University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

A cultural -ecological analysis of educational aspirations and satisfaction of educational opportunities of Asian -Americans and Hispanics: Understanding the interaction of race and class, paren...

(USC Thesis Other)

A cultural -ecological analysis of educational aspirations and satisfaction of educational opportunities of Asian -Americans and Hispanics: Understanding the interaction of race and class, paren...

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content A CULTURAL-ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
AND SATISFACTION OF EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES OF ASIAN
AMERICANS AND HISPANICS: UNDERSTANDING THE INTERACTION OF
RACE AND CLASS, PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT, AND IMMIGRANT OPTIMISM
by
Jeannie Y. Hahn
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
SOCIOLOGY (MARRIAGE AND FAMILY THERAPY)
August 2003
Copyright 2003 Jeannie Y. Hahn
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
UMI N um ber: 3 1 1 6 7 1 0
INFORMATION TO USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy
submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and
photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper
alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized
copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion.
®
UMI
UMI Microform 3116710
Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695
This dissertation, written by
- W v i n K iH& W v ) ......
under the direction o f h CC~ dissertation committee, and
approved by all its members, has been presented to and
accepted by the Director o f Graduate and Professional
Programs, in partial fulfillment o f the requirements fo r the
degree o f
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Director
Date A u gu st 1 2 . 2003
Dissertation Committee
/
"7 sir j / Chair
"WF
1 t J L u L
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Dedication
Dedicated to Mom, Dad, and Walter.
Because of your support and love.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Acknowledgements
iii
There are many people to thank for their help in my journey in obtaining my
doctorate. First, I would like to thank my parents for their support through all the
years of schooling. Thank you, mom and dad for supporting me and helping me with
your time. I really appreciate your assistance. I could not have gotten my Ph.D.
without you guys. I love you both very much.
Second, I would like to thank the chair of my committee, Dr. Angela James.
Thank you for stepping in, when you didn’t have to. You put yourself out in order to
help me finish my degree. I know you didn’t have to help me out, but because you
did, it shows how you are a caring professor. I will always be indebted to your
kindness. I appreciate that you took the time to help me in this long process. Thank
you for your advice and your support.
Thank you to Dr. Ruth Chung and Dr. Amy Binder. I really appreciate your
time and effort in helping me finish my degree. Thank you for your comments and
your commitment to helping me finish my degree. The time you took to help me out
will never be forgotten. Thank you for all your help.
I would like to thank Marcie Lasswell, Dr. Connie Ahrons, Dr. Bud Taylor,
Dr. Irv Borstein, and Dr. Carl Broderick. You guys have taught me so much about
marriage and family therapy and in the process also about myself. I am lucky to have
met each one of you. What you have taught me about therapy will stay with me for
the rest of my life. Your words and wisdom echoes in my head and heart.
To my husband, Walter, thank you. You are my biggest supporter. Your
advice and caring ensured my success in finishing my degree. Walter, you are
always on my side and know how to boost my spirits. I couldn’t have finished my
degree without you. Thank you for pitching in around the house so that I could study.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Thank you for being such a wonderful father to our little girl, Sara. You allowed me
to focus on finishing my degree. Thank you for always being there. I really love you.
