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Empowering urban street children: Freirean and feminist perspectives on nonformal education in Mexico
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Empowering urban street children: Freirean and feminist perspectives on nonformal education in Mexico
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EMPOWERING URBAN STREET CHILDREN: FREIREAN AND FEMINIST
PERSPECTIVES ON NONFORMAL EDUCATION IN MEXICO
Copyright 2004
by
Diane C. Rodriguez
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION)
August 2004
Diane C. Rodriguez
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UMI Number: 3145275
Copyright 2004 by
Rodriguez, Diane C.
All rights reserved.
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DEDICATION
To My Parents,
Catherine and Ruben Rodriguez
My Grandparents,
Celeste A. and John F. Harrington
Mary and Julian Rodriguez
My Brother,
Dennis F. Rodriguez
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iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am indebted to many people. Since I can remember, family, friends, and
colleagues have unselfishly supported me. I could not have earned my Ph.D. without
their love and generosity.
I would first like to thank my dissertation committee for rearranging their
hectic schedules to accommodate my academic endeavors. The chair of my
committee, Dr. Nelly Stromquist, has been exceptionally supportive and encouraging
throughout this exhausting yet rewarding process. Although she is a phenomenal
scholar and researcher in the field of international education, Dr. Stromquist spends
countless hours reading and revising the work of her doctoral students. Her honest,
professional, and quick feedback is unparalleled. I want to thank her for believing in
me and allowing me to grow as a student. I am honored that Dr. Steve Lamy,
Professor and Director of the International Relations Department at USC, graciously
agreed to serve as a member of my committee. Dr. Lamy is highly regarded by the
USC student body because he puts students first, and makes each one of us feel
worthy. Dr. Melora Sundt, Assistant Dean of the Rossier School of Education, has
been an outstanding mentor to me throughout graduate school. I remember meeting
Dr. Sundt during my first semester at USC and thinking to myself, “How can I be
more like her?” Through balancing her university responsibilities at a major
research institution and her family life, Dr. Sundt demonstrates that success is
attainable for women in academia.
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I would like to acknowledge and thank the most influential women in my
life, Catherine Rodriguez, Mary Rodriguez, Liz Murray, Luci Berger, and Pam
Mullen. These women are fighters and have displayed courage, wisdom, and hope
when faced with extraordinary circumstances. Some of them have shared painful
moments with me, while others have been silent yet critical advocates of mine. I
hope this short paragraph is a reminder of how much each woman means to me. I
only pray that I am half as brave and genuine to others as they have been to me.
The list of friends and colleagues whom I would like to thank is lengthy. The
friendships that I have gained in school and in the workplace are invaluable. I could
not have achieved this significant milestone without the closeness of Kimberly
Balbuena, Caprice Cartier, Andrea Clemons, Maura Diorio, Kristen Howard, Meng
Johnson, Trae Stewart, Chana Taft, and Kelly Zahoudanis. You have helped to keep
my feet planted firmly on the ground. You believed in me and recognized my
potential when I was doubtful of my own abilities. You were terrific at keeping me
focused while relieving me of school pressure with invitations to run, hike, gossip,
dine, sip coffee, or simply get crazy! Thank you for reminding me how to enjoy life.
Matt, this section would not be complete without thanking you. Your Midwestern
values and gentle soul have been a blessing in my life. Thank you for taking your
vacation time to read and review my work. It meant so much to me.
I would also like to extend my love and gratitude to my family. On the
Rodriguez side, I would like to acknowledge my aunts and uncles: Sylvia and Ron,
Dorothy and Gary, Ronnie and Chris, Richard and Lupe, and Robert and Amy, my
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V
cousins: Renee, Nikki, Ryan, Vanessa, Rochelle, Jeff, Rachel, Rocky, Roxanne,
Alphie, Serah, Danny, Anthony, Katie, Shaun, and Tess, my grandparents and the
true leaders of this family: Mary and Julian Rodriguez. I want to add a special thank
you to my Uncle Richard for reminding me of the precious value of family while we
were both in Guadalajara, Mexico.
From the Harrington family, I would like to express my sincere thank you to
my aunts and uncles: Pat, Kevin, Debby, Sandy, and Renee, my cousins: Shaun and
Morgan, my grandparents: Celeste and John F. Harrington. You bring more meaning
to my life than you will ever know. I designed and conducted this dissertation on
poor children in Mexico because of my devotion to underserved populations and the
field of children’s services. I selected the region of Mexico to gain a better sense of
my family background. You have helped mold my views on culture, family, and
relationships. I truly have you to thank for pushing me through graduate school.
Finally, I would like to congratulate my grandfather, John, my brother,
Dennis, my mother, Cathy, and my father, Ruben. We did it! This was a collective
effort. You provided the love and commitment that I needed to earn my Ph.D.
Grandpa, what would I have done without your critical eye and your gift for
editorializing? What will we do without our routine, kitchen-table discussions about
street children?
Dennis, I am so lucky to have you! Your witty sense of humor and ability to
accept people for whom they are have kept me real in an academy that can be quite
superficial. You protect and defend me like no other. It is no surprise that you are a
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skillful and ambitious graduate of Notre Dame Law School. I am so proud of you
and your accomplishments.
Mom, you are my mother and my best friend. You have made me the
feminist woman I am today. Your love and tenderness are unparalleled. Your
business skills are unstoppable. You are selfless, fearless, loving, and shrewd. You
are the most remarkable woman I know. I pray that I have similar relationships with
my children that you have had with Dennis and me.
Dad, I know you are proud. I can see your tears. As usual, you are wearing
your emotions on your sleeve. Thank you for pushing me in all the right directions,
and showing me that the harder we work the luckier we get. Imagine that! Thank
you for exposing me to our Mexican culture and heritage while encouraging me to
derail from traditional feminine roles.
Dennis, mom, and dad, you are the cornerstone of my success. I love you.
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vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication...........................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgements..........................................................................................................iii
List of Tables and Figures................................................................................................x
Abstract..............................................................................................................................xi
CHAPTER ONE: EDUCATION AND EMPOWERMENT IN MEXICO
Overview............................................................................................................................ 1
Mexico................................................................................................................................2
Demographics....................................................................................................... 2
Child Labor............................................................................................................3
The Mexican Education System.......................................................................... 5
Initiatives Aimed at Impoverished Communities........................................................... 7
PROGRESA..........................................................................................................7
PARE....................................................................................................................12
PRONALF........................................................................................................... 15
Empowerment.................................................................................................................. 22
Empowering Urban Street Children..................................................................23
Theoretical Framework................................................................................................... 26
Critical Theory.................................................................................................... 26
Feminism Epistemology................................................................................... 27
Purpose of Study................................................................................................. 28
CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
Overview..........................................................................................................................29
Street Children................................................................................................................. 29
Street Children Defined......................................................................................30
Children ON the Street........................................................................................34
Children OF the Street........................................................................................36
Street Girls...........................................................................................................40
Nonformal Education...................................................................................................... 43
Nonformal Education Components...................................................................44
JUCONI Foundation Project.............................................................................. 52
END A Bolivia Project........................................................................................56
Casa de Passagem..............................................................................................61
Empowerment.................................................................................................................. 66
As a Critical Resource for Individuals and Communities...............................68
Deconstructing Power in Relation to Empowerment...................................... 68
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Defining Empowerment.................................................................................... 70
Empowerment in Nonformal Education Projects for Girls.............................80
Assessing Empowerment................................................................................... 83
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Overview...........................................................................................................................88
Theoretical Framework................................................................................................... 88
Feminist Scholarship..........................................................................................89
Critical Pedagogy................................................................................................ 98
The Intersection of Feminist and Critical Pedagogies................................... 106
Feminist Research Concentrating on Adolescents and Education............... 116
Case Study Analysis......................................................................................................121
Purpose of the Study......................................................................................... 122
Research Design............................................................................................... 125
CHAPTER FOUR: FOUNDATION AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE
CORASON PROGRAM
Overview........................................................................................................................140
Case Description........................................................................................................... 140
The School Framework....................................................................................141
Corason ’ s Progression..................................................................................................167
Stage 1: School and Community Research......................................................167
Stage 2: Trial Operation Period....................................................................... 170
Stage 3: First School Year................................................................................172
Stage 4: Implementation of Supplemental Programs.................................... 174
Stage 5: Contemporary Practices of Corason................................................ 184
CHAPTER FIVE: PRIMARY RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
INDIVIDUAL, PROGRAM, AND GENDER
Individual Perspectives.................................................................................................188
Barriers for Children OJVthe Street................................................................188
The Educational and Psychological Needs of Children ON the Street 205
Corason’ s Program Model........................................................................................217
Corason’ s Criterion for Success......................................................................218
Corason’ s Methods of Empowerment............................................................ 224
The School’s Theoretical Framework............................................................ 228
Corason’ s Efforts to Mainstream Pupils........................................................ 230
Girls and Empowerment at Corason........................................................................... 230
Girls’ Barriers to Achieving Quality Education............................................ 231
Girl-Centered Intervention Strategies............................................................ 240
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CHAPTER SIX: CRITICAL PEDAGOGY AND EMPOWERMENT
AT CORASdN
Summary of Findings................................................................................................... 247
Individual Perspectives.....................................................................................247
Corason’ s Program Model.............................................................................. 250
Girls and Empowerment at Corason.............................................................. 252
Implications................................................................................................................... 253
Recommendations for Further Study........................................................................... 258
References.......................................................................................................................261
Appendices.................................................................................................................... 271
Appendix A: Letter Soliciting Permission to do Research............................271
Appendix B: Formal Teacher Survey..............................................................273
Appendix C: Consent to Participate Form...................................................... 275
Appendix D: Teacher and Administrator Interview...................................... 277
Appendix E: Student Interview.......................................................................279
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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Figure 1: Social Cognitive Theoretical Model as a Function of Critical
Consciousness............................................................................................. 156
Table 1: Corason Monthly School Expenditures, 2000...........................................163
Table 2: Corason’ s Daily School Schedule...............................................................185
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ABSTRACT
A UNICEF report on the drastic effects of child labor in developing countries
indicates there are 404 million children under the age of 18 not attending school
(1997). Many are street and working children who deserve the chance, but lack the
educational resources, to become conscious and productive citizens. Nonformal
education has been defined as an alternative to traditional schooling, in which
students learn vocational trades or academic subjects, aimed at enhancing their lives.
This alternative approach is considered nonformal education because it is typically
short-term and non-degree granting. Nonformal education may provide
opportunities to employ empowering pedagogies for street and working children. An
empowering pedagogy in nonformal education includes the notions of student
psychological well-being, economic stability, and educational achievement. These
key features create the necessary foundation for street and working children to
become socially conscious participants in society.
This case study examined Corason, a nonformal education project in
Guadalajara, Mexico, and its ability to employ an empowering curriculum, creating
critically conscious students. The primary methods of data collection included
interviews and observations. Focused interviews were held with eight working
children attending the program, two teachers, and three administrators to examine the
school’s pedagogical practices, seeking to empower its learners. The school was
studied from three research lenses: student perspectives, program pedagogy, and the
empowerment of females to gain a full picture of Corason’ s empowering framework.
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Five conclusions were drawn from this study regarding empowering
frameworks in nonformal education: (1) Children were critically cognizant of their
impoverished positions in society but were unable to alleviate economic burdens due
to deficient resources. (2) Lack of teacher training strongly impacted children’s self-
concept and ability to achieve empowerment. (3) Support mechanisms and
alternatives to traditional academic coursework were slim; available choices such as
cosmetology and masonry maintained gender role stereotypes within the community.
(4) Mothers were especially important to the enrollment and attendance of students.
(5) The conditions of girls were dismal, augmented by the fact that young females
lacked the wherewithal to make optimum personal decisions.
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CHAPTER ONE
EDUCATION AND EMPOWERMENT IN MEXICO
Overview
In every city in the world, poverty permeates the lives of some children. It is
essential to a child’s welfare to belong to a family or support group that meets his or
her basic needs for survival - food, shelter, and clothing. Yet worldwide recession,
debt crisis, and civil strife in developing countries provide a distinctly lower standard
of living (UNESCO, 1990). Abuse, exploitation, malnutrition, disease, truancy,
illiteracy, and especially homelessness plague many lives. For almost 100 million
youth worldwide, the street is their home. Most have either a family they must help
to support or no family at all (UN Chronicle, 1989). Research on the drastic effects
of child labor in developing countries indicates there are 404 million children under
the age of 18 not attending school (UNICEF, 1997). This figure suggests that over
1/3 of school-aged minors in developing countries are not receiving an education.
The following account centers on Mexico and its daunting task of eliminating
learning inequalities for street and working children, while sustaining the needs of a
rapidly growing nation. Chapter One, Education, Empowerment, and the Mexican
Government, will focus on the challenges Mexico faces in educating street youth,
political action plans, and educational reform movements. This introduction will
also briefly define the term empowerment, a central concept of this research, and
explore critical feminist pedagogy, the theoretical model of the study. Chapter Two,
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Review o f Relevant Literature, examines core terms of the research itself, specifically
street children, nonformal education, and empowerment. It also examines current
educational research in each of these areas. Chapter Three, Research Design and
Methods, provides the foundation for employing a critical feminist epistemology to
the research. It explains the meaning of critical pedagogy and feminism, as separate
entities and cooperative theories. Chapter Three proposes a series of research
questions addressing the notion of empowerment. It concludes by discussing the
necessary components of a case study research design. Chapter Four, Foundation
and Chronology o f the Corason Program, and Chapter Five, Primary Research
Questions: Individual, Program, and Gender, present the findings. The first
provides in-depth coverage at Corason’ s development, while the second uses
corroborating evidence from interviews and observations to address the three
primary areas of concern. Chapter Six, Critical Pedagogy and Empowerment at
Corason, summarizes this research study and discusses recommendations for future
investigations.
Mexico
Demographics
An alarming 50% of all Mexican children live in squalor (UN, 1999a). A
National Survey of Demographic Dynamics (INEGI, 2000) estimated the country’s
population at 97 million. It predicted that, at the current growth rate, by the year
2047 the population would double in size. Almost 50% of the population of Mexico
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consists of children under 18 years old (UN, 1999a). Mexico City, Guadalajara and
Monterrey make up 2% of the country’s territory, but 25% of the population live in
these cities. Approximately 70% of Mexican children live in urban regions (UN,
1999a).
Child Labor
Two primary reasons account for the situation of working minors: (1)
continuing economic demands and (2) inaccessibility to education. The 1998
Mexico GNP per capita income was estimated at 3,840 U.S. dollars (INEGI, 2003).
Although the cost of living is relatively low, many families need income from their
children to survive. Current research indicates that rather than attend secondary
school, “3.5 million children between the ages of 12 and 17 are working” (UN,
1999a, p. 2). Child labor is a significant contributor to the decline in enrollment
between elementary and secondary education. According to INEGI (2003), almost
15 million students were enrolled in elementary school for the 2001-2002 school
year, whereas only one third of that amount was enrolled in secondary education.
Even so, over 25% of secondary education students either failed or dropped out of
school before graduation in the spring of 2002. Why are so many students failing?
Why are so few adolescents attending secondary school? UNICEF asserts that there
is a cause and effect relationship between work and school (1997). Work reduces
school attendance.
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Inaccessibility to school and low quality education programs are factors that
drive students to drop out of school and work. INEGI (2003) reported that Mexico
spent seven times as much on basic education as it spent on upper secondary
education. This was a difference of 12 million U.S. dollars. Moreover, the 2000
school year began with 548,000 elementary teachers in 99,000 schools compared to
232,000 secondary teachers in 28,000 schools (INEGI, 2003). Therefore, secondary
institutions offer less than half of what primary schools do. The lack of secondary
schools and schoolteachers is glaring, and has historically been a significant problem
(Cook, 1996). This factor, compounded by the need for adolescents to earn money,
directly affects the country’s national schooling average of 7.6 years (INEGI, 2003).
However, Mexico is improving its efforts to keep children in school. In 1990 14.2%
of minors aged six to fourteen were not in school. Ten years later this figure has
reduced to 8.2% (INEGI, 2003). If strong, accessible, and high quality education
exists, children will more likely remain in school (UNICEF, 1997). “The challenge
is to make schooling economically viable, attractive and relevant for working
children and their families” (UNICEF, 1997, p. 50). Accessible institutions that
provide alternative solutions to adolescents’ needs are required to increase
enrollment in secondary school.
The General Education Law and the Modernization of Basic Education are
laws that specify the right of all Mexican citizens to be educated, and attempt to
enhance educational institutions through the process of decentralization. What
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follows is a brief narrative of these enactments and a description of three modules to
increase school enrollment within marginalized communities.
The Mexican Education System
General Education Law, The General Education Law (Article 3) holds the
federal government responsible for the Mexican education system. The government
therefore controls both public and private institutions. This law decrees that every
individual in Mexico has the right to be educated. It also mandates that all children
attend primary and lower secondary schooling, and that the 31 States of Mexico
provide 22 million children free basic education (i.e., pre-school, primary, and lower
secondary schooling) (SEP, 1998). In 1921, the Ministry of Public Education (SEP)
was formed to enforce these rights and to systematically organize a body to govern
public institutions in Mexico. Ninety percent of all enrolled students receive their
education in the public school system and the number of enrolled students has
increased by 27 million (SEP) since 1930. Additionally, 81% of enrolled students
are receiving basic education services, which includes preschool, elementary, and
lower secondary schooling (SEP).
Modernization o f Basic Education. In 1992 the National Agreement on the
Modernization of Basic Education was enacted to decentralize education from the
national to state levels (SEP, 1998). Three main objectives were incorporated into
this policy. First, the federal government turned over all responsibilities for
approximately 1000 educational institutions to the respective state officials (SEP).
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This included, among other things, facilities, real estate, furniture, teacher materials,
and financial resources. Second, the Agreement revised and improved textbooks and
materials provided in basic education classrooms. Textbooks and curricula had not
been updated in 20 years, a condition that made the lessons irrelevant and outdated
for current students. Third, the Agreement targeted the professional development of
teachers, encouraging them to participate in revamped teacher training programs and
to learn contemporary frameworks in education.
Secretaria Education Publica (SEP). The Ministry of Public Education has
enforced programs and initiatives to increase the quality of life through education for
marginalized populations. Examples of these projects, such as PROGRESA, PARE,
and PRONALF will be described in the following section. Such initiatives are
essential to the well-being of street children, who geographically are hard to reach,
and who often prematurely withdraw from school due to work schedules, and family
needs. With the newly-enacted decentralization policies and the surge in enrollment
rates, Mexico has faced numerous challenges in providing quality education to all
communities equally. The 1995-2000 Education Development Program was devised
to combat these challenges and to formulate and implement solutions (SEP, 1998).
Essentially, the Program focuses on improving the quality of Mexican education by
developing an action plan to incorporate the principles of Article 3 to the
Constitution. The Program aimed to reduce the number of out-of-school children to
one million, and hoped to provide educational opportunities to individuals over 15
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years of age, both the year 2000 (SEP). The Program also intends to bring the
average national years of schooling for ages 15 years and above to 9.0 by the year
2010. The Ministry of Education claims these initiatives and various other strategies
are strong programs to improve national education standards.
Three specific initiatives within the Mexican Education system:
PROGRESA, PARE, and PRONALF, were enacted to improve learning outcomes in
both urban and rural settings. These projects aimed to enhance academics for
children and adults in targeted impoverished communities. PROGRESA and PARE
were programs specifically designed to lower the attrition rates of boys and girls.
PRONALF was a nonformal education tactic to increase literacy among adults. For
the purpose of this research, we can learn from the way the preceding initiatives have
tackled obstacles commonly faced by street children such as child labor, pupil
subsidization, and gender discrimination. We can also learn from the pedagogy and
structure of PRONALF, a nonformal education program. Finally, the diverse
outreach methods and learning incentives demonstrate ways to increase student
retention.
Initiatives Aimed at Impoverished Communities
Programa Nacional de Educacion, Saludy Alimentacion: PROGRESA
Goal. The government initiated the National Program of Education, Health
Care and Nutrition in 1997 to ameliorate poverty and to reform education
(SEDESOL, 1999). PROGRESA was designed to provide an integrated model of
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benefits (i.e., nutrition, health and education) to Mexican families living in poverty,
typically rural residents and indigenous populations.
Target population. PROGRESA has been initiated throughout Mexico’s
most deprived areas. For example, Chiapas and Puebla are the two regions with the
highest numbers of PROGRESA beneficiary families and have the highest levels of
poverty in the country (SEDESOL, 1999). Data indicated that in 1999, PROGRESA
served 250,000 families in 109 municipalities in Chiapas. It served only 42,000
families in 122 municipalities throughout the State of Jalisco (SEDESOL). This is
almost six times the amount of families divided among fewer municipalities because
of the government’s commitment to make serving the poor a priority. In total, all 31
Mexican states are receiving PROGRESA aid, and as of 2001 nearly 2,500,000
families had been served (SEDESOL).
Key elements: nutrition, health and education. As a heavy government effort
to alleviate poverty, PROGRESA is a trilateral program to teach people about the
value of education and nutrition. It protects children and mothers from diseases and
malnourishment by providing a high protein liquid supplement to children and
pregnant or breast-feeding mothers, five times daily and 125 pesos monthly to help
pay for nutritional needs of the entire family. PROGRESA families receive a free
health benefits package to help provide for children’s health care and immunizations.
Doctor’s visits are encouraged and provided in addition to nonformal workshops on
health and nutrition (SEDESOL, 1999).
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PROGRESA’s main emphasis is education (SEDESOL, 1999). The policy
recognizes that economic deprivation is a primary factor in students dropping out of
school to pursue employment opportunities. As will be further demonstrated
throughout this study, street children in particular are destined to miss school to
participate in the informal and formal sectors of labor market. Therefore, the goals
of PROGRESA’s education component are to:
promote the regular school attendance of children and improve their
achievement through educational grants. These grants are given to all boys
and girls in beneficiary families who are between the grades of third year of
primary and third year of secondary school (SEDESOL, 1999, p. 4).
Two key points about the education component are: (a) a monthly stipend is
given to each enrolled child. The stipend increases each year as the student
continues through school; and (b) girls are given larger amounts while in lower
secondary school because more girls drop out of school than do boys (SEDESOL,
1999). Grant money ranges for both sexes from 80 to 165 pesos per month
depending on primary grade level. At the secondary level, girls are given 10 to 40
pesos more per month than boys, again dependent upon grade. PROGRESA seeks to
eliminate gender inequalities through providing economic leverage to girls and
women (SEDESOL).
Gender component. PROGRESA counteracts gender inequality through the
increased stipend for public education that girls receive compared to boys. In
Mexico, the dropout rate of girls is higher in primary and secondary schools
(SEDESOL, 1999). Girls are encouraged to stay at home and to pursue early
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marriages with an eye towards domestic futures. Girls are often directed into
specific gender roles (e.g., mother, care taker, nurse) because they lack the self-
confidence and empowerment needed to pursue nontraditional disciplines (e.g.,
engineering, law, medicine). Codependency, male dominance, and hegemony are
characteristics of Mexican societies perpetuating poverty. Grants, therefore, are
awarded to the mothers of each household. PROGRESA attempts to transform
patriarchal societies by providing mothers with a respectable amount of economic
control and corresponding equality in the family decision-making process.
PROGRESA takes into account that women are generally the ones who make
a fair, responsible and appropriate use of household resources, particularly to
the benefit of children. On the other hand, PROGRESA realizes there are
still inequalities which make women more vulnerable to poverty and
undermine their efforts to improve their family’s economic situation.
PROGRESA thus aims to empower women so that they will have egalitarian
opportunities and personal development (SEDESOL, 1999, pp. 5-6).
From a feminist theoretical perspective, females with the appropriate
resources can arm themselves against the fundamentals of poverty. Rooted in
inefficient access to adequate health programs and educational opportunities, poverty
affects family relations, gender equality, resourcefulness, economics and
employment prospects.
Implementation. The execution of this community program can be critiqued
from a critical theorist perspective. Like Freire’s critical model, participatory action
is a key feature of the PROGRESA program. Community meetings are held to
explain the PROGRESA initiative and to select beneficiary families. Therefore,
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citizens are incorporated into creating the program’s local agenda and included in the
decision-making system. Subsequently, a female advocate is chosen as the liaison
between the community and the program (SEDESOL, 1999). This elected resident,
the promoter, is essentially the voice for all families, and communicates the needs of
the population to PROGRESA sponsors. Through the promoter and the three main
components of nutrition, education, and gender, PROGRESA aims to reduce and to
eliminate cycles of poverty among Mexican citizens.
Evaluation. PROGRESA employs qualitative and quantitative methods of
assessing program effectiveness (SEDESOL, 1999). Data such as school records,
family surveys, and women’s labor patterns have been analyzed to determine the
value of this initiative on Mexican outlooks. The literature, however, did not present
any conclusive evaluations.
In addressing the conditions of street children, it is important to mention three
suggested areas of improvement that are relevant to this dissertation. At the
individual level - although PROGRESA is focused on marginalized communities -
the program requires all children to present a certificate of funding to their school
administrators for endorsement. Often street and working children cannot furnish
signatures from their principals and vice principals because they are frequently
absent from school. Furthermore, at the program level - HIV/AIDS awareness,
prevention, and treatment programs were not recognized within the existing
literature. HIV/AIDS is a prevalent and profound reality of the Mexican community.
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PROGRESA’s efforts do not provide a comprehensive health approach. Finally, at
the gender level - although any amount of monetary funding is valuable - girls are
receiving only one to four dollars more than boys per month.
Programapara Abatir el Rezago Educativo: PARE
Goal and target population. As a five-year initiative, the Program to
Eradicate Educational Lag was the result of expected standards of the government’s
Education Modernization Agreement (Lopez Acevedo, 1999). The goal of PARE
was to improve the quality of basic education through increased educational
resources and expenditures in four targeted regions: Oaxaca, Guerrero, Chiapas, and
Hidalgo. These specific regions were chosen as PARE target areas because of their
significant levels of poverty and low educational outcomes. Objectives of PARE to
improve the quality of basic education in Mexico included the following: “(1)
reducing the high repetition and dropout rates; (2) raising the level of cognitive
achievement of children; and (3) strengthening management of the primary
education system, including program design and implementation, monitoring and
evaluation of the system” (Lopez Acevedo, 1999, p. 4).
According to Lopez Acevedo (1999), two primary research organizations
have conducted evaluations of PARE using both quantitative and qualitative
measures of analysis. After an intense investigation of both of these
PARE/govemment sponsored research studies, Lopez Acevedo prepared a
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supplemental report for an intervention analysis section of the World Bank, Mexico
Country Management Unit. This report will be the framework for this section.
Key elements. The conceptual model of PARE suggested two primary
implications for increased quality education and program effectiveness. First, the
original research indicated four targeted socioeconomic communities which applied
this program model in the schools: (1) urban areas; (2) rural areas; (3) native or
indigenous communities with non-Spanish speaking residents; and (4) rural areas
supported by CONAFE (Consejo Nacional de Fomento Educativo, National Council
on Progressive Education) (Lopez Acevedo, 1999).
Like PROGRESA, this government initiative was also aimed at reducing
dropout rates within the basic education systems of impoverished communities.
Emphasis was also placed on identifying these four specific communities from
diverse regions where low quality education programs were evident. Whereas
PROGRESA’s initial objective was to address rural and indigenous locations, PARE
identified poverty factors in metropolitan communities as well.
Another reason for increased quality education was the use of cost effective
means. Lopez Acevedo cited the fact that “additional resources” for PARE
participating schools covered pedagogical items, such as increased teacher
observations and teacher aid materials (e.g., higher quality text books, libraries, etc.)
and infrastructural components, such as classroom and facility maintenance (i.e.,
needed building repairs). However, Lopez Acevedo asserted that classrooms and
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school sites received an unequal number of resources (i.e., some schools received
more advantages than others), and not all schools began the program at the same
deficiency level (i.e., certain schools had more extreme needs than others).
Evaluation. In assessing the impact of PARE, Lopez Acevedo (1999) based
her evaluation only on those schools receiving all contributions of the initiative.
Therefore, her analysis is a representation of select schools from rural and native
territories, consisting of students with the “lowest educational attainment, poorest
test performance and highest incidence of school desertion” (p. 6). Using control
groups from comparable Michoacan schools, and experimental groups from rural and
native schools, students’ levels of performance on Spanish exams were measured
through pre and post testing. Lopez Acevedo found both rural and native schools
had increased academic achievements as a result of PARE. Her research discussed
these results in view of second language acquisition, and supply and demand
variables, including parents, teachers, quality of administration, student self-esteem.
Yet her conclusion remains, “a 30 percent deficit in test scores among rural students
can be overcome by roughly doubling the amount of resources per student” (p. 19).
Within her findings she also highlighted negative effects when addressing the cost-
effectiveness outlook of the model. Lopez Acevedo attributed the negative
relationship of cost-effectiveness to pupil achievement possibly to the partial
application of PARE in some schools and asserted that PARE must be fully
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implemented to achieve the maximum results. In spite of these results, students
continued to achieve higher academic test results because of PARE.
Lopez Acevedo (1999) saw this program as a model for improved academics,
particularly in native and rural schools where students’ performance levels are lower
than those of their urban counterparts. However, SEP’s educational evaluation of
PARE reported that students from rural, native, and urban areas demonstrated
adequate levels of basic academic skills upon entrance to school, implying equal skill
levels among all three groups (SEP, 1998). Federal programs have been underway to
replicate the PARE model and to increase initiatives.
The National Program o f Literacy Training: PRONALF
Target population. In 1970 the percentage of adults (15 years and older) with
incomplete basic education was 91% (SEP, 1998, p. 59). The need for literacy and
adult education was overwhelming, yet the demand for these programs was
adversely low (Morales-Gomez & Torres, 1990). In 1975, SEP created SNEA, The
National Service of Adult Education, to provide literacy training and basic
educational services to persons 15 years and older. However, Morales-Gomez and
Torres indicated that, within a three-year operational period “less than 5 percent of
the total population representing the potential demand for adult education in the
country was registered in the system” (p. 113). Six years later, enrollment continued
to remain low, and strides in literacy development were minimal. SEP then initiated
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PRONALF (The National Program of Literacy Training) to ameliorate these
inefficiencies in adult education (Morales-Gomez & Torres).
Goal. PRONALF began in May 1981 with lofty goals to solve the Mexican
illiteracy dilemma. Ideally, PRONALF aimed to make one million people literate by
1982 (Morales-Gomez & Torres, 1990). This principal objective operated under the
auspices of the PRONALF philosophy of “offering to all Mexican illiterates older
than 15 years of age who demand it the opportunity to become literate and use
reading and writing skills” (PRONALF-SEP, as cited in Morales-Gomez & Torres,
p. 115).
Key elements. PRONALF was created by SEP and operated in a highly
centralized, systematic approach. Dominating, hierarchical administrators were
located at the top while the grassroots, philanthropic literacy volunteers were found
at the bottom. PRONALF had five levels of administration: the national, state, and
regional coordinators, the regional organizer, and finally the literacy teachers and
facilitators (Morales-Gomez & Torres, 1990). Not surprisingly, the national level
controlled all financial resources and the distribution of classroom materials. From
this point, there was a trickle down effect which reached the grassroots level, in
which the primary tasks were to locate, enroll, and educate illiterate Mexicans.
There was little remuneration for carrying out this national objective. Most
personnel at the grassroots level worked for small stipends, accolades for
volunteering, and high school credit (Morales-Gomez & Torres).
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Curriculum methods employed by PRONALF were designed from the
conceptual framework of Paulo Freire’s Education for Critical Consciousness, an
essential model of this dissertation (Morales-Gomez & Torres, 1990). Freire’s
original methodology takes a progressive approach to learning in which students are
taught reading and writing through the use of their everyday concepts, the
“generative words” (Freire, 1970). Once these everyday concepts have been
identified, themes are drawn and, assuming the students are marginalized members
of society, they are encouraged to discuss and reflect upon social, political, and
economic forces of subjugation from the thematic relationships. A trained literacy
facilitator assists the group in devising and executing frameworks for intervention
and action, hence, arriving at critical consciousness and collective action (Freire,
1970). Yet PRONALF’s literacy program deconstructed Freire’s original pedagogy.
It eliminated the entire phase of critical consciousness, preventing political or
liberating ideologies from occurring (Morales-Gomez & Torres). The reflected
concepts and themes had no relevance to the everyday existence of the students.
Therefore, unlike Freire’s objective to teach literacy from a meaningful angle,
PRONALF’s methods included a distant and unrelated strategy to language
acquisition.
Evaluation. Morales-Gomez and Torres (1990) articulated that PRONALF
was unsuccessful in impacting the illiterate populations of Mexico. Factors affecting
this outcome included the adjustments made to the chosen pedagogy, indifferent
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teachers, and inexperienced administrative personnel, particularly at the national
level. Teachers have the largest impact on student learning and language acquisition.
In the case of PRONALF, teachers were primarily volunteers and had minimally
vested interests in carrying out the PRONALF program to its fullest capacity.
Teachers were also expected to employ the government sponsored curricular
materials, which lacked meaning and relevance to the lives of their students. They
became disheartened as the student dropout rate ascended. At the administrative
level, 83% of personnel had no teaching experience and came predominantly from
middle-class backgrounds (Morales-Gomez & Torres). The national administration
was the decision making body of PRONALF but had no direct experience with
illiteracy, poverty, or pedagogical strategies. As a result of this and further
difficulties, Morales-Gomez and Torres found “the reading ability of PRONALF’s
graduates diminished over time and that the cognitive returns of the program were
low” (p. 127).
The three intervention models provide relevant background information to
the current case study. PROGRESA aims to subsidize families with children in
school, thereby decreasing the number of household contributors and encouraging
children to remain in school rather than on the street. It also pays particular attention
to the attrition rates of girls and recognizes differences leading to lower enrollment
figures of girls. Finally, PROGRESA seeks to increase the decision-making power
of women via control of the financial support and appointment as community liaison.
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PARE attempts to strengthen program components of the public school
system. This is critical to marginalized communities that lack the resources and
education to fight for school support and accountability. “Poorer parents, who send
their children to public school, often lack the resources and means for exerting
influence, or do not know what demands should be made, so public education does
not improve” (Credo & Pyle, 1996, p. 8). According to the Mexican Constitution, all
children, marginalized or not, are entitled to public school services.
PRONALF was unsuccessful in replicating Paulo Freire’s education for
critical consciousness. Freire’s methods worked when participatory learners
catapulted their everyday social, economic, and cultural realities into action and
change. Freire’s theory links the improvement of skills (reading and writing) with
this model of consciousness, and insists both will emerge given the appropriate
setting. In the case of street children, this research project is taking a closer look at
how pedagogies for critical consciousness are used with children. Enticed by the
economic vitality of the street, street children are a complicated group to draw into a
learning atmosphere. Additionally, street and working children are included in those
identified by Morales-Gomez and Torres as individuals with incomplete basic
education patterns and/or who are illiterate (1990). As the authors mentioned, the
education resources for illiterate and out-of-school individuals is tremendously low
in relation to those who need it. PRONALF serves as a reference point for mistakes
made in attracting and teaching marginalized populations.
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Further strategies for marginalized communities. In addition to
PROGRESA, PARE and PRONALF, the government has made efforts to advance
marginalized communities. The Program to Eradicate Educational Lag in Basic
Education (PAREB) began in 1994 to target low-income pupils from urban, rural,
and indigenous areas (SEP, 1998). PAREB was modeled after the PARE initiative
and provided the essential resources needed to attend school. Program for the
Development of Initial Education (PRODEI) was a recruitment tool initiated in 1981
and used to educate parents with toddlers about the advantages of primary school
(SEP). PRODEI operated within impoverished sectors of Mexico, where many
children are not afforded the opportunity to attend school. Program for Supporting
Underprivileged Schools (PAED) was installed in 1992 to distribute basic resources
such as books and furniture more effectively to schools in need. In 1997 PAED
merged with a larger SEP initiative, PIARE, to increase support services (SEP).
Discrepancies in government initiatives. The Mexican government’s
initiatives demonstrate the alarming reality of children living in poverty and lacking
the adequate resources for success. Yet their attempts were not thorough, nor all-
inclusive. The nation’s constitutional objective to provide free and compulsory
education to all citizens remains distant.
Outside of PROGRESA, Mexico has developed minimal programs to
increase the educational attainment of girls, and lacks formal initiatives towards the
advancement of street children. A case in point is the 1998 SEP document, where
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there is no mention of street or working children, and only one reference to gender
discrepancies within higher education, without any suggestion of ameliorative
policies (SEP, 1998). Debated issues describing barriers to schooling are noted in a
report of a meeting between the United Nations and the Mexican federal authorities
on the Convention of the Rights of the Child (UN, 1999b). At this meeting the
United Nations reviewed Mexico’s second periodic report and questioned the federal
government’s lack of emphasis on girls and street children who are significantly left
out of the literature. Mexico’s defense was that the government’s focus had been on
increasing expenditures for education and creating policies to reduce poverty.
The United Nations also challenged the country’s lack of nongovernmental
organization (NGO) information and the specific monitoring process for NGOs in
Mexico (UN, 1999b). Mexico responded, “with specific reference to NGOs
involved in children’s issues, the Government had begun collaborating with NGOs
working with street children and children involved in prostitution, which had not
been the case at the time of preparing the report” (UN, p. 3). Programs like PARE
and PRONALF suggest that girls and street children are often ignored, and lack
formal protective policies. To date, efforts have not been widespread and do not
increase educational access for out-of-school children or females. If children are not
enrolled in school, specific initiatives such as PROGRESA and PARE are ineffective
attempts to improve their situations. Further research and program evaluations are
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critical in creating education reforms that work. What do children need to learn in
school that will attract them to the classroom and keep them there?
Empowerment
The design of an empowering program is an intrinsic and ideal concept in
seeking to provide access to education for street and working children. Nonformal
and formal education systems can be opportunities to employ empowering
pedagogies, especially when working with at-risk youth populations. Empowerment,
a term originating from the 1960’s United States Civil Rights Movement, most
commonly refers to vulnerable groups. It is assumed that the conscious dynamic that
occurs once individuals become aware of their subordinate position in society, and
take action to make changes demonstrates the concept of empowerment.
“Empowerment seeks to combine and expand both consciousness raising and
participation so that individuals not only may understand their society and the place
they currently have in it, but may undertake efforts to modify social relations”
(Stromquist, 1994, p. 266). Nonformal education may be used as a tool to empower
marginal communities by providing the information needed to stimulate
consciousness and the encouragement needed to urge participatory actions.
Consciousness is required for empowerment to occur. It is essential for individuals
to realize their own strengths and to know that their behavior and attitudes are
powerful and different from their previously inhibited actions. In relation to street
children, empowerment is evident as children become aware of the loss of hope in
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their familiar street territory and realize they possess the resources with which to
make better decisions in life, abilities which may have remained inhibited, were it
not for a consciousness raising nonformal education program.
Empowering Urban Street Children
Empowerment is relative to its context; therefore, for the purpose of this
research study, empowerment manifests as street children move towards a greater
understanding of themselves from an individual perspective via the teaching and
learning of nonformal education. To assess empowerment, this study will observe
and interview children and educators, individually and interactively, to determine
actual empowerment in the lives of street youth from a qualitative perspective. As a
complex element, empowerment is a psychological state of mind that can be applied
to combat subordination on different levels, and to fully comprehend the concept one
must look at empowerment from various positions. Empowerment intersects
children’s lives through: (1) cognitive awareness and psychological well-being, (2)
economic stability, and (3) educational attainment (Stromquist, 1993). These three
main points will be evaluated when looking at the intersection of empowerment and
street children.
Cognitive awareness and psychological well-being o f street children. Family
disintegration and dysfunctional households were primary crossroads, causing severe
psychological damage to children in Latin America. Casa Alianza, a globally
renowned nonprofit organization educating street children, has conducted several
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studies in Guatemala, Honduras, and Mexico, identifying the needs of their client
population (Casa Alianza, 1998). During the Inter American Commission on Street
Children in Latin America, the organization presented key findings from its research.
