, and to subsequently participate in the study should your child
be selected is needed.
Thank you for your time and consideration of the study.
Sincerely, Renee McDannel
384
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
TELEPHONE CONTACT SHEET
DATE:
NAME;
HOME NUMBER:
WORK NUMBER:
1. How old is your child? Male/female/
2. When was your child diagnosed with ADD?
3. How has ADD affected your child’s academic performance?
4. What do you do for a living?
5. What is your average annual income?
6. If you have a partner what does your partner do for a living?
7. What is your partner’s average annual income?
8. What is your educational level?
9. What is your partner’s educational level?
10. What is your race/ethnicity?
11. What is your child’s race/ethnicity?
12. What is your partner’s race/ethnicity?
13. On average how many hours per week does your child spend in studying outside of
class time?
14. Are you happy with your child’s academic performance?
15. If you could change any thing related to your child’s education, what would that be?
16. Do you anticipate that your child will graduate this year?
17. What will your child be doing after graduation?
Notes:
385
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
CONSENT FORM
STUDENT OCCUPATIONS IN THE CLASSROOM
Renee McDannel OTR
(714) 840-7261
My name is Renee McDannel (Investigator) and 1 am a graduate student at the
University of Southem Califomia. 1 am pleased to invite your child to participate in a
new and exciting study of student occupations in the classroom. This study is called the
Classroom Occupations from the Perspectives of Three High School Students with
Attention Deficit Disorder. 1 am a graduate student at the University of Southem
Califomia (USC).
Your child has been selected at random and should you and your child decide to
voluntarily participate in this study he/she will be joining three other participants. These
students will be selected to give their experiences surrounding student activities in the
classroom.
After you indicate an interest to participate in the study 1 will contact you by
phone to ask you a few questions. Shortly after that contact you will be notified whether
your child has been accepted into the study.
The intent of this study is to provide important information to help all educators
and students identify how students engage in and make meaning out of activities in the
classroom. This is a unique opportunity for students to share their experiences in the
classroom. We hope that the findings from this study will give educators “food for
thought” on such things as curriculum design, how students are instructed and
assignment requirements and much more. The findings from this study may be
published and used to develop classroom programming.
ALL INFORMATION COLLECTED DURING THE STUDY IS
CONFIDENTIAL. No information about an individual student will be reported in any
way. No names will be released. Since the school will not get any of the information
about your child, participation will not affect your child’s grades or progress in school.
All information collected will be kept in a locked file in the offices of The Department
of Occupational Therapy, University of Southem Califomia, Clinical Sciences Annex,
Health Sciences Campus, Los Angeles, CA.
If selected for the study, your child will participate in 3 45 min. individual
interviews, and a 4* focus group interview where the three other participants will join
your child in discussing classroom activities. In addition, the researcher will attend six
classes and observe your child during classroom sessions.
The study has been reviewed and approved by a committee of university
professors to ensure that it meets scientific and ethical standard. You may choose to
withdraw from the study or to stop the interviews or classroom observations at any
time.
If you have any questions related to this study please feel free to call me. 1 can
be reached at (714) 840-7261. After you retum this signed document you will be given
a copy for your records. Having read the information provided above your signature
indicates that you have decided to have your child participate in the study.
386
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Parent’s Signature Parent’s Signature
Date Date
Signature of Witness Date
I certify that I have reviewed the contents of this form with the person(s) signing above
who, in my opinion, understood the explanation.
Investigator Date
387
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
C D
■ D
O
Q .
C
o
C D
Q .
■ D
C D
C /)
W
o'
o
o
3
C D
O
O
■ D
c q '
o
o
o
"n
c
o
C D
■ D
O
Q.
C
a
o
o
■ O
o
C D
Q .
■ D
C D
(/)
(/)
U )
00
00
Participant Timeline and Schedule Key:
t> III
I Absent
0 U n ab le to s c h e d u le
4 C hangi* lo a now class
m j .