Thank you for everything.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Table of Contents
Dedication
Acknowledgements
List of Tables
Abstract
I. Introduction
II. Literature Review
A. Cultural-Ecological Theory
B. Parental Involvement
C. Ethclass and the Interaction of Race/Class
D. Culture
E. Socioeconomic Status
F. Hypotheses
Data and Methods
A. Data and Methods
B. Key Concepts
IV. Results
V. Discussion
A. Interaction of Race/Class
B. Educational Opportunities
VI. Conclusions
VII. References
VIII. Appendix A - Description of Variables
IX. Appendix B - Coding of Variables
X. Appendix C - Coding of Dummy Variables
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Tables
vi
Table 1: Frequencies, Means, and Standard Deviation of the Variables 56
Table 2: Frequencies of Parental Involvement by Class and Race 69
Table 3: Educational Aspirations 71
Table 4: Educational Aspiration comparing Asian Americans and
Hispanics 75
Table 5: Satisfaction of Educational Opportunities 80
Table 6: Satisfaction of Educational Opportunities: Comparing
Asian Americans and Hispanics 82
Table 7: Parental Involvement 85
Table 8: Involvement in Parent/Teacher Organizations 89
Table 9: Parental Involvement for At-Home Discussion 93
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
ABSTRACT
vii
John Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory is a theoretical framework to explain
the differences between ethnic groups academic success or failure. The National
Educational Longitudinal Study (NESL) is used for this study. One of the purposes
of this study is to investigate Ogbu’s theory of cultural-ecological theory concerning
academic aspirations and attitudes of voluntary and involuntary immigrants, such as
Asian Americans and Hispanics. Voluntary immigrants (Asian Americans) usually
have higher educational aspirations than involuntary immigrants (Hispanics). This
study supports the basic assumptions of voluntary immigrants having higher
educational aspirations than involuntary immigrants. This study found that
involuntary immigrants had lower educational aspirations than voluntary immigrants
as a whole, but when different class levels are introduced, then cultural-ecological
theory becomes less forceful. This research supports cultural-ecological theory of
involuntary immigrants being less satisfied with educational opportunities than
involuntary immigrants. Satisfaction of educational opportunities has a powerful
influence on how students gauge their educational aspirations. The more satisfied
with educational opportunities, the higher the educational aspirations. This study
also examines the influences of the interaction of race and class on educational
aspirations. Different class levels of Hispanics and Asian Americans have unique
levels of educational aspirations and satisfaction of educational opportunities.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
1
I. Introduction
In mainstream society, Asian Americans have the reputation of doing well
academically. In the past, many studies have focused on the academic success of
Asian Americans (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Rong & Grant, 1992; Steinberg, 1996; Blair
& Quian, 1985; Kao & Tienda, 1995). By contrast, Hispanics appear to have a much
more difficult experience in the American educational system. Research on Hispanic
educational aspiration typically focuses on problems that students face in the school
system and in society. Christopher Howe (1994) found that Hispanics "enter school
later, leave school earlier, and are less likely to complete high school and enter or
complete college (than blacks or whites)" (p. 42). One of the indicators of the
academic problems of Hispanics is that they are "significantly under represented on
the nation's college campuses” (Collison, 1999). In short, Hispanics seem to have a
more difficult time in education than Asian Americans. John Ogbu’s cultural-
ecological theory is a theoretical framework to explain the differences between
ethnic groups in their academic success or failure (Spradlin, Welsh, & Hinson, 2000;
Edith, Krugly-Smolska, & Wareen, 2001; Ainsworth-Damell & Downey, 1998;
Rodriguez, 2002; Gibson, 1997). The cultural-ecological theory encompasses the
complexity of influences that affect Hispanics’ and Asian Americans’ academic
aspiration. The cultural-ecological theory has been well received by academics, but
according to Ainsworth, James, and Downey (1998), important aspects of the theory
have not been carefully tested. Past research has established that Asian Americans
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
2
usually have higher educational aspirations than other ethnic groups. The purpose of
this study is to examine Asian Americans and Hispanics in a cultural-ecological
framework.
One of the purposes of this study is to investigate Ogbu’s theory of cultural-
ecological theory concerning academic aspirations and attitudes of voluntary and
involuntary immigrants, such as Asian Americans and Hispanics. Voluntary
immigrants are defined as people who have voluntary immigrated to America to seek
a better life (Samuel, Krugly-Smolska, & Wareen, 1998). Involuntary immigrants
are people that are colonized or enslaved (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). This study will
view Asian Americans as voluntary immigrants and Hispanic as involuntary
immigrants. This research will focus on several important influences that are unique
to voluntary and involuntary immigrants that influence educational aspirations and
attitudes, such as satisfaction with school opportunities, parental involvement in
school activities, and immigrant optimism.
In cultural-ecological theory, the term “immigrant” is used to describe ethnic
minorities regardless of how recently he/she immigrated. Blacks are considered
involuntary immigrants even though they have been here for several generations
(Spradlin, Welish & Hinson, 2000). Ogbu classifies ethnic minorities into the
involuntary and voluntary immigrant group by;
The nature of white American involvement with their
becoming minorities and the reasons they come or were
brought to the United States (Ogbu & Simons, 1998).
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
3
In Ogbu’s definition of immigrants the generational status of the individual does not
matter. What are important are the power relations of an ethnic group with the
dominant culture and the reasons behind the original immigration.
Folk theories o f “ making it ” and frame-of-references for ethnic minorities are
two aspects of the cultural-ecological theory that will be examined to test for
constancy of Ogbu’s theory. Folk theories of “making it” are based on a group's
beliefs about achieving success in their adopted country (Ogbu & Simons, 1998).