Children are subjected to disparaging conditions, of which physical and
psychological troubles include, but are not limited to, “hallucinations, pulmonary
edema, kidney failure, and irreversible brain damage” (p. 1). Empowerment in the
area of cognitive awareness requires the child’s understanding of his or her own life
and how it has developed. It is acquiring the knowledge to understand
uncontrollable family dynamics or other harmful relationships. It is also having the
strength to act independently of unhealthy situations without feeling guilt or
resentment. It is the desire to learn and to increase critical awareness skills and to
take steps to move forward.
Economic stability o f street children. Empowerment in the area of financial
stability is critical to street children, because their only source of income is through
self-earned wages. Economic subordination causes children to identify the street as
their “home,” a conceptual framework that is particularly dysfunctional. Access to
nonformal education programs, which provide vocational training or preparation
leading to the formal school system, enables children to have a sense of economic
relief and possibly an identified career path. While many street children are
independent of their parents and are extremely autonomous, they are also forcefully
controlled by unjust conditions in society, making them resort to deadly areas of
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economic support, such as prostitution. Economic empowerment can be created by
engaging working children and those living in the streets in activities that lead to
money management, self-sufficiency, and increased self-worth.
Educational access and attainment for street children. Finally,
empowerment is achieved through education. Children with repressive family
practices, financial constraints, or unsupportive parents are at times denied the right
to education. Empowerment in education enables children to address their school
needs. Completing a nonformal education program followed by reintegration into
the formal school system, or utilizing nonformal education from a vocational training
perspective, become viable options. Research indicates that girls in developing areas
are made to sacrifice their education for the welfare of their families (Bellew &
King, 1993). Parental restrictions and domestic responsibilities impede girls’
attendance and participation in class, which places them behind in learning the
instructional material. Nonformal programs are offered to accommodate students’
schedules and to provide essential curriculum. Girls who are restricted by household
chores enroll in programs with flexible hours. They recognize the importance of
education and of meeting their families’ demands. Their educational empowerment
is a direct result of their increased knowledge and their remaining in school.
Empowerment along with its three central values can be studied from several
theoretical angles. This paper will present two ideologies that complement one
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another thus creating a critical feminist pedagogy: Paulo Freire’s framework for
critical consciousness and a feminist epistemology.
Theoretical Framework
Critical Theory
Paulo Freire began his mission with the peasant communities in Latin
America, encouraging them to contest the dominating forces in society (i.e., the
government, land owners), which controlled their livelihoods. Thus Freire’s mission
was a pursuit of political and economic justice through education. Within this social
context, Freire developed an emancipatory framework with two distinct markers for
educating oppressed populations. First, he instrumentally employed the term,
conscientizagao, “learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions,
and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality,” as the foundation for
his profound teaching strategies (1970, p. 17). Second, he exposed oppression
through the interpretation of life’s dualities (1970). For example, in his analysis of
subject versus object, individuals or learners who are told information and whose
creativity and intellect are inhibited and controlled by authoritative figures are
regarded as objects in society. On the contrary, individuals who have been
integrated into the learning process and are expected to critically analyze the
knowledge imparted to them by teachers are considered subjects. Objects in our
society are, in essence, oppressed individuals, in that they are not given the
opportunity to think, critique, and understand.
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Freire viewed education and the learning environment as a venue for
transforming human beings to become empowered, conscious citizens in our society,
thereby moving from objects to subjects. Critical pedagogy is a radical approach
towards creating critically aware and empowered communities out of marginal ones,
an instruction and belief system which can be applied to street children.
Feminist Epistemology
The allied relationship between feminist and critical theoretical frameworks
has particular relevance to a case study on empowering education for marginalized
children. First, because marginalized essentially indicates impoverished, and the
contextual framework of critical pedagogy focuses on persons escaping economic
subordination (Freire, 1970). Second, children are often overlooked as critical
decision-makers within our communities and a feminist theory will attempt to
explain why and how children are silenced and the need to recognize their power and
voice as a collective force. For the purposes of this case study, a critical feminist
pedagogy attempts to explain the notion of an oppressed population (i.e., children)
transforming into social change agents on micro (individual) and meso (community)
levels (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 1998). As emancipatory frameworks, feminist and
critical models challenge the current hierarchical structures, which typically
reinforce the social exclusion of children from global education systems.
Employing critical and feminist theoretical models, this study will examine
the concept of empowerment as a pedagogical practice and learned outcome for
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street children in nonformal education. The situation of street children will be
addressed in Chapter Two, followed by descriptions and examples of current
nonformal education practices throughout Latin America. Empowerment will be
reviewed in relation to three fundamental ideas: psychological well-being, economic
stability, and educational access and attainment.
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CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELEVENT LITERATURE
Overview
This research attempts to examine multiple education themes in one succinct
analysis. The terms: street children (population served), nonformal education
(program offered), and empowerment (learned outcome) are the complex and
varying expressions central to this study. Chapter Two explores literature covering
these topics and the variations among theorists and authors on their respective
subjects. Chapter Two also draws from the agreed-upon definitions and models that
frame each of these concepts to create a benchmark with which to work and assess.
Additionally, the research task of assessing empowerment, the anticipated learned
outcome, is deliberated upon for the purpose of finding a method that is
epistemologically acceptable, child-centered, and feasible to a project in Mexico.
This review begins with the fundamental characteristics of street children and moves
into the theoretical frameworks and practice of nonformal education. The chapter
concludes by considering the various definitions of empowerment and models for
assessing it.
Street Children
In this contextual analysis, street children are the identified learners within
the nonformal education program. In order to assess suitable pedagogical strategies,
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it is important to review the conditions and parameters that surround street children:
who they are, where they live, how they survive, and what they need.
Street Children Defined
Sociological approach. In reviewing the term “street children,” various
definitions are used among authors. Nonformal advocacy programs such as Casa
Alianza and JUCONI Foundation Project, often characterize youth on the street from
a sociological perspective, assessing familial relationships, societal conditions, and
factors leading to anti-social behavior and deviance. Street children have been:
orphaned by civil war, abused or rejected by dysfunctional and poverty
stricken families, and further traumatized by the indifference of the societies
in which they live. Ubiquitous and growing in numbers, many far too young
to comprehend their fate, they beg, steal, and sell themselves for a hot meal, a
hot shower, a clean bed {Casa Alianza, 1998, p. 3).
Important to the sociological view is the way street children affect society. Hecht
(1998, p. 4) wrote, “.. .street children inhabit the public spaces of cities throughout
the Americas and, indeed, the world. Street children are seen singing for change on
public buses, begging in central squares and sleeping on doorsteps.”
Psychological approach. Researchers who conduct qualitative investigations
dealing with deviance and the incorrigibility of children often perceive street
children from a psychological frame of reference. Typically a child’s emotional
instability or rebellious behavior is indicative of his or her encounters with physical
and psychological abuse in and out of the home. “It would appear that street
children engage in criminal activities mainly to ensure their own survival” (Agneli,
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1986, p. 112). According to Agneli, “street children as such are not delinquent, but
only immediate candidates for delinquency if their needs are not met” (as cited in le
Roux & Sylvia, 1998, p. 4). Street children have also been defined by researchers
according to their incapacitation and learning disabilities, . .refugees, children with
disabilities, children affected by organized violence, unaccompanied children in
disasters, as well as street and working children” potentially fall under the umbrella
term, “street children” (Connolly & Ennew, 1996).
Educational approach. Street educators, international nongovernmental
organizations, privately funded schools, and other advocacy groups believe that, if
given the chance, street children can become productive citizens in society. Hecht
(1998) outlined three ways educational programs help street children: (1) educators
roam the streets providing advice on sensitive topics such as health, family,
relationships, and money; (2) programs employ vocational training courses and
career services; and (3) programs call children off the street to take shelter for the
evening. Hecht also stated that educational organizations in various communities
determine what the average childhood experience ought to be. From that, educators
work with children according to the program’s philosophy. How street children are
treated by case managers in Bogota, Colombia, is different from how social workers
in Los Angeles handle runaways.
Economic approach. Widely respected international agencies also brand
street youth according to their function within the economic marketplace. The
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International Labour Organization is one agency that struggles to protect children in
their various positions as factory workers, rug weavers, and street workers. Bequele
and Boyden (1998) researched the types of employment risks faced by street and
working children. Their study identified malnutrition, exposure to toxic substances,
and sexual harassment as just three of the primary hazards for working youth.
Overall however, “.. .many street children live under constant threat of violence,
even from the public authorities. A survey of street children in Brazil, for example,
showed that they feared violence more than anything else in their lives” (p. 155).
Bequele and Boyden explored ways to reduce this fear in the workplace through
methods like policy reform and grassroots advocacy for street youth.
Sociocultural approach. However, according to Blunt (1994, p. 237),
UNICEF provides a widely used conceptual framework for street children that will
be employed in this dissertation,
Street children are those for whom the street (in the widest sense of the word,
including unoccupied buildings, wasteland, etc.) more than their family has
become their real home, a situation in which there is no protection,
supervision, or direction from responsible adults.
Researchers will also commonly use the following categories to capture the
environmental and sociocultural circumstances of street children (i.e., family
connection, child labor, school attendance, and behavior patterns). They distinguish
among groups: (1) Children ON the street have family connections and some sense
of normality in their lives. They work on the streets, but may sleep at home and
attend school. Delinquent behavior is not a common characteristic of this group; (2)
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Children OF the street actually live in the street. They may have some connection
with their families but basic survival needs are met on the streets, including familial-
like companionships. This group is primarily absent from school, exhibits higher
levels of delinquent behaviors, and is frequently in conflict with government
officials; and (3) Abandoned children have completely broken off all association
with their families and live and work in the streets. Like children of the streets,
abandoned children express deviant behaviors and rarely attend school (UN
Chronicle, 1989; le Roux & Sylvia, 1998).
In addressing the nature of street children, it is important to understand youth
according to their sociocultural circumstances outlined above. Educational strategies
are designed and modified for children who work on the streets and for those who
work and also live on the streets. Desired pedagogical programs vary according to
children’s needs. Children ON the street may need collective organization skills and
increased knowledge of human rights violations to protect themselves against
violations of child labor laws. Children OF the street may need a school curriculum
that teaches money management, whereas children ON the street may give all of
their earnings to their families. Although severely oppressed, children ON the street
typically have nuclear family units, which is unlike children OF the streets, who only
have each other. The following section addresses the differentiation between
children ON the streets and children OF the streets.
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Children ON the Street.
Family connections. Children ON the street maintain family attachments and
sometimes a sense of community within their family units. Although these
relationships can be highly dysfunctional, children ON the street have a place to
retreat to in the evening and people to connect with. Primarily these children come
from poor rural families which have moved to the city for increased economic
opportunities. As a result of the unbearably low socioeconomic dynamics, parents
are forced to send their children to the streets to become contributors to the family
income. As the stress level intensifies due to the harsh conditions of poverty and
family disintegration, so does the need for relief. Parents (biological and step
parents alike) often resort to violence, abuse, and alcoholism, making it seem
advantageous for children to cut off family ties all together and to become children
of the street. In a qualitative study of children in Nepal, Lucchini (1996) found,
“Children in stepfamilies reported leaving because of abuse rather than poverty” (p.
184).
Child labor and school attendance. Aptekar (1994) estimated that over three
quarters of street children in developing countries work to provide assistance for
their distressed families. Unfortunately, employers commonly abuse their young
employees. According to Blunt, the International Labour Organization defines labor
exploitation as work “which limits or threatens the growth and development of the
child physically, emotionally, socially, or mentally” (1994, p. 242). Children ON the
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street are subjected to insufferable employment hardships. They are forced to work
long hours with no breaks. Malnutrition and fatigue shape their psychological and
physical development. Most labor positions force children to work for less than
minimal wage; half of working Mexican children do not receive remuneration (UN,
1999a).
These conditions make it difficult for children to attend school and to actively
learn and produce in the classroom. UNICEF has conducted several policy
initiatives aimed at protecting working street children from labor exploitation and
encouraging them to return to the classroom (1997). UNICEF views work as the
chief reason for primary school attrition, but contends that schools could do a much
better job reaching and sustaining working children. “A comprehensive strategy to
combat hazardous child labour must begin with its logical alternative: high quality
schools and relevant educational programmes to which families will want to send
their children and in which children will want to participate” (p. 48). A UNICEF
study, Children out o f school: A cost and cause o f child labour, throughout several
developing regions indicated that youth would prefer working to attending school
(1997). However, for those enrolled in school, vocational training or alternative
programs are available. Many of these programs allow the student to learn what he
or she needs to function economically and to survive. Alternatives to formal
education will be discussed later in this chapter.
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Behavior patterns. Children ON the street have problems different from
children OF the street. Because all street children belong to the lowest
socioeconomic strata, they must resort to survival mechanisms that are generally
illegal. Tierney (1997) indicated that 100 percent of street girls incarcerated for
prostitution in Guatemala had family incomes of 100 dollars or less per month.
Ninety percent of boys arrested for theft had family incomes of below 100 dollars
per month (p. 131). When authorities are not banishing children ON the, street for
evening shelter arrangements (e.g., streets, alleyways, sidewalks, storefronts, and
other public areas), police are arresting them for petty theft, larceny, loitering and
prostitution.
Children OF the Street.
Family connections. In Mexico it is rare to find a child with absolutely no
familial ties, one in the category of “abandoned child” (UN Chronicle, 1989; le Roux
& Sylvia, 1998). Children OF the street do not fall within this group, but have
similar family relationships to those of abandoned children. These youth typically
escape the violence or abuse in their home and create a new family identity on the
streets. Le Roux & Sylvia (1998) discuss the context with which children living on
the streets of South of South Africa find security and a sense of group identity.
“[T]hey represent an exceptional companionship system, which replaces the family
as a source of emotional and economic support. The group offers protection,
support, friendship and solidarity. Its members generally show strong loyalty to each
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other” (p. 2). Although children living on the street have almost no contact with
their nuclear or extended family, they do have familial-like connections with
children in parallel situations.
Child labor and school attendance. Living and working in the street offers
minimal options. Children are hired as seasonal, migrant, and casual workers. So,
although temporary, they are employed but are subjected to tedious and arduous
tasks, risking their emotional and physical health (Bequele & Boyden, 1988).
International Labour Organization research has found that the most dangerous job
done by children OF the street is agrarian, which often requires them to use heavy
machinery, and exposes them to toxic chemicals and unbearable boredom (Bequele
& Boyden). The International Labour Organization (as cited in Bequele & Boyden)
also reported that girls are exploited and discriminated against differently than boys.
They are generally asked to perform more tedious and concentrated tasks and are
paid less than their male counterparts for their work. The child pom and sex industry
lavishly rewards its owners at the expense of children. The United Nations asserted
that pornography was a growing abusive marketplace for employers to take
advantage of children. As stated by the United Nations “commercial sexual
exploitation is a serious and growing problem, especially in Mexico City, several
ports, and border cities with a high volume of tourism” (UN, 1999a, p. 3).
These conditions prevent even the most diligent student from staying
attentive and eager in school. School is seen as a futile endeavor by both parents and
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children (Bequele & Boyden, 1988). People of impoverished communities, who
generally have little schooling, have a preconceived notion favoring the economic
marketplace over education.
Behavior patterns. The economic subsistence of children OF the street
depends on their competitiveness within the informal sector of the economy.
Typically, children who are physically and emotionally separated from their parents
adopt criminal behaviors as coping methods for survival (le Roux & Smith, 1998).
Unlike average urban schoolchildren, children OF the street engage in dangerous and
anti-social acts such as, "fire throwing (spitting out gasoline over a naked flame),
petty theft (car side mirrors, piece of bread, a purse), and child prostitution" (Casa
Alianza, 1996, p. 2). Often, society reacts to these children in an unsympathetic
manner, as described below in the segment on physical abuse. Involved in
humiliating survival tactics, and regarded by society as annoying, low levels of self
esteem and self-confidence persist among children OF the street {Casa Alianza).
Physical abuse. Parallel characteristics exist between the two groups, such as
prevalence of abuse by authorities and susceptibility to sexually transmitted diseases.
Latin American citizens, particularly government agents, have minimal tolerance or
empathy for street children; several exercise exploitation and extreme persecution.
In 1996, the Chicago Tribune reviewed the torture of Latin American homeless
children in depth. Brazil’s military officers were tried for murdering eight street
children, as young as 11 years old, while they were sleeping on the front steps of
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Candelaria Cathedral, a church in Rio de Janeiro. The children were considered a
nuisance to society because they were itinerant and used criminal behaviors as
coping mechanisms. This form of human rights violations, physical harassment, and
intimidation, is discussed by Tierney (1997). Tierney’s account of Guatemalan street
children portrays hundreds of episodes of police brutality (1997). “The officers, four
in total, began dousing the kids with their glue. When Nahaman resisted they
became enraged, kicking and beating him into unconsciousness. As the other
children fled, the police left Nahaman to die” (p. 146).
Sexual abuse and sexually transmitted infections. Street children are primary
targets for sexual exploitation and promiscuous behavior. Consequently they are
also are highly susceptible to contracting the Human Immunodeficiency Virus
(HIV), the Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS), and other sexually
transmitted diseases. A study conducted by Centro de Desarrollo Integral
Comunitario indicated that 63 of the 275 Guatemalan street children interviewed
reported sexual abuse by parents and family members (Tierney, 1997). ChildHope
(as cited in Tierney) also estimated that 80% of street girls in Guatemala practiced
prostitution for economic survival. Thus, it is of primary importance to educate
children about health related topics and communicable diseases (le Roux & Smith,
1998). Sex education, counseling services, and adolescent guidance have not
adequately provided the resources and contraceptives needed to reduce sexual
promiscuity and sexually transmitted infections among youth in Mexico (UN,
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1999b). USAID’s Congressional Presentation 2000 identified Mexico as having the
third largest population of persons infected with HIV/AIDS in the Western
Hemisphere. Due to the high rates of prostitution, females who lack positive
intervention techniques and health education, are prime targets for sexually
contracting communicable diseases, undergoing illegal abortions, and becoming
victims of sexual abuse.
Street Girls
Cultural norms andfemale labor. Research commonly asserts that males
dominate the street (le Roux, 1996). However, despite cultural norms and the value
placed on females working at home, young Mexican girls are obligated to join the
informal sector of the economy, and the streets. Generally girls are encouraged, if
not forced, to remain at home because they are needed to perform domestic duties
(i.e., tending to their younger siblings, cooking, and cleaning). From a human capital
approach, boys are seen as economic providers and are pushed to the streets to look
for work.
It appears that girls are abandoned less frequently, and when the family
disintegrates, relatives and neighbors are more willing to take them in than
boys, since the girls assist with household tasks and child-minding. When
girls drift onto the streets in their teens, they tend to become prostitutes and
find accommodation rather than remain on the streets (le Roux, 1996, p. 3).
Girls, therefore, maintain a presence on the street. Their number is incalculable
because, unlike boys, girls are much more covert in their practices. They are a
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challenging research target. Feminist theorists suggest working girls are income
counterparts to boys and need protective policies to ensure their basic human rights.
Current research efforts and the importance o f nonformal education.
Minimal research efforts have been made in the area of gender differentiations, and
the quality of certain existing publications insufficiently explores the emergent issues
of girls (i.e., pregnancy, rape, molestation, sexually transmitted diseases, etc.).
Research often indiscriminately groups girls’ and boys’ needs rather than separating
the issues. Both Blunt (1994) and Casa Alianza (1996) illustrate why protection,
particularly from sexual abuse, is imperative.
Both boys and girls experience gendered forms of exploitation in the
workplace and the home, yet it is girls who are more likely to be both sexually and
physically abused (Blunt, 1994). A research study on the sexual abuse crisis in Latin
America identified 143 Guatemalan street children, of whom 25% had sexual
encounters with more than 4 partners per day and of those 36 children, 33 were girls.
In addition, 64% of the girls reported their father or mother as the first person with
whom they had sexual relations {Casa Alianza, 1996). Grave psychological damage
can be inflicted on girls as they experience sexual exploitation, sexuality, body
changes and emotional development. A street girl in Latin America faces the
collective burden of being female, living on the street, and surviving as an
uneducated member of society.
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Education based on social equality and empowerment can play a large role in
helping girls and boys reestablish their identities, increase their levels of self-
efficacy, and emancipate themselves from social discrimination and the humiliation
of poverty. Le Roux and Smith (1998, p. 5) see this educational intervention piece
facilitated at three levels: “macro (government policy), meso (community), and
micro (the children themselves).” At the macro level, policies created to enhance
nonformal education programs and to increase student participation must include
street children. Effective policies can help change the negative images of street
children at the meso or community level, lessening street children’s resentment
towards society. Nonformal education can be viewed as having creative and positive
impacts on micro levels, affecting diverse groups of children. Its innovative and
accommodating approaches to creating a learning environment, such as half school
days and an adaptive curriculum (working with children at their skill level, not their
grade level) have begun to bridge the gap between working children and children in
the formal school system (UNICEF, 1997). Many street children are sharp, intuitive,
industrious, and in their unstructured surroundings, are able to optimize a variety of
choices such as bargaining or manipulating. If given the appropriate educational
opportunities, street children have the potential viability to combine an academic
component with their learned environmental skills for empowerment.
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Nonformal Education
As urban areas shift toward more cosmopolitan communities, the emphasis
on innovative and inclusive educational programs is essential to providing learning
opportunities to all children. Since the 1970s, there has been growth in the
evolvement of nonformal education systems, distinguishing them from the private
and public formal school systems. Stromquist (1998a) defines nonformal education
as:
Education and training for out-of-school youth and adults in classes, courses,
or activities intended to promote learning but not constituting part of the
formal school system and not leading to formal qualifications such as
diplomas or specific trade standards. Nonformal education typically
concentrates on short programs of a few months duration (p. 4).
Many times nonformal education programs are viewed as “second chances,”
providing individuals with opportunities to learn, options they may not have had
during primary or secondary education. Nonformal education can be seen as life
long learning, improving the quality of life. It can also be seen as a skill specific
learning program, teaching various trades for advancement in the economic sector.
Nonformal education programs include five pertinent components: (1)
programs attract diverse populations from the community and incorporate all age
groups; (2) they operate under various typologies and theoretical frameworks; (3)
many nonformal programs apply different pedagogical strategies in which to teach
the chosen curriculum; (4) programs must gain access to funding and available
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resources; and (5) nonformal education projects are so diverse, outcomes vary and
are typically reflective of the project’s mission or philosophy.
Nonformal Education Components
Target population. Nonformal education programs assess target populations
to be served within communities. In targeting youth and adults, nonformal education
programs can be viewed from two perspectives of social change. First, programs are
terminal placements, in which curriculum typically centers around productive
efficiency, becoming effective participants within the economic sector, reproductive
efficiency, increasing knowledge of birth control methods, prenatal care, and other
health related issues; or political consciousness, such as increasing knowledge
regarding voting rights and decisions affecting the community. Second, nonformal
programs are transfer agents to the formal school system, whereupon students focus
on earning diplomas or degree certificates. These transfer facilities academically
prepare children and young adults for re-entry into the formal system and assist them
in the application process by gathering the required documents needed for admission.
Typology and theoretical framework. Understanding the typologies and
theoretical frameworks that guide nonformal education programs is essential to the
design of this case study. Both feminist and critical theories, the chosen
methodologies for this research, have been previously utilized to create social
development in education at both individual and system levels (Freire, 1970; Weiler,
1991). Programs focusing on change at the individual level would act as conduits for
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transforming attitudes and behaviors. Feminist theorists, therefore, would promote
the participation of women in nonformal education focusing on projects for and
about females. An example of this design is a program that identifies and changes
women’s positions within the public and private sectors via changing their frames of
reference. These projects provide opportunities for women to gain insight about
themselves and to acquire the knowledge needed to make well-informed decisions.
Through transforming individual attitudes and perceptions, the collective strength of
women increases.
System or collective levels of change can occur in popular education
programs. Popular education instruction creates social change at a local level. It
contributes to the political and social development of people’s consciousness by
causing them to review critical issues in their lives. Consciousness raising, thinking,
and mobilizing are the key features of popular education. Communities are
encouraged to participate in organizations and collective rallies in order to integrate
and to increase the vigor and solidarity among members (Fagerland & Saha, 1989).
A number of conceptual models rely on the foundations of popular education and
political participation. Critical theorists view nonformal education programs as
avenues for communities to challenge oppressive hierarchical structures. Programs
stressing the importance of marginalized groups joining the political process and
exercising their right to vote demonstrate the foundations of democracy and equality.
This framework views nonformal education programs as facilitators of social change.
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Harbison’s Human Resources Approach suggests a cause and effect
relationship between nonformal education and economic growth (Paulston & LeRoy,
1982). Harbison’s theory views nonformal education programs as filling gaps in of
the formal school system. If countries would maximize human potential through
increasing skills, knowledge, and creating new jobs, educational institutions would
be overloaded with students and nonformal education would be indispensable.
Harbison’s approach claims that nonformal education programs are
independent of the formal school system. Nonformal education provides an
alternative course selection in comparison with traditional schooling. The formal
school system focuses on academic courses which collectively complete a required
school curriculum. Nonformal education can range from a long-term literacy
program to a six-week automotive technician course. Nonformal education covers a
broad spectrum of life skills including money management, health awareness,
vocational programs, and trade school courses. Many nonformal education programs
allow students to shape their own curriculum and to critically evaluate the skills they
need and want to learn.
For a number of complex reasons some students will not graduate from the
formal school system. Nonformal education is an available alternative for students
who need certain skills for productive lives, such as literacy and vocational training.
Literacy programs offered through nonformal education are essential for individuals
to become fully participating citizens within communities.
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Nonformal education enhances the knowledge and skills gained in a
traditional classroom. Personal improvement courses, reading groups, and critical
thinking sessions are all additional features of nonformal education. These features
move beyond what a student has learned in a structured classroom environment and
focus on supplementing required curricula.
In many developing areas nonformal education is the only viable opportunity
for learning. This is particularly true for students in urban communities who
encounter extensive economic barriers to attending school. Street children are
potential candidates for nonformal education because their necessary work schedules
conflict with daily school routines. Street children need nonformal programs with
flexible schedules and adaptive curricula to maximize learning.
Harbison maintains nonformal education is often protected from the
bureaucratic policies required in the formal school systems and therefore has the
potential to create progressive modes of learning. Formal education is typically
directed by the federal government or private agencies which are rooted in
organizational and political agendas. Within nonformal education practices, teachers
are allowed to create their pedagogical approaches and curriculum. In many cases,
students are encouraged to develop learning goals and to design educational plans for
themselves as part of their course objectives (Paulston & LeRoy, 1982). Critical
theorists view this learning style as incorporating the student into his or her own
learning process, a position in which they can claim ownership of their knowledge
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and expected achievements. In identifying strategies for the development of street
children, comprehensive and progressive pedagogies in nonformal education deserve
careful consideration.
Pedagogical strategies. In addition to theoretical models as grounded
frameworks for nonformal education practices, programs are also centered on
distinct pedagogical strategies. Nonformal education programs employ pedagogical
strategies or teaching approaches to meet the needs of their communities. But
pedagogy incorporates much more than strictly teaching.
Pedagogy is more complex and encompassing because it represents many
aspects of educational practices that include the practice of a particular
curriculum used within the classroom, the strategies and techniques used by
the teacher, and how the curriculum is taken up by both the teacher and the
students (Brady, 1997, p.7).
Practices are designed to change the behaviors and attitudes of individuals,
and to systematize how teachers or facilitators impart knowledge to nonformal
education participants. Yet there is no standard rubric for measuring levels of
individual change. One cannot evaluate how teachers teach. “The best measure of
whether attitudes, knowledge, and skills have been acquired is to see them
manifested in everyday situations” (La Belle, 1986, pg. 59). La Belle sees an
individual’s habits, communication and interaction techniques, occupation, and
family relations as the daily activities measuring individual change. But how are
these individual changes created? The following section will focus on two
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contrasting pedagogical strategies, prescriptive and process, both seeking individual
levels of change among participants.
The prescriptive approach to learning is modeled on a top-down,
hierarchical structure imposing a controlled environment. The prescriptive approach
is predicated on a predetermined curriculum. Individuals are provided with the
“right information in accord with the dictates of the those who determine the nature
and direction of the program” (La Belle, 1986, pg. 60). The prescriptive approach to
learning emphasizes the teacher’s role as an authority figure and the learner’s
position as a passive participant. Freire’s (1970) Pedagogy o f the Oppressed
explains the prescriptive method as a “banking” approach to learning, where teachers
are simply depositing information into docile and empty recipients. This approach
views participants as objects of learning, assuming students have nothing valuable to
contribute and to discuss in the classroom. This poor method discourages creativity
and perpetuates oppression.
The process approach to learning applies a problem-solving educational
environment, focusing on a learner-centered curriculum (Freire, 1970). Participants
are subjects, not objects, of learning (La Belle, 1986). Consciousness raising is a key
feature of this model, in which facilitators increase students’ awareness of critical
issues affecting their everyday lives. Freire views the process approach as a
problem-posing educational strategy, incorporating students into their own
acquisition of knowledge and encouraging resistant behaviors.
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Program funding. The single most difficult challenge facing nonformal
education is the subsidization of a project. The state government and private
foundations typically fund nonformal education projects. State governments
primarily do not show a benevolent interest in nonformal education. Thus they are
slow to provide funding for it. When state funding is granted, it may cover a
massive education effort targeting as many individuals as possible, or an incremental
project, targeting smaller, more focused communities. Non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) may raise funds for educational programs dedicated to
community outreach.
Program outcomes. Typically, nonformal education programs are recognized
and funded as a result of their achievements. Projects may or may not succeed.
Mainstreaming children and adults into the formal school system; increasing
women’s empowerment through health awareness and economic sufficiency;
preparing and training individuals to enter into the labor market; mobilizing
communities to become more politically active; or satisfying individuals’ basic needs
of food, shelter, and clothing are examples of five possible results of nonformal
education programs. Programs also suffer the consequences if they cannot produce
substantial progress for their funding agencies. Comparing program objectives with
concrete results demonstrates their success or failure. If programs cannot
demonstrate progress, funding will be cut.
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The following section incorporates key aspects of nonformal education in a
critique of three Latin American projects: JUCONI Foundation Project in Puebla,
Mexico; ENDA Bolivia Project in the city of El Alto; and Casa de Passagem in
Recife, Brazil. These programs were chosen because they closely model Corason,
the selected education program of this study. They serve street children, they aim to
empower their participants, gender is an identifiable component, and they are located
in Latin America.
Researchers have analyzed the prominent features of each program and found
that their central mission is to serve street children. However, program differences
are distinct in seeking to accomplish this objective. A review of the targeted
populations will identify the demographics of the communities being served, with
particular attention to gender. Key features will include the context of the program
(e.g., whether it is a day or a residential program, rehabilitation or treatment center).
Key features will also cover the employed theoretical framework if provided, and the
pedagogical strategies carried out by the educators. The discussion and conclusion
segment will review the expected outcomes of each program in relation to its results,
and critical observations missing from the report. Continued research on these and
similar programs is needed to support the multiple endeavors and massive
undertakings of nonformal education projects.
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JUCONI Foundation Project
Background and target population. Fundacion Junto con los Ninos de
Puebla (JUCONI) is a nonprofit, nonformal education program located in Puebla,
Mexico. In 1988, three Mexican and British organizations joined to create JUCONI.
The ideology behind JUCONI was to develop a place that offered street children
opportunities to enhance their lives through individual and collective activities
focusing on health, economics, communication, and leisure (ICCB & UNESCO,
1995).
JUCONI underwent a two-year development phase from 1988 to 1990.
During this time a carefully selected administration team was formed. The team
identified clear objectives for the project such as legal coverage, financial stability,
and a supportive work environment for its street educators. This was to avoid typical
nonformal education administration difficulties, such as a top-down bureaucracy or
an unaccountable administrative system.
Key features. Upon creating this strong base, JUCONI educators began to
recruit their first group of participants. By 1990, 272 street children had been served
in either JUCONI’s transition home or day center. However, with the high numbers
of children coming from diverse family backgrounds, the educators quickly learned
the psychological and social discrepancies between children ON the street and
children OF the street. Because children O F the street maintained some contact with
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their families, and children OF the street adopted the street as their home, JUCONI
developed programs accordingly.
Two different recruitment and education systems were developed for street
children: popular education and the day center. Popular education workshops taught
parents and children the hazards of child labor. The first stage of the outreach
program was to develop a level of trust between the educators and identified street
children through active involvement in the streets. Once this had been established
the educator invited the children back to the center for a club meeting. This
produced a domino effect, with participating children bringing friends to follow-up
club meetings. After the initial meetings more motivated children were selected to
participate in the structured and scheduled activities of JUCONI. This included
participation in the day center, a yearlong elementary education program providing
curriculum and instruction to street children (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995).
The popular education service was offered to working children and their
parents in an effort to discuss with families the risks involved for young workers.
This was a preventive measure taken to increase awareness of the transition from
street worker to street child, a circumstance in which the child completely detached
from his or her family. Methods of the popular education service consisted of
discussion groups, workshops, education programs, and consciousness raising.
JUCONI support services were much different for children OF the street.
Intervention techniques ultimately had the same goals - to increase the self-efficacy
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of children - but were accomplished through more intense methods. Rather than
having an informal collective meeting to discuss the hazards of loitering, educators
would select one child to focus on, and then visit him or her repeatedly in the street.
In connecting with children who lived and worked in the street it was imperative to
establish relationships that created trust and security. Street educators therefore
spent up to six months building a solid rapport with the child before selecting him or
her for placement in the JUCONI transition or home. Within the residential center
education, individual therapy, recreation, and house responsibilities were stressed to
promote a balanced and stable lifestyle. The most critical aspect of the program was
getting students to articulate their feelings and emotions in order to release anger.
The individual therapy component and any communication activities held significant
importance in rehabilitating these youth.
Conclusion and discussion. As discussed earlier in this chapter, concrete
objectives of a nonformal education program help to determine its level of success.
JUCONI’s primary intentions were to meet the basic needs of its participants, to
mainstream children into the formal school system, to encourage children to abandon
or reduce their work on the street, and to protect them from exploitation. JUCONI’s
results are varied. JUCONI has served almost 300 Mexican children within the
Puebla community (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). Data from the 1991 -1992 period
indicated 70% of its participants returned to the street (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995).
However, children who were attending the day center while working in the evening
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demonstrated significant academic improvement. The popular education program
also successfully guided 100% of its child participators into attending a vocational
training program or the formal school system.
In identifying areas for growth within the JUCONI project, a few critical
observations were missing from the current analysis. (1) Strategies to target girls
were clearly not planned or implemented, as demonstrated from 1992-1993 data
indicating 98% of the participants were male (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). How is
JUCONI failing to reach the girls of Puebla? How were the 2% who made up the
girls served, and what were the specific outcomes of those girls? This information is
left out of the current analysis, yet the issue of street girls is extremely troubling in
Mexico. (2) The curricular component of this nonformal education project is vague,
according to this research. What types of workshops were offered through the
popular education service? The article indicates that most workshops were
conducted around domestic tasks, such as cooking and sewing, and that mothers
would slowly emerge into conversations leading to empowerment. Women
performing daily activities, to which they have been relegated through gender roles
and expectations are far from emancipated. More information is needed in this area.
(3) The pedagogical framework with which this program operates is left
unexplained. According to this research, theoretical references imposed on the
program were specifically left out of the literature. However, identifying the
philosophical foundation is important for replicating future JUCONI models. Was
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there a conscious decision backing the popular education initiative as a program
feature? This particular aspect of JUCONI suggests that a process approach to
learning is the intended philosophy behind individual change. The literature,
however, does not address how learners involve themselves in their own
teaching/learning process. Because the title alone, popular education, suggests
emancipatory learning, more information is needed on how children and parents
mobilize themselves within the Puebla community to bring about individual and
social changes.
ENDA Bolivia Project
Background and target population. In 1980, ENDA Bolivia Project, a non
governmental organization, was initiated in Latin America’s “poorest town,” El Alto.
(ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). The aim of this program was “to help actual and
potential street children escape from drug abuse and to create conditions favourable
for their re-entry into community life” (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995, p. 94). ENDA’s
two-fold objective was made possible through the funding of the Bolivian, Canadian,
and United States governments, United Nations Children’s Fund, the United Nations,
and two Bolivian advocacy institutions.
Current literature indicates that school-aged children make up 55% of the El
Alto community. Of these children, 50,000 spend more than 75% of their time on
the street, and an additional 3,000 are homeless (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). These
figures do not account for the thousands of working children in the area.
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Interestingly, ENDA diverges from the familiar categories of street children.
ENDA’s target population consists of children in the street, individuals who work on
the street but return to their families and homes in the evening, and street children,
who have been abandoned by their parents most commonly for seasonal agrarian
work, and live independently (ICCB & UNESCO). Needless to say, ENDA is a
most necessary agency for individual and social change in this region of Bolivia
particularly in preventing children and parents from disconnecting.
Key features. A unique feature of the ENDA project is its philosophy
regarding El Alto street children. ENDA asserts children do not desire street
families or the cultural norms which accompany street living. On the contrary,
children want to escape their deplorable street lives and ENDA provides them the
resources for a way out. “Street life is in fact made up of latent or open violence, of
selfishness, and solitude. The child will want to escape and has to be helped to do
so” (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995, p. 97). This perspective is contrary to frequent
research assertions, which indicate that street children find their alternative lifestyles
adventurous and exciting.
To meet the needs of minors in El Alto, ENDA has a complete administration
team, including psychologists, social workers, and legal counselors situated in seven
locations, including hostels, a community home, and numerous workstations. When
and if the children are ready to leave the streets, an ENDA representative is prepared
to assist them with temporary help or a residential program.
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ENDA’s aim is to promote change through emotional and behavioral
modifications. ENDA claims “three fundamental targets: (a) to reduce the amount of
time spent by minors in the street; (b) to bring about favourable conditions for their
reintegration into the community; and (c) to improve the manner of their
socialization” (ICCB & UNECO, 1995, p. 100). Poor economic conditions in
Bolivia make it unrealistic to ask children to abandon the streets entirely, but their
time on the street can be decreased. ENDA persuades students to attend school when
they are not working. Nonformal education and an alternative curriculum provide
the job skills and resources necessary for children to reintegrate into society. Micro-
co-operatives have been developed to prepare children for entry into the formal
sector of the economy. Children can operate, and be consumers in, ENDA’s youth
stores, which carry the various items needed for daily living. Through micro-co
operatives, children develop a sense of responsibility, personal economic
management, and teamwork. Additionally, ENDA views the community as a key
factor in the mobility of street children. In order for children to adapt to a new
environment psychologically, socially, economically, and physically, the resistant
attitudes of the El Alto community must change. This element of insensitivity only
encourages children to remain on the streets.
ENDA’s intentions carried out through a six-unit strategy, focusing on youth
and educator collaboration (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). First, ENDA conducts small
scale research projects to identify the needs of the community and to assess matters
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most affecting children. Second, communication between students and educators via
workshops and meetings is expected in order to increase enrollment in the program.
Third, children participate in all levels of the program, such as designing curriculum,
helping with administration, and helping to raise financial support for ENDA. For
example the micro-co-operatives are completely student-run. “[The children]
themselves directly handle all matters to do with stocking the store, dealing with the
suppliers, and so on” (ICCB & UNESCO, p. 104). ENDA labels this process
“participation in management.” Fourth, ENDA offers diversified support services,
from residential living to nonformal education. Fifth, employment within a micro-
co-operative, is crucial in developing accountability, team work, and time-
management. Sixth, ENDA focuses on developing proactive strategies specifically
within the hostels.
Conclusion and discussion. ENDA Bolivia is a successful nonformal
education program fighting multiple barriers to children’s education. ICCB and
UNESCO indicated approximately 3,500 street youth have benefited from the
various support services of ENDA (ICCB & UNESCO, 1995). The hostels assist
more than 500 participants per day through a wide range of activities from
psychological services to hygiene care.