1 P « W
S c h e d u lin g error
• N o s h o w
' l l.ic.r.im
I idositMins
W eeks
I v c n ls
( >l'servalu»n
H o u rs
(h .I .ii = 2 (JL
('!« • h o u r
fnUTvicw'
( lo t.jl ^ 7]
I) M oilH ieil liH lep en elen I S tiu ly C o n fe re n c e ro o m 2) SptH Tiai Rdcuation: Classror^m
/ 5 d a y s break
Study linlry;
N ew M ods
N / A
m m :
t 2
F a m ily
P r o b le m s
C
t t 2 t 2 t
10
3) Independent study ® hom e
11 12 13 14 15
E xited
Study
Member
Checking
16
W eeks 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
I’vents Study Entry N e
am
An
I V students
ve on campus
eer emerges j
A
A m erican
^ History
Standardized
------ 1
E xited
Study
t'ttiMTvation
(total =61))
2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
15
0
t
2 2 2 2
0
2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
t )ne hour
In te rv ir'w
(total =7)
A B C D
t
6
lEP
E TESTIN G F G
Member
Checking
Memtier
Clwrtdng
r - ..................................................................................... .......................... '................... " 1
W eeks 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 2 13 1 4 15 16
E v e n t s S tu d y
Entry
A
Schedule
S taniiardired
Testing
E xited
S t u d y
t it's e rv a tio n
( to t a l - 45)
2 0 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
t
2 2
( )n i’ tio u r
In ti-rv iew
( to t a l =10)
A B C D E F G H
Member
Chetking
1 m
J
Member
Checking
APPENDIX C
Initial Interview Questionnaire
Semi-structured interview
1. What is your favorite subject? Why?
2. What do you consider to be your successes in each of your classes?
3. What do you consider to be your shortcomings or failures in each class?
4. What do you think about when you are in class?
5. How does the teacher influence what you do in each class?
6. What activities do you like to do when you are in class?
7. Do you set goals for yourself?
8. What does testing mean to you?
9. How do you measure success?
10. Why do you shake your leg in class?
11. If you were teaching the class what would you have the students do?
12. Do you normally eat in class?
389
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Recruitment Flier
JOIN THE U.S.C. STUDY OF
CLASSROOM OCCUPATIONS!
A u s e Student, Renee McDonnel, is conducting a PhD
dissertation study © n the classroom experiences of high
school seniors with attention deficit disorder. She is
interested in how the high school seniors, themselves,
view the activities that take place within their closses.
Students who are eligible for the study must be:
• Entering 12^ grade in Fail 2002
• Diagnosed os having attention deficit disorder
• Able to converse easily in English
If you think you ore eligible for the study, and If
you like the idea of talking about your experiences
in school, find out more about the study! Call
Renee McDannei a t 714-840-7261.
THIS IS YOUR OPPORTUNIT/ TO B E
REFLECTIVE AND SHARE YOUR PERCEPTIONS
OF HISH SCHOOL CLASSkOOtA LIFE.
MAKE YOUR VOICE HEARD!
Rescureh PRSposii m iB alw r 016001
390
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Appendix D: Sample of Observation Fieldnotes
The following field note excerpts demonstrate how this procedure worked:
What am I looking for? (Form, function and meaning of occupation.. .didactic
exchanges; communication of expectations.) These classroom observations are
not only observations of my participant, but also all the students and interactions
because they are the warp and the fabric that makes the classroom experience
with Randy. And with Dan it is the space and the student with the intermittent
appearance of the aide and occasional peers and adults in bis environment that
are to be regarded.
Classroom Observation
Mark enters and goes to the teacher and chats. He picks up the dust mop and
sweeps the floor. Randy is at bis worktable socializing with bis friends. But,
most specifically be is conversing with a young lady. There are 3 females and 15
boys in class today. Six work together at one table three at another and four at
another and two at the final table. (Diagram in the fieldnotes.)
St: Are you making a note of that?
PI: (I shake my bead no.)
There is a lot of cussing today.
Mark and two other students clean the room.
Mark: Are you an aide now?
Mark: No, community service.
Steve continues to clean the tables and Mark cleans the sinks. Mark works with
good skills. He attempts to remove stains and uses bis fingernails to remove
items that are stuck to the sink....
Celtic music is played as the students work.
Mark: (speaking to the teacher) Tell Pat to clean up. Hay, bah I made him pick
up all the crap.
The whole class works quietly some glazing ceramic creations, others drawing,
and some working on paper mache and computer games.
Mark: The Asians are gaining up on the Caucasians.
Teacher: The sinks and counters look good.
Pat: I ain’t no bonky. Yee Hah! (Responding to Mark’s comment)
Vanessa: Shakes her bead and does not respond. (She is an Asian student).
Mark: The towel dispenser is broken and 1 can fix it.
Pat: Now you need the Caucasians bell.
T: This looks awesome. (Referencing the cleaning job the students have done.)
Mark glares at Pat as be begins to discredit Pat’s cleaning job on the tables Pat
has done.
Mark: Why don’t you clean that table? (He points to a table.)
Pat: Because 1 don’t want to!
391
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Pat; Quietly moves away.
I feel sad for him. Pat tries again to engage with Mark. He walks back and says
Pat: hey it looks pretty clean back here.
Another student addresses me: So do you just write reports all day?
PI: Hum
St: So do you work for the school?
PI: No, I’m a student.
Mark: Yeah left back for five years.
Mark uses the wet dust mop to mop the floor.
The teacher admonishes him not to wash the front area of the room. Mark
complies.