Voluntary immigrants adopt the "white" middle-class folk theory of getting ahead,
which says that if you work hard enough and obtain enough education social barriers
will dissipate (Ogbu, 1990; Suarez-Orozco, 1989). Folk theory of “making it” is
based on the belief in the power of education as the means to achieve success.
Frames-of-references are how ethnic immigrants compare their current
educational prospects with educational opportunities from their county of origin
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Voluntary immigrants compare their current situations
with their past situation in their country of origin and conclude that America has
more opportunities. Negative or positive outlooks on educational abilities and
opportunities are constructed on frames-of-references.
When studying Asian Americans and Hispanics, it is important to understand
level of satisfaction of educational experiences. Ogbu’s theory of cultural-ecological
finds that ethnic minorities frame-of-reference and folk theories of “making it”
influences the educational aspiration of ethnic minorities. One important part of the
frame-of-reference theory is the level of satisfaction that voluntary and involuntary
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4
immigrants have with their educational opportunities (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). This
study will examine two aspects of this theory. The first question is what is the
satisfaction level of educational opportunities of voluntary and involuntary
immigrants? The second question is what is the effect of a negative or positive
frame-of-reference is on academic aspirations?
Hispanics face more negative frame-of-references in schools than Caucasians
(Steinberg, 1996). The dissatisfaction of academic opportunities can have a negative
effect on Hispanic children's belief in their academic ability. It is easy to blame
cultural or family values on the inferior academic track record of Hispanic families. It
is also easy to assume to conceptualize a linear model of Hispanics and academic
aspiration, where culture is easily blamed for academic difficulties. In reality,
negative interaction between schools and Hispanic students can impact a Hispanic
family's belief in their ability to achieve academically. Hispanic culture is ever
changing and reacting to the influences of American society. It absorbs the negative
interactions that its children encounter at school and forms new perceptions of
society.
On the other hand, Asian Americans appear to have more positive frame-of-
references than Hispanics. Asian Americans seem to be more satisfied with their
educational opportunities than other ethnic groups. Asian Americans have similar
types of experiences in school as whites, and teachers look more favorably on Asian
American students than other ethnic groups (Green, 1983; Gillbom, 1988). An
example of this is the model minority issue. The model minority issue is the belief
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
5
that Asian American people conform more closely to American values and
disposition and, hence, perform well in schools. The myth may serve as protection
against discrimination. When Asian American students face less discrimination than
other ethnic groups, it translates into the belief of being able to do well in school.
When teachers believe in the model minority issue, the outcome is a more favorable
perception toward Asian Americans than other ethnic groups.
One of the goals of this research is to compare Hispanics and Asian
Americans with each other in relations to educational aspirations and attitudes. Much
of the past education research usually only compare ethnic minorities with
Caucasians. This research, by comparing Asian Americans and Hispanics only with
the dominant culture, is missing some important information that may only be
discovered when there is a direct comparison between Asian Americans and
Hispanics. Such a comparison should produce new information about the differences
between the two ethnic groups.
The 1970's saw a wave of new immigrants from Latin American and Asia,
instead of Europe (Massey, 1995). About 1.8 million legal immigrants came to
American in the past decade (Massey, 1995). The Immigration and Naturalization
Service (INS) estimates that about five million legal immigrants lived in the United
States in 1996 (www.ins.usdoi.gov). Sixty-two percent of these immigrants are from
Asia and Latin America (Massey, 1985). In 1965, an amendment to the Immigration
and Nationality Act lifted bans on immigration from non-European nations. The new
policy greatly increased legal immigration to the United States from Asia and Latin
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
6
America (Boyd 1971,1974; Wong & Hirschman, 1979). The 1965 amendment also
gave preference to relatives of established immigrants living in the United States and
professionals (Massey 1995). Massey (1995) states:
The one effect that the 1965 (immigration amendment)
act did was to remove the ban on Asian entry and
thereby unleash an unprecedented and entirely
unexpected flow of immigrants from Korea, Taiwan,
China, the Philippines, and other Asian countries, (p.
638).
The immigration of Asians brought a different kind of immigrant to America. While
past immigrants were usually unskilled labors, the new influx from Asia was skilled
workers or white-collar professionals. On the other hand, Hispanic immigrants were
more likely to be unskilled labors and to be from poorer social economic groups
(Massey 1995).
One aspect of immigration theory that affects voluntary education aspiration
is parents' optimism about their children's education. Ogbu states that voluntary
immigrants have a folk theory of “making it” that centers on high educational
attainment (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Voluntary immigrants also have higher levels of
educational aspirations than involuntary immigrants. This study will examine the
differences between the educational aspirations of involuntary and voluntary first
generation immigrants and the impact of voluntary and involuntary immigrants’
optimism on educational aspirations.