Three program features, system levels of change, educational models, and
girls’ education, need further examination. First, ENDA has demonstrated positive
outcomes in implementing strategies to create individual levels of change.
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Considering the large percentage of youth in the El Alto community, 55% of the total
population, this organization has had an impact on training individual children to
become productive members of the economic sector, e.g., the micro-co-operatives.
However, on collective levels of change, research did not indicate how ENDA has
been an instrument within the community or what, if any, educational programs were
provided for the residents, e.g., JUCONI’s family participation project. In relation to
collective levels of change, ENDA’s third objective, to improve the socialization of
street children, involves transforming societal perceptions and beliefs, in addition to
children’s attitudes. However, the literature fails to provide evidence of a
community awareness program or workshops offered to any participants other than
children.
Second, this program analysis, conducted by ICCB & UNESCO, is lacking
strong evidence to support the theory behind ENDA’s nonformal educational
component. ENDA reintegrates children into society “by making use of nonformal
teaching and innovative methods of alternative instruction” (ICCB & UNESCO,
1995, p. 101). This does not reveal, however, what educational curriculum is
employed, how teachers are trained, or what instructional methods are applied. The
analysis does not provide enough information to determine whether this organization
takes a prescriptive or a process approach to learning. Nonetheless, the analysis of
ENDA’s job training program suggests this organization is youth-centered in its
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philosophy, focusing on making children more industrious and economically secure
with solid job skills.
Third, ICCB and UNESCO’s research within this program summary
indicates gross inequalities among women in Bolivia. For example, in Bolivia 40%
of child laborers are girls and females constitute seven out of ten illiterate individuals
(ICCB & UNESCO, 1995, p. 105). Despite these alarming figures, evidence to
display ENDA’s female recruitment methods, gender based programming, and
curriculum strategies towards mobilizing girls were not available in this program
review. ENDA has one site specifically “dealing with the plight of young girls in
high-risk situations” but this provides the reader with minimal information regarding
the program specifics or its effectiveness in the community (p. 105).
Casa de Passagem
Background and target population. Brazil’s overcrowded urban areas and
copious family breakdowns are direct causes of its looming street children
phenomenon. In the midst of this crisis, street girls in particular are prime targets for
sexual and emotional abuse. Casa de Passagem (Passage House), in Recife, Brazil
has been battling these issues since opening its doors in 1986. With several
programs underway, this nonprofit, nonformal education program aims to provide
tools for self-sufficiency for street girls in Recife.
Key features. Casa de Passagem, a ChildHope sponsored nonformal
education site, provides information to street girls through various nonresidential
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advocacy programs. The Empowerment of Community Leaders Project, the focus of
this analysis, was “designed to train young women to pass on information to girls in
their community on issues such as women’s health, adolescent pregnancy, drug
abuse, housing, employment, access to public services, and the rights of Brazilian
women.” (ChildHope, 1999, p. 1) Empowerment helps females to move out of
harmful or destructive environments and to become advocates for themselves and for
other women through communication and education. Although psychological and
emotional development occurred throughout the program, therapy services were not
offered. Instead the Empowerment for Community Leaders Project provided city
gatherings, workshops, and discussion groups as its mode of transmitting
information.
Women leaders were trained through six program modules: (1) sensitization,
(2) adolescent health and sexuality, (3) drugs, (4) prostitution, (5) gender and
citizenship, and (6) planning (Jackson, 1997). Each component began a dialogue
among participating women who then discussed various community issues. Among
them were leadership, group dynamics, sexual preferences, menstruation, HIV and
AIDS, the effects of drugs in society - personal and societal, the individual
experiences and legal issues behind prostitution, gender role construction, unequal
distribution of power, and planning and coordinating community events. Once the
Brazilian women were trained in these areas, new females were initiated into the
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project, thus continuously creating a fresh group of peer educators and a powerful
education cycle.
By 1997 the Empowerment of Community Leaders Project had been a
cyclical process for four years, targeting nine areas in Recife and eventually
spreading its outreach and allowing boys to become peer educators. In the first year
of operation 17 community leaders were chosen to complete the six-module training
program. Once these leaders had been trained, 400 females were interviewed from
the various areas of Recife to become peer educators. Twenty girls per community
were then selected and began to meet and to implement a group infrastructure,
deciding upon factors such as their group identity (i.e., name and symbol), meeting
times, and commitment level. They also discussed pertinent matters facing girls
within the community. In the third year, the program took shape and peer educators
conducted various successful activities based on the information they had received in
training. Mothers were also encouraged to collaborate with their daughters in
carrying out cultural activities. The third year also focused on fundraising and
dividing up the recruitment process which was to take place the following year in
1997. During the fourth year of the program, in 1997, new candidates were selected
for the positions of peer educators. At the same time outreach efforts were
continuously being made by the original members through cultural activities,
recreational events, school visits, and radio announcements (Jackson, 1997).
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According to Jackson (1997) the theoretical framework attached to this
project was the operative group model focusing on system levels of change. “In
accordance with this theory all new information is introduced within a group process,
using participative methodology which involves the exchange of knowledge and
experience between (a) professionals and women leaders and (b) women leaders and
girls” (Jackson, p. 14). This was consistently demonstrated throughout the training
processes in which women worked with new peer educators exclusively in group
settings. The application of the operative group in combination with the Freirean
model, as Jackson indicated in a telephone interview, created a liberating program
with a process approach to learning (Jackson, personal communication, March
1999). The trained females became facilitators of women’s liberation discourses and
were teachers and learners in their own environment, modeling the process approach
to individual and social change.
Conclusion and discussion. Judging from its program features this method of
nonformal education was a female advocacy program focusing on three main
avenues to achieve empowerment: (1) health and sexual awareness, (2) leadership
and entrepreneurial aptitude, and (3) gender discrimination discourse. Leaders
sought to make low income women social agents in and out of their domestic
environments. This was attained through knowledge of issues such as healthy
bodies, sexually transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, teen pregnancy, and women’s
reproductive rights. Leadership and entrepreneurial aptitude aimed to provide
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women with the skills needed to operate small enterprises and to become active
participants within the economic sector. These goals were accomplished through
information and access to employment opportunities, public services, and job
training courses. Finally, workshops surrounding gender discrimination were held.
Women’s participation in these seminars increased their understanding of oppression
and their ability to mobilize and to communicate. Females were active discussants
reviewing issues of power, rights as a human being, self-worth, and emancipation.
“Every week I learn about a different theme and have learnt how to discuss things
within a group and have gained friendship and confidence,” said one educator in
training (Jackson, 1997 p. 25).
Momentous events in Recife mark the success of this project in relation to
these three indicators. The First and Second Educational Fairs for Adolescent Health
were organized by the Empowerment Project to impart critical health information to
impoverished Brazilian youth. Over 6,000 adolescents from 70 surrounding
communities attended these events. Additional accomplishments of the
Empowerment Project included a forum to discuss urban violence; a health
awareness campaign to prevent the spreading of dengue, a mosquito-transmitted
disease; and an AIDS prevention campaign, including information visits to schools,
condom distribution, and educational videos. Throughout the four-year life span of
this project, Casa de Passagem developed strong institutional relationships with job
placement facilities, vocational training programs, and those organizations directly
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responsible for creating policies in Brazil. These relationships and successes helped
build solidarity and trust within the program and gave the women clearly defined
objectives through participation in the project.
The Empowerment for Community Leaders Project successfully
demonstrated that it was possible to create a project based on a sound theoretical
framework and to implement a training program to prove this theory. This Brazilian
project illustrated results (i.e., empowerment) that were directly linked to the
theoretical framework (i.e., Freirean and operative group). For example, reaching
young adults in the community and increasing their abilities to make decisions on
health issues were features of the Freire’s critical consciousness and “process”
approaches to learning.
In order to successfully create a teaching and learning environment, and to
bring about change within the group, Casa de Passagem needed a strong
understanding of the concept of empowerment. With this knowledge, the project
effectively educated its women participants and created a successful program model.
The following questions had to be answered thoroughly: What is empowerment?
How is empowerment constructed? Who becomes empowered and when? Why
empower groups of people or individuals?
Empowerment
The conceptual framework of empowerment is complex but essential to this
research study. In seeking to discuss, identify, and assess empowering practices in
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education, it is imperative to first understand the meaning of empowerment as
relative to its context, its origins, and the multitude of theoretical perspectives
surrounding the term. It is also important to review two areas of research literature
on empowerment. First, how do education projects strategize to empower
participants? Second, how do education projects assess and measure empowering
pedagogies?
Empowerment within the current contextual framework is liberatory. This
literature review seeks to recognize educational practices, which empower
marginalized and oppressed individuals (i.e., street children) to be free participants in
society. During the 1960s, the term empowerment was used by oppressed
individuals in the fight for human rights (Stromquist, 1993). In relation to this paper,
efforts to establish democratic communities have not fully progressed vis-a-vis
education for street children in developing areas. Particularly among this group,
economic discrimination is rampant and children are unable to receive mandatory
compulsory education because of socioeconomic barriers (e.g., lack of monetary
resources, school supplies, breakfast, transportation to school, etc.). Empowerment
in this context is the process of providing knowledge to children and increasing the
levels of consciousness and self-efficacy needed to promote positive social change
and action.
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As a Critical Resource for Individuals and Communities.
Empowerment is a critical resource at both the individual and community
levels. Through the process of increased individual autonomy, students are
encouraged to express opinions and to be resistant towards dominant hierarchical
structures that sustain discrimination. Increased individual autonomy, levels of self-
efficacy, and control over one’s actions, are attained when students are incorporated
into their own learning process and asked to identify problems within the context of
their personal environments. Once this effort has been made, viable solutions jointly
created by the educator and the student become part of the empowerment process.
Subsequently, empowerment reinforces and seeks to maintain a fair and just society
by asking learners to return to their communities as fully participating, active
citizens.
Deconstructing Power in Relation to Empowerment
A conceptual analysis of the term “power” is important when exploring the
meaning of empowerment. Who holds power? Who are the powerless? What does
power consist of? How is power distributed or redistributed? Drawing on
postmodern ideologies and critical theory, Rocco and West (1998) researched the
manifestations of powers and privilege, and highlighted the need for assessing power
in order to create equitable systems. They referred to the term polyrhythmic realities
to elucidate “various forms of interlocking oppression (e.g., racism, sexism, ageism,
heterosexism, handicapism, ethnocentrism, and religious bigotry) which enable a
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person to be dominant in one context and marginalized in another” (p. 175).
Additionally, they asserted five categorical labels emerging from privilege: power,
access, status, credibility, and normality. In relation to street children and their
obvious lack of empowerment, we can view these five categories vis-a-vis the
following dichotomies: power/economic disadvantages; access/inability to enroll in
and attend school; status/socioeconomic place in society as desolate, marginal
individuals; credibility/inaccessibility to degree granting formal education;
normality/living on the fringes of society and enduring psychological and economic
instability daily.
The following research studies deconstruct the concept of power in
identifying empowering educational strategies. Stromquist (1993) distinguished
empowerment as the process of redistributing power. As marginalized populations
become aware of their subordinate positions within society and recognize the
unequal allocation of control (i.e., at the micro and macro levels), they become
informed, increasing their abilities to advocate for themselves and create meaningful
change.
In accord with Stromquist, Solomon recognized the way power affects
individuals and communities from sociopolitical and economic perspectives (as cited
in McWhirter, 1991). Solomon’s study (as cited in McWhirter, 1991) viewed
powerless individuals as categorically labeled and as products of hegemonic
societies. “Powerlessness is the end result of living with systematic disadvantages
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and limitations to individual and community growth” (McWhirter, 1991 p. 222).
However, capitalizing on the individual strengths of marginalized persons can
empower individuals. Therefore, educators are agents of change and should help to
increase levels of self-esteem by acknowledging and enhancing participants’
abilities.
Focusing on collective power, different from Solomon’s view of the
individual, Paulston (as cited in Petherbridge-Hemandez, 1990) argued that
disadvantaged groups are competing within a power struggle. His theoretical
perspective framed empowering nonformal education as practices developing
strategies to create social change and to develop power among groups. In this sense,
education is a cornerstone in uniting minority groups towards common goals:
developing their strength and control, and increasing their power in society.
Defining Empowerment
As indicated above, empowerment is a multifaceted conceptual framework
that is not just simply taught, but discovered through self-reflection and action.
According to McWhirter (1991) and Stromquist (1992), various theorists have
outlined, defined, and analyzed the term with minimal consensus, and many employ
the term without truly capturing its meaning. However, empowerment has
permeated the fields of education, feminist scholarship, and human rights initiatives
from similar positions: that participatory learning and consciousness raising are
fundamental aspects in empowering marginal individuals to create social change.
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Philosopher Paulo Freire (1970, 1973) first gave meaning to the concept
critical consciousness or conscientizagao, “learning to perceive social, political, and
economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of
reality,” while educating illiterate populations in Brazil (1970, p. 17). In the context
of this case, his model provides the framework with which to view consciousness
raising as a foundation of empowerment practices.
Consciousness raising is a notion in which certain nonformal education
pedagogies seek to heighten participants’ consciousness and critical awareness of
social issues. That is, through diagnosing and confronting societal issues affecting
their everyday lives (e.g., poverty, hunger, abuse, homelessness), participants
reaffirm each other’s experiences as valid life struggles and unite towards common
ideologies for future democratization (La Belle, 1987). Another important point here
is the central aspect of participant inclusion. Participants must always be involved in
assessing problems, developing solutions, and employing those solutions to
undertake change. This key feature is what separates an empowering program from
a nontransformative approach, which simply imparts knowledge. “Freire argues that
fundamental to an emancipatory educational process is the communion of the nature
of learning with the dreams, experiences, histories, and stories that students bring to
their classroom” (Brady, 1998, p. 15). Consciousness raising and transformation is
expected only if participants are actively involved in their own learning process.
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Education is fundamental to this process, because it is in a learning
environment that individuals increase awareness of their everyday realities and
develop the strength to transform these situations. Key elements of an educational
atmosphere can provide the tools to create change: inclusive instructors or
facilitators, pedagogical strategies designed for change, an empowering curriculum,
and eager learners interested in collective support and unity. The following narrative
discusses empowerment as seen in education, feminist epistemology, and human
rights - central tenets of this study.
Education. Roberts-Gray, Steinfeld, and Bailey (1998) identified goal setting
as a “best practice” for at-risk youth empowerment programs (p. 21). This particular
research analysis hypothesized that goal setting which involved students in the
recognition of problems and the development of realistic goals created high levels of
student achievement, and therefore student empowerment. Findings of this study
included the need for program developers and educators to recognize individual
participant contributions as indispensable resources in improving the quality of
project outcomes.
While Roberts-Gray et al. (1998) viewed empowerment from the student’s
perspective, Cummins (as cited in McWhirter, 1991) and Freire (1998) perceived
school systems as institutions, which can level power dynamics or reinforce
domination, and both pay close attention to the role of faculty. The relationship
between the student and teacher is especially important in removing the assigned
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roles of authority figure and subject. Cummins argued that teachers can be
advocates for their students and can foster democratic learning environments. He
assumed that students would reinforce these ideologies within their own
communities. Freire also promoted the notion of teachers as advocates and
defenders of democracy in Teachers as Cultural Workers (1998). In this text, Freire
clearly asserted that empowerment involves teachers’ objection to prescribed lesson
plans and authoritarian pedagogies. Empowerment integrates teachers as role
models and sponsors of egalitarian and just learning environments. Without these
virtues, empowerment among students cannot be achieved.
From a cultural literacy perspective, Cummins (1986), Brady (1995), and
Freire (1998), discerned the need for reciprocal interaction between the student and
the teacher, and the importance of shared learning in the classroom. Cummins
dichotomized the classroom learner into an empowered or disabled individual. The
empowered students have been incorporated into the academic process at all levels
via the educators. The disabled students have remained a subordinate group within
the school system, much like their position within the community at large. Cummins
recognized four important elements in the process of arriving at student
empowerment: (1) Educators are responsible for integrating students’ cultural
backgrounds and language skills into the learning process; (2) parental and
community participation at all levels is an invaluable tool to achieving student
empowerment; if parents develop a sense of self-worth, their children will follow; (3)
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a process approach to learning, which requires educators to incorporate and
encourage students into their own educational attainment, should be applied in the
classroom; and (4) educators should view assessment as a tool to help students
acknowledge areas of struggle and improvement, rather than simply a measurement
for failing to grasp key concepts. Cummins’ hypothesis contends that if the four
primary ingredients are applied within the school system, children will move from
dominated to empowered positions.
Drawing from Freire’s liberatory curriculum, Brady (1995) articulated an
empowering pedagogy to include the notions of participation, oppression
recognition, and praxis, common themes missing from an authoritarian educational
framework. Brady’s three tenets for student empowerment centered on marginalized
students becoming critically aware of their subordinate status and taking action to
achieve new positions in society. In an empowering pedagogy: (1) Students are
central to history and give meaning to their surroundings; (2) lessons create an
understanding of the relationship between power and education - those who have
power have control over the resources; (3) cultural literacy “provides a language of
hope and transformation that is able to analyze, challenge, and transform” elements
of institutional oppression (p.7).
Culture, according to Freire, is an extension of class (1998). School
administrators and faculty often overlook the cultural identity and class of their
pupils. For example, highly politicized and hierarchical schools judge their students
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via a set of societal “norms.” Unlike empowering practices, these norms are not
created by students, but by an elite group which controls the learning environment.
Therefore, if a student cannot produce within this system, he or she fails. Freire
asserts that progressive education must first identify the cultural paradigms of its
students in order to better understand learners and to encourage them to succeed.
Paulo Freire is instrumental in articulating the formula for critical pedagogy
and student transformation, necessary components of empowering anti-authoritarian
classroom environments. Feminist epistemology is also a key element in
establishing empowering pedagogies. Feminism validates the opinions and
contributions of marginalized populations and operates from an egalitarian
standpoint rather than an authoritarian point of view (Bernal, 1998). Freire’s critical
pedagogy and feminist theory form the basis for the empowering strategies central to
this research paper. Weiler (1991) outlined four underlying aspects shared by
feminist and Freirean pedagogical frameworks. Both models: (1) operate under the
auspices of social change and share common assumptions regarding the nature of
oppression and the value of consciousness raising; (2) assert that oppression is
evident in the physical and mental spheres of existence. Oppression can be seen in
the conditions in which people live and in their lack of ability to critically evaluate
their surroundings; (3) assume that critical analysis and understanding, followed by
action, take consciousness raising to its fullest potential; and (4) are founded on
social justice and the prospect of egalitarian communities. These four shared
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principles will be incorporated as fundamental attributes of education throughout this
case study analysis. In addition to Weiler, it is also important to review feminist
paradigms which discuss the notion of empowerment and the process by which
students recognize subordination and reach a level of praxis.
Feminist scholarship. Feminist perspectives have defined a true conceptual
framework of empowerment to include women and minority groups as tenacious,
protagonistic agents of social change (Stromquist, 1994). Stromquist contends the
empowering transformation of women from passive and docile to vocal and resistant
takes place because of increased consciousness and participation on individual and
collective levels. Empowerment in its fullest capacity is the melding of
consciousness raising and participation.
Empowerment means the ability to analyze the surrounding environment in
political and social terms; it also means the ability to organize and mobilize
for social change. In consequence, an empowerment process must involve
not only individual awareness but collective awareness and group action
(Stromquist, 1994, p. 268).
Stromquist points out that the everyday knowledge and experiences shared among
women (in nonformal education) are resources applicable to developing cognitive,
psychological, and economic strengths, which are essential components of
empowerment. Largely through discourse, women can begin to deconstruct gender
roles and oppression and recognize their knowledge as a powerful means of
transformation.
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In relation to knowledge, Bhasin (1992) recognizes and challenges the notion
that the increased knowledge of men has contributed to the powerlessness of women
in all spheres of existence, including religion, education, society, science, and the
economy (pp. 14-15). Women’s wisdom and experiences historically have been
discounted and men remain the primary controlling force of society. Bhasin argues
that women’s struggles for empowerment are struggles against oppression and
control; they are struggles which move towards democracy and justice. According to
Bhasin:
[Empowerment] means recognizing women’s contribution, women’s
knowledge. It means helping women fight their own fears, and feelings of
inadequacy and inferiority. It means women enhancing their self-respect and
self-dignity. It means women controlling their own bodies. It means women
becoming economically independent and self-reliant. It means women
controlling resources like land and property. It means reducing women’s
burden of work, especially within the home. It means creating and
strengthening women’s groups and organizations. It means promoting
qualities of nurturing, caring, gentleness, not just in women but also in men.
(1992, pp. 19-20).
Achieving these objectives, she asserted, will take certain initiatives on behalf of
nonformal education. Projects seeking to empower should develop women’s
analytical reasoning abilities, encourage resistance to authority, demonstrate a
democratic value system, provide vision, and be enjoyable (Bhasin, 1992, pp. 22-23).
The applicability of feminist views of empowering minority communities to
groups other than women is common to both Stromquist (1994) and Bhasin (1992).
Stromquist’s paradigm distinguishes the transformation of individuals from
subordinate to active roles in society, which is important to the lives of street and
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working children. Bhasin contends that women are struggling for empowerment
within the structure of a patriarchal society, the same condition as that of street and
working children. A central tenet of feminism is the notion that it gives rise to the
voices and experiences of all dominated groups, an essential ingredient for
empowering street children. Feminist thinkers advocate for the rights of exploited
populations. The next section discusses the concepts of these rights at length:
thinking, engaging, participating, reading, writing, etc. It also articulates the role of
policy makers and educators as transmitters of human rights.
Human rights perspectives. Fundamental principles of empowerment of
children incorporate enhancing a child’s quality of life and ensuring his or her basic
human rights. Street children especially are frequently denied certain inalienable
rights, which should secure their protection and ensure their participation in society,
education, and the economy. Byrne (1998) outlined the rights of street children
which empowered youth in the areas of participation (“freedom of expression,
association and thought”) and education (p. 21).
Empowerment as the right to participation. Participation is an essential tool
for a transformative approach towards empowerment. Yet despite international
policies, children are often denied the right to participate in society because of age
restrictions and their immaturity (Byrne, 1998). Street children, frequently separated
from their parents and lacking legal guardians, are denied access to education, health
benefits, and safe employment. Courageous advancements have been made as
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children have banded together in conference forums to discuss and create movements
to secure their rights. These meetings inspire the participation of other children in
the community. At the global policy level, The Convention on the Rights of the
Child (CRC) is an international treaty enforcing fundamental principles for the
welfare of all children. In regard to empowerment, Byrne (1998) viewed Articles 12
through 15 of the CRC (i.e., “Freedom of expression; Freedom of thought,
conscious, and religion; Freedom of association”) as empowering children through
participation (p. 75). In accordance with a critical framework for empowering
pedagogies, increased consciousness is the hallmark of transformation, which is
reinforced via Article 14.
Van Bueren (1994) distinguished eight levels of child involvement and
participation in society, on a scale ranging from least participation to desired
potential participation. To achieve empowerment, the objective is to move the child
from restricted involvement to total involvement, in the following sequence: (1)
manipulation, (2) decoration, (3) tokenism, (4) assigned but informed participation,
(5) consulted but informed participation, (6) adult-initiated shared decisions with
children, (7) child initiated and directed, and (8) child initiated shared decisions with
adults. From this succession, children are incorporated and invited to participate in
reaching decisions that will affect their livelihood. This would not be true in
dominant group structures that control the decision-making power. The right to free
and compulsory education is crucial to the betterment of street children.
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Empowerment as the right to education. According to UNESCO’s 1997
statistical data, 40% of the world’s children were not enrolled in secondary
education. In developing countries this figure increased to 50%, and in lesser
developed countries to a dismaying 80%. These statistics drive international policy
makers to enforce the right of education for all children. Unfortunately, street and
working children must work to survive, and suffer various limitations to attending
school; hence this group constitutes a significant portion of unregistered school-aged
children. Byrne (1998) argued that education is a cornerstone of empowerment.
Article 28 of the CRC upholds this principle and mandates universal free and
compulsory primary education, and accessible alternative forms of secondary
education. However, the number of out-of-school youth remains excessively high.
Human rights advocates contend formal and nonformal education is undeniably
necessary since it has the potential to create a framework for empowerment.
Empowerment in Nonformal Education Projects for Girls
Various change agents, such as nonformal education (NFE) programs, have
employed empowerment at the macro and micro levels (Stromquist, 1992).
Nonformal education has been used as a strategy to transform individuals and
communities through impactful social situations, (e.g., protesting against poverty,
violence, illiteracy, etc.) (Stromquist, 1992). NFE projects often illuminate concepts
of empowerment, as desired achievements yet are prescriptive in nature. These
projects model a top down hierarchical system and discourage active learner
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participation, contrary to the mission of consciousness raising and action. The
following example of an NFE project seeks to empower girls.
Girl power in Cairo. In the midst of Cairo’s garbage villages, girls have the
unusual opportunity to attend school through the Association for the Protection of
the Environment (APE). In Cairo in 1995, UNESCO data indicated 61% of women
could neither read nor write (1998). It is not uncommon for girls to be uneducated as
a result of cultural norms and the pressures of family economics. APE’s mission, “to
offer education, literacy training, and social empowerment,” was achieved through
covert curriculum methods (Khalil, 1998, p. 1). Contrary to the empowerment
pedagogies of Freire (1970), Gutierrez (as cited in McWhirter, 1991), and Stromquist
(1992), girls became empowered through their subconscious transition into
knowledge and business skills. Girls were encouraged to participate in the program
to earn supplemental income for their families; yet while they were weaving rugs,
they were exposed to hygiene, arithmetic, and literacy courses. For example, girls
were encouraged to market their products at local rug bazaars, but were required to
learn math in order to function independently in the marketplaces. APE’s strategy
was to conceal education under the guise of generating income. Girls were able to
satisfy their family needs and simultaneously learn skills to function efficiently in
society and the economic sector. More information is needed, however, on the
philosophy of subconscious learning. Subconscious learning contradicts most
frameworks of empowerment and social change.
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The SAGE Project. The SAGE project is a nonformal education program
subsidized by USAID’s Office of Women in Development. Currently SAGE
operates in Guinea, Mali, Ghana, El Salvador, and the Democratic Republic of
Congo. SAGE’s primary objectives include: (1) strengthening the capacity public
and private sector institutions to promote girls’ education; (2) mobilizing leadership
at all levels and from all sectors to promote girls’ education; (3) broadening and
supporting local community participation in overcoming barriers to girls’ education;
and (4) improving knowledge of girls’ education to better implement related policies,
strategies, and programs (SAGE, 2002).
SAGE is unique in that it implements a twofold Freirean based approach to
obtain its objectives and to improve the quality of girls’ education. The first phase,
Action Plan Activity, is a nonformal education tool in which local residents (i.e., 50-
60 individuals; women, men, teachers, parents, business leaders, etc.) collectively
dialogue about girls’ issues in education (SAGE, 2002). A SAGE consultant
facilitates this community process of identifying impactful realities facing the
continued enrollment of girls in primary school. Following the recognition and
understanding of these struggles, community members (with the guidance of a
SAGE consultant) design relevant curriculum methods to enhance classroom
content. Ultimately, the curriculum developed as a result of the Action Plan Activity
is then transferred to a formal education setting where it can be implemented.
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Gertner (2001) distinguished three main indicators proving this first stage is
based on principles of empowerment and critical pedagogy: (1) SAGE calls upon
local residents to recognize girls’ barriers to education; the program is participatory
and inclusive; (2) the curriculum is learner-centered - SAGE discovered that fourth
grade girls could not read and assisted the community focus group in tailoring lesson
plans around the students’ academic levels; and (3) the enhanced classroom material
is applicable and relevant to the lives of girls (e.g., nutrition, health, occupational
skills, etc.).
The second phase of the SAGE Project includes transferring the work created
from the Action Plan Activity and applying it to Life Skills Workshops within the
formal school setting. This phase of the project, like the first, incorporated Freire’s
fundamental teachings and aimed at the empowerment of girls. Throughout this
component, classroom teachers (some of whom participated in the Action Plan
Activity) began changing their pedagogical approach from prescriptive to process.
Assessing Empowerment
How do researchers assess and measure the concept of empowerment?
Multifaceted strategies have been employed but a review of the literature suggests
inconsistency regarding efficient tools for measuring empowerment and firm
indicators demonstrating the manifestation of empowerment among individuals and
communities. The following sections outline two approaches employed to evaluate
empowerment as a project outcome.
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Measuring empowerment in Brazilian alternative education. Leonardos
(1992) evaluated an alternative public education program (CIEP) in Brazil seeking to
empower at-risk youth. Her hypothesis stated, “higher order thinking skills should
be more developed in students exposed to a progressive educational program that
aimed at empowering students than in students exposed to a traditional program” (p.
4). Higher order critical thinking was defined as “the capacity to evaluate an idea,
take a stand, and argue in favor of or against the position in coherent manner” (p. 4).
Hence, in addition to observations, interviews, and document analysis, Leonardos
evaluated the critical thinking skills of her case study participants from three angles:
oral, reading, and writing abilities. Results showed students in the CIEP program
had approximately 60% achievement levels in all three areas (p. 8). While the
traditional counterpart program demonstrated oral achievement at 24%, reading at
46%, and writing at 76% (p. 8). Leonardos found the CIEP program emphasized
verbal abilities, which were demonstrated in students’ higher levels of oral
achievement and ease in expressing themselves. She also found CIEP students
would confront community issues such as violence during their chosen topics for
discussion. Leonardos’ attributes the balanced yet low findings of critical thinking
skills among CIEP students to an alternative education program still in the phases of
development.
If empowerment includes participation and action, this evaluation method is
inconsistent with Stromquist (1993). Stromquist indicated empowerment should be
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assessed according to all facets of development, including cognitive, psychological
and economic, and how well individuals understand group action. Expanding this
project to measure facets outside of critical thinking skills, and looking at schools or
classrooms as change agents, would increase the validity of Leonardos’ assessment
of empowerment
Comparing empowerment between pedagogies. Roberts-Gray et al. (1999)
conducted a comparison study of two pedagogical strategies for achieving student
empowerment in programs for at-risk youth in the United States. This study
identified setting realistic goals as a key feature of student empowerment. In both
cases students recognized and agreed upon goals and objectives (e.g., earn better
grades in school, pass the GED exam, obtain part-time employment) with a case
manager. However, each program employed different goal setting strategies. In one
case, a program facilitator used traditional methods of guidance and counseling in
helping at-risk youth set goals. The methods were scripted, in which most often
objectives were identified for the student who was instructed in ways to achieve the
desired outcome. The second case posed increased student participation in setting
goals, where the objective was to have students identify their own needs and then
work on viable solutions with the facilitator.
Because the targeted students were at-risk youth with high dropout rates,
Roberts-Gray et al. (1999) found progress toward one objective to be empowerment.
Results indicated that increased student participation in the formation of goals and
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the assessment of their own progress was the preferred method of achieving
empowerment (Roberts-Gray et al.). In employing the traditional methods Roberts-
Gray et al. noticed that the participating youth did not connect with the goals that
were drawn up for them; therefore, they had no vested interest in achieving these
objectives. However, when students individualized their program, they took a more
concerned approach to completing each task.
Both pedagogical strategies can be viewed in light of Freire’s theoretical
paradigm for critical consciousness. The first program operated from the banking
approach model, perceiving the learner as an object who was given direction. The
second model operated a problem-posing strategy, which included the students in
their own teaching and learning process. A critical theoretical perspective would
argue in favor of a problem-posing, learner-centered curriculum methods to enhance
the critical awareness of the student. Freire’s theory concludes critical consciousness
followed by action creates empowered individuals. This is demonstrated in the
student who becomes cognizant of his or her needs and takes the necessary actions to
accomplish his or her objectives. This study was limited in its holistic review of
empowerment because youth did not connect with the curricular component. The
students were not consciously attached to the goals that they themselves helped to
design, a primary factor of an empowering pedagogy. Enhancing this framework of
empowerment would include a broader definition of the concept because progress
towards one goal is not equivalent to empowerment in most constructs. More detail
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on the student’s process of self-monitoring completed goals and objectives is
necessary to ensure participatory learning in the project, another central aspect of
empowerment.
Each concept discussed herein provides significant meaning to the current
research. However, the lens through which these constructs are viewed is equally
important. Given the conceptual analysis of empowerment as a tool for mobilizing
marginalized communities, it is necessary to employ theoretical frameworks that
support empowering practices. This case study will allow the previously cited works
of Freire’s critical pedagogy and feminist theory to provide certain paradigms with
which to review empowerment in nonformal education practices. A blended
framework is important to conceptualize, because both models reinforce and
contribute to critical theory, bringing distinctive perspectives to research
methodology.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Overview
This chapter presents two central features of this study, the theoretical
framework and research design. The framework, feminism and critical theory, is
pivotal because it provides depth and understanding of the investigated concepts, the
purpose of the investigation, and the criteria for a successful investigation (Yin,
1994). Once the applicable theories have been contextualized, the chapter moves
forward and distinguishes the parameters of the research design - a case study. This
chapter also examines how data were collected in order to build and support a
comprehensive study. It recounts the analysis process, how data were systematically
organized and interpreted.
Theoretical Framework
Feminist and critical epistemologies are central tools used in evaluating and
judging empowering practices. Feminist theory increases our awareness of female
struggles and is instrumental in the liberation of women (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey,
1998). Feminism also recognizes the struggle of all dominated groups, including
minorities and adolescents. This recognition brings about increased research of
systems that create societal changes. Such improved efforts to investigate women’s
struggles have led to new ways to combat the oppression of females, minorities, and
adolescents.
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As discussed in Chapter Two, street children are capable of empowerment.
This concept has derived primarily from Paulo Freire’s theoretical framework for
liberatory learning. His assumptions insist that subjugated individuals will challenge
oppression through education. His theoretical model provides the research lens
needed to analyze the situation of oppressed groups and to create pedagogies for
democratic societies. The following section seeks to explain the need to view this
case study of empowerment in nonformal education through feminist theory and
critical thought.
Feminist Scholarship
Feminist theory is a way of viewing life; it is discerning, innovative, and
visionary. It is a way of bringing typically overshadowed insights to the forefront
and elucidating women’s experiences as concrete and pertinent. Feminist theorists
argue that the perspectives of women in their roles as academicians, artists, farmers,
corporate executives, medical experts, lawyers, and child bearers need to be
accredited and accepted (Mies, 1983). Traditional research does not show women as
multi-task oriented human beings battling socially constructed tensions. Feminist
theory challenges traditional norms and ways of understanding, as they do not reflect
women’s experiences or knowledge (Mies, 1983).
Feminist scholarship is innovative in furthering the claims and achievements
of women; it is persistent and avant-garde. Advancements are evidenced in the
following areas: (1) increased access to education; (2) increased ownership
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opportunities; (3) improved egalitarian relationships with the right to freely choose
sexual partners and the right to divorce; and (4) increased publicity of issues critical
to women (e.g., domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment, gender discrimination)
(Okazawa-Rey & Kirk, 1998, p. 450). Additionally, feminist theory has expounded
the current and prospective intertwined obstacles faced by women, such as race,
class, and gender (Tisdell, 1998). Both modem and postmodern feminist theories are
unrelenting in seeking to resolve women’s burdens.
Feminist theory is visionary because it seeks to create utopian and egalitarian
communities worldwide. It aims to one day eradicate all forms of oppression in
society, experienced not only by women but also by any other exploited group.
In Teaching to Transgress, Education as the Practice o f Freedom, hooks (she
spells her surname in the lowercase) claimed, “progressive, holistic education
critical pedagogy is more demanding than conventional critical or feminist
pedagogy” (1994, p. 15). hooks’ compelling analysis merged two unitary theoretical
models, critical and feminist pedagogy, to create a framework for empowerment in
the classroom. While feminism focuses on themes like gender, oppression,
emancipation, and power, critical pedagogy focuses on socioeconomics and class
dynamics as primary factors of struggle (Tisdell, 1998). As connected models of
learning, feminism supports critical pedagogy in the classroom, which emphasizes
participant learning. Feminist strategies encourage open dialogues and sharing
between teachers and students as part of the learning process. This method is
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interlocked with self-actualization and consciousness raising, hence critical
pedagogy. Despite feminism’s emphasis on females, the theory may be applied to a
different group, i.e., street children, because of its distinct philosophy of
emancipating marginal communities. As Stromquist identified, “feminism...seeks to
make human rights applicable to men and women and extends these rights to all
countries and cultures” (Stromquist, 1998b, p. 4). The following section attempts to
explain feminist epistemology and its contribution to critical pedagogy.
Main tenets o f feminism. Until the recent development of postmodern
feminism, three main tenets of feminist theory existed: liberal, radical, and socialist.
The underlying foundation of all feminist theoretical frameworks views women as
the target of oppression on micro (individual), meso (community), macro (national),
and global levels. Kirk and Okazawa-Rey have defined oppression as exploitative
actions by a dominant group towards a subordinate population (1998). Members of
the dominant group, typically rooted in hierarchical social structures within our
society (e.g., family, education, religion, and the media), maintain Eurocentric
attitudes. They challenge and disparage beliefs, values, and assumptions which are
different from their own. The dominant group’s way of organizing and controlling
society is seen as the right way. Each different feminist ideology holds a distinct
belief system, which shapes the construction of intervention methods needed to
challenge traditional hierarchical systems. However, the liberation of women is a
shared agenda.
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Liberal feminism draws from political ideologies. Continued inequalities in
the treatment of women, e.g., division of labor and gender stereotypes, maintain
women’s subordinate status. Liberal feminists perceive reason and reflection as
effective methods to produce change that is directed towards equality and liberty.
Radical feminists view a patriarchal system as the root of all subjugation of women
in society. A patriarchal system places males in a position of control, particularly in
the areas of sexuality, personal relationships, and family structures. In order to
deconstruct male-dictated, top-down societies, radical feminists believe in creating
more vertically powered school systems and increasing educational research on the
needs of females. Finally, socialist feminists contend that patriarchy in combination
with capitalism create a society which segregates individuals along gender and class
lines. This is particularly poignant when looking at women as laborers. Women’s
work is underpaid and undervalued, but through the redefinition of women’s work,
e.g., increased reward and value systems, capitalist patriarchal structures may move
towards egalitarian societies.
During the last three decades, the critical rise in the development of
postmodern feminism has challenged the traditional strains of modem feminist
theory. While modern American feminists have typically perceived oppression from
the lenses of Anglo middle-class women, postmodernism has identified “the
significance of gender with other structural systems of privilege and oppression, such
as race, class, and sexual orientation” (Tisdell, 1998, p. 5). In her article relating
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postmodernism and emancipatory learning, Tisdell provided a powerful example of
her own personal attempt at merging postmodernism and critical pedagogy in the
classroom. She argued that learners must discuss and understand structural systems
of subordination, which she labeled matrices of oppression. Discussions encourage
students to develop the tools necessary to combat matrices like racial and sexual
discrimination (Tisdell; Kirk & Ozakawa-Rey, 1998). Tisdell discussed her own
shortcomings as a teacher, because she did not identify with these matrices, nor did
she recognize relevant knowledge outside of what she believed to be true academia.
She did not position herself in the place of her students, who construct knowledge
and are impacted by the structural systems of race and class. Once she did, Tisdell
became a learner in her own classroom, as she transformed her comprehension of
what was valid knowledge by repositioning herself from the perspective of her
students. At the same time, her students became more critically aware of how social
structures had impacted their own lives and shaped their knowledge, and began to
question the dominating forces of these systems.
Feminist practices and marginalized youth. In examining the lives of street
youth it is important to understand the social structures that oppress and impact the
daily activities of adolescents. For example, within the legal and justice system, the
dominant and prevailing attitudes of law enforcement agents view street children as
deviant (le Roux & Sylvia, 1998). Officer references to children as criminals
continue to shape community opinions and attitudes. Additionally, juvenile
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detention, an element of law enforcement, is designed to provide corrective treatment
to street children, aiming to teach minors how to be civic-minded and law-abiding.