Mark seems to enjoy the cleaning and event though he lacks experience with the
tools. He poimds the dust mop into the sin and re-mops the floor area he did
before. Now moving in the edges o f the areas the teacher told him to avoid.
Pat and Mark put the stools up and Mark mops the entire floor with exception of
an L shape by the students. Pat and Mark argue about who has done more.
Mark: What has dirty ass feet?
Somebody’s feet are dirty. (He is speaking to the entire class?)
Mark turns his back to Pat and moved from his presence. Then after moving Pat
out o f the space next to the teacher, Mark pulls up a chair and beings to chat
with the teacher. Pat brings out a nicely painted figurine that he has crafted form
the rear room.
Vanessa: It looks very neat. That’s cool (her face shows surprise.)
Pat shows Mark a picture. Mark stiffens his face and body language and
responds to Pat sharply. Pat walks out of the classroom. (I did not catch the
remark.)Mark gets up and washes his hands. He returns to the teacher’s desk and
sits.
Teacher: It is 10 minutes before class is to be over. Do not go outside.
392
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Appendix D: Sample of Interview Transcription
Here is an excerpt of an interview with Mark after this observation where Mark
gives meaning to the scenes I had observed:
PI: In noticed that you were doing a lot of cleaning in class, is that something
new?
Mark: Yeah, well no, 1 can do it for credit or community service.
PI: Which are you doing it for now?
Mark: For community service.. .1 am almost finished with my parole officer. But
you can get credit for cleaning too.
PI: Did you like it?
Mark: It’s alright it helps the teacher out.
PI: You hang out at the teacher’s desk a lot. Why?
Mark: Yeah, 1 like talking to her.
PI: Is she sensitive to your feelings about art?
Mark: 1 don’t think she cares if you like it or not. You are just there to do it. She
makes sure you are OK as a person and not so much school.
PI: Tell me your feelings about being in the Art classroom. Is it the same or
different? Is the environment different or the same?
Mark: It’s different because 1 can talk to her. When she is to on the phone she
does not mind talking to you, so it’s s like someone to talk to about anything,
problems, you know like a counselor but more like a fiend like person. Yeah, 1
like her.
PI: You seemed to be really angry at Pat why was that?
Mark: Who Pat...ahh...he tries to be cool....1 hate that 1 mean act like he’s
black you know?
PI: Really
Mark: Yeah, he ain’t black .. .1 hate when people are phony.
PI: It seemed like he was trying to work with you and be friendly but you kept
pushing him away.
Mark: N o ...he should act white...what was that all about...shh
393
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
APPENDIX E
Strategic Niches
Posture Sketches Randy, Dan & Mark
Matrix
394
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Appendix E. Table of Participants ’ Niche Strategies of Classroom
Occupations
Student
Problem
Definitions
Niche Strategy Purpose
Poor time on
task in class
Homework Complete assigned tasks
Poor attention
to task &
information
processing
Talking out
loud as he
works through
a problem or
question.
Isolation-
working a room
without other
students
Oral Exams
Using
headphones
with music
Keep track of the information
Reduce distractions
Filter out extraneous thoughts by removing the
written component
Generate quiet places within the classroom
Lack of
motivation
Seek
encouragement
from the
teachers
Facilitate productivity in earning credits toward
graduation; affirmation to be seen and heard
Gaining the
teachers
attention
Sitting by the
teacher
To get immediate attention
To be regarded
Feelings of
boredom
Find something
to do
Alleviate feelings o f boredom
Losing ones
place while
reading
Using a finger
to keep place
while reading
Facilitate visual scanning
Losing papers Keep paper in
hand during
class; clean
folder routinely
Keep track of worksheets to be turned in for
credit
395
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Reduce reading
time
Read chapter
questions and
scan for
answers
Facilitate rapid execution through assignments by
avoiding reading
Overwhelmed
by work load
Copy friends
work; or guess
answers on a
test
Complete assignments for credit.
Complete exam as quickly as possible
Students’
Problem
Definition
Niche Strategy Purpose
Socialization Employing
humor
Making others laugh
Increase arousal state; feelings of success
Teachers
mother dies
Bring the
teacher flowers
Offer support while she grieves Communicates
support for the teacher
Defrance Non-
compliance
To make others angry
Exert power
Undefined
boundaries
Bargain and
negotiate
To avoid boundaries Exert and explore power
relations
Perceived need
for flexibility in
scheduling and
academic
programming
Fight for the
desired changes
To determine the limits of negotiation powers and
skills
Learn how to negotiate and get around the
system; win by getting the last word
396
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Randy’ s Positions
— s
Motor cycle 4:3 Usual Work 4:1 Teacher Instruction
Back View Back View [Confrontational]
Abated Tension
Side View
5:3 Overwhelmed
Work Reading
Math
5:4 Doodling
4:3 Work Writing
4:2 I’m just over it! Day Dreaming Humor
397
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Dan’s Postures
Chin resting on book reading
Watching a Video
Stretched over the table
Large Movements
Sleeping in the
Conference Room
Rear Room
In Special Ed. Sleeping in Special Ed.