Past research has demonstrated that immigrant parents tend to have higher
academic expectations than non-immigrant parents (Kao & Tienda, 1995; Peng &
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
7
Wright, 1994). The higher education aspiration of immigration parents can offset
many of the hurdles that ethnic minorities may encounter in the school system (Sue
& Zane, 1985; Blair & Quian, 1985). In this study, immigration optimism is
examined to understand how a parent's belief in their children's academic ability
influences academic aspiration. Immigrant’s optimism is defined as immigrant
parents’ belief in the ability of their children to performing well and to advance in
school (Kao & Tienda, 1995). Kao and Tienda (1995) found that immigrant
optimism of immigrant parents have a positive affect on academic aspiration. The
optimism that immigrant parents possess about their children's education is found to
be independent of a parent's own education level (Kao & Tienda, 1995). The
optimism is a result in the parent's belief that education is the means of access to
success in America. Immigrant parents instill in their children the belief that
education can be the method for gaining social success in society.
Many studies have found that parental involvement in school is an important
factor in educational aspiration (Majoribanks, 1986; Seginer, 1983; Epstein, 1984,
1990,1991). Even though parental involvement is not a part of the cultural-
ecological theory, parental involvement is important in influencing educational
aspirations. Because there are ethnic differences in parental involvement in school, it
is important to include parental involvement in this study. The more active parents
are in their children's school activities, the more they are in contact with their
children’s school, and the more supportive they are of educational goals; the more
positive the impact on a child’s educational aspirations (Chavkin & Williams, 1980;
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
8
Comer, 1984; Lightfoot, 1978; McDill & Rigsby, 1973; McLaughlin & Shields,
1987; Esptein, 1984; Henderson, 1987). Parental involvement usually is divided into
four categories. The first is contact between parents and school (Epstein, 1987;
Walberg, 1984). The second is parental supervision of homework and school
activities of their children (Brown, 1985; Becker & Epstein, 1982). The third is
parental academic aspiration and expectations for their children (Bloom, 1980; Keith,
1991; Walber, 1986). The fourth and final category is the allocation of family
resources for study materials and/or support (Maijoribanks, 1983).
Hispanic and Asian American families express a desire to be involved in
their children’s education, regardless of income or education level (Chavkin &
Williams, 1989; McLaughlin & Shields, 1987). Even though there is an expression of
desire, it may not translate into actual participation with school or with their children
in school matters. Several reasons are cited for the lack of parental involvement of
Asian and Hispanic parents: limited English ability, the foreignness of American
school systems, little knowledge of how the school system operates, work schedule
demands, negative experiences with school, and a lack of understanding from the
school (Lara-Alecio, Irby, & Ebener, 1997; Bermudez & Marquex, 1996). Two
important questions need to be asked about Asian Americans’ and Hispanics'
parental involvement: 1) the effectiveness of the different types of parental
involvement in comparison to the "tradition method (taking part in school
organizations/activities)" and 2) the rate of ethnic parents' participation in their
children's education.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
9
Hispanic and Asian parents have lower levels of traditional parental
involvement in school activities. The traditionalist view of parental involvement in
school is being active in school programs. The low levels of participation in school
activities cannot be interpreted as a lack of interest in their children's academic
achievement. In fact, Asian American and Hispanic parents face barriers that impede
their ability to become active in school relationships and activities. One of the most
cited reasons for lack of parental involvement for Asian Americans and Hispanics is
language limitation. The lack of being able to speak English can cause Hispanic and
Asian American parents’ embarrassment and limit their involvement in school
programs.
Minority parents often participate in their children's education differently than
what is considered "traditional" parental involvement: being active in school
organizations or activities (Kao, 1997; Portes & MacLeod, 1999). Moreover, Asian
American and Hispanic parents participate in their children's education differently
than each other (Portes & MacLeod, 1999; Alva, 1989; Fleming, 1982). There
methods, which are alliterative, may not get the recognition or praise that they
deserve. Hispanics tend to participate by discussing school issues in the home rather
than joining school organizations (Portes & MacLeod, 1999; Alva, 1989; Fleming,
1982). The reason for this lies with English proficiency. Hispanic parents may feel
that their lack of facility with the language limits their ability to communicate with
the school staff and other parents (Vigil, 1988). Schools may not have the resources
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
io
to be able assist parents with language translations. Thus, Hispanic parents are more
comfortable in assisting their children at home than through school interactions.