However, many of these programs are sparse and retain punitive approaches. Often
street workers and educators fail to put themselves in the position of their students,
causing learners to perceive punishment and authoritarianism as the norm. Feminist
approaches and critical pedagogies perceive effective learning and consciousness
raising as the deconstruction of the negative self-perceptions of children. They also
view it as a process of self-actualization for learners. This would demonstrate a
student-centered curriculum which would include the flexibility of educators to hear
the experiences of street children, creating a more reciprocal learning environment.
Feminist and critical pedagogies suggest open dialogues, art, and dance as effective
tools for deconstructing oppressive issues. The following excerpt by Mittman (1997,
p.7) provides an integrated lesson plan incorporating postmodern feminist
approaches and critical theory, aiming to create change in a small, low-income
neighborhood:
The teenagers met for weekly rehearsals to learn theater games and
improvisation skills that eventually enabled them to create performances.
The subject of the dramatic presentations were identified by the youth and
then broadcast live on public access television. Parents, youth, and other
community members were encouraged to call-in their own ideas concerning
the issues presented, including thoughts about what should or could be done
about the situation. A counselor/interviewer took telephone calls about these
suggestions and the theater group then improvised new scenarios accordingly
in order to actually try-out the ideas suggested. Discussions about the
viability of those alternatives followed dramatizations.
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This curriculum has two distinct functions which are evident from the
perspective of feminist and critical theories: (1) to enable students to have input
throughout their learning experience; and (2) to allow all participants to encounter
multiple perspectives of a given problem, challenging traditional explanations
(Mittman, 1997). Allowing students to express their perspectives of a given problem
facilitated their ability to critically analyze situations affecting their everyday
experiences. While encouraging participants’ imagination and creativity, Mittman
promoted independence by allowing students to direct certain aspects of the
program, an example of critical theory. Mittman, the facilitator of this program,
described her philosophical position as instrumenting a nondogmatic approach,
affirming the children’s notions of community challenges and understanding her
participants were constantly undergoing transition as teenagers and participants of
critical pedagogy.
After careful review of the main theoretical tenets of feminism, it was found
that most modern and postmodern ideologies are applicable to this case study.
Giroux (1991) emphasized the complementary nature of modem and postmodern
feminist ideologies. Postmodernism, he stated, has been challenged for its
overemphasis of individual differences and rejections of universal truths.
Modernism, however, has been criticized for imposing Western influences, created
and maintained primarily by Anglo males, as superior to all other ways of living.
Giroux believes postmodern feminism is an approach which, (1) causes further
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dialogue to improve and to elaborate both the modem and postmodern feminist
theories and; (2) supports hooks’ assertion that “sexism, racism, and class
exploitation constitute interlocking systems of domination” which must be
acknowledged and supported by the feminist movement. Giroux concludes his
introduction by providing critical suggestions for incorporating modern and
postmodern feminist perspectives in the practice of education and the direction of
schools. Inevitably, schools are:
places of critical education in the service of creating a public sphere of
citizens who are able to exercise power of their own lives and especially over
the conditions of knowledge, production and acquisition. This is critical
pedagogy defined, in part, by the attempt to create the lived experience of
empowerment for the vast majority (p. 47).
Feminist theory holds that education is an agent of change. Feminism
advocates nonformal education, the inclusion of all individuals in the learning
process, and the implementation of liberatory pedagogies. From a feminist
perspective, nonformal education challenges the prevailing dominant norms of the
formal school system and additionally questions all other dominating forces, such as
family, religion, and media (Weiler, 1991). Feminist theorists argue and struggle to
include exploited groups in the learning system and to encourage participants to
exercise their voices, which may otherwise be silenced in traditional education.
The feminist approach builds on “consciousness raising” efforts in order for
individuals to rise above their subordinate positions in society. Active participants in
nonformal education participate in conversations and workshops which often lead to
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increased self-awareness. Feminist theories imply the “process approach” to
individual change in which a component of learning is active student participation in
the “diagnosis, design, and implementation of teaching and learning” (La Belle,
1986, p. 67). If the essence of feminism is the critical awareness and gained insight
of oppressed individuals, forging a connection to the pedagogical strategies of
educator and philosopher Paulo Freire would enhance this research perspective.
Feminist critiques o f current research practices. Feminist theory has made
notable contributions to our ways of understanding women, particularly in research
and analysis (Westkott, 1979; Weiler, 1991; Delgado Bernal, 1998). In discussing
women’s knowledge and advancement, Westkott (1979) challenged central research
limitations. Her suggestions provided a feminist perspective on the current trends of
investigative processes.
Women’s experiences are often misrepresented and distorted. As a common
error of research, women’s knowledge and experiences have not been accepted as
valid and purposeful to investigative findings. Certain research projects define
women according to male characteristics and others even exclude women entirely
(Westkott, 1979). As a result, Westkott asserted that research views women as a
deviation of humanity rather than a separate, holistic entity. Research projects are
male-centered, as is the world we live in. Westkott argued that women live in a
society which reinforces patriarchal ideologies and hegemonic decisions. Women do
not approve of these systems, but have been forced to accept and to adapt to this
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environment. Finally, Westkott concluded by highlighting the need for research for
the benefit of women, instead of merely about women. She contends that the
primary emphasis of scholarly research has been to explain women’s history of
subjugation rather than to provide resources for the future outlook of women. While
a historical analysis is critical, Westkott viewed research for women as advancing
women’s scholarship and contributing to the improvement of women’s lives.
Critical Pedagogy
Freire’s revolutionary critical pedagogy views education as the practice of
liberation (1970, 1973). This framework develops profound teaching strategies
through conscientizaqao (as used herein, “consciousness raising.”) Freire defined
this term as “learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions, and
to take action against the oppressive elements of reality,” to develop profound
teaching strategies (1970, p. 17). He perceived education and the learning
environment as a venue to transform human beings into active, conscious citizens in
society. At the same time, however, educational practices which impede liberation
and are bound by the prescriptive approaches to learning, maintain a silenced,
oppressed culture. Freire’s critical pedagogy is an approach to create critically aware
communities which counteract silence and oppression. First, however, it is
imperative to determine what characterizes the oppressed community.
Throughout his writings Freire insisted that oppressed populations are
powerless (1970). This case study looks closely at the needs of powerless and
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marginalized populations. Although he typically referred to adults, these features
were applicable to the emotional needs of street children.
Freire wrote that oppressed individuals in our society are manipulated and
bound by their oppressors; yet at the same time, these victims are attracted to the
oppressors (1970). Street children seek stable, comforting environments in which to
belong. Unfortunately, their surroundings often consist of street gangs or abusive
households. Although these settings are repressive, they afford consistency, an
“idealized” normality, and possibly a financial support system. From their peripheral
perspective, street children cannot realize that many oppressors lead dysfunctional
and unstable lives. The children continue to long for this perceived norm.
“Self-depreciation is another characteristic of the oppressed” (1970, p. 45).
As a result of cognitive lags and emotional underdevelopment, street children suffer
low levels of self-esteem and may become “alienated and potentially violent” (Blunt,
1994, p. 244). Physical and emotional abuse, primarily from family members or
employers, continues to degrade and to lower the self-worth of these targeted
adolescents. Following the characterization of oppressed populations, Freire (1970,
1973) revealed an analysis of the cruel realities of marginal communities through
identifying the struggles of everyday dichotomies (i.e., humanization and
dehumanization). Freire’s pedagogical practices challenged these dualities.
Freire (1970, 1973) also focused on the various dualities of life that
negatively affect education systems and the lives of street children. The three
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dichotomies discussed in this paper, subject/object, integration/adaptation, and
humanization/dehumanization reflect the treatment of street children by the dominant
social structures.
Subject/Object: Individuals or learners who are told information and whose
creativity and intellect are inhibited and controlled by authoritative figures are
regarded as “objects” in society. Objects are the targets of the banking model of
education, in which students essentially are “containers,” and education becomes the
process of teachers “depositing” information (Freire, 1970, p. 53). On the contrary,
“subjects” are students who have been integrated into the learning process and who
are expected to critically analyze classroom themes. In the latter scenario, teachers
practice problem-posing education, in which students participate, exchange ideas,
and confront critical issues. Problem-posing education is supported by the process
approach to learning, which creates a horizontal learning atmosphere, enabling both
teachers and learners to evolve in the classroom.
Integration/Adaptation: These two contradictory terms are similar in meaning
to subject/object. Street children have adapted to their surroundings because they do
not possess alternatives. Poverty was not their choice, and these adolescents have
few healthy and viable recourses. The futures of adapted individuals have been
prescribed by society and its assumptions. However, children who have persevered
through the pressures of poverty and have made the choice to seek alternative ways
of living have integrated “themselves into their context, responding to its challenges”
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(Freire, 1973, p. 4). Integrated children have the ability to see their realities and to
make socially acceptable choices to change their situations.
Humanization/Dehumanization: This experience is an extreme duality that
has powerful impacts on the lives of street children. Children who experience
“injustice, exploitation, oppression, and violence” undergo dehumanization (Freire,
1970, p. 26). While this is not a child’s destiny, Freire asserted it is a result of
powerful forces within an unjust society. For example, the media, policymakers, and
magistrates hold power over street children. The humanization process, conversely,
involves trust, communication, and the ability to confront struggles. The women and
girls of the previously discussed Empowerment o f Community Leaders Project were
participating in a humanizing experience. This program fostered trust between the
participants and with the project facilitators. Communication was increased
throughout the communities in which women addressed conflicts by applying their
knowledge in neighborhood groups. The Empowerment o f Community Leaders
Project required females to be subjects in their own learning process, causing them
to make conscious choices. This project is a clear example of a nonformal education
program demonstrating the positive outcomes of Freire’s dichotomies.
Critical practices and marginalized youth. Nonformal education is an
essential agent in creating more critically aware students. Uneducated and easily
persuaded children act without knowledge. These individuals are influenced by the
dominant group and act without a critical awareness of the context (Freire, 1973).
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Yet, with nonformal education, street children can move in the direction of “radical
human beings”, forming introspective opinions, communicating, engaging in
dialogue, being humble and committed (1973). Freire confirms that individuals in
marginal communities can rise out of their present state and “transform” their lives
from unknowledgeable action to radicalism through education. Freire’s theory of
“revolutionary praxis” involves marginal individuals such as out-of-school-children,
participating in a dialogue which critically analyzes their own state of being, causing
them to reflect and to act, thus creating positive changes in their lives.
In order for street children to participate in their own recovery process the
following three elements must exist within the curriculum: (1) a student-centered
philosophy; (2) critical confrontation of student issues; and (3) deliberate actions
taken by students to address their problems (1973, p. 16). The following
methodology is a modified version of Freire’s original five-phase program for the
critical consciousness of illiterate populations (p. 49). The module was initially
created to increase the political awareness of the poor in Brazil. I have taken Freire’s
revolutionary process and adapted it for street and working children. The main
tenets of the original plan, awareness and action, remain central to the modified
version.
1. Interview - The interview process is conducted after the child has decided
to utilize the services of a particular nonformal education project. This
phase is designed to provide an initial connection between the nonformal
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educator and the participant. “These interviews reveal longings,
frustrations, disbeliefs, hopes, and an impetus to participate” (1973, p.
49). The exchange of ideas and information between the interviewer and
the participant seeks to develop the foundations of a relationship.
2. Identify goals and objectives - This process is designed to assist children
in strategizing desired outcomes. Phase two is a way for the educators
and their respective program to coach participants in decision making
skills and measure levels of critical awareness, i.e., an assessment of how
decisions are made, what strategies or techniques participants use to make
those decisions, and what external forces are affecting those decisions.
3. Discuss and identify problem situations - At this point educators and
youth participants share problems and challenges related to their everyday
struggles. As both parties gain insight and they move towards a greater
understanding of themselves and each other.
4. Elaborate on the above - Both educators and participants continue to
diagnose their strengths and weaknesses. This stage seeks to develop
greater trust between participants and program services.
5. Raise consciousness through activity and dialogue - In Freire’s original
methodology, he targets illiterate and powerless individuals. He poses a
“thinking word” as a strategy to move participants to think critically
about their situation. In educating street children, a “thinking word” can
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refer to confronting conflicts or life realities in order to encourage
participants to think critically and analytically before making decisions.
Below is an example of a nonformal education project designed from Freire’s
conception of education for critical consciousness. Ongoing teacher training and
student-centered curricula are key features which indicate this program and its
teachers are advocates for social change. A humanizing approach involving respect
for and encouragement of the student is also present in the program structure.
However, Miller-Pasquale and Amestoy Lee (1997) did not discuss key project items
such as consciousness raising efforts and student outcomes, nor are these concepts
part of the infrastructural or curricular design.
Modeled after Freire’s critical approach to emancipatory education,
ChildHope and Pennat sponsor a nonformal education project operating in
downtown Guatemala City. This program has been in existence for two years and
has focused on teaching working children through pedagogies such as alternative
classrooms and, a modified and relevant curriculum. The location of this project is a
key feature of its innovative strategies toward learning. Teachers flexibly meet with
their students “under trees in the park, in the streets next to their puestos (individual
stands or stalls), and in small ‘classrooms’ created in the mercados" (Miller-Pasquale
& Amestoy Lee, 1997, p. 63).
In addition to classroom location, this highly accessible program also has an
adaptive curriculum, supports the professional development of teachers, and creates
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an environment for parent participation. Children learn at their various reading and
math levels, not the assumed levels in accordance with age and grade. Participants
receive the basic and pertinent information needed to function on the street, such as
money management techniques and drug and disease prevention methods.
ChildHope and Pennat also offer an accommodating school day, where children
attend class around their work schedules. All teachers are required to have a
Guatemalan teaching certification and three months of training prior to their post, in
addition to monthly in-services. A particular strength of this program is the
successful inclusion of parents. Parents must promise not to hinder their children’s
regular attendance at school.
Further research on this alternative program would require an outline of the
curriculum materials and pedagogical strategies implemented. Miller-Pasquale and
Amestoy Lee did not critique the five-phase design for a liberatory pedagogy (1997)
This information would have been useful in evaluating the implementation of
Freire’s methods. No mention was made of the program’s efforts to raise levels of
consciousness, another marker of a liberatory learning. From this review there was
no curricular reference of children’s greater understanding of economic
subordination despite their daily encounters with it on the streets. Miller-Pasquale
and Amestoy Lee measured success by the number of children served in the project.
However, additional indicators, including student integration into the formal school
system, were not reported. This data is essential to the revision of curriculum and
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assessment of project effectiveness. Teacher training methods used to expose
instructors to critical theory are also needed to replicate and design these adaptive
programs and to increase the capabilities of teachers in this theoretical model.
The Intersection o f Feminist and Critical Pedagogies
Both feminist and critical epistemologies are founded on benevolent
philosophies aiming to change the direction of our global society. The very root of
both models holds an understanding of human development.
Despite the parallel perspectives of feminist and critical theories, feminist
scholars have noted the ability of their discourse to enhance Freire’s work,
particularly with regard to women, knowledge, oppression, and consciousness
raising. Critical theory is based on individuals resisting economic and political
repression. However, minimal claims are directed towards or focused on women.
Weiler (1991) and hooks (1994) discussed these gendered issues and the
contributions of feminism interwoven with critical pedagogy. It is important to note
at this point that feminism does not reject the theoretical model of Paulo Freire;
feminism perceives itself as expanding upon and enriching his ideas through
criticism and analysis.
Both Weiler (1991) and hooks (1994) referred to Freire’s (1970) usage of
masculine vocabulary as sexist language. As a proponent of Freire’s work, hooks
asserts this notion has been a difficult challenge for her to tolerate in her analysis of
this revolutionary pedagogy. She has always recognized Freire’s tendency to use
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sexist language and views this dilemma as a man with significant introspection
demonstrating fallibility.
Dialogue is the encounter between men, mediated by the world, in order to
name the world. Hence, dialogue cannot occur between those who want to
name the world and those who do not wish this naming - between those who
deny others the right to speak their word and those whose right to speak has
been denied them (Freire, 1970, p. 69).
Freire’s intentions clearly did not include sexual discrimination. However, from this
excerpt we can conclude that women are excluded from Freire’s analysis of those
who participate in dialogue and those who make decisions in society. This proves
that women’s voices, not just men’s, are often concealed or negated in the process of
discourse. Notwithstanding this fact, hooks remained faithful to Freire’s critical
theory because it was liberatory in scope. She felt the sexist language deserved
critical analysis, but the overall theme did not merit dismissal.
A second criticism of critical theory was the limited and unvarying
possibilities of oppression described in Freire’s discourse analysis. Identifying males
as the subjugated individuals, Freire confined his analysis of oppression. He
“.. .leaves unaddressed the forms of oppression experienced by different actors, the
possibility of struggles among people oppressed differently by different groups”
(Weiler, 1991 p. 453). Freire highlighted the effects of tyranny without
acknowledging the positions of women and children, who experience different yet
equal forms of oppression. Freire’s theoretical perspective of dualities views
experiences of dehumanization and humanization as universal and common to all
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members of society regardless of difference (Weiler, 1991). “Within history, in
concrete, objective contexts, both humanization and dehumanization are possibilities
for a person as an uncompleted being conscious of their incompletion” (Freire, 1970,
p. 25). Feminist theorists have asked several questions directed at Freire’s
description of humanizing experiences. Is a humanizing experience within a man’s
contextual framework? Are women included in humanizing experiences? Freire’s
work is critiqued for viewing humanizing experiences from very abstract terms with
inadequate references to diversity.
A third area of theoretical expansion can be found in Freire’s assumptions
that consciousness raising activities will lead to collective action by oppressed
populations. Freire argues for “the need for the critical intervention of the people in
reality through the praxis” (1970, p. 35). However, Weiler poses the possibility of
individuals developing critical analysis skills independent of each other, and the
likelihood of individual, not collective, action. While feminist theorists advocate
collective action, they also encourage the free will and autonomy of subjugated
persons. Increased self-reliance and self-worth, which are individualistic in nature,
are also effects of consciousness raising. Even within groups, not all oppressive
experiences are uniform. These differences should be recognized because, as
feminists have proven, increased consciousness can lead to independence.
Weiler disagrees with Freire’s assumption that authority figures and teachers
are male. Freire’s model addresses the role of the teacher as experiencing
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transformation similar to that of the learner. That is, the teacher and the learner are
on equal levels and thus must process knowledge in a reciprocal fashion, creating
very minimal forces of power. Weiler (1991) agrees with the reciprocity of teaching
and learning, yet she critiques this notion particularly with regard to female
instructors. She claims Freire has failed to address the relationship of teacher
authority and power in reference to difference (i.e., sex, gender, ethnicity, and age).
For example, women have struggled to have their knowledge and achievements
viewed with respect. Whether teaching in the capacity of a nonformal educator, an
elementary school teacher, or a university professor, females must claim to have
authority in their specified field. They should also be viewed as role models in the
classroom for advancing and achieving to the status of teacher and “knower”
(Weiler, 1991). Freire does not address the unequal distribution of power as a result
of multicultural and gender differences. Human characteristics such as sex, gender,
ethnicity, and age not only shape how teachers position themselves within their
classroom, but also determine their levels of assertiveness.
Feminist theory provides a fifth enhancement to the work of Paulo Freire.
While Freire views consciousness raising as a vital experience in questioning
universal truths and bringing forth suppressed knowledge, feminist theorists rely
heavily on the interpretation of feelings in providing profound insight.
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Both experience and feeling were central to consciousness raising and remain
central to feminist pedagogy in academia; they are claimed as a kind of ‘inner
knowing,’ shaped by society but at the same time containing an oppositional
quality. Feeling is looked to as a guide to deeper truth than that of abstract
rationality (Weiler, 1991, p. 463).
Feminist pedagogy, as critical theory, is rooted in praxis, which stems from
consciousness raising (i.e. the discussion of shared feelings and experiences). The
women’s studies discipline began with the formation of consciousness raising groups
and other liberation activities during the 1960s and 1970s (Weiler, 1991).
Discussing feelings has been essential to the development of a feminist pedagogy
and its reflective framework.
The fusion of feminist and critical ideologies creates the theoretical frame for
this case study. These two theories are integrative of each other and adaptive to this
project. It is also meaningful to distinguish the applicability of a critical feminist
paradigm in qualitative methodology. The following narrative focuses on critical
feminism as an investigative tool.
Methodological contributions from a critical feminist approach. The
contributions of critical feminist analysis to methodological practices have changed
the direction of scholarly research (Mies, 1983; Delgado Bernal, 1998; Greenwood
& Levin, 1998). The gains of women previously discussed by Kirk and Okazawa-
Rey (1998) are due in large part to the unyielding persistence of this paradigm
enhancing community development through research strategies. Mies (1983) claims
the traditional quantitative, positivist methods of conducting research have kept
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women out of the center of research practices and have been detrimental to the
progress of women. Mies found that these approaches ignore “women’s social
history, women’s perception of their own situation, their own subordination, and
their own resistance” (1983, p. 121). However, feminist scholars have urged the
inclusion of women’s knowledge within research investigations and found
qualitative, subjective research to be the most enhancing in the development of
women and their insights regarding oppression (Greenwood & Levin, 1998; Mies,
1983). Westkott’s (1979) earlier claim that current research practices, which distort
and misinterpret women’s knowledge, may be avoided if women are encouraged to
put forth subjectivity and perception as valid research data. Instead of treating
women as objects of research, regarding women as subjects, provides greater
possibilities for discovery and truth. Mies (1983), Delgado Bernal (1998), and
Greenwood and Levin (1998) discuss the applications of women’s culture, expertise,
and consciousness in the design of effective research methodologies. In the section
that follows, Mies (1983) and Delgado Bernal (1998) approach problem formulation
from a critical theory lens, (i.e. consciousness raising activities as critical to research
design) while Greenwood and Levin (1998) draw from their participatory research
perspectives. Yet both positions are gender sensitive, and conduct and design
research projects for ‘subjects,’ rather than about subjects.
Mies (1983) states, “the postulate of value-free research, of neutrality and
indifference towards the research objects, has to be placed by conscious partiality,
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which is achieved through partial identification with the research objects” (p. 122).
That is, women must be able to identify with the subjects in question. Usually
researchers will pose subjective opinions and hypotheses because of their connection
to the participants and their relation to the subjects’ positions. However, Greenwood
and Levin (1998) view value-free research as contrary to feminist beliefs because
neutrality negates the critical emphasis of gender. In Delgado Bernal’s analysis of
Chicana feminist research applications, she points out that the foundation of feminist
research is the intuition, highly predisposed, which women bring to the project
(1998). In this sense, Delgado Bernal underscores subjective research as critical to
the development of the community and of women.
Both Mies (1983) and Greenwood and Levin (1998) emphasize, “[t]he
vertical relationship between researcher and ‘research objects,’ the view from above,
must be replaced by the view from below” (Mies, 1983, p. 123). Subjugation is
typically fostered through a top down hierarchical system. Employing a feminist
critical framework reinforces the necessity to put researchers in the positions of their
subjects, removing any condescending or authoritative attitudes. As indicated
earlier, both critical and feminist perspectives perceive teachers and learners in a
reciprocal environment, each benefiting from the other. A horizontal, rather than
vertical relationship will contribute to this philosophy. A critical feminist theoretical
framework views research for the purpose of benefiting oppressed populations and
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the society at large, not for the purpose of making prominent scholars out of
researchers.
Greenwood and Levin (1998) have labeled feminist approaches to
methodology as “gender-responsible research” because of feminists’ action oriented
strategies (p. 183). Feminist theorists’ continued efforts to create change agents out
of research subjects, and out of themselves, is a hallmark of their methodological
contributions. Greenwood and Levin (1998) specifically point out the attention
feminist research has given to producing action in developing countries, where
impoverished women are politically and economically silenced. Mies also agrees,
“The contemplative, uninvolved ‘spectator knowledge’ must be replaced by active
participation in actions, movements and struggles for women’s emancipation” (1983,
p. 124). Mies discusses the value of praxis-oriented research in relation to active
participation. Praxis is reflection and action (Freire, 1970). It is the active
participation, discussion, reflection, and change of individuals, namely researchers
and subjects. The activities within the project should lead those involved to
construct differences which reflect the beliefs of the research focus: democracy and
egalitarianism.
The underlying foundation of empowering individuals, includes overcoming
oppression and advancing society in the direction of utopianism. Clearly there is a
quest for change. Mies believes, “the change of the status quo becomes the starting
point for a scientific quest” (1983, p. 125). A critical feminist research project stems
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from the need to change the way our society currently exists. The current research is
a methodological process utilized to uncover oppression and to encourage
emancipation. Mies describes qualitative methodology as the tool for enlightening
subordinate groups, disrupting the status quo, and fostering aspirations of change.
Delgado Bernal (1998) expands this concept by highlighting that her focus and
insight increase as she conducts research. The analytical process begins with the
desire for change, which intensifies throughout the research.
The philosophical contributions of Paulo Freire have had a profound
influence on the way feminist researchers conduct investigations. The concept of
consciousness raising is seen as a powerful tool and end result for those projects
targeting emancipation from political or economic subordination. However, for
successful research to occur, it is vital for the concept of consciousness raising to
permeate both the targeted research groups and those conducting the investigation.
“The research process must become a process of ‘ conscientization' both for the so-
called research subjects (social scientists) and for the ‘research objects’ (women as
target groups),” (Mies, 1983, p. 126). In addition, Mies sees subsequent attempts at
consciousness raising as the key feature to liberating research. According to Mies,
the absence of action following consciousness raising is not only detrimental to
emancipation but is also regressive in nature.
Historically, the analysis of women has portrayed females in minimal roles.
Mies (1983) points out that consciousness raising must recognize the achievements
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of women in history, i.e., identifying their struggles, learning from their mistakes,
illuminating their successes, etc. This process, in conjunction with qualitative
research methodologies, will help women understand their central role in history and
begin forming the elemental frameworks for emancipation. “The collective
‘ conscientizatiori’ of women through a problem-formulating methodology must be
accompanied by the study of women’s individual and social history” (Mies, 1983, p.
127). In relation to this, Delgado Bernal (1998) attributes successful research to the
implicit and historical information contributed by communities. However,
consciousness raising experiences can become manifest when communities witness
the importance of their knowledge validated and recognized through the result of
successful research. Community “legends” and generational knowledge become
legitimate tools in the research process and participants can identify their place in
history as valuable.
Focusing on the methods of Paulo Freire, collective unity must begin with a
collaborative effort to increase consciousness. In group discourse, it is only natural
for women to share mutual experiences and the common idiosyncrasies of everyday
living. Women can receive support and feedback from one another as this process
decreases competition and individualism. Delgado Bernal (1998) views this type of
information as nontechnical literature (outside of technical research and theoretical
writing) and particularly relevant to the framework of feminist qualitative
methodology. As Mies demonstrates, this collective process will enable women to
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feel secure about their experiences and to identify with their place in history.
“Women cannot appropriate their own history unless they begin to collectivize their
own experiences” (Mies, 1983, p. 127).
Feminist Research Concentrating on Adolescents and Education
Girls ’ education. An analysis of feminist theory demonstrates the initiative
of feminist researchers to frame concepts and situations according to females. Girls
in developing regions of the globe depend on these insights to improve their quality
of life. Feminist theorists assess to what degree communities provide girls with the
tools for success. Tools that have made a difference include education, relevant
curriculum, housing, protection from violence, and the availability of vocational
training programs. Feminist theorists also investigate the nature of communities and
the level of participation among females. As Mies (1983) indicated, women’s
knowledge is essential and must be validated. Women are the driving forces behind
stable communities.
Through an educational perspective feminist theorists assess to what degree
formal and nonformal education systems provide healthy and viable frameworks for
girls. For example, the identification of specific educational policies for girls is
important to female success. Research on school infrastructure provides insight on
why or how girls perform poorly. Classroom organization, available resources,
gender sensitive textbooks, and egalitarian classroom instructors are examples of
what feminist researchers identify in gender-safe atmospheres (USAID, 1991).
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Employing democracy in classroom practices and encouraging girls to participate are
vital components of feminist research outlooks. Feminist researchers may pose any
of the following potential questions for the purpose of framing girls’ education
practices:
1. How is this program addressing the extensive issues and concerns of
girls? How are those issues different from boys’ needs?
2. Where is the school located in relation to the girls’ homes? What
resources are available for girls, i.e., facilities, books, materials?
3. What intervention programs or policies does the educational model
provide?
4. What teaching strategies are implemented to elicit gender sensitive
classroom behaviors? What are the gender assumptions?
5. In which contexts and under what conditions are these interventions or
policies effective?
6. Which interventions and options appear most promising to improve girls’
educational participation?
7. What are the policy implications of these insights on gender? (USAID,
1991)
What we have learned, from continued feminist research practice and these
suggested questions, is that more educational research is needed on girls’
participation in the classroom. It is also necessary to address girls from their unique
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positions, as struggling young females fighting patriarchal societies. Finally, it is
important to undertake research for the development of utopian communities, which
treat girls justly.
The basic human rights of children make critical approaches to education
important in the evaluation and review process. Nonformal education increases the
ability of children to integrate into society, and specific pedagogies are needed to
ensure that students become critically aware of injustice. Although increasing
knowledge on injustice alone does not constitute a critical approach. Critical
consciousness of discrimination and the violation of human rights followed by
positive action for change enhance the Freirean model to an empowering one. What
is the driving force behind educational research for a critically conscious society?
Access to education. A critical concern throughout the globe is that many
children do not have access to education. “In most developing countries elementary
education is not provided free. Moreover, many children are not sent to school
because they cannot comply with school regulations such as strict adherence to
timetables and sanctions that are applied for noncompliance with dress and hygiene
codes” (Blunt, 1994, p. 240). Several Ministries of Education and UNESCO
identified such barriers to school attendance at the 2000 World Education for All
Conference and its precursor symposiums. These meetings insisted marginalized
children have the right to learn and to become fully participating citizens. They also
explored alternatives to formal education (UNESCO, 1998). The work of educators
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and researchers will not be abandoned until the problems of impoverished youth
have ended.
On community and global levels these opportunities will improve the social,
political, and economic dynamics of marginal groups. On an individual level,
nonformal education is an essential tool for keeping children off the street and
focused towards educational attainment and activities, promoting the development of
leadership skills and self-esteem. Nonformal programs must identify problem areas
and additional needs of the community, and subsequently provide programs for
developing the strengths of its members.
Improved research efforts. Inconsistencies in the current literature on street
children pose significant areas of concern, primarily with regard to program planning
and gender inequality. Despite the growth of this research over the last two decades,
Connolly addressed four problem areas in recent studies of street children (1996, p.
138).
The first suggestion, which can be viewed from a feminist approach, argues
that the various backgrounds of children and their diverse human characteristics
including, “gender, age, sex, and ethnicity” are largely overlooked. Traditionally,
out-of-school-youth have been classified into an all-inclusive category of “street
children.” This becomes a problem at the program level when trying to identify the
specific needs and positions of individual children. This leads to the second problem
with current research, again from a feminist perspective, that there is a significant
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shortage of investigations of street girls. Since street children are typically grouped
regardless of sex and relatively small numbers of street girls actually exist, girls are
generally overlooked as a factor in this epidemic. Connolly and Ennew (1996) note
the difficulty in precisely counting the number of minors on the street, despite
academic and mathematical methods of calculating population demographics. This
becomes a relevant problem when researching accurate percentages of children
affected by drugs and sexually transmitted diseases. A final dilemma among current
studies is the newly developed concept of “street girl,” which is an all-encompassing
term for girls, regardless of age or race. There is a lack of academic resources to
substantiate the idea that street girls have especially complex backgrounds, including
pregnancy, sexual abuse, and substance abuse. Through a feminist lens it is clear
that increased research is needed to provide insight when planning programs of
assistance.
The challenges presented highlight a need for continued research regarding
street children and gender awareness. This study addresses both of those concerns
from a qualitative rather than quantitative methodological perspective. Using a
qualitative design allows the researcher to be more descriptive and to concentrate on
characteristics like race, age, and gender rather than on numeric explanations. The
following section focuses on the research design aspect of this project and the
importance of utilizing a case study analysis.
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Case Study Analysis
After I thoughtfully considered the various types of qualitative research, I
selected a case study design because it is most applicable to the current educational
project. A primary factor in this decision was that case study methodologies are
especially appropriate in the areas of social science research and projects focusing on
community development (Yin, 1994). As denoted throughout this study the central
theme is youth empowerment through critical thinking. However, four additional
factors also led to the selection of a case study: (1) the types of questions delineated
in this study (i.e., how and why things happen); (2) the lack of control over
behaviors, actions, and events throughout the research project; (3) the focus on
contemporary issues in gender equality in Mexico; and (4) my personal preference
for a descriptive research approach.
The remainder of this section explores why and how the study was
conducted. The study will differentiate among three points of view, the students’
views, a program perspective, and a gender focus. The methods section will cover
the basic components of a case study research design. Essential topics such as the
primary research questions, instrumental tools of investigation, and the integration of
the theoretical framework will be reviewed within the research design account.
Chapter Three will conclude by discussing my role within the selected nonformal
education project.
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Purpose o f the Study
The selected nonformal education program for this case study has been
identified as Centro Organizado de Recursos Ailmentarios y Servicios Omnimodos
para Ninos, Asociacion Civil or, as an acronym, Corason. The English translation of
Corason is read as the Organized Center of Resources, Nutrition, and Basic Services
for Children. The Civil Association part of Corason’ s name refers to its
identification as a community organization. In addition to the literal meaning,
Corason is the Spanish word for heart, although heart in Spanish is spelled corazon,
with a z.
Focusing on Corason, this study examines the concept of empowerment
including the term’s delivery and practice from critical and feminist frameworks. I
chose Corason for a variety of practical reasons. First, Corason identifies itself as a
nonformal education project, offering preschool (pre-escolar), primary school
(primaria), and middle school (escuela secundaria) curricula. The school centers on
a philosophy of catering to poor street and working children, and their mothers.
Second, Corason’ s pedagogical practices aim to develop autonomy and critical
thinking skills in each of its participants, allowing children to lead balanced and
improved lives. Third, the administration, faculty and the escuela secundaria
students of Corason were all willing and able to participate in interviews and
observations, the instrumental tools employed in this study. Fourth, the geographic
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region of Guadalajara, Mexico presented a suitable environment for carrying out this
study.
Guadalajara, as in most areas of Mexico, has two main types of primary and
secondary education: (1) privately funded institutions, attended predominately by the
children of middle and upper class families; and (2) public education, which is
managed by SEP, Secretaria de Education Publica or the Ministry of Education, and
serves lower middle class and poor families. However, the combination of both
education programs does not provide an all-inclusive system for the children of
Guadalajara. The public school system operates under significant handicaps (i.e.,
minimal funding and sparse classroom resources) and lacks programs to target
marginalized children. These public school deficiencies will be described in Chapter
Five. Nonformal education, such as Corason, can be viewed as the connective piece
for those children who must work. It can also be the link for those children who are
overlooked in the over-crowded public school system.
More information on the Corason model and its applicability to the current
study will be discussed in Chapters Four and Five. It is important now to understand
how the concept of empowerment (psychological well-being, economic stability, and
educational attainment) was explored. Three research components help shape the
contextual framework of empowerment: (1) individual student achievement; (2)
program design and implementation; and (3) gender dynamics and implications.
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Individual student achievement. This study identified and documented the
experiences of students who felt they have successfully accomplished self-initiated
goals and objectives. Objectives included achievements such as earning good
grades, rehabilitation from substance abuse, attending a job training program, or
transferring to a local, public degree-granting school. An objective had been
accomplished if the quality of the student’s life had improved since his or her direct
action.
Program design and implementation. The investigation examined the key
features of the project under review. What activities, processes, or curriculum
materials did the program provide? What theoretical frameworks supported these
measures? How was the concept of empowerment integrated into the curriculum?
How did the learners achieve empowerment? What physical and emotional stages of
development did the program facilitate and how? How did the program contribute to
the child’s self-worth, individuality, educational advancement, and increased
economic stability?
Gender dynamics and implications. The area of gender will be explored to
provide insight on the dynamics of educating girls. An investigation of demographic
and social information about girls was conducted to identify their vital programming
needs. A report by USAID discusses the reasoning behind recognizing effective
strategies in girls’ education. “The goal is to identify those strategies, practices,
inputs, and factors that have had measurable positive impact on girls’ acquisition of
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basic education in developing countries and to identify the contextual factors or
conditions under which these approaches are effective” (1991, p. 2). In identifying
the contextual factors of this research study, significant importance was placed on
features that either fostered or hindered the empowerment of girls. Examples of this
included educational facilities, instructional materials, and the social environment
available to girls. Gender is a salient research component because the situations of
girls (e.g., teen pregnancy and parenting) are different from those of boys, and
deserve appropriate attention.
Research Design
A research design is an action plan (Yin, 1994). It begins by asking what,
where, why, or how is something happening, and concludes by systematically
analyzing the data collected to answer the inquiry. If the design were reviewing
several education programs it would be a multiple-case study. However, the design
of this analysis is a single-case study, of Corason’ s attempt to successfully empower
street children. This specific research approach is applicable because both the
project model and theoretical framework suggest adolescents at Corason are
empowered through specific pedagogical strategies. The current case begins with
eleven primary research questions proposed to investigate empowerment in Mexico.
The project ends by methodically interpreting the data collected to address each of
these questions.
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However, there is more to building a comprehensive research design. Yin
outlines five imperative components of a case study research design: “(1) a study’s
questions; (2) its propositions, if any; (3) its unit(s) of analysis; (4) the logic linking
the data to the propositions, and; (5) the criteria for interpreting the findings” (1994,
p. 20). For the purpose of this research design, the primary research questions were
delineated with respect to the individual, the program, and gender. Yin asserts, “how
and why questions do not point to what you should study” (p. 21). Although many
how and why questions have been addressed in the literature review, a case study can
provide additional qualitative data, which supports the existing literature. Therefore,
the propositions of the study indicate what should be researched. In this case they
are gender equality, economics, education levels, and psychological stability. The
unit of analysis refers to the problem or phenomenon under review, which is
empowerment in nonformal education. Linking the data was done through the
scrupulous development of themes, codes, and patterns. The criterion for
interpreting data was achieved by constructing a well-developed theoretical
paradigm with which to view and cross-reference findings.
Primary research questions. Research questions in this investigation sought
to address the following analytical frameworks: How is empowerment perceived in
the context of this setting? What are children’s perceived successes experienced
within a nonformal education program and how have these accomplishments
established psychological, economic, or educational empowerment? How were the
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teaching and learning experiences different for boys and girls throughout the
empowerment process, and what were girls’ underlying assumptions and perceptions
of the nonformal education project?
Through interviewing participants and researching program elements such as
pedagogical strategies, theoretical framework, curriculum, and the role of
administration and funding sources, the primary questions of this examination were
covered. In order to understand the program under review, questions have been
categorized into three main focus points: the individual, the program, and gender.
Data will include background information on individual students, including
socioeconomic status, family dynamics and history, psychological and emotional
levels, and education attainment. The program design covered the conceptual model,
assumptions, program techniques, curriculum methods, and teaching strategies.
Finally, information focusing on gender included data regarding numbers of street
girls involved in the program, what girls’ needs are, how these needs are identified
and addressed, and what methods are employed to provide girls with an education.
This study sought to answer the following questions:
Individual Level Issues
1. What are the barriers to education for street and working children at
Corason?
2. What are the specific needs of street children?
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3. What areas of accomplishment do street children perceive they have
successfully attained through Corason! How are these successes
translated into psychological, economic, or educational empowerment?
Program Level Issues
1. What are the criteria for a successful nonformal education program?
2. What curriculum methods or teaching strategies are employed to
empower children?
3. What is the theoretical foundation of this program?
4. What is being offered to mainstream children to reintegrate them into
society?
5. How is Corason targeting street children and what is its recruitment
process?
Gender Concerns
1. What are the barriers to education facing street and working girls?
2. How is Corason addressing the extensive issues and concerns of street
girls? What are the gender assumptions? Under what conditions are
these interventions most effective?