398
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Mark’ s Postures
Most Common Work Posture 10:2 Reading
45 Degrees
Listening to Oral
Reading 90 Degrees
5:2 Lethargic Posture Writing in his journal 8:1 Reading
Worksheets
90 Degrees
5:2 Worksheet 7:1 Low level of arousal
Reading 0 Degrees
Watching Genocide
Video
Listening to Mrs.
Gruwell’s lecture
399
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
7 J
CD
■ D
O
Q .
C
o
CD
Q .
■ D
CD
( / )
( / )
CD
O
O
■ D
?
CD
T D
O
Q .
C
a
o
■ o
o
CD
Q .
" D
CD
( / )
( / )
o
o
Dimensions © f
Occupation
Form
F u iietio n
Meaning
Activity Setting
Components
❖ Who is present
❖ tasks being done
❖ scripts that shape
interactions
Values & goals of
people present
Motives for
activities,
according to
participants
Values & goals of
participants
Motives and
feelings of
participants
Data Collection
Method
❖ classroom observations
❖ semi-structured
interviews
❖ Classroom
observations
❖ semi-structured
interviews
Semi-structured
interviews
Method of Analysis
code field notes and
transcriptions for
occupation dimensions &
activtty setting
com ponents
collapse & expand codes
a s needed
compare data across
participants
generate new questions
for ongoing interviews
peer debriefing monthly
member checking-
beginning at about the 8*’
interview
❖ sam e as above
❖ sam e as above
Presentation of findings
❖ Discuss forms of classroom
occupation in relation to activity
settings and emergent themes
within and across the four
participants
❖ Discuss functions of occupations
In relation to activity setting and
emergent themes
❖ Discuss meaning of classroom
occupations in relation to activity
setting and emergent themes
❖ Four case studies that illuminate
the uniqueness contextuslity and
complexity of the student’s
experiences with classroom
occupation will be presented.
❖ Synthesizing discussion of the 5
components of the activity
settings (and any other emergent
categories) across participants
Abstract (if available)
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Conceptually similar
PDF
Constructing identities in social worlds: Stories of four adults with autism
PDF
Associations and mechanisms among attention deficit hyperactivity disorder symptoms, cognitive functioning, and drinking habits
PDF
Background use of idle resource capacity
PDF
Parent ratings of children with autism on the Evaluation of Sensory Processing (ESP)
PDF
The after school occupations of homeless youth: Implications for occupational science, occupational therapy, and public policy
PDF
Health-related quality of life, occupation and prosthesis use in elderly people with lower extremity amputation in Taiwan
PDF
Early adolescent drug use among multiethnic males: A prospective examination of the influences of psychological distress, relationship with family and school, law abidance, guilt and peer drug use
PDF
Delving into the center: Women's lived experience of spirituality through occupation
PDF
A comparison of the play performance of boys with autism and that of boys without disabilities in Taiwan
PDF
Motivational orientation, achievement, and school -related occupations in Taiwanese gifted children
PDF
A contemporary urban ethnography of Pakistani middle school students in Oslo, Norway
PDF
At play with meaning: Toys and other favorite objects in the everyday lives of young children
PDF
Implicit cognition and dissociative experiences as predictors of adolescent substance use
PDF
Quality of daily occupational experience and its relationship with adolescent tobacco smoking
PDF
An investigation of a new diagnostic sub-type: Post traumatic stress disorder with psychotic features
PDF
"I'm not much different": Occupation, identity, and spinal cord injury in America
PDF
Attachment style, interpersonal guilt, parental alcoholism, parental divorce and eating disordered symptomatology in college women
PDF
Comparing the motivational profiles of high -ability-low -performing (HALP) students and high -ability -high -performing (HAHP) students
PDF
California charter schools: Including students with disabilities
PDF
An evaluation of the use of microcomputer-based laboratory instruction on middle school students' concept attainment and attitudes towards computer -based instruction
Asset Metadata
Creator
McDannel, Renee Paula
(author)
Core Title
Classroom occupations from the perspectives of three high school students with attention deficit disorder
School
Graduate School
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Occupational Science
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Education, Secondary,OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, behavioral
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-519890
Unique identifier
UC11335761
Identifier
3140518.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-519890 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
3140518.pdf
Dmrecord
519890
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
McDannel, Renee Paula
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
Education, Secondary
psychology, behavioral