Asian Americans also experience language barriers and this barrier hinders
them from interacting with school officials. However, Asian American parents tend
to participate in their children's education by providing outside resources such as
music lessons and extra tutoring (Kao, 1997).
Cultural-ecological theory seems to employ a racial/cultural explanation for
the differences between involuntary and voluntary immigrants. This study will use
socio-economic status (SES) in combination with the ethnic identity of involuntary
and voluntary immigration to understand educational aspirations. Ogbu and Simon
(1998) state:
They (involuntary immigrants) do not believe strongly
that the United States is a land of great opportunity
where anyone who woks hard and has a good
education will succeed. This negative comparison is
also true for middle-class involuntary minorities.
Because discrimination against them has existed from
many generations, involuntary minorities tend to
believe that it appears to be permanent feature of U.S.
society, (p. 180).
The statement made by Ogbu suggests that income has little or no effect on
educational attitudes or aspirations of involuntary immigrants. One of the central
questions of this study is to examine the effects of SES on involuntary and voluntary
immigrants. This study will examine if higher levels of SES acts as a buffer for
involuntary immigrants and if the racial component of being an involuntary and
voluntary immigrant is strong enough to offset SES. If, on the other hand, SES tapers
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
11
the effects of having a negative frame-of-reference, then the racial explanation that is
tied to the definition of involuntary and voluntary immigration becomes less forceful.
This study will examine the interactions of SES and race to understand the
effects of race and class on ethnic minorities’ educational aspirations. Race and class
can be conceptualized into an interactive model, instead of as singular elements.
Two methods are usually employed to understand the interactions between race and
class. In the first, race and class are viewed as a simple interaction that has unique
effects. In the second, race and class interaction is called ethclass. Milton Gordon
(1964) introduced the ethclass concept in the early 1960's to facilitate the
understanding of how race and class interact to influence educational aspirations.
Though the theory of ethclass has been around for decades, ethclass has not been
utilized enough (Ransford, 1994). A feature that ethclass provides is a more precise
prediction of the interactions of race and class (Jeffries & Ransford, 1980). In
ethclass theory and interaction of race/class theory, neither race nor class is
considered more significant than the other in relation to academic aspirations and
attitudes. It is within this ethclass and interaction of race and class framework that a
comparison between two groups can be made.
In this research, the interaction effects of race and class will be used as the
boundary where issues can be compared and analyzed. The interaction of race and
class asks the basic question of whether more information can be found than if race
and class alone are utilized. This study will use the interaction of race and class to
compare Hispanics and Asian Americans in similar income levels. The interaction of
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
12
race and class goes beyond the usual race/class debate and asks whether an
interaction is occurring and if there are any unique effects on educational aspirations
that race and class alone cannot explain.
In studying Hispanics and Asian Americans, it is important to understand the
cultural and SES context of each ethnic group. This study highlights some of the
cultural and SES factors that influence the educational aspirations of Hispanics and
Asian Americans. Some of the cultural elements that are included in this study are
how culture views education, the family’s support for educational goals (Sue &
Okazaki, 1990; Blair & Quian, 1985), the family's belief in the importance of
education (Mordowitz & Ginsburg, 1987; Schneider and Lee, 1990), familism
(Garcia-Preto, 1982; Rogler & Cooney, 1984; Blair, Blair, & Madamba, A, 1999)
and alternative role models (Fligstein & Fernandez, 1985). One of the SES elements
that are included in this study is single parent homes (Neill, 1979), the variation of
SES of Hispanics and Asian Americans, and the dropout rate (Steinberg, Blinde, &
Chan, 1984).
A similar immigration history and cultural similarities between Asian
Americans and Hispanics are the primary focus of this research '. A central reason
that Hispanics and Asian Americans are the only ethnic groups included in this study
is that they have a similar history of immigration and yet, are usually at the opposing
ends of the spectrum on academic achievement and aspiration. Hispanics have not
1 The exclusion of other ethnic groups in this research is due the similarities of Asian Americans and Hispanics
historically and culturally.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
13
been as academically successful as other immigrant groups (Hodgkins, 1992; De La
Rosa & Maw, 1990; Headden, 1997). On the other hand, Asian Americans have had
the tremendous academic success (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Steinberg, 1996; Blair &
Quian, 1985). One of the central goals of this research is a comparative analysis of
the two groups
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
14
II. Literature Review
Cultural-Ecological
The cultural-ecological theory is an integrative model for understanding
educational aspiration among minorities. Many different factors affect a child's
academic aspiration. Ogbu (1978) developed the cultural-ecological model that
focuses on racial explanations for the failure or success of different ethnic groups in
education. Ogbu includes several factors to explain the discrepancy between the
indigenous ethnic groups and immigrants (Rong & Grant, 1992). He believes that the
voluntary and the involuntary status of ethnic minorities and how ethnic minorities
responded to the treatment of the dominant culture affect educational aspirations and
attainment (Spradlin, Welsh, & Hinson, 2000).