3. How is Corason recruiting street girls?
Preparing for and collecting data. In preparation for a case study
investigation, a researcher must demonstrate certain qualities and practice useful
techniques prior to conducting a full-scale research assignment. According to Yin,
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(1994, p. 54) four qualities that contribute to a successful study and aid in planning a
research project are possessing solid examination skills, conducting a research
training session, outlining a research protocol, and conducting a pilot study. The
next section covers how these preparations fostered a rewarding investigation.
Yin describes basic research skills in case study practices as essentially
strong listening and perception skills (1994). A successful researcher will be able to
ask pertinent questions and listen carefully to the answers, taking into account body
language and context. Yin states that a first-rate investigator is nonjudgmental and is
able to read between the lines in an interview (p. 57). Working with adolescents for
the last seven years and having a masters degree in educational counseling has
enhanced my ability to listen and to infer information that might not be spoken. I
found my background and skills to be extremely useful throughout this project. It is
important that a researcher also be “adaptive and flexible” while conducting an
investigation, so as not to miss any critical opportunities (p. 57). These criteria are
essential while doing research in a foreign country, particularly a developing one. A
positive, adaptable attitude will create less frustration and anxiety for the researcher.
Not everything happens according to plan. The researcher must have a strong
understanding of the concepts under review. In this case, a thoughtful research
proposal was critical to my discernment of empowering pedagogies in nonformal
education. A well-trained researcher possesses an unbiased lens. This element was
the most challenging because of the natural human instinct to judge. However, the
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more systematic the investigation became, the less opportunity there was for bias to
contaminate the results.
Yin claims that in preparing to conduct a case study, a training session is
helpful to enlighten research assistants on the various concepts and methods of the
project. I conducted the current case study independently. There were no research
assistants employed in this process. Therefore, a training session was impossible.
The third feature of a comprehensive study is a well-developed research
protocol (Yin, 1994). The protocol acts as a checks and balances sheet for the
investigator. It continuously reminds the researcher of the main unit of analysis,
which in this case is empowerment, and outlines the structure of project, heading off
unexpected problems. According to Yin, the protocol contains an overview of the
investigation, field procedures, case study questions, and a case study outline (pp.
64-65). Of Yin’s four areas of skillful preparation, I found constructing a protocol
for research in a foreign country to be the most difficult. A researcher has minimal
control over the procedures until he or she arrives at the site. However, in this case it
was helpful for me to have a description of the project, the research proposal, and a
letter from the chair of my dissertation committee soliciting permission to do
research (Appendix A).
In terms of field procedures, once in Mexico I was able to gain access to
Corason and to schedule interviews with administration, faculty, and students. I was
also able to observe the children and develop a visual perspective of the school.
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Case study questions were formulated in my research proposal, which was approved
prior to the investigation. From these inquiries, sub-questions were designed for
different groups of program respondents. For example, each group - children,
faculty, and administrators - received different interview questions that addressed
empowerment from varying angles. Yin asserts that writing a report outline is
helpful in the planning stages of the investigation and is also helpful in producing the
final draft of the research. The research proposal that I submitted to the Rossier
School of Education at the University of Southern California contained the necessary
elements of an outline, such as a theoretical framework, a literature review, an
overview of the research project, and a description of the methods for collecting data.
In preparation for this project, I conducted a pilot study to find faults in the
research design and to sharpen my interview techniques. Interviews were scheduled
with participants of the Los Angeles Youth Network (LAYN), a program for
homeless adolescents. My primary sources of information at LAYN were Kristen,
who formerly lived on the streets, and Michael, a program director. The objective
for this preliminary analysis was to research how Kristen perceived empowerment in
her own life. The objective was also to understand how the LAYN project employed
certain methodologies to cultivate empowerment in its itinerant teens. Discovering
the needs of this teenager and learning how the program had assisted in recognizing
those needs were critical.
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The interviews had various layers of information: family dynamics,
relationships, the design and strategies of LAYN, and the organizations ability to
reach out to Kristen. After the interview was completed, I transcribed my session
with Kristen and coded her various responses. I looked for patterns and themes
which identified four primary areas that acknowledged the multiple dimensions of
empowerment in Kristen’s life.
The pilot study was insightful from several angles, the life of a street girl, her
participation in a nonformal education program, and LAYN’s strategies for liberating
homeless teens. This study demonstrated how LAYN was responsible for engaging
Kristen in an emancipatory curriculum. Interviewing her and observing the LAYN
organization provided an increased awareness of the types of situations, questions,
and anxieties that may have occurred during the actual research process.
Most importantly, the pilot study helped to sharpen my interview skills.
While transcribing Kristen’s interview and listening to my responses I noted areas
for improvement in my reactions and comments. Since the interview went quickly, I
felt as though I did not have enough time to process her answers before asking
effective follow-up questions. Knowing what to anticipate in Mexico provided me
with a sense of security.
Instrumentation and evidence. Research evidence takes various shapes.
“Documentation, archival records, interviews, direct observations, participant
observations, and physical artifacts” are the six key pieces of evidence described by
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Yin (1994, p. 80). Utilizing more than one source of evidence adds to the validity
and reliability of a case study. The paragraph below explains why and how the
current research project utilized five of the six elements to understand the concept of
empowerment at Corason.
I collected documentation and archival records throughout the research
process. Such items of evidence included student report cards, student essays, the
Corason presentation packet, and the Corason business model, which included
charts and graphs of school expenditures and community needs. Yin claims these
documents contribute to the study’s validity because they can be evaluated
repeatedly, they were in existence before the study began, and they therefore cover a
longer span of time. These documents provide accurate names, dates, and titles
(1994). The Corason administrators were forthright in providing such information
and even allowed me to take it offsite to photo copy it. However, both the Corason
presentation packet and business model were written by Francisco, a co-director of
Corason, and inevitably contained a certain amount of bias.
I conducted two types of interviews, a focused, conversational interview and
a structured survey. Focused interview questions centered on socioeconomic status,
education levels, psychological characteristics, and the learned experiences of
escuela secundaria children at Corason. I discovered the self-worth and future plans
of the participants throughout the face-to-face interview process. In an attempt to
produce meaningful dialogue, interviews were open-ended. However, I thoughtfully
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prepared intentional questions prior to my meetings. As Merriam notes, “good
respondents are those who can express thoughts, feelings, opinions - that is offer a
perspective - on the topic being studied.” (1998, p. 85). In this study, I wanted to
gain a sense of what constituted empowerment at Corason. I conducted the
interviews in Spanish, the native tongue of the participants, and upon completion
they were transcribed verbatim. A bilingual translator from the Universidad
Autdnoma de Guadalajara, Yesenia Orellana, was present to clarify words or
phrases that I did not understand. I held the interviews in the foyer of the school’s
theatre. This was the only secured location free from the noise of students and
faculty. Unfortunately, though, the foyer had a large street level window that did not
close. Noise from the outside was quite disruptive and on several recorded tapes I
can hear the sounds of gas trucks, crying babies, and stick ball games. Interview
responses are marked “personal communication” throughout Chapters Four and Five.
I conducted a formal teacher survey (Appendix B) with six teachers, to discover the
teachers’ understanding of student empowerment at Corason. I employed the
teacher survey, in conjunction with other evidence, as contributing indicators of
empowerment. Similar to forms of documentation, surveys were reviewed over
time, especially throughout the data analysis stage.
A purposeful selection of children, teachers, and administrators from
Corason agreed to participate in the interview process. Merriam (1998) contends a
holistic analysis includes participants with various perceptions of and associations to
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the project. I held focused interviews with eight children from the secondary
education classroom: Alfonso, Christina, Daniel, Dorothy, Ricardo, Roberto, Sylvia,
and Vanessa. I also held focused interviews with two teachers: Coletta and Rachel,
and three administrators: Francisco, Katya, and Martha. I chose students and
educators by their willingness to share information and to participate in the research
process. I asked both the students and staff to sign a “consent to participate” form
that explained the interview process (Appendix C). I also asked Martha to confirm
that these signatures had been received by signing the student letters.
The aim of this study was to select and to work with subjects who had
varying life histories and a range of social, economic and educational backgrounds.
In assessing the nature of empowerment at Corason it was essential to interview
street and working children from diverse backgrounds. Children were the primary
source of information in distinguishing the main unit of analysis, the integration of
psychological, educational, and economic empowerment. Teachers were also an
excellent resource and offered a broad overview of the program. Teachers were
indispensable in assessing curriculum methods, intervention techniques, and teacher
training programs. The teachers’ interviews provided background perspectives of
street children and the organizational framework of Corason. The administrators
offered a historical perspective of the program. Francisco and Marta Gonzalez
spearheaded the project in 1993 and provided details that were unknown to new
faculty members or students.
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Francisco also spoke English, making interviews with him less complicated.
As I do not speak Spanish fluently, I wanted my questions to be thoroughly
understood and answered. Francisco spoke English and verified Spanish terms or
concepts with which I was unfamiliar. Although I relied on his knowledge and
language abilities, I made a conscious effort to include the voices of both students
and faculty. Faculty interviews revealed information on the school’s history,
curriculum, and student body.
I conducted observations in the year 2000 at the end of the spring semester
and throughout summer school. This time frame was most manageable for me
because I teach day and evening courses during the fall and spring semesters. I
observed the physical plant, classrooms, kitchen, bathroom, courtyard, theatre hall,
pre-school building, administrators’ living quarters, and areas under construction. I
primarily centered on before and after school activities, classroom sessions, the
escuela secundaria setting, and the regular interaction between students and faculty.
I was fortunate to attend significant events such as graduation, registration, teacher
training, public relations efforts, parent/teacher conferences, and teacher/co-director
meetings. I conducted fieldwork to interpret student viewpoints, program concerns,
and gender issues. These three perspectives provided a closer look at the premise of
this study, empowerment in nonformal education.
Observing is a research tool which supports ideologies and theoretical
frameworks and brings cohesiveness to the interview. “Observations are ...
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conducted to triangulate emerging findings; that is, they are used in conjunction with
interviewing and document analysis to substantiate the findings” (Merriam, 1998, p.
96). I was the only researcher at Corason. Therefore, I conducted all interviews and
observations. Although my objective as a researcher was to remain unbiased, as a
feminist investigator, I brought a gendered lens to the project. Mies (1983) asserts
female researchers often understand their participants’ social situations and history
of oppression from a comprehensive perspective. A feminist approach was key in
uncovering the gendered components that made up Corason, a central part of the
study. Direct observations strengthened the process of data collection and the
validity of the study. Yin claims that direct observations cover real time activities
and the context of the situation (1994, p. 80).
Furthermore, observations allow the researchers to position themselves in
their subject’s frame of reference. As an observer, I assumed the role of the
researcher; however, I was occasionally asked to substitute classes for short spans of
time (i.e., if an instructor was late to work or off campus). Because of my
willingness to help out, I gained inside access to organizational meetings and events.
For example, I participated in administrative/faculty meetings, parent/teacher
conferences, graduation, administrative conversations with political figures, and
school finance discussions. I was also able to effectively manipulate small events
such as scheduling a teacher’s meeting. The disadvantage of being in this position
was that I could not take copious notes while working in the classroom.
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Additionally, in my role as a substitute, I became a teacher advocate, which
consequently altered my fair judgment practices. Although participant observations
make notable contributions to research and analysis, I limited my involvement to
better focus on my project.
Data analysis. As mentioned earlier, I used a triangulation approach
integrating several forms of data to assess the nature of empowerment at Corason.
Through a triangulation method, the researcher can cross-reference multiple sources
of information rather than rely on one piece of evidence to support his or her
hypothesis (Yin, 1994). In this case documentation, I studied archival records,
interviews, and observations to measure empowerment. After deciding what to use
as evidence, I developed a strategy for making sense of it all.
My analytical strategy for interpreting empowerment at Corason was to
develop themes and patterns that supported the critical feminist theoretical
framework. First however, I wrote a case description to provide a guide of the
organization before delving into its themes. Once I formulated the case description
data were coded according to each primary research question. In pattern-matching,
the most efficient method for developing themes is to calculate the frequency of
reoccurring events or comments (Yin, 1994). For example, I created a coding
system that highlighted my respondents’ remarks to the question: “what areas of
accomplishment do street children perceive they have successfully attained through
participating in nonformal education?”
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In the next section, Chapters Four and Five deeply examine the project at
hand. Chapter Four specifically utilizes documentation to explore the history and
origin of Corason. Prominent stages of the school’s development are outlined to
demonstrate institutional progression. In Chapter Five participant voices are
implemented to uncover the mission and objectives of the school. Observations are
also central to this section and corroborate evidence from interviews, creating key
themes from barriers to education for street and working children to girl-centered
crisis intervention practices. In Chapter Five student viewpoints, the program model,
and gender conditions are described from a Freirean and feminist perspective on
education.
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CHAPTER FOUR
THE FOUNDATION AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE CORASON PROGRAM
Overview
Chapters Four and Five analyze the collected case evidence. Evidence was
divided into two primary categories, documentation and fieldwork data.
Documentation consists of records such as the Corason presentation packet and
business plan. Fieldwork data includes interviews and observations which were
conducted on the school grounds. As aforementioned, all correspondence between
the research participants and myself is labeled “personal communication.” This
chapter utilizes the documents to provide an in-depth description of Corason.
Chapter Five uses corroborating evidence from interviews and observations to
address the primary research questions.
Case Description
The following is a detailed narrative presenting the key features of Corason.
This section first reviews the school framework, including areas such as directorship,
community demographics, target population, theoretical framework, pedagogical
strategy, faculty, budget, and institutional goals. Following this outline, the case
description provides a historical account of Corason since its opening in 1993. I
relied upon information from the Corason business plan and presentation packet to
write the case description. Co-founder Francisco Gonzalez wrote both documents.
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The School Framework
I explored in Chapter Two the concept of nonformal education. This section
describes six paramount factors within the structure of nonformal teaching practices.
They are: (1) target population; (2) theoretical framework; (3) nonformal education
strategy; (4) pedagogical features; (5) funding resources; and (6) project outcomes.
The school framework section reviews these critical elements at Corason. It also
covers additional areas such as directorship, staff background, and community
demographics. Covering these will provide the foundation for addressing the
primary research questions in the next chapter. It is important to understand the
school’s philosophy, pedagogy, and available resources in order to contextualize
empowerment within Corason.
Directorship. In the early 1990s a husband and wife team, Francisco and
Martha Gonzalez, began a joint venture to establish a nonformal education program
in Mexico. Concentrating on hard-to-reach children, Corason was designed to
provide effective learning tools to the large number of indigenous and abandoned
street children.
Corason has been constituted with the objective of bringing about a sincere
effort for the solution of a growing problem of indigenous and homeless
children, not only represented by the vivid images of children living in the
streets but in the thousands o f faceless children who live in pain and barely
survive in the marginalized areas (Gonzalez, 1993).
Corason was founded in the town of El Vergel, approximately 30 miles from
the Gonzalez home in Guadalajara. For six years the couple commuted to the
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school, leaving Guadalajara in the early morning and returning home late into the
evening. In 1999 the Gonzalez family moved to El Vergel to shorten their
transportation time and to monitor the school from a closer distance. The co
directors agree that it was their devout Christian faith which inspired them to leave
their upper-middle class lifestyle, uproot their children, and relocate to El Vergel.
Staff background. Administration and faculty worked in partnership to carry
out the pedagogical mission of Corason. Their philosophies sometimes differed but
they worked together from a Christian perspective to steer children in the appropriate
direction. Six teachers and three administrators formed the entire staff team. Of
these nine members, six were interviewed, but only four key actors were essential to
this study. As mentioned in the methods chapter, these particular individuals worked
closely with the interviewed youth, the escuela secundaria students. Adult
participants included Rachel, the escuela secundaria instructor, Katya, the
administrative assistant, and Francisco and Martha, the co-founders. Rachel was a
key figure throughout the data collection because she taught escuela secundaria
students, the selected participants. Of the nine staff members, Rachel knew these
children best from her daily interactions with them in the classroom. This made her
an essential informant. Katya was almost equally as important because she was
close to the students in age and had developed friendships with them throughout their
enrollment at Corason. Katya was the gatekeeper at the school. As the directors’
daughter, she lived on campus with her parents. She was knowledgeable, insightful,
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and forthright with information. Francisco and Martha were valuable participants
because they knew the history and progression of the school. The couple operated
the school and directed the teachers and students. The following narrative explores
the background information of Rachel, Katya, Martha, and Francisco, the four
primary staff participants.
Rachel was a 17-year-old local woman who taught escuela secundaria, or
fifth and sixth grade at Corason. As a student herself she had minimal preparation
for her position. She was born in the community of El Vergel and was reared by her
mother and grandmother. She was drawn to Corason because of her devout
commitment to the Christian ministry and her desire to serve children. The school
was persistent in recruiting her because she was one of the state champions in math.
Rachel planned to finish preparatory school and then enroll in a university to earn a
teaching credential. If that did not work out, Rachel said that she would continue to
teach at Corason without her credential.
Rachel remarked during her interview that her upbringing in El Vergel had
enabled her to feel comfortable at Corason. Her familiarity with the everyday
customs of El Vergel allowed her to relate to the students. Because she was so close
in age to her students, she enjoyed going with them to the cinema or downtown
Guadalajara. Rachel insisted that being an educator at Corason required much more
than simply imparting knowledge. According to her, developing family-like bonds
and stable personal relationships was essential to the teaching philosophy.
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Reflecting on her own experiences as a child in El Vergel, she appreciated these
aspects of Corason'.
They [Corason teachers] try also to be a kind of family for the children and to
have a special relationship between the teacher and the children in this school
in order to help them in their social life, which is not only the school. I mean,
our feeling is that the school might be also in the street and in the house of
the children (Rachel, personal communication, July 2000).
Although Rachel was familiar with the oppressive realities of El Vergel, she did not
fully understand her own potential to make change. Of all the instructors she had the
strongest sense of self-worth. Rachel was a leader among the teachers and students
but did not view rising above El Vergel as one of her goals.
The primary members of the administrative unit include the husband and wife
team, Martha and Francisco, and their daughter, Katya. Although Katya was never
given the title Administrator, she was charged with significant responsibilities and
therefore should be cited as an administrative assistant. According to the Corason
presentation packet, the administration carried several responsibilities: (1) To
prioritize the goals of the school; (2) to establish progressive supplemental programs;
(3) to acquire the necessary resources for optimum programming (e.g., writing
materials, chalkboards, healthy snacks, etc.); and (4) to allow the design and
implementation of Corason’ s goals to work around the children’s needs. Katya’s,
Martha’s, and Francisco’s involvement in executing these responsibilities are
described below.
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Katya was an administrative assistant while only 15 years old. She was one
of five children and was charged with heavy school (Corason) and family
responsibilities. Katya was a critical force in keeping the school afloat. However,
her efforts often went unrecognized. She was the gatekeeper of information but was
never thanked publicly for her services. Katya also played a significant role in daily
family activities. She was constantly feeding, changing, and watching her younger
sibling. It was common to see Katya in the mornings with a set of school keys
jingling from her belt loop as she bounced her baby brother on one hip. She was
always attentive to her domestic responsibilities.
Katya’s obligation to the family business had advantages and disadvantages.
She matured quickly and became a responsible young lady. Although she was an
adolescent, she was capable of taking part in adult conversations and activities.
Moreover, she was able to act appropriately in any situation. She showed leadership
qualities in her circle of younger friends and her adult companions. All students
respected and listened to her. Another reward for Katya assisting in the daily
operations of Corason was that it helped to solidify the Gonzalez family. Katya
emphasized this point in her interview with me, but I recognized this special bond
even before she told me. A noticeably warm relationship existed between Katya, her
siblings, and their mother. Although her father seemed more emotionally distant,
Katya appreciated being near him.
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The disadvantages of Katya’s position varied, but there was one central
theme. Katya’s developmental experiences were atypical and presumably inhibited
her growth as a teenager. Biological, social and cognitive elements distinctively
influence adolescent development, particularly the development of females. Katya’s
obligations to Corason blocked these influences and forced her to accept certain
hardships. As mentioned, Katya did not have time to attend school. She had taken a
year off from preparatory school to help her parents direct Corason. I did not see
students of similar backgrounds living locally, near Corason. She had no close
friendships within her age group at Corason. Most of her girlfriends were younger
children attending the school, except Rachel, the 17-year-old teacher of escuela
secundaria. She lacked critical influences in her adolescence like teachers, peers,
and a positive school environment. Katya was unable to pursue her own interests. I
believe she thought of Corason as her main job. She did not participate in after
school activities or weekend clubs; she was committed to the school. She did not
recognize herself as separate from the institution. She was not aware of her skills
and talents other than those she practiced at Corason.
The unselfish Katya was grateful to be working for her mother and father.
She knew of the hard continuous work the school required. However, she felt her
parents were providing fundamental resources to the people of El Vergel, and she
contributed greatly to this effort. Prior to moving from Guadalajara to El Vergel,
Katya and her sisters were frequently left at home alone while their parents
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conducted business at Corason. With the move to Corason, Katya felt closer to her
parents and appreciated the meaningful relationship she had developed with them.
What I actually like about all this is that now I’m working here, and over
there I was only studying, so I was not very close to what my parents were
doing, what my parents are doing right now, so now [I] feel more involved
with my family...it seems like the whole family works together for this
school (Katya, personal communication, July 2000).
Although Katya was quite independent of her parents during the initial stages
of Corason, moving to the school gave her a new sense of autonomy and leadership.
Observations of Katya indicated that she was one of the key individuals who
operated Corason. At 15, Katya’s responsibilities included locking and unlocking
the school facilities in the mornings and afternoons, purchasing and preparing the
early afternoon snack for the entire student body, monitoring the teacher resource
room and its supplies, and routinely conversing with students and parents. She was
the logistics person. Katya knew the operations of the school.
Martha Gonzalez, co-director of Corason, was devoted to the school’s
students. She was also greatly committed to her children and husband. She was a
communicator and encouraged constant interaction among family members. Martha
felt that her own childhood had been disappointing because she was disconnected
from her father. However, despite his absence, Martha’s mother never spoke
unfavorably about him, and always demanded respect for his contributions. With
one parent missing, Martha viewed her mother as a strong woman who made all
household decisions. This made her aware of the important role of a mother in
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Mexican society. She also became very familiar with the family disintegration that
took place in El Vergel, as she had experienced it personally. Martha’s positive
outlook on family was strengthened by her sisters and brothers, who encouraged her
to create change through Corason. They have personally contributed to the program
to keep it afloat. For example, one of her sisters taught at Corason without
compensation, and another sister completely subsidized Martha’s medical bills when
Martha underwent surgery that she could not pay for.
Martha’s role at Corason was multi-faceted. She prepared meals for the
students during breakfast, the nutrition break, and after school. She ran the home
office, handled all paperwork, answered phone calls, and acted as a point of
reference for visitors. She was also the contact person for parents and teachers.
Martha handled their concerns and listened to their various frustrations regarding the
school and the community. She was a decision-maker and had a presence on
campus. She was also approachable and understanding.
Francisco and Martha had very different but complementary roles within the
school community. While Martha ran the kitchen and attended to the needs of the
teachers and children, Francisco operated the budget, paid the teachers’ salaries, and
transported necessary items from downtown Guadalajara to El Vergel. Francisco
also acted as a disciplinarian and father figure to the students. He often hired boys to
assist the laborers working on the construction of Corason and settled disputes
among children. Francisco spearheaded certain projects such as the Father/Family
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Integration program and the judicial advocacy program which will be discussed later.
He was aggressive in getting the government or appropriate agencies to provide
these services. Francisco also met with local politicians and potential donors to raise
money and to plead the case of Corason. He was constantly advocating for the
school because he needed to pay his staff members, Martha, and himself.
The administration also worked in partnership with the volunteer
professionals of each supplemental program. These individuals, including nurses in
the nutritional support program, psychologists and social workers within the family
integration program, and lawyers in the legal services division became recognized as
members of the administration. It should be noted that, although these professionals
were considered administrative constituents, they did not have authority over the
daily operations of Corason. Martha and Francisco made the daily business
decisions. The volunteers were charged with running their own components. The
co-directors asserted that the collaborative performance of all administrators and
volunteers enabled them to closely supervise each supplemental program and to
provide optimum support to children.
Community demographics. El Vergel is an impoverished colony within the
city of Guadalajara in the state of Jalisco. Since 1970, the population of Jalisco has
increased by one million every ten years, and now totals over six million people
(INEGI, 2001). The capital city of Guadalajara is home to over 50% of the state’s
population. As the number of inhabitants increases, the problems of urbanization,
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such as the plight of street and working children, intensify. In 1990 the newspaper,
Ocho Columnas, published the facts and figures of street children in Guadalajara. At
that time 24,000 children under the age of 18 were employed, of which 4,000 worked
in the streets (Avila, 1999). In 1993 Desarrollo Integral de la Familia (DIF)
conducted a program for street children in Guadalajara and six surrounding
communities (Avila). Upon reviewing the 1,500 children who received services,
DIF found almost 60% were between the ages of 6 and 12 and 75% were male. Only
35% of the total population had completed primary school (Avila).
Following DIF’s efforts in 1993, it collaborated with the University of
Guadalajara and Don Bosco, a nonformal program, to conduct another study to
further investigate street youth living in the state capital (Avila, 1999). This study
was different from the aforementioned 1993 DIF research because it focused
particularly on Guadalajara and explored two primary research questions: (1) How
many children OF the street and children OF the street existed in Guadalajara; and
(2) What were the main characteristics of these street children? The answers
indicated similar findings to those of the DIF analysis in 1993. Over 1,500 children
were interviewed, and 75% of those were boys. Almost 50% of these boys were
between the ages of 7 and 12. The majority of children were ON the street. They
had a family to connect with and a home to return to at the end of the day. The two
primary types of employment were washing windows and peddling items such as
flowers, gum, and candy. The majority of children worked four to eight hours a day
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to earn a sufficient income. Only 50% were attending school at grade level and
another 40% were not enrolled in school. El Vergel was chosen because both of
Corason’ s co-directors were convinced that this particular town had street children
who needed to be served and educated.
Approximately 100,000 marginalized adults and children live in El Vergel
(Gonzalez, 1993). Whether living in shacks or dilapidated houses, they are living on
the periphery, physically and symbolically. Poverty and famine have created such
gaps that there is an unmistakable divide between El Vergel and the larger and more
contemporary city of Guadalajara. For example, the only form of public
transportation within the colony was a crowded bus to downtown Guadalajara.
When the bus passed through El Vergel, generally late and carrying more than the
maximum legal capacity, passengers fought for seats or space to stand in. It took
over an hour and a half for this bus to complete one round trip to downtown
Guadalajara, an arduous journey for most families. Residents therefore chose not to
trek across the city because of difficulty and time away from home. As a result, they
relied on closer local businesses for goods and services such as food, clothing, and
household products. However, these local resources were antiquated and merchants
carried limited supplies. El Vergel locals lived with the bare essentials - food,
water, clothing, and shelter.
A picture of an El Vergel household would portray a traditional and
patriarchal scene, riddled with inequality. Most households depended upon the
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women to perform such housekeeping chores as cooking, cleaning, and rearing
children. Men provided economically for the family and firmly held their patriarchal
positions. Clear-cut gender roles were sustained by poverty and illiteracy. Parents
reared their daughters to marry in their early teens and their sons to enter the
informal marketplace. Children were not encouraged to attend secondary school, but
rather to manage adult-like responsibilities and to earn an income.
Data from an interview with Dorothy, a thirteen-year-old mojaca (i.e., a
female who cooks, cleans, and serves the family) and student at Corason highlighted
these conditions. Gender roles were firmly established in her family. Dorothy’s
father made all of the decisions, which his wife and children dared not question. Her
father saw nothing immoral or damaging with the “ segunda casa ” concept, meaning
a man who has a second wife and family. Dorothy’s promiscuous father was
unfortunately the sole decision maker of two separate households, totaling two wives
and twelve children. During his brief visits home, Dorothy and her younger sister
would run and hide from their intoxicated and abusive father. By repressing his
families through manipulative relationships and economic deception, Dorothy’s
father kept her and her siblings out of school. He could not handle his
responsibilities. He limited their educational attainment and success because he
could not afford two households, and needed his children to contribute financially.
The segunda casa concept was common in El Vergel. It exemplified gender
discrimination and oppression on numerous other levels, such as forcing child labor
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and restricting attendance in school. Dorothy’s father was a violent and selfish
individual who used his power to instill fear in his family members. In the next
segment of Chapter Four, additional evidence will indicate how Corason operated
within this community system and struggled against patriarchal views and
dehumanizing forces.
Target population. Since its inception, Francisco and Martha Gonzalez have
had sound vision and direction for the educational component of Corason. They
chose to target two disadvantaged groups within the community: children and
mothers. In 1992 the couple conducted a household study to assess the educational
needs of the community. They found that 30% of the town’s children were not
enrolled in school (Gonzalez, 1993). They identified these marginalized youth as
street children because they were either working at home or in the streets.
Administrators, faculty, and parents agreed that these particular children face
the severe risk of not completing primary or secondary education. Corason, the
community based school, has two focuses: (1) to help children integrate into the
formal, degree-granting public education system, Secretaria de Educacion Publica
(SEP); or (2) to encourage children to remain enrolled at Corason. Mothers are
included as a targeted group because a significant percentage of families in El Vergel
are single-parent, female-headed households (Gonzalez, 1993). The co-directors
believe mothers are key players and change agents in creating a more educated
society. Mothers have the unique willpower and facility to liberate their families
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from the oppression that surrounds them. As bell hooks reinforces, in order for
women to change patriarchal systems, they must first change themselves (2000). It
is hoped that through learning practical skills at Corason, parents and children will
become more aware of their life choices.
Once the target audience was identified, Corason began its recruitment.
However, after the first year, recruitment became unnecessary. Initially, Francisco
and Martha went door-to-door, publicizing Corason to the first group of students.
Subsequent to this year, the co-directors indicated that it would not be possible for
Corason to serve the large number of local children who wanted to enroll. El Vergel
had many neighborhood children who would have liked to study at Corason, but lack
of funding and resources has made it impossible to expand the program. If Corason
were to receive increased funding, either from the government or private donors, the
co-founders envision doubling the enrollment to at least 500 registered children.
Additionally, the school would like to offer a morning and an afternoon session,
thereby improving access and flexibility to working children. The co-directors want
street children to view school as a viable option.
Public relations regarding enrollment and admission procedures were
rudimentary, but word traveled fast among families. Several students mentioned that
their mothers were informed of the school through town hall meetings orchestrated
by Corason. Because the institution was based on Christian principles, local families
occasionally gathered to pray at the school. Parents were then told of the Corason
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program and its enrollment procedures. The morning of registration produced a long
line of mothers and students waiting patiently to enroll. Flyers announcing
registration dates for the following term and the cost of attendance were distributed
to enrolled students. Teachers made classroom announcements to their pupils.
Parents or students paid five pesos or donated a household item like toilet paper,
soap, or towels to enroll in Corason. If the enrollee did not have the sufficient
payment, adjustments were made. Teachers kept a record of students who began
classes without paying tuition. Rachel occasionally collected money from students
who had not paid their fee of five pesos. She was aware that if the tuition were not
collected she would not receive her salary. Several students paid their tuition by
working for Corason.
Theoretical framework. Judging from its program components and teaching
practices, Corason supported a social cognitive theoretical framework. The premise
of social cognitivism focuses on the environmental factors that influence the
development of children, such as peer groups, neighborhoods, and role models
(Rice, 1992). Social cognitive theorists particularly view modeling as having a
profound impact on a child’s decision-making process and behavior patterns (Rice).
Thus teachers become highly effective tools in the classroom, where behavior,
modeling, and cognition act in congruence with one another. As shown in Figure 1,
social cognitivism is directly linked to critical consciousness, and begins with
pedagogy. A social cognitive pedagogy holds that it is important for teachers to lead
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by example. Examples of social cognition and student behavior are described in the
following narratives on self-efficacy.
Figure 1. Social cognitive theoretical model as a function of critical consciousness.
Social C ognitive
Influences
Social C ognitive
Response A
Social C ognitive
Response B
Critical
Outcome
Teacher as role model
and
Classroom Conditions
Improved Student Behavior
and
Increased Student Cognition
Increased
Self-Efficacy
Increased Levels
o f Consciousness
The concept of self-efficacy has been defined by social cognitive theorists as
“our perceptions of our actual skills and personal effectiveness” (Rice, 1992). This
notion was valuable in the pedagogical practices of Corason. In its efforts to
empower children educationally, economically, and psychologically, teachers taught
children to believe in themselves. In theory, as children gained self-worth, they were
more capable of leading positive lives.
Bandura (as cited in Rice, 1992) recognizes four primary causes of self-
efficacy, which are described here. Observations concluded that Corason teachers
aimed to provide the stimulus needed for children to achieve self-efficacy, yet they
were not always successful.
Children often received public acknowledgement for their accomplishments.
Teachers praised artwork and celebrated student success. Although the school was
stark, teachers proudly hung drawings, paintings, and other artwork on the main
wall, which divided the classrooms, making the school as welcoming as possible. I
was impressed to see the presence of art, knowing project supplies for these
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assignments were extremely limited. As I walked through this corridor area,
students would often point to their work as if they were masterpieces. These were
moments where students were visibly conscious of their capabilities. Corason also
held a recognition ceremony at the end of each school year when pupils were
publicly given certificates and prizes for academic and personal triumphs. Younger
students held a town art exhibit that coincided with this ceremony.
Self-efficacy is partially achieved as a result of children comparing
themselves to their classmates. Corason instructors recognized students who
excelled or struggled in class. However, observations suggested that teachers had
difficulty pointing out student weaknesses without public humiliation. Chalkboards
were updated regularly with the phrases, “does not know how to read” and “knows
how to read” followed by lists of student names. These records were shamefully on
display for anyone who passed through the classroom. Although infrequently, other
forms of public rebuking, such as screaming at individuals for their wrongdoings,
were also employed in the classroom.
Self-efficacy is reached through positive reinforcement and encouragement.
The underlying message of Corason was that students who had been abandoned by
the public school system had a chance to be successful. All staff members of
Corason expected their students to achieve personal and academic goals. The task
was to make students believe this was possible. Faculty promoted games and
projects that encouraged positive competition and learning. They continuously
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discussed the possibility of transferring to SEP. This was a personal and academic
aspiration for most. Completing the Corason curriculum and perhaps learning a
trade were other viable objectives for students. Corason emphasized that all students
could achieve these important life goals.
Emotional stimulation can positively or negatively effect student self-
efficacy. Corason faculty understood that their students came from psychologically
traumatizing circumstances such as divorce, separation, and abuse. Teachers
earnestly worked to form a balanced atmosphere for their learners. Faculty was
present in the yard before and after school, and in the classroom to address student
questions and concerns. These various interactions reinforced structure and routine
for students who primarily experienced inconsistent home lives.
Family transformation was a primary objective of Corason’ s social cognitive
theoretical framework. The Corason program sought to change adult outlooks on
family relations and to establish functional, healthier systems of interacting.
Corason was persistent in its mission to integrate children and parents, who were
oftentimes disconnected and estranged due to harsh economic conditions, domestic
abuse, and dysfunctional families. The goal was to get families to be more
cognitively aware of their actions, individually and collectively. The co-directors of
Corason recognized that family dynamics could improve by increasing the education
levels of parents. They believed that parents who were educated about the harmful
effects of drugs placed a greater value on their children’s attendance at school and
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provided a more stable family unit. Families who were conscious of their
surroundings were given the information with which to make intentional and
effective changes. Moreover, because all children at Corason had been abandoned
by or released from the public system, the co-founders stressed the importance of
family integration in order to provide a foundation for marginalized and deserted
children (Gonzalez, 1993).
Pedagogical strategies within nonformal education. Corason’ s mission was
to enhance individual and system levels of change through a nonformal education
module. Corason defined an “individual” as the working and out-of-school child.
“System” corresponded to family groups in El Vergel, with specific attention paid to
mothers. Corason, which was independent of any formal school classification, relied
on certain nonformal features to carry out these changes. Corason provided various
modes of learning beyond the range of what SEP offered to the citizens of El Vergel.
It also was an alternative learning mechanism for students who were expelled from
the formal structure, and provided a viable educational opportunity to working
children, with its adaptive curriculum, grade level expectations, and flexible
scheduling. These unique differences will be examined throughout the remaining
literature.
Corason was a nontraditional system that aimed to provide a critical learning
environment. In doing so, it supported a pedagogy that was not found in formal
public schools. Corason’ s pedagogy was a process. While it covered the SEP
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curricula, it also fundamentally involved meaningful interactions between students
and teachers. Because all pupils had been rejected from SEP in some fashion (i.e.,
expelled or withdrawn), Corason provided a unique setting to continue in school and
to build relationships with faculty and peers. The campus setting was intimate; at the
very least all administrators, teachers, and students knew each other’s names.
Corason’ s pedagogical strategies strived towards two goals: (1) to teach students the
essential academic material needed to transfer to SEP or to develop a vocation; and
(2) to increase student levels of self-efficacy. Objectives such as these were not
common at other institutions and therefore provided El Vergel residents educational
choices.
The Corason curriculum was unique in that the co-directors modified it
according to the needs of the escuela secundaria students. However, it originated
from the SEP curriculum standards. The public system in Mexico has established a
set of guidelines for all Math, Science, Social Science, and Spanish classes. These
guiding principles are called Guia Escolar, or School Guide. The government
mandates that they be followed in all SEP classrooms. However, because Corason
does not fall under the governing body of SEP, Corason teachers are not held
accountable for following the Guia Escolar in its entirety. Yet, in an effort to
increase the number of transfer students from Corason to the public education
system, the co-directors requested that all teachers follow the SEP guide. Rachel
explained to me how she cut out several lessons from the Spanish textbook, and
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decreased the workload for students. Rachel aimed to complete 4 units per day for a
total of 80 units by the end of the summer session. The units, she claimed, could be
taught in whichever order she preferred. Although this reduced the required public
school content, Rachel was working with a different set of students. Her escuela
secundaria pupils did not enter Corason with the same knowledge base as their
public school counterparts, nor were they on equal levels at Corason.
Intrinsic to teaching and pedagogy are the instructional levels within a
school. Three separate stages of educational development are offered at Corason
through its multi-grade level program: pre-escolar, or pre-school, primaria, or first
through fourth grades, and escuela secundaria, or fifth and sixth grades. Of these
grade levels, first grade was the most popular. Therefore Corason operated a
morning and an afternoon session for first grade students. All children at or above
the fifth grade level were put into one classroom, escuela secundaria.
Corason’ s nonformal module was set apart by the abovementioned features:
it offered what SEP did not, it was an alternative to formal education, and it
employed a unique pedagogy for working with the poor. Among the three features,
however, the pedagogical framework was the least developed. Pedagogical
empowerment is driven by a critical awareness of the social and political restrictions
within the community. It is expressed in classroom exercises that pose real life
problems and strategize practical solutions. An empowering pedagogy does not
reinforce hierarchy and limit the mobility of marginalized children. In many ways
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the Corason curricula modeled that of an empowering pedagogy (i.e., it offered
hopeful alternatives for out-of-school youth). However, it did not fully achieve this
goal. The structure of Corason kept SEP in control of the children’s future, rather
than giving the children responsibility for their choices. Because so many escuela
secundaria students had minimal guidance from their parents, it was critical to
empower these children to make wise decisions on their own. However, problem-
posing curricula were not introduced in the classroom. Students could not examine
and solve the variety of problems they encountered daily. We are reminded of this
pedagogical flaw in Freire’s review of education for critical awareness.
“Responsibility cannot be acquired intellectually, but only through experience”
(1998). In the final chapter of this dissertation, Corason’ s ability to empower its
participants will be further reviewed.
Budget and financial resources. Corason operated with minimal resources
and a scarce budget (Gonzalez, 2000). Total yearly expenses amounted to $29,000;
the monthly costs were estimated at $2,410 (see Table 1). Operating costs were
concentrated in four main areas: teacher salaries, rent, food, and transportation.
Teachers were paid $125 per month, which amounts to $6.25 per school day (see
Table 1). Over 40% of the school’s monthly budget went to teacher salaries. I
witnessed several pay periods throughout my research. One Friday morning I saw
Francisco and Martha nervously counting pesos one by one, attempting to collect
enough small change to pay their teachers. It was hard not to notice their mounting
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anxiety. Francisco commented that although salaries were distributed bi-monthly, he
was forced to pay his staff every week due to lack of funding. Rather than pay staff
members $62.50 every two weeks, they received $31.25 per week. This gave
Francisco and Martha more time to acquire the money. Director salaries are not
included in this account. Martha indicated in her interview with me that she and
Francisco did not receive any money from the school. Since Corason received food
donations from SEP, its average daily food allowance was $25. Table 1 lists the
monthly expenditures (in US dollars) for the 2000 calendar year.
Table 1
Corason’ s Monthly Expenditures, 2000
Item Expense
Employee Salaries Teachers (8) $1,000
Cook $50
Cleaning person $50
Rent School building $100
Nursery $40
House $50
Services Gas $20
Electric $50
Water $50
Telephone $50
Food Breakfast and afternoon meals $500
Building Maintenance Plumbing, construction, etc. $50
Vehicle Maintenance Gas and Repairs $400
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Although Corason’ s resources were not extensive, the co-directors were able
to fundraise $850 per month during the 2000 calendar year. An architecture firm in
Guadalajara donated $300 per month to help cover costs and to expand building
needs. Volunteers from various Christian organizations helped to raise over $300 for
the school throughout the year. As with many nonprofit organizations, most months
were a financial stretch, but through fundraising and other community efforts,
Corason continued to operate.
School objectives. Following the first year of operation, the co-directors
developed underlying goals and objectives for Corason. I included these goals and
objectives because it is important to demonstrate how Corason aimed to be a catalyst
for community enhancement. Consciousness raising, although not explicitly
mentioned here, was critical in the overall push for community development. For
example, family integration involves an awareness of wanting better relationships.
The initial objectives set forth were broad and did not outline explicit action plans.
These first four objectives will be described in the next section exploring Corason’ s
long and short term goals.
1. To advocate and to participate in community transformation.
2. To create an environment for community progression using family
integration strategies.
3. To support the community in its ecological, psychological, and social
adaptations.
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4. To take steps towards community autonomy and urban development.
The eight additional objectives shown below focus more explicitly on
increased participation and consciousness (Gonzalez, 1993). The first objective
directly states that citizens need to be aware of their social and political
surroundings. Objectives two through eight are attainable if individuals are
conscious of what they have and how they can achieve more.
1. To help community members become conscious of their own reality.
2. To increase the socioeconomic status of individuals within the
community.
3. To improve family relationships.
4. To encourage collective participation.
5. To support and advise the external programs of Corason.
6. To provide individual or group counseling on healthy frameworks for
family dynamics.
7. To design and employ socioeconomic investigations within the
community.
8. To coordinate the family integration model with Corason’ s specific
supplemental programs, such as judicial advocacy and psychological
treatment, etc.
Long and short term goals referred to the process of systematically
investigating the conditions of El Vergel. It was of critical importance to the co
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founders of Corason to design programs that directly impacted the residents within
the community. This effort required research and continuous updates on the state of
El Vergel in order to remain abreast of community needs. Therefore Gonzalez
(1993) cited the more tangible short-term goals as the following:
1. To explore the conditions of the community through visiting a sample of
10 families.
2. To understand the hierarchical structure and the ability of members in the
community, visiting local authorities and individuals in leadership
positions (i.e., politicians).
3. To begin the investigation by documenting and visiting the following
government agencies: Ayuntamiento, Asentamientos Humanos, and
INEGI.
4. To qualitatively evaluate a significant percentage of the community,
approximately 500 families.
5. To train and to coordinate a group of 10 research assistants to carry out
the investigative research.
6. To counsel families weekly.
Finally, the following long-term goals were not urgent or pressing issues but were
intentions of the co-directors as cited by Gonzalez (1993):
1. To offer benefits to a large number of families
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2. To develop methods of measuring the gains and achievements of
residents
3. To maintain an interdisciplinary approach to working with citizens (i.e.,
integrating Corason, DIF, JUSI, etc.)
Corason’ s Progression
A history of Corason shows its developmental stages from 1992 to 2000.
During this time the co-directors, Francisco and Martha, researched the school
environment, developed a curricular framework, and implemented programs that
supported the mission of the school. In these eight years Corason experienced both
difficulty and progress. Corason faculty witnessed students succeed and fail in the
program. Teachers also helped to expand the program and to increase enrollment of
community members. From their first impoverished days of operation to being able
to rent an additional school building, Corason faculty and administration have
remained centered on serving street and working children.
Stage 1: School and Community Research
In 1992, prior to opening Corason, the co-directors conducted a small-scale
research project to clarify the community conditions and to assess the community’s
critical needs. Information was solicited from local families through both
quantitative and qualitative measures. Interviews, observations, and questionnaires
were employed as primary tools of investigation. Data collected from this research
led Martha and Francisco to label El Vergel an “explosion zone.” According to them
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explosion zones were characterized by severe socioeconomic hardships and a
pressing need for street and working children to be educated.
In an attempt to quantify the number of out-of-school youth, Martha and
Francisco Gonzalez reviewed several community variables. They found that low
parental participation limited children’s enrollment in school (Gonzalez, 1993). For
example alcoholism, abuse, drugs, and depression plagued the lives of parents,
reducing their participation level. As a result, the attendance rates of children in
school were low. Using this information, the co-directors’ goal was to identify the
needs of street children. They surveyed 100 homes in El Vergel. Results indicated
the following: 32% of homes included single or widowed mothers; 65% consisted of
“irresponsible” parents (irresponsible was identified as alcoholic, unemployed, or
apathetic); 2% included disabled or ill parents; and 1% did not have a mother present
due to death, divorce, or abandonment (1993). Within these 100 families, 70% of
the children attended the local primary and secondary schools, operated by
Secretaria de Education Publica (SEP), while the remaining 30% of children were
not enrolled in an education program (1993).
In synthesizing the parental participation levels within El Vergel families, the
co-directors identified the following four causes as primary reasons for children’s
lack of education (Gonzalez, 1993). School observations and interviews with
children and teachers also suggested that these factors significantly deterred children
from making progress in school.
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1. Parents were indifferent to their children’s educational attainment and
showed no interest in registration, enrollment, homework, or attendance.
2. Students functioned below grade level and therefore were not enrolled in
the appropriate grade in school.
3. Families lacked the necessary resources, supplies, lunch, transportation,
and registration fees to send their children to school.
4. Children were expelled for: (a) disciplinary problems; (b) failing the same
grade more than twice; or (c) not residing within an SEP district, meaning
children lacked a local school to attend.
With this evidence, Martha and Francisco classified education, social
services, nutritional resources, and clothing as the most prevalent needs among El
Vergel children (Gonzalez, 1993). They began to create the framework for Corason
and to strategize the curricular components of these four areas. Their educational
vision included classroom content that directed out-of-school youth down two tracks.
Once enrolled at Corason, students would be encouraged to transfer to the formal
public school system, or to continue attending Corason. Mothers were also
recognized as primary caregivers and important recipients of the Corason program.
“Results determined that to induce some significant change in this community [we
need to] establish support mechanisms, changing female development based on
courses of consciousness, training, and achieving personal goals” (Gonzalez, 1993).
The co-directors also highlighted a second component, social services, as essential in
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creating a holistic program. They envisioned this unit of Corason to cover a wide
array of programs including dental consultations, psychological services, legal
assistance, and a sports program. A third component, food and nutrition services,
was to provide supplements to families in El Vergel. Children living with their
mothers would receive daily provisions to take home to their families. Children
living without their mothers would receive free breakfast and lunch in Corason’ s
dining hall. Clothing contributions were a great need in the community, as many
children did not have undergarments, shoes, sweaters, or jackets. Corason’ s clothing
unit was designed to collect donated garments, clean them, and redistribute them to
the residents of El Vergel. Upon researching the community and deciding upon the
four major components of Corason, the co-directors opened the school on May 3,
1993 for a 100-day trial period.
Stage 2: Trial Operation Period
On the first day of school, Corason opened its doors with three teachers and
two directors. At that time 60 children between the ages of 5 and 15 years were
enrolled in class from 10:00 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. Although pre-teen and teenage
students were attending Corason, their cognitive development did not always match
their biological development. Students needed basic reading and writing courses.
Therefore, Corason did not offer secondary school. Instead, it began with a primary
school program Monday through Friday and an arts and crafts lesson on Saturdays.
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The first 100 days of the program were seen as a summer trial period. If
successful, Corason’ s first school year would in September, 1993. This
experimental phase was an opportunity to modify and amend the program framework
to fit the needs of the children. Teachers began by evaluating their students’
academic levels through short reading and writing exercises. They found that most
children were at extremely low performance levels in relation to their age and
supposed grade levels. “We found that the retention of students or the quality of
their [earlier] education was below grade level. Children in fourth grade did not
know third grade multiplication tables and their ability to read and write
corresponded to second grade” (Gonzalez, 1993).
Several major accomplishments took place during the initial 100 days of
school. Corason served afternoon meals to an average of 15 children per day. Food
was served on the premises and then groceries were given to the students to take
home to their families. In total 50% of the school population took advantage of the
afternoon meal program. Corason organized small festivals for its participants,
including games and prizes not often seen in El Vergel. The school also celebrated
birthdays, award ceremonies, and other events recognizing student achievement.
These festivals and events are still in existence today. Teachers made possible a
field trip to the zoo in Guadalajara, which was attended by the students and a few of
their mothers.
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Of the four major ministries that Corason provided - education, social
services, nutritional resources (i.e., food), and clothing - three were implemented
during the 100-day trial period. The educational component, the afternoon meal
program, and one aspect of the social services unit, dental consultations were
underway. On Saturdays dentists provided free teeth cleaning to Corason enrollees.
Stage 3: First School Year
Following the successful completion of Corason’ s experimental period, the
co-directors were able to begin their first school year in the fall of 1993. Two
fundamental aspects of Corason were hallmarks of the first year of operation - the
definition of out-of-school youth and the grade level structure of the school.
The co-founders decided that Corason’ s educational program would serve
out-of-school youth between the ages of 5 and 15. Out-of-school youth were
considered children OF the street or children ON the street, who for various reasons
were not attending school (Gonzalez, 1993). However, the demographics of El
Vergel show that most minors were children ON the street, who worked during the
day and lived with their families in the evening. Because the school’s target
population was of extreme importance to this study, I translated the following
conditions from Spanish to English to show how Corason aimed to serve the most
disadvantaged children. The co-directors were insistent on serving only those
children who met at least one of the following criteria:
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1. Parents were indifferent to their child’s educational attainment and
showed no interest in registration, enrollment, homework, or attendance.
2. Student functioned below grade level and therefore was not enrolled in
the appropriate grade in school.
3. Student lived in a district with an overcrowded local public school.
4. Student was expelled for: (a) disciplinary problems; or (b) failing the
same grade more than twice.
Observation data of the school registration process, student interviews, and
SEP transcripts suggested that these four factors played a significant role of
determining one’s eligibility to enroll in Corason. Although I never observed
Corason deny any student admission, most children fell into one of these four
categories. I witnessed parents and students desperately sharing their stories (e.g.,
their child failed a grade or was expelled from school) with administrators and
teachers to secure enrollment at Corason. Later, throughout the interview process,
students also disclosed similar information. A few were honest in admitting that
they had been expelled from their previous public school. Corason students
Alfonso, Daniel, Ricardo, and Roberto, for example, were expelled from SEP.
Christina, Dorothy, Sylvia, and Vanessa explained how their parents did not like the
local school for a variety of reasons including overcrowded classrooms. Their
stories will be shared in Chapter Five. Martha explained in an interview that local
SEP schools were overcrowded and incompetent at handling the diverse needs of
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children in Mexico. She believed the third and fourth elements in defining out-of-
school youth were especially relevant to Corason enrollees (personal
communication, July 2000). She shared a few SEP transcripts belonging to Corason
students. After reviewing these students’ records, it was evident that students came
to Corason because they either did not successfully pass their grade in school or
passed but could not read. A further look at student transcripts and SEP instructors
will be examined later in this chapter.
The second feature of Corason’ s first year was the organization of the
school’s grade levels. During this first year Corason operated with pre-school, first,
and second grade classrooms. Although enrollees were well above the average age
for a second grade classroom, their cognitive development did not exceed this grade
level.
Stage 4: Implementation o f Supplemental Programs.
As the school progressed, the original four program components of Corason
took shape and were molded to fit the needs of the community. Increased attention
was paid to four areas: (1) basic resources and nutritional support; (2) the education
of mothers; (3) social and psychological support via evaluation and therapy; and (4)
legal counsel and advice on basic human rights (Gonzalez, 1993). Corason sought to
provide an interdisciplinary and holistic environment through the facilitation of these
programs. The co-directors understood that it was their responsibility to collaborate
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with individuals from each support group and to integrate all four programs with
Corason’ s educational component.
Basic resources and nutritional support. According to Francisco and
Martha’s household study, conducted in El Vergel in 1992, almost 100% of the
children surveyed needed nutritional support and access to basic resources which
included food and clothing. Corason delivered this and nutritional support through
various programs. Breakfast, whether at home or at work, was typically unavailable
to street and working children in El Vergel. “[Students] come without food in their
stomach and sometimes they just take some rice or chocolate milk or oatmeal. But if
they don’t come [to school] they just don’t eat” (Martha, personal communication,
July 2000).
The school administrators and faculty members were aware that hunger and
lack of nutrition impeded a student’s ability to learn and retain information.
Therefore, every morning Corason served a subsidized breakfast of cereal, milk, and
occasionally fruit. The food, donated by the department of education, was received,
examined, and discarded on a weekly basis as most food was delivered stale or
moldy. I asked Martha about this because I wanted to understand how she felt about
receiving nearly worthless items from SEP. She said that she was disappointed when
the department sent the school food that she was forced to throw out. She felt that,
had it been delivered one or two days prior, some of it could have been consumed by
the students or given to families. Martha kept nonperishable items (e.g., condiments
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and canned goods) in a storage closet and marked the date of delivery. She
emphasized how frustrating it was that SEP sent the school its public school
leftovers.
Corason served lunch during the nutrition break. However, this meal was
sold for a nominal fee. The staff at Corason recognized that some students used a
portion of the money they earned working to purchase goods from the local vendors.
Although most students had no money at all, some scrounged up coins and change
from family and employers to pay for bus fees and snacks. Therefore students had
the opportunity to purchase and eat lunch that had been provided by the school or to
eat their own homemade lunches. Daily items such as pancakes, hot dogs, gelatin,
cookies, duros with chile sauce, and sandwiches were commonly on the menu.
Meals were sold at very low prices (i.e., one to five pesos) and students were
required to pay for them in order to learn responsibility. Corason expects children to
spend wisely the money they have earned. Francisco Gonzalez described student
money as being recycled because the money earned from lunch went directly into
subsidizing the school. In addition to breakfast and lunch, Corason frequently
provided food for children to take home to their families.
Within the basic resources and nutritional support component, Corason
operated a reward system. Children and families had the opportunity to earn points
for exceptional behavior, good attendance, attending parent/teacher conferences, and
completing homework assignments. Students who accumulated a higher number of
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points during the school year earned more bonus prizes such as clothing, shoes, and
food. The points were tallied until June when the children were rewarded at an
awards and graduation ceremony. During that ceremony, each child was presented
an article of clothing, a pair of shoes, or a bag of essential food items which had been
donated by various Mexican organizations.
The education o f mothers. An analysis of the Corason presentation packet
shows that a mothers’ education program was the second essential component of the
Corason framework. The design of the program included support mechanisms and
courses for mothers in El Vergel. The rationale behind this program can be seen in a
twofold causal relationship. The first was an explicit effort to empower females
through Corason’ s pedagogy. Pedagogy, as described below, included the types of
courses offered at the school and the methods of teaching. The second underlying
principle of the program was derived from the first. It assumed that children’s
attendance at school would improve once their mothers had been educated. As a
supportive measure, mothers with toddlers (i.e., infant to 4 years) had access to a
nursery school and day care center. These women were given the opportunity to
either work or to return to school while their children attended Corason. Similarly,
mothers with school-aged children could simultaneously attend programs reinforcing
life skills, nutrition, and economics, while their students attended primary school at
Corason.
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To increase economic mobility and enterprise, Corason offered courses to
mothers in several key areas. Literacy and Economics courses were offered to
increase women’s participation within the community. Health and nutrition classes
were offered to improve the hygiene and diet of families in El Vergel. A hygiene
workshop, taught by a group of licensed hospital nurses, aided in recognizing
transferable infections. This sixty-hour course specifically designed for mothers
focused on hygiene and first aid, and emphasized the necessity of preventative
methods, such as washing hands and scrubbing fruits and vegetables to avoid
bacterial viruses. The defense against disease and illness and the use of first aid in
emergencies were crucial since the majority of the community had no access to a
doctor or health professional. Finally, volunteers from the community sporadically
taught entrepreneurial professions such as craft making, tailoring, and hairstyling.
The co-founders of Corason expected several results from these course offerings.
Ultimately, women’s life choices would expand and their increased knowledge
would guide their decisions in a positive direction.
Social and psychological resources. Based on the explicit objective of
improving family relationships, Corason co-founders felt an urgent need for the third
component: psychological assessment and therapeutic services. In providing these, a
licensed psychotherapist began visiting the Corason campus two evenings per week
to meet with students and families. The therapist discussed the disadvantages that
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impeded healthy family lifestyles and collaborated with Corason to address the
issues.
As a result of these identified barriers, Corason established the Family
Integration workshop to create more inclusive and secure family networks. “This
area is accountable for the counseling and corresponding actions pertaining to family
orientation and integration that would allow new perspectives that will benefit the
families, seeking together with the [psychotherapist] new options towards family
stability and relationships” (Gonzalez, 1993). The Family Integration workshop was
aimed at transforming households from dysfunctional systems to functional ones
through educating parents. Four major themes regarding children were discussed:
(1) how to modify a child’s behavior; (2) how to motivate and guide children; (3) the
implications and problems of adolescence; and (4) the interaction between parents
and children (Gonzalez). Through this program mothers, as primary role models,
were encouraged to participate in the daily operations of their families. Mothers
were coached on how to share in the daily decision making processes of their
families.
A by-product of the Family Integration program was an open forum for
fathers creating the Father Integration workshop. This forum sought to provide
fathers the opportunity to work with a licensed psychologist on their struggles within
the home. The program was in existence for approximately six months and was a
shared effort among four groups: Instituto Jalisciense de Asistencia Social,
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Desarrollo Integral de la Familia, Procuradurla General de Justicia, and Corason
(Gonzalez, 1993). Each establishment took a turn providing trained psychologists
and social workers to conduct meetings and to run discussion groups every Thursday
evening. The parents initiated discussion topics pertinent to their household living
conditions.
Although publicized as the Father Integration workshop, mothers were the
main attendees of this program. The average evening attendance consisted of about
24 mothers and 3 fathers. Francisco shared three possible explanations for the
absence of fathers and the overwhelming response by mothers: (1) mothers were
curious about the discussion topics and therefore wanted to participate in the
discussion groups; (2) mothers were asked their opinions in the meetings, which
validated their feelings and confirmed they were not alone in facing certain
challenges; and (3) many women, being single and head of household, assumed the
responsibility of both father and mother. These discussion topics were directly
related to their multitasking roles within the home - caretakers, decision-makers, and
workers. Mothers who attended the Father Integration workshops were able to have
a voice and to express their anxiety over family issues with or without their partner’s
support. Francisco and Martha both emphasized that it was a constant struggle to
encourage fathers to participate in anything related to their child’s education, hence
the low father turn out. “You seldom see a father here. They come, the mothers.
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They always come. And it happens the same in most schools in Mexico” (Francisco,
personal communication, July 2000).
Legal advocacy. Corason’ s presentation materials suggested that judicial
advocates have been central in educating and safeguarding children. As
aforementioned in a 1993 DIF examination capturing the nature of street children,
approximately 1,424 children have been cited as living on or in the streets of the
Zona Metropolitana de Guadalajara (ZMG). As a result of an impoverished urban
lifestyle, these children have been likely candidates for physical assault, mental
abuse, and sexual violence. In operating Corason the administration and faculty
have encountered gross violations of children such as blows to the head, lesions from
foreign objects, and rape. A significant number of street children engaged in illegal
activities (e.g., the sale of narcotics, petty theft, and prostitution) to acquire money.
More information regarding these problems will be described in Chapter Five. Legal
aid has been necessary to inform children of their civil rights or lack thereof.
Corason’ s legal protection services aimed to shield individuals from all forms of
injustice, whether caused by or done to the child.
Furthermore, the literature also indicated that adults have also benefited from
the lawyers provided by Corason. Within El Vergel advice has been especially
necessary regarding housing and leasing agreements, wrongful imprisonment, and
consumer rights. El Vergel residents often would be illegally evicted or
incarcerated. They lacked the resources and education to fight the violation or to
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exercise effective, problem-solving methods. In view of the financial hardships of
this Guadalajara region, and particularly those of street children, the co-directors
solicited counselors to work with Corason families for free. Law students and first-
year lawyers from local universities and DIF were contracted on a voluntary basis to
provide services in accordance with university graduation requirements or public
service.
According to Corason's written material, the main intent behind the judicial
subdivision of Corason was to establish a framework and support system within the
community that enforced a legal process. Attorneys were enlisted to educate
residents on their fundamental rights and responsibilities. Attorneys tried to help
citizens avoid trouble with the law through nonformal workshops and to provide
services for residents to take legal action. Corason's literature indicated that
community members were made aware of mediating, drafting and negotiating
contracts, and asserting rights in court (Gonzalez, 1993). The co-directors strongly
voiced their belief in these preventative measures. They indicated that potential
disputes could be averted through education. In constructing an operative legal
program, Francisco and Martha designed the following ten points, which emphasized
community change through the legal process. As co-directors of Corason, their role
was to supervise and facilitate the program. Because the legal advocacy program
relied on volunteers, Martha and Francisco had minimal control over the reliability
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of these services (i.e., timing or frequency of programs), but aimed to furnish the
following programs and courses:
1. Provide legal consultation to all soliciting individuals.
2. Review the cases brought forward and distinguish between those
individuals who need permanent protection (perhaps police security) and
those who do not.
3. Establish contacts with legal offices that will provide services free of
charge, (e.g., DIF, Universidad Autonoma de Guadalajara, and
Universidad de Guadalajara).
4. Implement available judicial services at Corason, thereby eliminating
transportation barriers.
5. Provide informative courses on civil rights and obligations, regarding
tenants, landlords, customers, and any others who carry civic
responsibility.
6. Provide educational courses highlighting business rights and credit titles.
7. Provide courses on family rights and responsibilities, especially in the
case of divorce.
8. In an effort to create practical workshops and services, survey residents to
identify persistent legal problems within the context of the “explosion
zone.”
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9. Establish a fixed schedule (i.e., days and hours per week) for which legal
support is given to members of the community, thereby providing an
outlet for frustration and relief.
10. Critically observe legal issues that specifically affect the youth of El
Vergel.
Stage 5: Contemporary Practices o f Corason
Approximately 250 students in grades preschool through sixth are currently
enrolled at Corason. It is in operation Monday through Friday from 8:00 a.m. to
1:00 p.m., with lessons that last approximately one hour. The first forty minutes of
the day are an entrance period, during which students may arrive at school at their
leisure and remain under supervision. The next twenty minutes are dedicated to
breakfast provided free by the school for all children. From 9:00 a.m. to 10:00 a.m.
Math is taught, followed by Spanish from 10:00 a.m. to 11:00 a.m. At 11:00 a.m. the
school has a nutrition break for 30 minutes, which is similar to a lunch break. After
the break, History is taught for 30 minutes, from 11:30 a.m. to 12:00 p.m. and then
the last hour of the day is dedicated to Science.
Upon reviewing Corason’ s schedule, several noteworthy points emerged.
The 40-minute entrance period, for example, allowed children to complete morning
chores, walk to school, and eat a light breakfast before the start of class. The
majority of students arrived around 8:30 a.m. Prior to this time, the school was
rather quiet. When children did arrive, they could be found in their assigned
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classrooms, sitting at their desks, eating breakfast, and waiting for the rest of their
classmates. Both Children and teachers were frequently late for school for a variety
of reasons (transportation issues being the most common). Students were never
reprimanded for being tardy to school. Teachers would cover for one another,
monitoring two classes until a late instructor arrived. The 30-minute recess gave
students a lengthy break in what would normally be a busy day of work. At this
time, students were free to play games on the patio or gather at the bench and talk.
The 1:00 p.m. dismissal allowed children the opportunity to work and earn money
after school.
Table 2 outlines Corason’ s hourly routine as described above. This schedule
is posted in every classroom to help keep students and teachers on task and punctual.
Table 2
Corason’ s Daily School Schedule
Hour Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday
8 :0 0 -8 :4 0 Entrance Entrance Entrance Entrance Entrance
8 :4 0 -9 :0 0 Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast Breakfast
9:00 - 10:00 Math Math Math Math Math
10:00-11:00 Spanish Spanish Spanish Spanish Civics
11:00-11:30 Recess Recess Recess Recess Recess
11:30- 12:00 History History History History Civics
12:00-1:00 Science Science Science Geography Geography
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The Secretary of Education of the state of Jalisco recently honored Corason
by distinguishing it as an official institution {Education de Jalisco, 1999). Almost
seven years after opening, Corason was recognized as a primary school within the
education department of Jalisco. This means that children who attend Corason have
an easier transition when switching to a local public school. Now children who bring
their Corason certificates of completion to their local SEP school and are eligible for
reassignment. Thus, a student who attended Corason and satisfactorily made up his
or her deficient credits is permitted to transfer to the next grade in school. Although
Corason still struggles financially, the feat of being recognized by the state was an
important turning point for the school.
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CHAPTER FIVE
PRIMARY RESEARCH QUESTIONS:
INDIVIDUAL, PROGRAM, AND GENDER
This chapter addresses the primary research questions and investigates the
essential characteristics of empowerment at Corason. These characteristics include
cognitive awareness and psychological well-being, economic stability, and
educational attainment. Each was effected by multiple variables. To gain a better
understanding of these variables, this section answers the primary research questions
from three vantage points: (1) student viewpoints of their sociocultural conditions;
(2) the theoretical and practical basis of the program; and (3) the conditions and
perspectives of girls.
A triangulation approach was used to gain an accurate picture and to
thoroughly address the research inquiries. Evidence from interviews, observations,
and documents corroborated the emergence of empowerment. Eight students in
Corason's escuela secundaria class were interviewed: Alfonso, Christina, Daniel,
Dorothy, Roberto, Ricardo, Sylvia, and Vanessa. Five other escuela secundaria
students, Julian, Marissa, Ronaldo, Ruben, and Ryan are also described in this
chapter but were not formally interviewed. I chose students from this particular
grade level because they could make the most meaning out of their surroundings.
They could understand the conditions and circumstances of Corason better than the
preschool or primary school students, and could communicate these thoughts to me.
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Student issues centered on their favorite aspects of the school, how they came to
enroll in the program, family dynamics, and work. In addition, two teachers and
three administrators were interviewed to provide a pedagogical perspective: Coletta,
Francisco, Katya, Martha, and Rachel. I relied heavily upon the escuela secundaria
instructor, Rachel, and the co-director, Francisco, throughout this process. Rachel
provided fundamental evidence to support teacher practices. She was also well
aware of the personal histories of students and the educational support provided by
the school.
Individual Perspectives
Students have profound perspectives of the environmental circumstances that
positively or negatively affect their educational and life goals. These insights can be
strong indicators of empowering or disempowering pedagogies. The following set of
research inquiries focuses on empowerment from the student’s point of view. The
account reviews the barriers to education for street and working children. It also
addresses their needs for success in academia. Finally, it covers self-efficacy,
thereby illustrating children’s perceptions of personal achievements in school.
Barriers For Children ON The Street
Barriers to educational attainment for street and working children are
reviewed in this section. Barriers, or what Freire calls “limit-situations,” are of
considerable importance in the review of an empowering pedagogy (1970). Because
students encounter and respond to limit-situations differently, a pedagogy focusing
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on consciousness or an “I can” attitude is vital to student success as demonstrated by
Christina, age 10, when I asked if she thought school makes individuals better
people. “School makes you a better person, to find a job and to give money for my
parents as they took care of me when I was little” (personal communication, July
2000). Roberto, age 12, was also asked the same question and responded, “school
makes you a better person, like before I used to be in a gang but not
anymore.. .When I started school I stopped going to the gang.. .Now I just don’t have
to be in it” (personal communication, July 2000). Corason served over 250 students,
including children OF the street and children OF the street. The majority of
students, however, were street and working children who, as defined in the literature
review, had existing family attachments and shelter in the evenings.
Observations and participant voices illustrated five salient barriers. Students
were very honest in sharing their difficulties with school. The first occurred prior to
matriculating at Corason, and prevented children from receiving quality formal
education. This factor was coded as poor quality public education (SEP). Four
additional barriers also emerged from the evidence, but occurred while students were
attending Corason. These barriers were untrained teachers at Corason, child labor in
El Vergel, impoverished community dynamics, and gender bias. Each barrier will be
addressed in this section, except the last one, which will be discussed later in this
chapter.
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Poor quality public education. Prior to transferring to Corason, most
students were enrolled in a nearby SEP school. They told me that their experiences
at these institutions were primarily negative and impelled students and families to
seek educational alternatives. As described later for example, several boys were
expelled for fighting or earning low grades in school, intolerable actions for SEP
students. The following account summarizes several features of the public school
system, features which prompted students, like Roberto, to enroll at Corason.
According to Corason enrollees, the public schools in Mexico were of poor
quality, failing students in two ways. SEP’s outreach and enrollment efforts
excluded most street and working children. First, children indicated that prior to
Corason they attended primary schools in their district. However, moving from one
house to another created obstacles. Important school documents such as birth
certificates and report cards were lost, and children had a difficult time proving
where they lived, where they were bom, and what school grade they were in.
Another problem stated by street and working children was meeting school
deadlines. Enrollment, registration, testing, and other significant events were not
widely publicized by SEP. Children ON the street and their parents did not receive
this information and consequently missed the opportunity to enroll in school. SEP
was not active in integrating poor and working students and their parents into its
school community. This “limit-situation” (Freire, 1970) forced some students and
parents to seek educational alternatives. Others simply dropped out of school. In my
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interview with Roberto, an escuela secundaria student, I was told that SEP expelled
him for bad grades. To reenroll, he and his mother needed to meet with the
principal. Because they both worked, this was not feasible. His mother alternately
registered him at Corason when she learned that it was a viable option for out-of
school youth.
Second, the children and administrators described SEP’s academic program
as substandard and unable to meet student needs academically or socially. Martha
was concerned that public schools often enrolled children without assessing their
academic performance level or making accommodations for lower-performing
students. In reviewing the transcripts of certain Corason students I was able to
confirm this discrepancy. One particular transcript read, “student does not know
how to read.” On the same transcript the following quarter the teacher indicated
again, “student does not know how to read.” Finally, the last quarter comment said,
“student does not work in class because she does not know how to read.” According
to Martha, this fourth grade student was never given reading lessons to enable her to
advance to the next level. There were no comments made on the transcript
encouraging the student’s parents to seek assistance or requesting a parent/teacher
conference. As a result, this student enrolled in Corason and repeated fourth grade.
Another teacher from the same school also noted that a different student was
illiterate. However, she was promoted to fifth grade within her public school system.
When she arrived at Corason she needed fundamental reading instruction.
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These two scenarios were debilitating for students on many levels and
spotlight the importance of the educator’s role in conquering “limit-situations.”
Freire states, “the educator’s role is fundamentally to enter into dialogue with the
illiterate about concrete situations and simply to offer him the instruments with
which he can teach himself to read and write” (1998, p. 48). The instructors in the
above excerpts did not provide effective literacy resources to either the parent or the
student. The first student was clearly ostracized from the classroom and did not
participate because she could not read or write. Given that the classroom setting is a
small community, she was not made to feel like a productive student or community
member. Further, both students were female, which reinforced existing stereotypes
in Mexico that pigeonhole illiterate women as meek and without opinion.
Street and working children were candidates for grade level failure because
they did not regularly attend class and could not acquire the skills necessary for
promotion. Two primary examples of this are Daniel and Alfonso, who will be
described later in this chapter. It was unclear exactly how SEP informed students
that they were being dismissed from school, a frequent occurrence. These
difficulties only encouraged students to seek out Corason as an alternative education
program.
Enrolling at Corason did not always soften the harsh conditions resulting
from a substandard formal education. Unfortunately, a different set of barriers
surfaced within Corason‘ s nonformal environment. Lack of trained and educated
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teachers, for example, was of major concern. Severe sociocultural obstacles like the
obligation to work, impoverished community dynamics, and gender inequality also
inhibited student learning and stunted the process of empowerment. This next
section demonstrates how these categories, with the exception of gender inequality,
affected street and working children.
Untrained classroom teachers. Observations suggested that Corason had an
inadequate number of qualified classroom teachers. Of the six faculty members at
Corason, only one, the first grade teacher, held a certified elementary teaching
credential. The remaining teachers were uncertified and had never earned a degree
in higher education. They were residents of El Vergel and were solicited to teach at
Corason through their affiliation with Martha and Francisco’s church.
Part of the reason for this problem was the inaccessibility to teacher training
workshops or inservices. Faculty had minimal opportunities to attend curriculum
and instruction inservices, except those conducted by the Corason directors,
particularly Francisco. This was especially evident at the end of the summer session
as Corason faculty and directors were gearing up for the 2000-2001 school year, a
key time to prepare for class and to attend pedagogical workshops. At that time the
co-directors, with the assistance of a volunteer, carefully organized a three-day
inservice, but never suggested that their teachers attend off-site training. While the
directors attempted to provide a practical on-site training program, their workshop
lacked the wide range of topics typically offered through official teacher inservices,
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often those organized by the department of education or a local university. As stated
in Chapter One, one of the government’s goals in the National Agreement on the
Modernization of Basic Education was that teachers attend newly designed teacher
training programs.
Although the directors of the program have made concerted efforts to hold
teacher-training workshops, these short sessions have not provided teachers with the
critical information they would learn in a formal teacher education program. During
the summer of 2000, in preparation for a new school year, I observed a Canadian
professor work with the co-directors to establish a teacher-training workshop. This
academician was traveling with a group of volunteers, offering educational services
to schools in Mexico. He offered suggestions for traditional teaching, classroom
organizing, and counseling students. With only short inservices such as these,
Corason instructors lacked formalized training in developing critical thinking
exercises and meaningful discipline. The content of this workshop was valuable, but
the time allotted was too brief for significant change, and there were no follow-up
procedures to track pedagogical modifications. As a result, observations indicated
that the abilities of Corason teachers were often below standard. The following
examples illustrate how difficult it was to plan academic units and to manage a
classroom without the proper training.
On the first day of summer school I witnessed a harrowing conversation
between a teacher and a student. Although neither was in the escuela secundaria
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class, the teacher screamed loud enough to scare the entire student body. Lack of
teacher training affected everyone. I was in the escuela secundaria classroom sitting
in the back near the window so I could see and hear everything that was happening
around the school. After the exchange, the student was humiliated, and the rest of
the school became tense. The discussion went like this:
Teacher: Students, practice writing your names on a piece of paper.
Student: I don’t know how to read or write my name.
Teacher (screaming): How is it that you are in 2n d grade and you don’t know
how to read and write?
Student (crying): I’m not sure why I don’t know how to read and write.
Teacher: What is your name?
Student: Miguel
Teacher: What, you don’t have a last name?
Student: I don’t know my last name.
Teacher: Here is your last name, now go sit down and learn it!
Observations of Rachel, the escuela secundaria teacher, showed that she
rarely came to class with a lesson plan. Her activities were designed at the beginning
of each class. They were spontaneous and unstructured, lacking thought-provoking
material. Although Rachel used collaborative learning methods in class by having
students read and write in groups, it seemed difficult for her to conduct meaningful
exercises. Students were frequently out of their seats, switching partners, and off
task. She also lacked the skill to transition effectively from one subject to another.
For example, a typical academic lesson should introduce a new concept, develop it
through creativity, practice, and connection, and review its meaning. Without
teacher-training, Rachel would abruptly switch subjects, moving from English to
math, rather than first reviewing concepts, and then transitioning to new topics. This
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seemed illogical because there was no progression or summary for the students to
grasp. The students sometimes looked confused by the material and the instruction.
On other occasions Rachel would write multiplication, addition, or subtraction tables
on the board and have her students copy them into their notebooks. This practice
emphasized rote memorization rather than conceptual learning. Presumably students
who were repeating the course in summer school needed a more thorough
understanding of the concepts and the process of math, rather than simply copying
the information.
Lack of teacher-training posed a significant “limit-situation” for students
(Freire, 1970). It denied them the opportunity for expression in education, the one
place where critical thinking should be cultivated. An example of critical pedagogy
includes: (1) reflection: “beginning with the students’ own experience;” (2)
brainstorm: “identify, investigate, pose a problem within your own life;” (3)
resolution: student and teacher discuss various solutions; and (4) action: students
resolve issue (Brady, p. 140,2000). However, Rachel’s lessons lacked problem-
posing themes and creativity. The curricula reinforced that if students were to be
accepted by SEP, they needed to copy exactly what was written in the text. The
textbook content was not rigorously reviewed and the teachers’ lack of training
prevented them from knowing how to create their own supplemental materials
incorporating the children’s experiences. There was no space for student voice and
the practice of formulating ideas and opinions. As mentioned in the literature
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review, Mexico’s textbooks had not been updated in decades, and Corason students
did not have access to contemporary curricula. The materials donated by SEP had
been previously written in, torn, and otherwise used by public school students. I was
shocked and angered to see workbooks and note-taking sections of textbooks already
marked in. Observations proved that teacher training was imperative to improve
class content, critical pedagogy, and learning outcomes.
Child labor in El Vergel. The sociocultural conditions for street and working
children in El Vergel were not only brutal, but unavoidable. Child labor was the
most urgent social factor keeping street children from obtaining formal or nonformal
schooling. Francisco and Martha found that 30% of children in El Vergel were not
attending school. These children were required to work and to contribute their
earnings to the household income. Of the 15 children enrolled in escuela secundaria
for the summer session, most worked after school. Fieldwork suggested that it was
often difficult to impress upon parents that the benefits of an education outweighed
the profits of a job.
Interviews with two adolescent girls corroborated this point. Dorothy, age
14, and her younger sister, Sylvia, age 10, were both obliged to work and to help
support their family. Throughout my conversations, I learned that the girls’ 15-year-
old brother, Julian, was also required to work. He had earned a certificate of
completion from Corason in the spring of 2000 and was no longer permitted to
attend school by his mother. He contributed his wages from a steel factory, where he
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worked with his older brothers, to the family income. Their father had a second wife
and family, forcing Julian’s mother to run the household alone.
Observations of both Sylvia and Dorothy during the spring semester showed
that they were dedicated students of Corason. Their attendance record was flawless.
At the end-of-year ceremony, in June, Dorothy received numerous accolades for
academic accomplishments in escuela secundaria. Both co-directors confirmed that
despite these achievements, she would no longer attend Corason. She was forced to
work full time. When Dorothy started working for the school during the summer her
mother no longer permitted her to be a student. She was there to work. Dorothy’s
sister was only 10 and would continue attending Corason during the fall and spring
semesters. When I tried to discuss this decision with Dorothy she became very
emotional and began to cry. Discussing her father’s behavior, her mother’s
restrictions, and her obligation to work was far too disturbing for her. Both girls
were aware that their mother was looking for husbands for them and that attending
school was a privilege.