Ogbu (1998) divides immigrants into two categories: voluntary or
involuntary. Voluntary immigrants are defined as groups who immigrated to the
United States for economic and educational opportunities. Chinese, Japanese, and
some Hispanic groups can fall into this group. Voluntary immigrant groups are self
selected and predisposed to having a positive outlook about their opportunities in
their new country. Involuntary immigrants, on the other hand, are groups who were
enslaved or colonized. Blacks, Native Americans, and some groups of Hispanics fall
into the involuntary category. Most Asian Americans are categorized as voluntary
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
15
immigrants (Qian & Blair, 1999). It is harder to classify Hispanics into the voluntary
or involuntary category. Qian and Blair (1999) state about the status of Hispanics:
Some Hispanic groups, such as Mexican Americans
and Puerto Ricans who come the Unites States several
generations ago, are included in the category
involuntary minorities, and some, such as Cuban
Americans, are included in the category of voluntary
immigrants. Hispanics would be more similar to
African Americans than Asian Americans because
more of them share experiences similar to those of
involuntary minorities (p. 607-608).
Following the example of prior research, this study considers Hispanic as involuntary
immigrants (Velez-Yelin, 2002: Qian and Blair, 1999; Iber, 1992; Hayes, 1992).
Blacks are usually categorized as involuntary immigrants. Hispanics are
usually categorized as involuntary immigrants due to some of their similar
experiences in society as Blacks (Qian and Blair, 1999)2 and because of the type and
amount of discrimination they face in schools (Ogbu, 1998). In general, they face
more discrimination in schools than whites and Asian Americans (Ogbu, 1998;
Suarez-Orozco, 1991; Matute-Bianchi, 1986,1991; Wayman, 2002; Steinberg, et al,
1992)3. Another reason that Hispanics are considered involuntary immigrants is that
their low economic status is similar to Blacks’ economic status (Michele Collison,
1999; DeBlassie & DeBlassie, 1996). Many are relegated to lower income levels and
face many more economic hardships than other groups (Qian and Blair, 1999).
3. Cubans are usually thought o f as having voluntary characteristics.
3 . Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans are usually thought o f as involuntary immigrants (Qian and Blair, 1999)
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
i6
Ogbu (1998) points out that Hispanics have similar views on the ability of
education to help them achieve success as Blacks (Spradlin, Welsh, & Hinson,
2000). Hispanics, like Blacks, do not view education as the only viable means to
economic security (Steinberg, 1996; Ogbu & Simons, 1998), and they do not believe
that education will be a buffer against discrimination and social barriers as Asian
Americans do (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). The pessimistic attitude about education is a
characteristic of involuntary immigrants.
Ogbu (1998) believes that being a voluntary or involuntary immigrant
influences attitudes and aspirations toward academic achievement. Fundamentally,
voluntary immigrants have a positive attitude and high ambitions for education.
Involuntary immigrants have less faith in the ability of education to propel them to
financial or life success (Ogbu, 1998). Ogbu (1998) bases his definition of
involuntary and voluntary groups' on a comparative study of different ethnic and
racial groups and how their status affects their economic progress and academic
performance. He believes that it is the group's history of assimilation or acculturation
that determines its voluntary or involuntary status. He focuses on the dominant
patterns of beliefs and behaviors within different ethnic groups. These patterns of
beliefs and behaviors develop cultural models. Ogbu and Simons (1998) define
cultural models as, "ways that members of minority groups understand or interpret
their world and guide their actions in that world" (p. 169). Two important sections of
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
17
the cultural-ecological model that help in understanding the difference in belief
systems as it relates to education aspiration are:
1. Folk theories of “making it”
2. Frames- of-reference.
Folk theories of "making it" are based on a group's beliefs about achieving success in
their adopted country. These beliefs are communicated orally to each generation and
to each other. Involuntary and voluntary minorities have different folk theories about
"making it" in the United State. Ogbu states,
Voluntary minorities' folk theory of making it involves
the belief that hard work, following the rules, and most
important, getting a good education will lead to good
employment and success in U.S. society. When they
(immigrants) first arrive, they are optimistic that with
education and hard work they will make it (Ogbu &
Simons, 1998, p. 172).