During their summer shifts at Corason, Dorothy and Sylvia were fed free
breakfast and lunch, and were paid for doing household chores and working in the
school kitchen. Dorothy was paid $4.00 per week because she was older, and her
little sister was paid $1.00 for being a helper. Both girls worked from 8:00 a.m. to
1:00 p.m., Monday through Friday. When their shift ended in the afternoons, Martha
would send them home with food for their mother and siblings.
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Although the girls worked while school was in session, Martha allowed each
girl to attend class when she was not occupied. There was no official course
schedule for them; they were allowed to join the classroom when they were not
needed to do chores and to carry out other responsibilities. I frequently observed the
sisters transitioning from Rachel’s class to work. The girls would sneak into the
classroom door and grab the first available seat without disrupting the lesson. They
never had textbooks or supplies; other students shared their materials with the girls.
They returned to work when Francisco, Martha, or Katya requested them.
Subsequently, the girls did not complete homework assignments or many class
projects due to their inconsistent attendance.
I asked Dorothy which primary activity was more significant, to attend
school or to work. She indicated learning was not only more important, but also
required for a better future. However, Dorothy’s perspective contradicted her
mother’s beliefs, and Dorothy feared the consequences of expressing this opinion to
her mother. The evidence overwhelmingly suggested that Dorothy’s distressed
mother forced both girls into difficult jobs. At this point in the interview the
conversation took a sharp turn. While painting this ghastly picture for me, Dorothy
curled up in the fetal position and cried. I did not question her any further.
Dorothy’s reflection of her own circumstances left her speechless. I transitioned into
counseling mode and tried to calm her. I am convinced that she would never express
an opinion criticizing her mother’s practices. Her mother was coercive and fixed in
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her ways. Freire (1998) describes three phases of critical consciousness: (1) having
limited, if any, perception; (2) having a semi-perception; and (3) having a critical
perception. I would categorize Dorothy as semi-perceptive or having naive
consciousness. Such people recognize some forms of oppression, but cannot process
or act upon them. This was true of Dorothy. She recognized that having to work
made it impossible for her to do well in school, but she was forced to continue
working.
My interview with Sylvia, Dorothy’s sister, did not furnish the same
outcome. Because she was younger, less mature, and did not bear the brunt as much
as her sister, Sylvia had a different lens. Sylvia was not moved by my questions like
her sister. She was nervous and giggled throughout most of the interview. She was
unaware of the dehumanizing conditions that surrounded her. She indicated that she
worked because her mother wanted her to. Because Sylvia was dutiful, like most
girls in El Vergel, she accepted this role willingly. According to Freire’s three
phases of critical consciousness, Sylvia can be characterized as having limited
perception (1998). Sylvia operated in survival mode and did not question, key
features of someone with a rudimentary view of the world. To move both girls from
limited and semi-perceptive states to critical consciousness required “an active,
dialogical educational program concerned with social and political responsibility”
(Freire, 1998, p. 24). The aim of Corason was to shape working students into
critically engaged individuals.
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My observations indicated that both girls were attentive and curious, and took
every opportunity to participate in classroom exercises and to learn. I was pleasantly
surprised when I first noticed the girls joining in classroom instruction, given that
they were hired to help. I noticed Martha’s genuine concern for the girls and their
well-being, and Katya’s protective, older-sibling approach. It was essential to the
girls’ development to have female role models such as these two women. However,
three glaring forms of injustice also emerged from the evidence on academia and
child labor. Dorothy was paid 80 cents per day and Sylvia 20 cents, for working one
week at Corason. Although this payment does not include the food that was given to
them throughout their shifts, it was nonetheless exploitative. The Gonzalez family
was clearly taking advantage of the sisters’ loyalty to them. Alternative lesson plans
could have been devised for the sisters. Both children were stellar students and
could have benefited from a more structured and productive schedule. For example,
the girls had plenty of time between chores and meals that could have been spent
reading and completing homework assignments. Martha’s generosity in permitting
the girls to sit in on classroom lectures was too erratic to allow quality learning.
Martha and Francisco could have intervened with Dorothy and Sylvia’s mother and
strongly suggested that she allow the girls to remain in school. By keeping them
employed, the school was essentially condoning the mother’s request to remove
Dorothy and Sylvia from school. Although both Martha and Francisco claimed to be
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adamantly against child labor, I never observed either director express these feelings
with the girls’ mother, who visited campus several times throughout my research.
Although Francisco continued to employ Dorothy and Sylvia, he stated that
child labor and family economics directly affected educational attainment.
According to him, child labor was the most severe handicap that street and working
children faced. Economic deficiencies required almost all students to work and to
contribute to household funds. Like the mother of Dorothy and Sylvia, many parents
were more concerned with the sustenance and survival of their families than they
were for their children’s education. I asked Francisco how he made the conscious
decision to keep Dorothy and Sylvia working for him when he firmly believed that
children should be in school. He responded with,
they’re [Dorothy and Sylvia] very willing to help. And they go on, make
errands and everything. And we want to keep them here because we can sort
of keep track of them and give them books and as much of us. Martha gives
them - every time they finish [work], [she says] come in and read this book.
.. .for an hour they sit there reading. So she wants to keep them sort of in an
open study. But not let [the girls] go away. If Martha tells [their]
mother.. .that [they are] coming to study, she won’t let it (Francisco, personal
communication, July 2000).
Several themes emerged from this statement. In Francisco’s opening phrase,
he claims the girls were “willing” to work. I agree, the girls were very eager to
please administration and faculty. But this comment shifts the blame from Corason
to the adolescents by making it sound as though the girls consciously chose to work
for below-average wages. Sylvia and Dorothy were exploited housekeepers. They
did not opt to be exploited, nor did they even recognize their exploitation. They
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never decided to remain poor and uneducated, hooks reaffirms that low wages do
not liberate females from a male dominated society (2000). In this case, Francisco
continued to reinforce hegemonic systems by undervaluing women’s labor. Further,
it is known that increased self-esteem, reflection, and action begin to dismantle
oppression. The girls were smart, but were given only rare opportunities to express
themselves in the classroom. Just as the girls were beginning to grasp a new
concept, they had to leave the classroom to do their chores. They were never given
the chance to be academically successful. Their self-esteem was never taken into
consideration.
Like Dorothy and Sylvia, other school-aged children in El Vergel had few
options. Interviews and observations suggested that if a child were permitted to
attend school he or she would have to work after the long day at school. If the child
did not attend school and concentrated solely on work, he or she may have earned
more money but would remain uneducated. Parents knew this but needed the
money, and rarely gave permission for their child to attend school. Francisco
described this difficulty,
they [street and working children] are submitted to hard work after school
because that’s what...the parents - that’s what they - they think that’s what
they should be doing all day...Sometimes they lend them the opportunity,
they grant them the favor of sending them to school, but they feel what they
should be doing is making money for them, for home (Francisco, personal
communication, July 2000).
Students felt pressured by Corason to remain in school and pressured by
family struggles to work. In an essay for class, one student revealed, “I want to have
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much money for my grandparents and for my siblings and I want to buy a car for
when there is an emergency or someone is sick” (Hugo, personal communication,
July 2000). In an interview another student, Roberto, remarked that he earned 50
pesos (i.e., $5.00 US dollars) every three days for pouring cement for a local
construction crew. I followed up by asking him how he spent his income and he
replied, “I give my parents half of the money and then I give it to the school because
I’m paying for the courses” (Roberto, personal communication, July 2000).
Immediate financial burdens typically overshadowed the need to learn. In Roberto’s
case, however, he clearly valued his education at Corason. Francisco described it as
a tremendous process to convince El Vergel parents that learning was valuable for
their children. The following excerpt shows Francisco’s struggle with this issue:
we talk to the parents and try to make conscious to the parents of the
importance of the education. And sometimes they said, well, all I want is for
them to know how to write their names. I say, well, that’s not what’s going
to make a change in their lives. They can study. They can be somebody.
And they can take the whole family or their own family, when they form it,
outside of this environment (Francisco, personal communication, June 2000).
Impoverished community dynamics. Underprivileged community dynamics
were also evidenced as critical barriers faced by street children in El Vergel. As
noted in the community demographics section of this chapter, this marginalized
section of Guadalajara included dilapidated housing, substance abuse, domestic
violence, and a lack of social services. Family breakdown was also particularly
destructive, and made it hard for children to lead physically and emotionally stable
lives.
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Single-parent, female-headed households contributed to the lack of
supervision and guidance of children. The co-directors’ preliminary research found
that single mothers managed more than 30% of the homes in El Vergel. These
women were solely responsible for registering their sons and daughters in school and
guiding them through the learning process. Observations demonstrated that women
attended most major school events, like registration, the first day of school, and
graduation. However, children were often left on their own to accomplish daily
school tasks such as homework and studying. Single mothers had little time to assist
with these tasks due to work and domestic restraints. Adolescents constantly faced
deplorable conditions such as neighborhood crime and vandalism; pressure to engage
in substance abuse or promiscuous sexual activity; and disintegrating parental
relationships. These circumstances undoubtedly affected their ability to focus and to
succeed in school.
Educational and Psychological Needs o f Children ON the Street
Corason’ s street and working children were among the most indigent youth
in Mexico. Their educational and life difficulties were often insurmountable.
Observations of Corason and interviews with children suggested that four particular
themes were crucial to student empowerment. First, academic and vocational
training was needed to provide the skills to achieve and move forward in life.
Second, affirming adult interactions were essential to counteract the negative and
hostile relationships endured by street and working children. Third, children needed
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to develop a positive self-concept and attitude. Fourth, the recognition of student
achievement was an invaluable link to building empowerment among adolescents.
Academic and vocational training. The underlying purpose of Corason was
to provide academic and vocational skills to street and working children. Although
the academic component was short on funding, available resources, and trained
teachers, it remained a structured program which catered to children in need. The
vocational training program, though, was meager and unorganized. Observations
indicated that vocational training courses were offered only if a skilled volunteer
could lend his or her services. Vocational training was not an ongoing course at
Corason. The school continued to support an academic program but sponsored
vocational services only when they were provided by outside sources.
Education and training were fundamental to the success of children. Corason
made it possible for students to transfer to their local SEP school, or to learn a craft
and utilize their skills in the labor force. The instructors and administrators assumed
that these two educational paths would lead to student success or at least to increased
options. This chapter has covered Corason’ s educational program, specifically
escuela secundaria. The following narrative tells how students received the school’s
vocational training component.
The eight children interviewed were required to work after school and to
contribute to the family income. Vanessa performed domestic duties in her home.
Christina worked for the family enterprise - assembling jewelry boxes. Ricardo and
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Roberto worked in construction. Ricardo earned 10 dollars per week working with
his grandfather. Roberto earned 5 dollars every three days, amounting to 33 cents
per hour. The other four children were working directly for Corason. Dorothy and
Sylvia, were hired to work on campus and to perform domestic duties and run
errands. Daniel and Alfonso, received hands-on job training and then joined the
informal sector of the economy. The boys were taught masonry at Corason and were
then hired by the school’s construction crew to help build the new dining hall and
bathroom. Alfonso stated that, through the development of job skills, he had become
a more reliable and self-confident individual. What follows is Alfonso’s life story,
which shows why poor children in EL Vergel need job training.
Alfonso was a 15-year-old student enrolled in Rachel’s escuela secundaria
class. He offered a rich account of his background and what he perceived were his
educational needs. Like his classmates, Alfonso was enrolled in a local SEP school
prior to attending Corason. He asserted that the SEP teachers were rigid and
unsympathetic to students. Alfonso also explained that SEP teachers had minimal
relations with their students and were unable to identify with the severe realities
faced by street and working children. However, he admitted that he was repeatedly
disruptive and incorrigible in class and as a result was asked to withdraw from the
school. Alfonso had few school options because of his behavior and medical
conditions. He told me that he was diagnosed with epilepsy as a young child. These
and other adversities, such as the death of a close uncle and living in a single-parent
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household, kept Alfonso several grades behind the norm in school. He eventually
arrived at Corason after his mother spoke with Francisco at a church event.
Francisco encouraged Alfonso’s mother to enroll her son in the program.
Alfonso indicated that he had several mentors on campus, one of which was
Francisco. Francisco encouraged Alfonso to learn masonry skills, a job that would
enable him to work after school and on weekends. Alfonso learned this craft
informally from Francisco and was then hired to work at Corason. Like Daniel, he
was helping to construct the new student areas on campus. Observations of
Alfonso’s behavior in class revealed a marked improvement from how he indicated
he conducted himself at SEP. He was polite and respectful to other children and
teachers. I frequently observed him assisting his classmates and being mindful of all
authority figures, myself included. For example, Alfonso accompanied me everyday
on a one-mile walk to and from my bus stop. I found him to be very reliable and
well-mannered, but his academic performance was rather low. He didn’t
successfully complete homework assignments or pass many tests and quizzes.
Nonetheless, he mastered the craft of brickwork and was able to transfer these skills
to other job sites. He also worked for the cement factory in town on the weekends.
On my daily walks through El Vergel, Alfonso would wave to me and smile from
different job sites. He was visibly proud of this accomplishment and confident in his
abilities.
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Alfonso’s transition from SEP to Corason demonstrates the importance of
this nonformal education program in two ways. First, accomplishment and personal
direction have a great impact on student empowerment. In Alfonso’s case, he moved
closer to achieving empowerment as his vocational training skills improved, skills
that he could not have received in a traditional school. Second, his story reminds
educators of the value of positive reciprocity in teaching. As explained in the
literature review, feminist and critical scholars assert that both the student and the
instructor should share in the learning process. Instructors are given titles such as
facilitator and mentor, while students are known as participants and learners. School
should be considered a non-threatening and equitable environment. In Alfonso’s
description of SEP, it was clear that he was alienated by the school system,
particularly his teachers. The instructors talked at him instead of with him. Rather
than learning more about Alfonso’s history, they cast him aside and, as a result, he
remained academically behind in school. It was a repressive cycle. As the teachers
became more punitive, Alfonso became more resistant and incorrigible. When
Alfonso transferred to Corason, he gained respect and encouragement from adults
and peers. Although Alfonso was not perfect, the Corason teachers worked at
communicating his weaknesses to his mother and him. He also learned a trade,
brickwork, which increased his self-esteem and gave him a purpose.
Affirming adult relationships. In addition to vocational training and
education, street and working children required healthy personal connections to
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enjoy improved lives. Observations suggested that children in the escuela
secundaria class needed affirming adult relationships offering encouragement,
strength, and reliability. Although it was not a flawless school, these types of
relationships frequently existed at Corason. As a result, the student-administrator or
student-teacher bond created a support system for adolescents which they might not
have received in a formal setting.
The administration made a conscious effort to maintain nurturing
relationships with students. For example, Alfonso commented that Francisco was his
ally and treated him differently than had the SEP instructors he worked with in the
past. Because of this Alfonso trusted Francisco and treated him like a father. Martha
developed attachments with children too, and treated them with warmth and respect.
The children enjoyed being safe and belonging to a familial-like environment at
Corason. Sylvia commented that Martha and the teachers were “really nice” and she
would not be afraid to discuss difficult subjects like drugs and family pressures with
any of these instructors. Observations corroborated this statement; I found Martha to
be very affectionate to all of her pupils, particularly Dorothy and Sylvia. She had a
pleasant and welcoming way about her. She was short in height, had chocolate
colored hair to her shoulders, and big brown eyes. She was portly and always wore
an apron or had a dishrag in one hand. She was the school “mother.” Children often
came early to the gated campus courtyard and remained after school. On weekends,
students frequently visited the home of Martha and Francisco for food, supplies,
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conversation, or the comfort of being with friendly people. Children were constantly
seeking attention and affection from Martha.
A theme that consistently emerged throughout the interviews and informal
conversations was that students appreciated their teachers. All eight children made
favorable comments regarding their instructors, especially Katya and Rachel, and
vividly showed respect for the field of teaching. A female student named Vanessa
commented on the women’s unwavering reliability. She indicated that if anyone
tried to cause her harm, her teachers would see this and protect her. Vanessa also
admitted that she liked her teachers because they allowed the students to
occasionally goof around in the classroom. Another student, Ricardo, reported that
he trusted and felt comfortable with his teachers. He felt he could depend on them in
a time of need.
Observations confirmed students’ interview remarks. Rachel and Katya left a
marked impression upon both boys and girls at Corason. I observed them giving
advice to students on pre-teen and adolescent topics such as school, friendships, love,
and work. Rachel was the more direct of the two. She was kind but straightforward.
She made herself available to her students but would not tolerate their misbehavior in
class. Although Katya was not a teacher, she was frequently in the classroom and
was like the other instructors in age and demeanor. She had a softer approach.
Children flocked to her in the classroom and during the break. She always had
candy, games, and advice to keep them occupied. Rachel and Katya were positive
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role models for Corason students. They were young and seemed to relate well to
adolescents, which built strong and dependable bonds, important in critical pedagogy
and empowerment. Of the entire faculty at Corason, Katya and Rachel were the
only two who fostered a reciprocal learning environment, though unknowingly.
They were the most willing to listen and to communicate genuinely with students.
The learners felt comfortable with these instructors because they did not abuse their
power in or outside of the classroom. They did not shout at students or act
condescending towards them, like other faculty members. Katya and Rachel
received and relayed information within the escuela secundaria class. The students
were able to share their thoughts and have them validated with a response, a nod, or
a pat on the back.
Positive self-esteem. Fieldwork data revealed a third need of street and
working children, a positive self-image. These vulnerable individuals needed to feel
confident and able. Most students came to Corason after being expelled from their
local public school. Expulsion typically produced feelings of shame and low self-
worth. Corason worked to bring youth from their lowest point up to a high level of
self-esteem. This was a challenging but necessary task.
Observations of the students in various campus activities indicated that many
were fragile and insecure. Daniel, a 14-year-old escuela secundaria student, was
particularly timid and academically delayed. After a series of harassing episodes in
which Daniel was the target, his mother transferred him from an SEP school to
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Corason. Daniel informed me that the students in SEP were relentlessly beating him
up. But he could never remember how the fights started or who instigated them.
Rachel and the co-directors of the school said that he was hearing impaired, making
it difficult for him to learn and to participate in classroom dialogue. Francisco
believed the children at Daniel’s former school teased him because of this. Daniel
was unable to do much of the school work and could not read or write at grade level
due to his poor hearing.
Observations of Daniel in class showed that he was inattentive, unengaged,
and actually bothersome to other students. He wanted to hide his disability so badly
that he pretended to listen and did not ask for information to be repeated.
Throughout my interview with Daniel, I found him to be intimidated and edgy by my
presence. Although I spoke loudly and clearly, he could not understand some of my
questions. When I inquired about his favorite subjects in school he indicated that he
could not understand most of his subjects. I asked if he had ever spoken to his
teachers to make them aware that he could not comprehend the material. He told me
that he had not done so because he was embarrassed.
Daniel was an example of an individual who not only needed job skills and
affirmative role models, but also a positive self-image. Observations indicated that it
was challenging at times to work with Daniel. He often demonstrated low academic
skills and acted inappropriately in class. During group reading assignments he did
not follow along. He would also poke the girls sitting next to him. Because Rachel
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was not trained to accommodate learning disabilities, she was unable to cater to his
needs. It seemed as though she learned to tolerate Daniel’s behavior. If asking him
to settle down was ineffective, she occasionally ignored him. As soon as Daniel was
given the opportunity to work in masonry at Corason, his self-confidence began to
increase. He became a member of the construction crew that worked at the school.
He was relied upon and accountable for his actions because he held a paid position.
Although his academic performance did not improve much, he behaved better in
class because he was more secure with himself.
An important point emerged from this situation. I quickly noticed how
learning a trade - masonry - increased Daniel’s self-esteem and self-worth. He felt
important to the school and to the community. In constructing additional space for
staff and students he was personally contributing to the welfare of others. This made
Daniel valuable. I noted that, at first glance, Dorothy and Sylvia’s situation mirrors
that of Daniel’s. The girls were paid by the school to work. They were tremendous
assets to the school and the community. However, both Dorothy and Sylvia
displayed low self-esteem and were painfully timid around everyone except Katya,
Martha, and Rachel. The girls’ self-esteem did not increase by working at Corason.
Daniel had a completely different working experience than the girls. He was
learning a valued and transferable skill. Domestic labor is not valued. Daniel gained
independence and respect from his position, whereas the girls became dependent on
their employers for resources and time away from a dysfunctional family
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environment. The girls did not learn coping skills or a trade that would lift them out
of poverty. Corason did not recognize that there were different ways to increase the
self-esteem of students. The school did not seem to take important factors, such as
gender, into account.
Student achievement. Finally, student achievement emerged in the process of
identifying the educational and psychological needs of Corason learners. Although
street and working children faced incredible adversities, observations suggested that
there were feelings of accomplishment among the learners. Through academics, the
educational attainment levels of some students increased. Students who learned a
trade achieved improved economic stability. Very few students advanced in both
areas; most focused on school. Fieldwork suggested that, through the development
and interconnectedness of vocational skills and education, a student’s psychological
strength improved. As students became more confident of themselves and their
abilities, their emotional well-being was strengthened.
The most poignant example of student success and leadership I observed
occurred during Corason’ s graduation and recognition ceremony. This event had
three main objectives. First, the ceremony was held to distribute academic awards to
students who had excelled in particular subjects. Second, the event was a forum for
co-directors to publicly congratulate those students transferring to SEP institutions.
Third, the event created a sense of community among parents, students, teachers, and
residents of El Vergel. The ceremony was held in the street in front of the school,
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making it difficult to miss. Most neighbors and shopkeepers came out of their homes
or stores to watch Corason’ s culminating event. Students arranged chairs and desks
in rows down the unpaved road. One side was for students and the other side was for
spectators. Between the sections there was an open space available for escuela
secundaria students to entertain the crowd. They were given this honor because they
were the oldest and presumably the most mature pupils in the school. While waiting
for the ceremony to begin the teachers speedily organized the recognition awards.
Some students received first, second, or third place ribbons for their performance in
art. Other students received certificates of achievement for exceptional grades in
history, math, science, or Spanish. Students receiving awards were also given a
small gift bag. It contained donated items such as clothing, food, shoes, and toys.
When the ceremony began students marched proudly down the open aisle in
front of family and friends. One student raised the Mexican flag as they all
processed to the national anthem. Following the anthem, the older students
performed a traditional dance for the audience. Martha then announced the subject
awards by grade and academic category. As names were called friends, teachers,
and family members shouted and clapped at the student’s accomplishments. After
the awards were distributed, diplomas were given to students who were transferring
to SEP schools in the fall and their names were announced. The ceremony ended
with an art exhibition in the street, displaying works created by first and second
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grade students. Corason staff members, students, relatives, and spectators proudly
celebrated this occasion.
Observations of this event confirmed that accomplishment and leadership
development support psychological stability in adolescents. Corason assumed that
all students were capable of participating in school. Teachers and administrators
were optimistic and encouraged students to believe in themselves. They were given
the tools with which to learn and work in the school environment. As the students
began mastering academic work or a vocational trade, their self-esteem and
confidence increased. Public recognition of these achievements confirmed that hard
work was necessary to move forward. Street and working children seemed proud
and empowered to have met this challenge. They were put on a pedestal in front of
family and friends. They were role models in El Vergel for younger children.
Corason’ s Program Model
The program model of Corason was essential to my research on street and
working children and empowerment. Without a clear understanding of schoolwide
concepts such as curriculum, pedagogy, philosophy, and teacher training, I could not
conceptualize empowerment at Corason. As demonstrated in the case description of
Chapter Four, Corason offers a unique and multi-faceted program aiming to support
working children and their mothers. The following primary research questions
mirror the earlier description of Corason and take a closer look at the school’s
program features, objectives, and results. The criteria for a successful nonformal
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education program are reviewed, as are Corason’ s pedagogical strategies to
empower children. The underlying theoretical framework of the school is considered
in reference to program assumptions and objectives. The last two questions in this
section address Corason’ s strategies to reintegrate children and its recruitment
efforts.
Corason’ s Criterion for Success
Observations suggested that one main factor would determine the ability of
Corason to empower students, a supportive and critical pedagogical approach.
Corason assumed that through a holistic teaching model, students would be able to
reintegrate and function in the prevailing school or economic system. In Chapter
Four, I reviewed Corason’ s academic pedagogy to illustrate how the school adapted
to meet students’ classroom needs. Because working with indigent children requires
more than a textbook lesson plan, the following narrative demonstrates how a
supportive and critical program was central from an emotional and sociocultural
perspective. This section focuses on the challenges of providing a compassionate
pedagogy.
Pedagogical framework. The teaching practices within the escuela
secundaria program aimed to create a thriving academic environment, and at times
produced such a result. However, the undue pressures of working within an
impoverished community often debilitated Corason teachers. As described below in
the various scenarios, Corason faculty wanted desperately to protect students from
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outside influences, but real life circumstances were often too overwhelming for even
the school resolve.
In the pedagogical strategies section of this chapter, the notion of increased
student self-efficacy was linked to teacher empathy and encouragement. Escuela
secundaria instructor Rachel was especially compelled to respond not only to the
academic struggles of children, but to their personal needs as well. Street and
working children faced barriers such as substance abuse, disintegrating families, and
poverty. It was difficult for children to keep these problems separate from school.
Adolescent and pre-teen students were conflicted and became emotional under these
conditions. They looked to their teachers and administrators for moral and academic
support. Although Rachel made herself available, her help was limited in scope.
Her assistance primarily consisted of mentoring youth and spending quality time
with at-risk students. Psychosocial issues extended beyond the school walls. She
was convinced that teachers at Corason aided with these difficulties. Empathetic,
yet consistent instructors were important elements of the school’s success.
Katya described the informal pedagogical practices of Corason when
confronting these matters. She was not an instructor but an administrative
representative, and she had deeply held perspectives of the school. She often worked
in the classrooms alongside the schoolteachers and attended teacher inservices.
Because Katya was familiar with the school since its inception, she had an
understanding of how Corason resolved student-related problems. There was no
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written or prescriptive approach to intervention. However, she felt the school
responded in an immediate and thorough fashion to crisis situations, and provided
the following story as an example of her confidence in Corason.
Two male cousins in the Corason program, Ronaldo and Ryan, were found
loitering in the streets and abusing drugs. Teachers and administrators remarked that
both students were psychologically traumatized. One of the boys had witnessed a
murder in his home. The other endured daily beatings by his father. I witnessed the
students frequently attending class while belligerent and high from marijuana.
Visitors could hear faculty members screaming the boys’ names at any point during
the day for roughhousing, bullying, and cheating. Often, when I would walk into
their classrooms in the mornings to say hello, Ronaldo and Ryan would jump on top
of their desks to greet me. The school administrators spoke with the boys’ mothers
and strongly encouraged sending the students to a rehabilitation program. Katya
indicated that her parents drove to the boys’ home (it was uncertain whether the boys
lived together or apart) and implored each family to enroll the children in a
rehabilitation center. One mother refused the administrator’s suggestion. It was
vague how the second mother responded. Both Ronaldo and Ryan remained living
at home with their families and continued to engage in street activities during the
day, while attending school occasionally. Katya explained that despite the parental
reactions, Corason would continue to encourage counseling and drug treatment
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programs to the families. Katya indicated that although many parents yearned for
help, they were quick to dismiss the school’s advice.
Inside of Corason we help them and support them to be okay, but then they
go out, they go back to their houses and if their mothers let them get on the
street and let them take drugs more, we can’t really do anything about it
(Katya, personal communication, June 2000).
At that point in the summer I did not observe significant changes in Ronaldo
and Ryan’s behavior in class. It actually worsened. The cousins were often focal
points of many student disputes and classroom disruptions. Corason faculty reported
these outbursts to Francisco. As the primary disciplinarian, he reportedly discussed
their behavior with their mothers. He also confirmed Katya’s statements and
remarked that he was addressing rehabilitation and counseling with the family on an
ongoing basis. Again, I never witnessed positive changes in the boys’ conduct, and
they became absent from school more frequently. Additionally, they were never
asked to withdraw from the institution.
What’s interesting about this ongoing episode was that all Corason staff
members believed that they were doing everything possible to save Ronaldo and
Ryan from further abuse and homelessness. They believed that they were providing
a supportive environment for their learners. However, their strategy did little to
attack the real issue, family dysfunction. The children received minimal positive
attention in the classroom and no attention at home. Their disruptive actions were
signals of corrupt family environments, not behavioral problems. Francisco and
Martha spoke to the parents, but did not convince them to get help or educate them
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on the consequences of the boys’ behavior. Faculty members did not communicate
with the family, leaving the problem to be handled by the administration. Moreover,
faculty tried to hide the issue from their class, but the students clearly knew who was
taking drugs on campus. Corason student, Roberto, mentioned in his interview that
the escuela secundaria class was told to pray to God for the boys. After further
investigation I learned that rather than discuss the issue of substance abuse, some
teachers told students to pray for their classmates who were making the wrong
choices. Daniel also told of how prayer was encouraged in school after a male
student overdosed on drugs and ended up in a coma. The students were instructed to
pray everyday for their classmate to “wake up” (Daniel, personal communication,
July 2000). So, in an emergency some faculty prayed while others referred the
“problem” to the administrators. The administrators begged and pleaded with
students and parents for change. There was no prescriptive process for handling
crisis situations. It was a hasty, spontaneous system that almost always failed.
Francisco and Martha asserted that in an effort to provide a compassionate
and critical environment, the school allegedly provided services such as independent
study, financial support, and transportation to families in need. Observations did not
always support these claims. On occasion I witnessed transportation being provided
and food being distributed by the school. This alleviated some financial difficulties.
However, since the school was poor, these donations to families and students were
infrequent. The school did help in making phone calls, locating rehabilitation
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programs, and connecting with social service agencies. Martha said that she and
Francisco considered converting their house into a rehabilitation center, but there
was no funding for around the clock supervision. Her role as an administrator and
office manager, however, kept her connected with the various government agencies
that aimed to assist poor families, especially DIF which was located adjacent to
Corason. Although I often observed Martha juggling phone calls from social
services and earnestly trying to coordinate free outreach programs on campus, I
never observed these efforts manifest into actual workshops.
Martha was aware that critical pedagogy and empowerment suffered because
of insufficient funding and lack of resources. In her interview, she described how
the phone calls, the appointments, and other administrative duties were exhausting
for her to manage. When I asked her if she thought the school provided a positive
learning environment for students to grow, her response was both positive and
negative.
Yes. There are changes and they are getting better, but not all that we need.
Actually, if you compare it from being on the street and being here, it’s better
what they receive here. But the academic level could be better. We have
very old kids for the grades they are in. We need more materials, better
teaching...All of the programs really need more but we just know that we
can’t really give more (M. Gonzalez, personal communication, July 2000).
The key ingredient to making this school a successful learning environment is
a critical pedagogy which supports and addresses fundamental student issues.
Significant changes in students will not occur until this has been accomplished.
Chapter Six discusses this conclusion in more detail.
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Corason Methods o f Empowerment
As revealed in the pedagogical strategies section of this document, Corason
had two main educational objectives in its attempt to empower children. The first
was to teach students the academic content needed to reintegrate into the public
education system or the economic marketplace. The second was to increase levels of
self-efficacy through education and co-curricular activities. It was assumed that
through these achievements students would attain psychological well-being,
economic stability, and education, the three central tenets of student empowerment.
To prepare students for school or the economic marketplace. Corason
attempted its first objective, to transfer prepared and qualified students to their local
SEP school, through its daily academic program. The school offered history, math,
science, Spanish, and vocational training courses. The core subjects were taught
from SEP’s curriculum and met the academic requirements of a formal public
school. A more detailed review of the school day was described in the case
description section of this chapter. The vocational training courses were short
workshops offered by volunteers or teachers after school or on Saturdays. Examples
included sewing, typing, hair styling, and making knapsacks out of recycled fabric.
The analysis shows that when given a choice between the core subjects and
the vocational training courses, considerably more students took advantage of the
academic program. Although many students worked after school, they gave priority
to educational advancement. This was strongly evidenced in a writing assignment
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that I gave to the escuela secundaria class. I gave them the task of projecting what
career they wanted to enter. Out of 15 essays, 10 children mentioned that they
wanted to practice medicine and become doctors upon graduation from college.
Eight of these ten responses were written by female students, which demonstrated a
significant level of self-efficacy among girls. This particular focus on gender will be
discussed in the next segment of this chapter, which views Corason from a gender
perspective. Other children wanted careers such as computer engineer, teacher,
professional athlete, dancer, and astronaut. Students recognized that school was
necessary in order to accomplish these professional objectives. In most essays,
students included their commitment to graduating from escuela secundaria and then
studying within the field of their choice. Children connected school with
professional success, even if the exact educational route was uncertain.
Corason established a more flexible school schedule to accommodate the
needs of working children. The school day started at 9:00 a.m., which allowed
students to take care of morning chores at home and still get to school on time. If
students arrived prior to 9:00 a.m. they could eat breakfast at Corason. The majority
of students took advantage of this perk. School was dismissed at 1:00 p.m. Some
students went directly from school to work. Others went home to complete their
chores. Students were able to work more hours in the day because of the early
dismissal time. Most street and working students worked shifts in the late
afternoons.
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To increase student self-efficacy. Corason pursued its second goal, to
improve the self-efficacy of students, through the moral support and leadership of
staff members. Faculty and administration were persistent in helping students
recognize their worth and potential. Earlier in this chapter I discussed the four main
ways that staff members, particularly teachers, increased levels of self-efficacy
among students. These measures were to: (1) publicly recognize students; (2)
encourage learners to compare themselves to their classmates; (3) positively
reinforce students; and (4) trigger the emotional stimulation of pupils. Examples of
these specific pedagogical strategies included student-centered activities such as art
shows hosted and created by pupils and collaborative classroom projects. The most
significant example, which aims at all four methods, is the year-end ceremony,
which praises student achievement throughout the year. Most teachers were
empathetic to student needs. The Corason program and its staff worked to rebuild
the self-images of children. Self-efficacy, teachers knew, was a direct result of
achievement in school. Roberto in particular confided in me that he had been
involved in a neighborhood gang prior to his enrollment at Corason. When he saw
gang members become criminals, he realized that he did not want a similar lifestyle.
Interestingly, he never attributed his desire to leave the gang to school. Between
school and work, and his increasing self-esteem, he had no time for gang activities.
Moreover, at school he was among teachers instead of gangsters. Rachel commented
on the relevance of self-esteem and learning in an interview, “At the beginning of the
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year the children don’t know anything, and [I] try to teach them that this is not a
problem of intelligence, that they can learn.” Her positive attitude was critical to the
success of some children.
Unfortunately, not all faculty members were consistent in their efforts. On
several occasions, I observed some teachers seeming not only agitated by their
students, but also completely disconnected from them. This attitude was most
obvious during the breaks, but was also evident during classroom lectures. When the
instructors were covering yard duty, for example, I observed the same two or three
teachers talking amongst themselves, rather than interacting with and monitoring the
students. There was one episode in which a 13-year-old boy, Ruben, had come to
school with his arm in a homemade cotton sling. He was pushed down onto the
cement slab during a break. As blood soaked through the sling, it was obvious he
was in extraordinary pain. He approached two staff members and told them that
someone on the yard had pushed him down. I vividly remember the women
criticizing Ruben and blaming him for the accident. They faulted him for being in
the yard, a perilous position, with a damaged arm. I saw one of the instructors
slightly push Ruben’s other shoulder and direct him into a classroom to sit alone
until the break was over. When she noticed that I was looking, she became slightly
empathetic. It was difficult to judge whether the impoverished teaching conditions
caused the instructors to grow resentful of the children, or if the women came to
Corason already harboring a certain level of bitterness. Regardless, this incident was
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in direct contradiction to a critical pedagogical framework which asserts that
educators support and listen to their learners. It also created a disempowering
environment. My observations proved that Ruben’s emotional well-being was not
considered. Leaving him alone in a classroom only amplified his existing feelings of
isolation.
The School’ s Theoretical Framework
Social cognitive model. Judging from its characteristics and project
literature, Corason’ s theoretical framework can be identified as a social cognitive
approach. Corason assumes children and parents have the ability to understand their
own actions, emotions, and decisions. It was the role of the teachers and volunteer
professionals to model appropriate behaviors and to guide students and parents
towards making the right decisions. The Corason curriculum aimed to provide the
necessary information to improve lives - to empower people. However, it was up to
the students and the parents to implement these ideas and to create change in their
own lives. My research indicated that the school was unable to produce such results.
Below is an analysis of how the social cognitive framework did not fully achieve
critical learners at Corason.
Creating change was an overwhelming task for both parents and students, and
I was not convinced that either group was given enough tools to succeed. The
school, it seemed, had minimal control over how parents raised their children.
Fieldwork data showed that it was challenging and perhaps intimidating for parents
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to carry out the school’s philosophy of learning. The reason was simple: parents
feared change and the unknown. They were skeptical of education. Would school
take their child away? Would educational attainment decrease their family earnings?
Unfortunately these questions were not answered by the faculty or administration
during my research process.
Observations suggested two reasons why the social cognitive theoretical
model did not produce critically literate students and parents. First, in making
critical pedagogy central to the school’s environment, instructors should have
recognized the vast differences in the lives of their learners. Every Corason child
had a story to be shared. The history of the student should have played a bigger role
in shaping the curricula. Although students were offered an adjusted schedule and
were enrolled in a modified escuela secundaria program, they were given the same
pattern of coursework to follow, regardless of past experiences. Therefore, all
students in escuela secundaria received the same assignments despite the drastic
gaps in learning and differences in age. Students were unable to work with the
instructor to tailor their curricula, an important feature of critical pedagogy. Second,
while teachers were excellent models for the children in reflecting citizenship,
goodness, and justice, the faculty had little or no opportunities to model these
characteristics to the parents. Parent conferences, back to school nights, and other
school information sessions were not held. There was no systematic process
involving both parents and teachers. Parents were not highly connected to the
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school, yet were expected to follow the school’s philosophy and to learn from the
Corason instructors. How could the parents model something they did not
understand?
Corason’ s Efforts to Mainstream Pupils
Street and working children were afforded the opportunity to enter their local
public school or to develop a vocational path. They were also given the educational
tools to build stronger familial relations such as exercising critical thinking skills and
decision-making practices. The main feature of Corason, its educational unit,
provided the coursework and assistance needed to transfer to SEP. If Corason pupils
completed and passed primary school they were eligible to enroll in the public school
system. The case description section of this paper indicated four supplemental areas
of Corason, which strived to improve the lives of children: basic resources and
\
nutritional support, education workshops for mothers, social and psychological
services, and legal counseling. The last three were particularly aimed at rebuilding
family relationships and increasing the quality of life through education.
Girls and Empowerment at Corason
A central component of this case study of empowerment is the way in which
girls are treated in school. The need to address girls’ problems has been examined in
earlier chapters, but I will reiterate this important point. Self-efficacy and self
esteem are ideal perceptions that enable girls to become strong, empowered women
and productive citizens. It is crucial for schools to create a positive and healthy
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curricular framework that strengthens this awareness in girls. Empowered females
can work collectively to transform social relations in towns like El Vergel, thereby
improving their own condition. The current section focuses on prominent gender
driven themes among adolescents at Corason. First, barriers to girls’ active
participation in the Corason program are reviewed. Second, the section centers on
the school’s methods of intervention and its existing support network for girls.
Third, the paper considers Corason’ s recruitment efforts and plans to specifically
target girls.
Girls ’ Barriers to Achieving Quality Education
Girls in El Vergel faced daunting challenges which hindered their ability to
fully participate in school. However, these challenges were complicated to observe
and difficult to cover in interviews. Certain obstacles, such as teen pregnancy and
prostitution, were overt and easily recognizable throughout the research. Other
obstacles, like low perceptions of self-worth and achievement, were covert and
required deeper examinations. My interviews with staff members regarding gender
disparities on the Corason campus often contradicted what I observed. All
respondents became either defensive or protective of the school’s position on sexual
discrimination. Some faculty suggested boys and girls had equal opportunities in
and out of the classroom. Observations did not suggest this same finding.
Student respondents, especially girls, had a difficult time understanding the
meaning behind gender discrimination. An example of this was evident in an
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interview with Christina, a very shy and naive escuela secundaria student.