Voluntary immigrants rationalize that their marginalized positions or
exclusion from better jobs is because of their lack of English skills or acculturation.
These barriers, however, will not prevent their children from having important
positions in society. Voluntary immigrants adopt the "white" middle-class folk theory
of getting ahead, which says that if you work hard enough and obtain enough
education, all barriers - including racism - will come down (Ogbu, 1990; Suarez-
Orozco, 1989). This folk theory helps voluntary immigrants keep a strong internal
belief system in place to support them when they face social obstacles (Suarez-
Orozco, 1989).
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
i8
The difference between voluntary and involuntary status of Asian Americans
and Hispanics is the dissimilar folk theory of success that each group holds
(Steinberg, Dombush, & Brown, 1992). Hispanics do not view education as the only
means of success in society. In fact, because of the discrimination that Hispanics face
in society, they have witnessed that education is not always a buffer against the ills of
society (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Hispanic children do not necessarily equate a good
education with success in life and see other avenues to success through non-
educational means. Since Hispanics do not view education as the only means of
success, they do not put as much effort in school as Asian Americans do (Steinberg,
1996). Hispanic children do not believe doing poorly in school will affect their
chances for future success. They tend to anticipate discrimination in the workplace
and they have little belief that educational success will lead to economic rewards
(Steinberg, 1996). Hispanic culture folk theory of “making it” does not view
education as the only means to success in society.
Hispanic folk theory of success centers on hard work that is not necessary
associated with educational gains. Ogbu (1978) points out that involuntary groups
may form an “oppositional identity” that rejects the dominant groups’ values. The
oppositional identity then forms a counter folk theory of “making it.” For Hispanic
adolescents, this is a stronger faith in hard work than in the traditional system of
educational attainment (Stienberg, 1996). Hispanic children, by watching their
parents succeed in blue-collar jobs, do not equate education with obtaining a good
job. These jobs do not require higher learning, but earn "good" money. These
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
19
examples of economic success are how Hispanic children form their folk theories of
making it. Their parents provide a role model of economic success without
traditional academic credentials.
In contrast, the Asian American culture's folk theory of success is strongly
connected to educational success (Qian & Blair, 1999). Much has been written about
the value of education in the Asian American culture (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Rong &
Grant, 1992; Steinberg, 1996; Blair & Quian, 1985; Kao & Tienda, 1995). Generally,
Asian Americans believe that education is the key to success in American society
(Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Blair and Quian (1985) report that, "Asian Americans
(specifically parents and their children) are believed to increase their perceptions and
valuation of education as a means of achieving success in life" (p. 356).
Since the Asian American folk theory is built on educational attainment,
educational failure is seen as a guarantee that the Asian American student will do
poorly in life. The Asian American culture believes that education is one of the
methods that Asian Americans can over come discrimination in Western society (Sue
& Zane, 1985). In a sense, the high levels of education can triumph over diversity,
discrimination, and language difficulties (Blair & Quian, 1985). Asian American
immigrants view social and political barriers as temporary hurdles that education can
overcome (Ogbu, 1990).
Steinberg, Dombush, and Brown (1992) found that Asian American students
have stronger levels of fear than Hispanics on the consequences of educational
failure. The belief that education is the means to succeed in society is embedded in
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
2 0
the folk theory of making it for Asian Americans. They believe more strongly than
Hispanic children that there are stark consequences in life for not doing well in
school (Steinberg, 1996). This fear propels Asian American students to study harder
than other ethnic groups.
Since the folk theory of making it is different for Hispanics and Asian
Americans, the level of educational aspirations should also be dissimilar. This fits in
well with the ecological-cultural theory, where the voluntary or involuntary status of
immigration should manifest itself in the different levels of educational aspiration.
Moreover, social barriers, language issues, and discrimination should not deter
voluntary immigrants from having high levels of educational aspirations. And,
involuntary immigrants should have lower educational aspirations than voluntary
immigrants.
Ogbu and Simons (1998) found that involuntary and voluntary immigrants
have different attitudes and behaviors based on their frame-of- reference. Voluntary
minorities from the first generation have a highly optimistic frame-of-reference.