Christina’s family lived a few blocks from Corason. Her after school responsibilities
included household chores and working for the family business, the assembling of
jewelry boxes. Initially, Christina attempted to enroll in an SEP school, but her local
one was full. Corason was her second choice. Despite her lack of alternatives,
Christina did indicate that she valued the opportunities provided by Corason and
appreciated the school environment, especially the classroom space. Naturally,
Corason should have been a release from Christina’s after school schedule.
However, I observed Christina, more often than other students, mopping down the
main hallway after the break, as there was always one child assigned to complete this
task. In order to complete this duty she missed a significant amount of instruction
time, worsening her already low verbal and written skills. On several occasions, I
noticed that this chore prevented her from engaging in classroom activities and
discussions. It also reinforced gender roles and the belief that females are
responsible for cleaning. During my interview with Christina, she did not object to
this responsibility, nor did she consider it as perpetuating gender discrimination.
Three distinguishable challenges are set forth, which emerged from the data
focusing on girls. Low self-efficacy, child labor, and gendered expectations
commonly prevented girls from becoming actively involved and empowered at
Corason.
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Low self-efficacy as a result o f gender discrimination. The fluctuation of
girls’ self-efficacy was a direct consequence of their interactions with staff members
at Corason. As discussed earlier, teacher role modeling was a critical factor in the
empowerment of Corason students. Faculty played a significant role in shaping the
self-images of girls. Escuela secundaria teacher, Rachel, was especially influential
because she spent nearly six hours a day with her students, more time than some
parents spent with their children. She interacted with students for four hours in the
classroom and about one hour before and one hour after school. In her work with
adolescent girls, Rachel was a primary role model. She was a central figure in
forming the self-concept and emotional well-being of females, necessary concepts in
the achievement of empowerment. Her pedagogical strategies directly affected girls
as they proceeded through the physical, cognitive, and emotional stages of
adolescent development.
Rachel commented in an interview that gender discrimination did not exist at
Corason. She said girls and boys were treated equally and girls did not experience
harassment. To illustrate, Rachel explained that both were equally likely to
misbehave in and out of school. She stated that because boys and girls experienced
family disintegration, both sexes could be violent and promiscuous. She did not
perceive boys and girls to have varying degrees of self-efficacy as a result of sexual
divisions. My observations indicated that girls were vastly different from boys in
demeanor, action, and voice. Girls often presented themselves as meek and
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innocent, whether on the yard or in the classroom. Girls always sat quietly and
followed orders. Boys were more boisterous and likely to act out. The following
account is Rachel’s interpretation of a class problem, which she does not connect to
sexual stereotypes.
Rachel told of a 16-year-old Corason student who became pregnant during
the school year and subsequently endured daily bullying by her classmates. When
Rachel learned of the bullying she immediately reprimanded the class for harassing
the pregnant adolescent. In order to preserve the girl’s self-worth and academic
potential, Rachel designed an independent study program for her. She also
conducted a sex education course that taught her students about body changes and
adolescent development. Rachel said that this was difficult to teach because some
escuela secundaria students were too immature to receive the information but she
felt it was necessary that they know.
While conducting research at Corason, I did not observe sexual education
courses being taught. However, Rachel claimed that the curriculum was presented to
the students just after her student’s pregnancy was exposed to the class. Rachel did
not clearly specify the duration and the quality of the sex education program. She
did stress that she followed the pregnant girl’s educational progress for two years
until she finally lost contact. Rachel did not perceive low self-efficacy and gender
discrimination to be woven into this story. She believed that she had fulfilled her
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responsibilities as an educator by putting a stop to classroom bullying. I never
questioned Rachel’s opinion; she was convinced that she had done enough.
The third grade teacher, Coletta, also said that disparities between boys and
girls were not an issue on campus. However, her statements provided conflicting
information. The following excerpt was this teacher’s response to the question,
“How do girls differ from boys at Corason?'’
We just differentiate them [through] ideas of the weak gender and the strong
gender, as being weak ones, the girls, and strong ones, the boys. When it
comes to chores, we ask the boys for the heavier chores or the more difficult
ones... When it comes to class they’re the same....It’s not like in older
times...We are leaving behind the idea of making the girl feel less (Coletta,
personal communication, June 2000).
In this excerpt the instructor distinguished between the physical and mental strength
of males and females. She emphasized that she and her colleagues felt females had
less physical strength than males, but that both genders were treated equally in the
classroom where mental strength was dominant. She also affirmed that the habit of
making girls feel inadequate to boys is an outdated concept, one that is not practiced
at Corason.
Fieldwork observations suggested that staff members were not aware of the
innate and subtle forms of female oppression. In this excerpt the instructor, Coletta,
was correct; she consciously believed that she was doing everything in her power to
prevent gender discrimination. She told me that she had learned how to be a strong,
educated woman since the collapse of her teen marriage. She wanted me to believe
that she had learned from this lesson, and strongly insisted that no girl should be
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forced to marry at an early age. Coletta was speaking of covert forms of gender
discrimination. She, like her colleagues, did not recognize other areas of women’s
oppression. For example, not one teacher objected to Christina being pulled from
class more regularly than her peers to clean and mop the hallways. Faculty
perceived Sylvia and Dorothy to be “lucky” to have such nurturing and protective
employers. The low self-images of these three girls were not recognized. The girls
could not look an adult in the eye, never expressed an opinion even when asked, and
quivered when they were spoken to. They were completely powerless, but this went
unrecognized.
Girls and employment. Child labor was a second barrier to girls’ education.
Adolescent girls in El Vergel performed arduous duties in and out of the home to
contribute to family money. Observations suggested that these responsibilities
hindered the education of girls and lowered their self-esteem. Girls were expected to
do domestic chores and to aid the family financially. Many were not encouraged to
remain in school after fourth grade. Hence, fewer females were enrolled at the
escuela secundaria level. Francisco believed that most girls living in El Vergel were
defenseless and without healthy and viable options for school and work. In the
following statement, he attempted to explain the skewed and debilitating perspective
that Dorothy and Sylvia’s mother has of her daughters:
Because, again, they [parents] don’t - they don’t have a good opinion of
learning. They don’t care about it. Especially girls. She’s [daughter] going
to get married. Why spend time and money for herself? She going to end up
like me [mother] (Francisco, personal communication, July 2000).
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Francisco indicated that traditional parental views of working and marrying early
prevented girls from receiving an education. He also noted that this belief was a
repeated pattern by mothers and their daughters. Some mothers were convinced that
their daughters would lead the same powerless lives as they themselves did. As a
consequence some daughters were pushed to work rather than to attend school.
Prostitution was a devastating reality for girls in El Vergel. Martha told me
of one case at Corason. Although the Corason staff protected female students
during school hours, it was impossible to shelter them off campus. Martha stated
that Marissa, an 11 -year-old student, had seemingly been coerced into prostitution by
her mother. Marissa had regular clients visit her at home and pay for her sexual
services. Martha strongly urged Marissa to stop trafficking in sex, but the pupil
would not take her advice. Martha felt powerless against the socioeconomic
conditions that led this girl to prostitution. “There’s nothing we can do because this
happens not in school, but in her home, even in her own home” (Martha, personal
communication, July 2000). A more detailed example of the co-director’s
intervention strategies will be described later in this chapter.
Oppression through gendered expectations. A third issue that prevented girls
from attaining quality education was gendered expectations. This was a critical
barrier to investigate because of the powerful impact that sexual divisions of labor
had on the community and its future structure. Girls and boys had different
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responsibilities and tasks assigned to them. The achievement of empowerment was
directly affected by these socially constructed roles.
On an overt level, boys performed the heavy-duty lifting and manual chores.
As described in the stories of Alfonso and Daniel, boys were encouraged to pursue
traditionally male dominated fields. In El Vergel, construction work was most
popular. The girls did more domestic tasks, as discussed in the cases of Sylvia,
Dorothy, and Christina. Girls cooked, cleaned, performed all other household
chores, and were responsible for younger siblings and extended family members. On
a covert level, this division of labor perpetuated a cycle of gender stereotypes and
inequality. Girls anticipated the cooking, cleaning, and care-taking chores, which
limited their aspirations and self-concepts. More devastatingly, there were no
opportunities for the development of leadership skills or management techniques.
The school reinforced the notion that women were responsible for all domestic
chores but not leadership, director, or management roles.
What was striking about this inquiry was that girls had high hopes for
themselves but had no idea how to attain them. There were no connections between
the girls’ current positions in El Vergel, their future goals and aspirations, and the
work required to achieve them. Curious about this, I asked the class to write an
essay for me that explained their future objectives. In these essays the girls’
professional aspirations were quite hopeful and ambitious. Females aspired to be
doctors, nurses, and architects, and they referenced women in their lives who
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inspired these goals. Interviews corroborated this information. Christina told me
that she wanted to be a nurse when she grew up, but did not know how to become
one. Her mother had told her that by joining the helping profession she would be
able to treat illnesses and feed sick people. Christina genuinely remarked that she
was going to give all of her earnings to her parents because they needed it most. It
was clear these career objectives developed from the role modeling and
encouragement of female teachers, mothers, and aunts. Yet in practice, girls were
restricted by traditional female roles, a detrimental “limit-situation” (Freire, 1970).
Because this question occurred to me after I had returned home, I did not ask the
directors or faculty members if they have given, or would like to give, more attention
to leadership development among girls. My research shows that the school either did
not recognize the potential of its female population or simply could not financially
support a program for the advancement of girls.
I discovered two serious ramifications during this process. Denying girls
access to leadership development courses and management workshops was both
psychologically and socially damaging. Reinforcing stereotypes decreased the self
esteem of girls. Girls longed to be professionals but were denied access and told
they were not capable of handling such responsibilities. The girls were not given the
opportunities or resources to reach their career objectives. Girls were bound to the
same powerless positions held by their mothers and grandmothers. On a community
level, refusing girls the opportunity to learn advanced skills only perpetuated the
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patriarchal structure of El Vergel. Girls were unaware of their potential and had no
individual or collaborative agency within the town. By denying girls access to
leadership programs, the community was able to maintain the status quo and keep
men in control.
Girl-Centered Intervention Strategies
Corason attempted to lessen the extensive problems of girls through faculty
awareness and intervention. “Intervention consists of encouraging or correcting a
process towards the best possible fulfillment of a known and accepted outcome”
(Porter & Judd, 1999). This study had particular interest in not only identifying the
obstacles girls face, but also the methods of confronting them. Empowerment was
possible if girls had the support and protection of knowledgeable faculty members.
The following section will address Corason’ s strategies for intervening in situations
that are oppressive to females. This area will also cover the conditions for effective
intervention.
Given Corason’ s limited resources, two feasible strategies for intervention
emerged from the data. The first was to encourage open communication and to
confront girls’ issues. The second was to provide a positive, obstacle-free
atmosphere for teaching girls. Neither method was prescriptive; rather, both were
practiced methods that were constantly under revision.
Communication among females. One of the primary ways that Corason
handled the challenges faced by girls was through open dialogue, which typically
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occurred among staff members and between staff and parents. Faculty and
administration communicated to resolve school dilemmas and to disseminate
information. Staff members at Corason pointed out that meetings and workshops
were routine methods used to address internal issues. Observations suggested some
similar findings. Administration and teachers met on Fridays to discuss obstacles
and significant challenges in the classroom. Key discussion items included
schoolwide issues like classroom management, academic ability, participation,
absenteeism, curriculum, and student needs. Although these agenda items did not
specifically focus on girls, they potentially illustrated the needs of girls. The
administration worked with the teachers to develop and implement goals and
strategies to increase student participation and performance.
Collective dialogue examined the extensive issues and concerns of females.
Martha believed that weekly teacher meetings were opportune times to discuss
systemic problems and individual student issues, heightening teachers’ awareness of
gender bias. For example, when female absenteeism increased, Martha provided a
feasible way for teachers to investigate the problem. Students often lacked a
telephone, a dependable mail service, and a permanent residence. Martha suggested
that, in order to improve attendance, teachers should physically visit the child’s
home and connect with both the parent and the student. She stressed to her teachers
that it was important to demonstrate a caring and understanding attitude. She
strongly believed that a teacher’s physical presence in the home of a student had a
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powerful impact. Martha was critically aware of the distinction between boys and
girls.
[In weekly meetings] we try to talk about the different problem points. From
what happens with the girls that have been more absent. If the teacher was
able to talk with her family. If she [teacher] know why she’s [student] being
absent. When there’s a boy being absent we try to look for him at his
home...But sometimes there are very difficult problems with the girls. Like
last year we had a case with a girl from the second grade. She was eleven,
and she was prostituting herself. We could never locate her family at home.
She had two brothers here. The brothers would say that they didn’t know
anything. But when we were able to talk with the mother, she said that his
had happened before with the girl. She thought that just moving her, that
house to a different one, that would end, the problem would just be solved
(Martha, personal communication, July 2000).
While conducting research at Corason, I never witnessed teachers visiting
student homes, nor did I hear of such visits. However, I frequently observed teachers
working after hours with mothers and students to address academic difficulties such
as attendance, homework, and learning variables. Most teachers were both open and
responsive to the concerns of parents. It is also critical to mention in this section on
female communication that these meetings were between mothers and the
instructors. Mothers visited Corason daily. They often roamed the surrounding
neighborhood waiting for their children to be released from class or monitoring them
as they played in the streets. Not all mothers were able to visit the school, but most
tried. Fathers, however, were rarely seen on campus. Throughout my research, I
encountered one father at registration and one father at graduation.
Communication between mothers and staff also revealed the obstacles girls
faced. In this chapter, prostitution was identified as a barrier to girls’ education.
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This segment will address how Corason communicated with parents to intervene in
perilous situations such as prostitution. For example, Martha and Francisco both
offered to find treatment and resources for Marissa, who was forced into prostitution
at 11 years old. However, Marissa’s mother rejected this offer. Martha in particular
pleaded with both the daughter and the mother to recognize the dangers of illicit
sexual intercourse. Martha described her attempt to work with Marissa:
[I] talked to the girl. Tried to show her that this was wrong. This could have
very difficult consequences. I tried to show her some other ways to live, for
her to see that she had some other possibilities for her future if she left that
way of behaving in that situation (Martha, personal communication, July
2000).
Marissa was never admitted for rehabilitation or treatment. Martha was
unsuccessful in removing her from an emotionally and physically abusive
environment. Even so, through open communication Corason was able to reinforce
its stance on the protection of girls from sexual abuse. Community members and
students became aware of what Marissa endured and Corason remained firm in their
stance against prostitution. The co-directors held the mother accountable for her
daughter’s situation.
Creating a girl-safe environment. Various barriers to education threatened
the achievements of girls. Corason tried to reduce them by attempting to create a
positive, obstacle-free atmosphere. Factors such as school location, available
facilities, the scheduling of courses, and accessible female role models contributed to
the overall success of girls in school. What follows is a review of these aspects that
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provide a safer atmosphere for girls at Corason, the characteristics that build an
empowering framework.
It is valuable to emphasize the importance of safety and nearness to home as
determining girls’ participation at Corason. Parental misconceptions about what
girls learn in the classroom, compounded by a dangerous and lengthy journey to
school can lead to high absentee rates (USAID, 1991). At the lower primary levels
of Corason, where approximately 50% of the student body was female, girls were
consistently present in school. Corason was within a safe walking distance from the
girls’ homes. Moreover, I observed that girls typically walked with siblings or their
mothers to and from campus. Within escuela secundaria, female enrollment rates
were similar, but the class size was much smaller - 15 students total. Of those
enrolled, girls were absent more regularly. On several occasions, I estimated that
50% of these older girls were absent from Rachel’s class. Although Corason
documentation indicated that children with excessive absences would be expelled
from school, I never knew of any student asked to withdraw for attendance reasons.
In addition to school location, a gender safe atmosphere includes the
availability of school facilities. Observations of parents suggested that despite
certain deficiencies at Corason, they were grateful to have their child in school. A
severe lack of funding created a very sparse atmosphere at Corason, where the
luxury of privacy and boundaries did not exist. Doorways were created by hanging
tattered bed sheets from the ceiling. Iron bars divided the cold, concrete classrooms.
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Small window frames prevented sunlight from entering the building. Both girls and
boys used the same run-down latrines, which conceivably carried a multitude of
viruses and infectious bacteria. In these dire conditions, teachers were also required
to use the school bathrooms. However, the students were thankful for their
surroundings. They were visibly happy to be in school. Corason staff understood
the conditions of their surroundings and aimed to improve the school facilities. In an
effort to create a better atmosphere, Corason was building an addition to their
school. This new facility included another bathroom, a dining area, and additional
classroom space.
Flexible scheduling was also a key feature of the Corason program.
Inevitably, many out-of-school girls were forced to work and were required to
contribute to family incomes. It was challenging for Corason staff to convince
parents that the benefits of an education outweighed the profits of an eight-hour
workday. For this reason the school strategically planned its course schedule to meet
the needs of street and working children. Corason designed and included shorter
more intense class sessions, a school meal program, and an early afternoon dismissal
without compromising the quality of the lesson. This effort has been crucial to
Corason’ s impact on the community. Girls were permitted to simultaneously
complete their chores and to attend school.
At Corason the concept of female role models was most important. The
teaching staff consisted of six female instructors. The administrative staff consisted
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of two females and one male. Children most often interacted with females in
positions of authority. Observations and informal interviews with female students
indicated that girls held their teachers in very high regard, as demonstrated earlier.
Female respondents often said that their favorite aspect of Corason was their escuela
secundaria teacher, Rachel. The students considered her and other female teachers
to be experts and authority figures.
Recruitment. A description of Corason’ s recruitment efforts was presented
earlier in this chapter. The school indicated recruitment was unnecessary. The
number of students who wanted to attend Corason exceeded the number of available
spaces. Corason did not have specific plans to recruit girls from El Vergel. Its plan
was to eventually double the school population through the recruitment of students.
The abovementioned components - individual perspectives, program level
issues, and girls at Corason synthesize the school’s ability to produce empowered
young minds in what would be considered destructive living conditions. The next
chapter summarizes these findings and highlights the implications of such outcomes
in nonformal education. Chapter Six also reviews recommendations for further
research in this area.
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CHAPTER SIX
CRITICAL PEDAGOGY AND EMPOWERMENT AT CORASON
Summary o f Findings
This dissertation examines the concept of empowerment in a nonformal
education program in Mexico. Corason’ s primary objectives create a framework to
empower children, to meet their basic needs, to reintegrate them into the prevailing
school or economic system, and to fortify family relationships. To analyze the
concept of empowerment in relation to Corason’ s primary objectives, I chose three
main viewpoints: individual perspectives, program vision, and gender concerns. The
results of the study demonstrated that Corason falls short in its mission to empower
children through education. If the school truly aims to empower children via
nonformal learning, the pedagogical practices need strengthening. This chapter will
first present a summary of findings from each analyzed perspective (i.e., individual,
program, and gender) within the Corason case study. It will then review
implications from such findings and offer recommendations for future research on
empowerment in nonformal education.
Individual Perspectives
Contemporary research affirms that student empowerment moves beyond
consciousness raising to include participation and action. Critical pedagogy is the
learning process that connects education and politics while increasing student
knowledge, participation, and conscious action, the key features of empowerment.
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Empowerment was therefore challenging to research because of the multiple layers
involved in adolescence, consciousness, and education. In doing so it was critical to
assess whether Corason students were able to comprehend their current conditions.
It was important that they make conscious decisions and take action because of this
knowledge. The findings showed mixed results. Corason students understood their
school’s and community’s circumstances. Children knew that they were poor.
Poignant events at Corason illustrated this awareness. Children knew that education
would help them to earn a better income and a future in the labor market, but most
could not afford go to school. They felt pressured by the economic restraints on their
families and saw no alternatives to poverty.
Students were powerless and lacked options. They were unaware that they
had control over their futures. They depended heavily on authority figures,
especially teachers and parents, to lead them in the right direction. Most children
were compliant and followed instruction because they were extremely trusting and
naive. Their frame of reference was narrow, and consisted of school, home, and
work. Corason learners did not make decisions based on critical consciousness but
on what they were told to do. Their struggle was to rise above poverty and listen to
the sensible advice of others, not to change the circumstances of other street and
working children. The fact that some children remained docile and did not recognize
alternative options contradicted the central tenets of empowerment. As Freire (1970,
p. 31) points out, “In order for the oppressed to be able to wage the struggle for their
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liberation, they must perceive the reality of oppression not as a closed world from
which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they can transform.”
Corason learners had hopes and dreams but viewed El Vergel as terminal. They felt
that their oppressive surroundings had no exit.
Lack of teacher training strongly impacted children’s levels of critical
consciousness. Corason instructors were bound by the same conditions as their
students. They, too, were struggling to feed their families. The primary objective of
teachers at Corason was to cover the SEP curriculum that enabled their students to
transfer. The teachers focused on completing the curriculum rather than on
improving the personal lives of street and working children. Instructional methods
that included critical thinking exercises, such as writing, acting, reading poetry,
participating in debate, and group discussions were not incorporated. Although the
children created art, sang, and danced, these activities were not used as specific tools
for critical consciousness and empowerment. Teachers were not skilled in using
these methods of instruction. Lack of teacher training and their insufferable physical
surroundings negatively influenced their lessons.
Teachers genuinely cared about their students, but did not encourage them to
question authority. Why would they? Teachers themselves did not question
authority. The students were not told to exercise their voices to decrease oppression.
Rather, they were schooled to meet SEP’s admission standards and follow the status
quo. Brady (1995, p. 11) perceives this educational method to be traditional and
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hierarchical, moving the student away from empowerment. . .traditional
educational theory is framed in a way that situates most students to conform, to
follow authority, to accept a passive role imposed on them and to eventually become
dominated by institutional forces governed from above.” Corason faculty members
were manipulated into reproducing societal roles. In leading their students to
passively accept their position in society, teachers became tools of oppression and
strengthened the control held by the dominant group.
Due to lack of teacher training, teachers and students did not leam in a
reciprocal fashion. Teachers were viewed as authority figures and students were
merely empty “receptacles” absorbing information (Freire, 1970, p. 53). The
curricula lacked problem-posing modules and paralleled the banking approach to
learning. Judging from classroom activities (i.e., traditional, focused on rote
memorization) and student-teacher interactions the pedagogy was prescriptive in
nature. Children were not involved in creating their own learning environment.
Moreover, they were not asked to share real life experiences in school. Their life
circumstances were not acknowledged.
Corason’ s Program Model
Upon reviewing the program model, I found several points which highlighted
the need to improve the concept of empowerment at Corason. Research suggested
that the curricula and supplemental programs needed further development. The
curricular component of this nonformal education project was almost entirely
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academic. According to the model, Corason followed the academic components
required by SEP. This was essential in order to transfer children to their local public
schools. However, for those children not returning to public education the job
training options at Corason were limited for both boys and girls. Additionally, the
available choices for girls such as cosmetology and sewing reproduced gender role
stereotypes in El Vergel. A more practical curriculum would have guided both boys
and girls in making educated decisions. For example, personal development courses
could focus on discovering talents and skills and exploring potential career patterns.
Situational learning could include courses on substance abuse and sexually
transmitted diseases, topics of utmost urgency to Corason adolescents. Students in
El Vergel needed to be critically aware of their options and the consequences of their
actions. The curricula met the expectations of SEP but were not relevant to the every
day experiences of street and working children.
Corason’ s supplemental programs offered a variety of solutions to some of El
Vergel’s most critical issues. The legal advocacy program aided in the protection of
street and working children and the Family Integration program sought to empower
women and men to take control of their lives on individual and collective levels.
However, the programs were short lived and the content seemed weak. I did not
witness these programs in operation throughout my investigation. Francisco told me
that the Family Integration project lasted six months because government funding
was cut. DIF and others could not pay the psychologists and social workers at
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Corason. Because most supplemental programs depended upon the free services of
professionals, Corason was at the mercy of these agencies.
Another missing element was a post-program evaluative study of each
supplemental service. Francisco and Martha conducted an investigation to consider
the needs of the community. They solicited help from certain social service agencies
and ran programs that ideally met those needs. However, a post-program evaluation
was never done to assess the true effectiveness of each workshop or service. There
was no follow-up with the participants to identify positive or negative changes in
their lives or the community. Nor was there an assessment of the content provided
by each group.
Girls and Empowerment at Corason
Gender equity and the empowerment of females were salient concepts of this
study. It was evident that although Corason offered avenues for girls to succeed
academically, traditional and domestic roles were emphasized, leaving girls with
minimal options. This discouraged rather than empowered females.
Three concrete methods for improving the environment for girls emerged
from the study. It was essential to recognize the importance of the role of the mother
in relation to school attendance. Mothers controlled the attendance of their children
in school. If not for mothers, most Corason students would not have attended
school. Aware of this, Corason should have developed a more systematic method
for including mothers in the educational process. Examples of this strategy could
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include regularly scheduled mother-teacher conferences, workshops exclusively for
mother, or mother related activities (i.e., bring your mother to school day).
Female teachers served as role models for future leaders and therefore
deserved adequate opportunities for teacher training and leadership development.
These women significantly shaped the futures of adolescent girls. As role models in
the classroom and the community, teachers needed training in pedagogy, classroom
management, and in gender equity. Without this information, teachers were
handicapped and could not help girls reach their full potential.
Girls’ issues permeated many areas, but topics such as human sexuality,
education, and career choices warranted more attention. Girls deserved more
structured curricula that showed them how to lead healthy lives, understand human
sexuality, and make optimum personal decisions. Corason students did not have a
curricular framework that forced them to make critical decisions. The program was
entirely academic, though it promoted itself as an avenue for street and working
children to rise above poverty. But girls were not taught how to make decisions on
their own, and therefore fell into the same trap as their mothers.
Implications
This section will discuss five compelling suggestions for improving an
empowering pedagogy within a nonformal education framework. The first three
suggest methods to improve pedagogical practices. The last two explore creating
policies to enhance overall student learning.
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254
This study illustrates the need for nonformal education programs globally to
have a strong curricular framework by which to educate nontraditional students. If
nonformal sites are attempting to empower children, it is equally important to
include plans that facilitate student consciousness-raising and action. As mentioned
in Chapter One there are over 400 million children across the globe not attending
school. Nonformal education, an alternative to traditional school, is imperative to
the success of these children, who desperately need to leam reflective thinking and
decision-making skills.
An empowering pedagogy would ideally support a reciprocal learning
environment by weakening top-down hierarchical systems and allowing for
increased student participation and voice. Examples of this include having students
sit on various policy-making committees and boards like faculty development,
student government, and curricula updates. Although seen in various forms, the
majority of schools, whether traditional or nontraditional, typically maintain these
three areas of constant development.
In the case of Corason, the academic components were successful in meeting
the department of education’s standards, but the curricula were substandard in
fostering empowerment of students. Curricular modules providing critical thinking
exercises (e.g., writing, acting, reading poetry, participating in debate) were
nonexistent. It is important to recognize that these exercises can and should be
applied in any school community as research demonstrates that critical
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255
consciousness stems from classroom lessons that are thought provoking, situational,
collective, and action-oriented. Schools like Corason would benefit from curricula
workshops focusing on the interests of girls and boys and on building lessons around
real life circumstances. Students in Los Angeles need critical thinking and reflection
skills similar to those in Guadalajara. These are skills that empower people,
regardless of community. Corason prided itself on being an alternative for street and
working children, but other than for a few exceptions such as minimum days, a 40-
minute entrance period, or a multigrade level escuela secundaria classroom, the
program mirrors that of a regular public school.
With the abovementioned implication is the suggestion of improved teacher
training for nonformal instructors across global communities. The vital messages
behind an empowering curriculum will never appear in the classroom if teachers are
not properly trained in critical pedagogy. Instructors should attend at least two
faculty inservices per year, outside their school and in connection with the closest
tertiary education institution. For example, teacher training workshops were
available to Corason faculty members through the Universidad de Guadalajara in
downtown, Guadalajara. Taking into account the cost of teacher training, another
suggestion might be to send one teacher per year to a professional development
workshop. Upon returning to school that teacher could share this knowledge with
the rest of the faculty, by leading an inservice. Another workshop during the year
could be held on campus using volunteers from local nonprofit organizations. These
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256
suggestions aim to provide teachers with outside perspectives, to bring opportunities
for leadership to trained faculty members, and to create a less hierarchical
environment.
A third method of enhancing pedagogical practices would be to implement
qualitative evaluations. This is imperative in every school setting. Educators need to
be aware of the constant changes in the lives of students and the communities they
serve. Corason, for example, needed information on former students, on those who
have transferred to public schools, on those who have taken various career paths, and
on those parents or students who have participated in Corason’ s supplemental
programs (i.e., legal advice, family counseling, etc.). Qualitative data, if acted upon,
may improve the campus and the community. For example, qualitative data could
show a successful history of graduates. Creating graduate mentoring programs and
alumni connections are two feasible and economical ways to help enrolled students
recognize their own potential and future career options.
From Corason, we learn that program directors should seek feedback from all
staff members and volunteers to gain a better understanding of what needs
improvement. Assuming that teachers internationally would be hesitant to voice
their opinions, the process of evaluation should be presented in a positive light,
showing that it is a tool only for bettering the school. From a critical theory
perspective, allowing the faculty to make suggestions and participate in reforming
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257
the school would be one step towards a more empowering community, that can focus
on faculty development and leadership.
To build a stronger framework for attacking oppression and discrimination,
all faculty members must be made aware of intervention policies. This implication is
especially important for nonformal education sites, where crisis intervention is often
poorly planned. At Corason, it was neither written out nor explained to faculty.
Martha and Francisco seemed to understand how to respond to various issues, but
teachers and staff members got only second-hand information. Teachers and
administrators should develop systematic intervention plans. When a child is
physically or sexually abused, removed from his or her home, or subjected to other
gross forms of violence and turmoil, there should be a plan of action in place.
Assuming the student is the victim, a sample arrangement would include: (1) collect
all pertinent information from the student, while making him or her feel safe and
secure; (2) notify the parents (if applicable); (3) arrange for a social worker or
psychologist to meet with the student; (4) in the case of a crime, file a police report;
and (5) conduct follow-up treatment with the student and his or her family. In this
case, the directors were too heavily relied upon to resolve all problems. Teachers
should be made aware of intervention strategies and be expected to participate in
them if a student should require it.
From this model, we can recognize the importance of a strong relationship
between the department of education and nonformal education programs. Often
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258
nonformal sites, using unconventional methods, are struggling alone to educate
citizens. The process could be made easier or enhanced if the site were
acknowledged and supported by the department of education. Francisco and Martha
made substantial attempts to connect Corason to SEP, but stronger ties were needed.
SEP’s involvement could have been particularly valuable when addressing
interventions policies, summer school options, transfer agreements, and possible
donations of books, supplies, food, which are common issues across schools.
Because SEP controlled over 90% of the education system in Mexico, it was
important that Corason administrators be constantly aware of SEP’s new policies.
Recommendations for Further Study
When reflecting upon this dissertation, I can think of many things I should
have done differently. These suggestions are primarily the result of the challenges I
encountered while conducting an international research project. They are thoughts
that came to mind when reviewing my data and thinking, I wish I had done.... I
would then wonder what I could have said or done differently to reach another
conclusion. The following section outlines recommendations for future studies. I
will first review suggestions for enhancing studies on girls’ education. I will then
suggest practical recommendations for improving the case study methodology
section.
It was evident throughout the project that there was minimal advocacy for
street and working girls. Future studies centering on empowerment, street children,
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259
and nonformal education would improve from focusing solely on street girls. Such a
project would benefit from comparing two sets of girls, from the same neighborhood
- one attending a nonformal education program, and the other enrolled in a
traditional school. This research can be conducted on domestic and international
levels and might discover how girls in nonformal schools differed from their
traditional counterparts in empowerment, knowledge gained, self-esteem, and critical
consciousness. It could also shed light on important results such as educational
attainment, professional occupations, and age at time of marriage. Finally, a study
such as this could identify the personal and educational needs of girls in both
learning environments, as they may be very different. As highlighted in the literature
review, more research is needed to improve the conditions and futures of girls.
From a methodological perspective, two recommendations emerged. The
first considers the value of studying the entire community. A nonformal education
project is not just a school, but also a community outreach center. Rather than
focusing on only the program, it would be valuable to include the community as
well. Again, both local and international school communities would benefit from
this type of research. Methods for such a study would mean visiting student homes,
utilizing local vendors, attending the town’s weekend activities, and walking through
the neighborhoods, parks, and recreational sites. Doing these things would provide a
clearer picture of the student’s surroundings and marginal conditions.
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260
The second methodological recommendation stems from the value of looking
at the longitudinal effects of empowerment via nonformal education. It would be
valuable to review the changes in adolescents who attended Corason and their
sociocultural perspective four years from now. At that time the student participants
would be between 14 and 16 years old, just old enough to enter prepa, Mexico’s pre
higher education system. It would be important to know if Corason affected their
life plans and goals, and to understand their perspectives on family, education, work,
and their community.
This study suggests that in order for students to achieve empowerment, critical
pedagogy must be central to the program model. It is important that all stake
holders, administrators, teachers, students, and community members work
collaboratively to build a critical framework by which to educate youth. This means
using problem-posing curricula that intertwines community beliefs and political
practices into the process of knowledge. Problem-posing lessons expand on the real
life circumstances of marginalized adolescents and help them understand their link to
the world. Teachers who implement problem-posing methods enable students to
achieve what Freire (1970) labels conscientizagao by validating their personal
struggles and life experiences. Only through this, a critical pedagogical framework,
can empowerment and the belief in oneself be fully achieved.
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APPENDIX A:
LETTER SOLICITING PERMISSION TO DO RESEARCH
Dear Administrator:
I am pleased to present my student of post-degree Diane Rodriguez, who is at
the moment working in her thesis towards earning a doctorate in the School of
Education at the University of South California in Los Angeles.
Diane is carrying out studies on infantile populations and adolescents, from
strongly marginal communities, of the education system and of other forms of social
services in Mexico. It is of great interest for her to become familiar with these
programs of nonformal education, which aim to assist children and girls, giving them
the essential knowledge for their academic and social achievement.
The study that Diane carries out is strictly linked to her doctorate program
and it will not be used in order to disclose information to people or offices that could
give you bad responses. Consequently, certain rules of ethical behavior from the
university demand that all the data be kept strictly confidential and that the
publications that arise from the study uses fictitious names in order to refer to cities,
programs and people.
In my opinion, the qualitative and detailed investigation that Diane proposes
deserves to be welcomed because many difficult studies, such as this one, are
typically avoided. These are those that illuminate the experiences and achievements
of programs, which destine the children and young, excluded of many Latin
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272
American societies. Through Diane’s study you will gain insight to Latin American
education programs and may come to make some modifications that could be
necessary for greater success.
I trust that you will have the wide vision that allows you to see the possible
reaches from this study and I hope that you will trust Diane, and put forth the trust
and the collaboration that this requires.
Cordially,
Nelly P. Stromquist
Teacher
Program of Compared Education
Nelly P. Stromquist
Professor
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0031
Tel. (213) 740-3460 (Office)
Fax (213) 740-0439
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273
APPENDIX B: FORMAL TEACHER SURVEY
1. I am given the responsibility to monitor my classroom
2. The directors and other teachers ask for my opinion
3. I am treated as a professional
4. I work at a school where kids come first
5. I have the opportunity to work with other teachers at my school
6. I believe that I have earned respect
7. I believe that I am an effective teacher
8. I have the respect of my colleagues
9. I believe that I am good at what I do
10.1 believe that I am helping kids become independent learners
11.1 believe that I am empowering students
12.1 feel that I am involved in an important program for children
13.1 see students learn
14.1 believe that I have the opportunity to grow by working daily with students
15.1 perceive that I am making a difference
16.1 am able to teach as I choose
17.1 believe that I have the ability to get things done
18.1 believe that I am having an impact
19.1 am a decision maker
20.1 perceive that I have an opportunity to influence others
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274
21.1 perceive that I have an impact on other teachers and students
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275
APPENDIX C: CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE FORM
July 2000
Dear Participant:
It is with great honor that I ask you to participate in my research study on
educational programs in Mexico. I am a graduate student at the University of
Southern California, in the United States, studying international development
education.
The purpose of this research is to demonstrate how your unique school,
including teachers and administrators, interact, communicate, and share knowledge
with their students. I want to know what it is like to attend Corason and how
students and teachers work together to build strong and empowered communities. In
order to do this, I need to become more familiar with your school. I will be
interviewing voluntary participants during the months of July and August, and I
expect to return later this year. Your participation will only occur during normal
school hours. If you choose to participate in my study, you will be asked some short
questions, which I will record. These questions are not intended to make you feel
uncomfortable. At any time you have the right to end the interview without any
consequence. However, I do not anticipate problems.
All interview remarks will remain confidential. I will not share them with
teachers, administrators, students, or parents. I will never use your real name in my
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276
study. If you have any questions you can call me in Residencial Victoria at 121-2-
961.
Your participation and contributions to this study are very valuable to me. I
am grateful for your time and effort.
Sincerely,
Diane C. Rodriguez
Ph.D. Candidate, International Education
University of Southern California
I am willing to participate and interview in your study.
Printed Nam e_______________________________________ Date
Signed Name________________________________________ Date
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277
APPENDIX D: TEACHER AND ADMINISTRATOR INTERVIEW
1. Tell me a little about yourself.
2. Can you describe Corason for me?
3. What do you feel is the criteria for a successful education program in Mexico?
4. What services does Corason provide to mainstream children and reintegrate them
into society, i.e. drug intervention, special needs assessment, teen pregnancy
prevention?
5. How does Corason attract and recruit unwanted students in the community?
6. Specifically, how are girls drawn to the school?
7. How does Corason provide the tools to educate and empower children?
8. How do girls differ from boys at Corason?
9. How are these differences handled?
10. Are there specific curriculum methods employed at Corasonl Do you follow a
certain philosophy of teaching?
11. Do you feel this method of teaching empowers children or increases their self
esteem? In what ways?
12. Can you provide examples?
13. Where do your students go when they leave Corasonl
14. Where did you learn how to be a teacher?
15. What role do you think the government has played in the creation of your
school?
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278
16. Do you enjoy working at Corasonl What makes you want to teach, especially at
Corasonl
17. How does the budget affect your ability to serve the community?
18. Who donates monetary contributions to your school? How was this achieved
(e.g., public relations, word of mouth, etc.?)
19. What role has the state and local governments played in making Corason a
credible institution?
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279
APPENDIX E: STUDENT INTERVIEW
1. Tell me a little about yourself.
2. How old are you?
3. How long have you attended Corasonl
4. Did you ever attend another school? If so, what happened to make you leave?
5. Do you like Corasonl
6. What are your favorite things about Corasonl What are your least favorite
things?
7. What are your favorite subjects to study?
8. How do you feel about your teachers?
9. Do you think the rules or your teachers at Corason are strict?
10. Why do you attend Corasonl
11. Do you know the meaning of the word empowerment?
12. What does it mean to be an empowered person?
13. Is it hard to come to school everyday? What are some reasons why you would
miss school?
14. What kinds of things do you do after school? Do you work?
15. If you were ever in trouble, for example with drugs or pregnancy, do you think
Corason would be there to help you through your situation?
16. What do you want to do when you leave Corasonl
17. What kind of job would you like to have?
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280
18. Do you think it’s better for students to be in school learning or working as much
as possible?
19. Do you think school makes you a better person?
20. Have you ever read the Human Rights sign that is posted in every classroom? If
so, how do you feel about it? (talking briefly about the sign) Do you agree with
what this says?
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Rodriguez, Diane C.
(author)
Core Title
Empowering urban street children: Freirean and feminist perspectives on nonformal education in Mexico
School
Graduate School
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
education, administration,education, sociology of,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Stromquist, Nelly (
committee chair
), Lamy, Steven L. (
committee member
), Sundt, Melora (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-415686
Unique identifier
UC11335760
Identifier
3145275.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-415686 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
3145275.pdf
Dmrecord
415686
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Rodriguez, Diane C.
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
education, administration
education, sociology of