Voluntary immigrants compare their current situations with their past situation in
their country of origin and generally consider that life in America is better. This
positive, dual status, upward-mobility frame-of-reference leads them (immigrants) to
conclude that even if they are allowed only marginal jobs they are better off in the
United States than they would be in their homelands (Ogbu, 1990). It is within this
model of cultural-ecology that understanding can be found in how Hispanic and
Asian American children interpret their surroundings. How Asian American and
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
21
Hispanic children view their world is an important part of the puzzle in predicting
academic aspirations. One of the key factors in understanding the difference between
Asian American and Hispanics academic aspiration is how satisfied each ethnic
group is with their educational opportunities. Level of satisfaction with schools
occurs at two levels: the immigrants’ perception of society as a whole, and secondly,
the perception of the effects of discrimination on personal relationships.
Involuntary immigrants have a negative frame-of-reference. An involuntary
immigrant's frame-of-reference begins with his/her socioeconomic status (SES) and
comparing themselves with white middle class Americans (Ogbu & Simons, 1998).
Ogbu and Simons (1998) state about negative frame-of-reference for involuntary
immigrants:
For involuntary minorities the comparison is a negative
one. Because they see their economic and social
condition, as well as their school, as inferior to those of
middle class white Americans. They believe and resent
the fact that whites have more opportunities. They do
not believe strongly that the United State is the land of
great opportunity where anyone who works hard and
has a good education will succeed, (p. 170).
Involuntary minorities, due to their long history of discrimination and racism, have a
distrust of white institutions (Ogbu, 1991). Involuntary immigrants may initially
believe in education as the means to succeed; but, through their interaction with
society and the failure of schools to communicate a positive message about
education, develop a negative frame-of-reference (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). An
example of how involuntary immigrants compare themselves to whites is their view
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
22
concerning schools. Involuntary immigrants compare their schools with white
suburban schools (Nel, 1995; Davis, 1993). The involuntary immigrants view the
white schools as having more privileges than their school. The poorer school
conditions that involuntary immigrants face, lack of school programs, high student
teacher ratios, and violence creates a distrust of white institutions (Ogbu, 1998).
Suarez-Orozco (1991) and Matute-Bianchi (1986,1991) found native-born Mexican
Americans who had developed negative attitudes toward academic achievement was
caused by their exclusion and subordination in the education system. Mexican
Americans developed a negative frame-of-reference that coherent with their internal
belief of the discrimination of society and their peers labeling academic achievement
as acting "white."
A study conducted in Canada found support for voluntary immigrants having
a positive frame-of-reference (Samuel, Krugly-Smolska, & Warren, 2001). In a
qualitative study, Samuel, Krugly-Smolska, and Warren (2001) found that voluntary
immigrants discussed the lack of educational opportunities in their country of origin
and found Canadian schools better.
Prejudices and social stereotypes influence teachers' perceptions of and
behavior toward minority students (Eccles & Jussim, 1992, Pollar, 1989; Rist, 1970;
Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1992; Rubowitz & Maehr, 1970). Rong (1996) found
teachers rate students who share their own race and gender identity more highly than
students from different ethnic backgrounds. Perceived discrimination from schools
and teachers has a negative affect on ethnic minority children. Minority groups reject
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
23
the idea of academic achievement as a method to success when they identify school
administrators as oppressive authority or showing sign of bias (Zhou, 1997). Ethnic
minorities form attitudes and beliefs from their own perception about teachers and
school institution. If an unconscious message is being sent through interactions
between students and teachers about the inadequacies of ethnic minority students,
then a negative self-concept is formed. Involuntary immigrant students do not believe
that they can perform well in school from their interactions with teachers. The idea of
being academically challenged then becomes a reality for the involuntary immigrant
student.
Hispanic children report higher rates of discrimination from teachers and
school administers than whites (Steinberg, et al, 1992). Discrimination is a leading
cause of Hispanic students’ leaving and feeling disinterest in schools (Wayman,
2002). Teachers have lower expectations for students of different ethnic groups and
from lower SES. This combination of lower SES and being a racial minority may
increase discrimination from schools and teachers. Hispanics, for instance, that face
discrimination come disproportionately from lower SES (Schneider & Coleman,
1993) and minority males from lower SES are more likely to be assigned to remedial
and special education classes (Oakes, 1985). Studies have found that some teachers
label ethnic minority children as less intelligent than their white counterparts
(Conard, 1971; Aragon, 1973; Pumphrey & Verma, 1990). The lower expectations
are transmitted to the student, and, thus, he/she then develops a negative perception
about his/her academic ability.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
24
Researchers have found a disturbing pattern of bias from teachers against
ethnic minority children (Eccles & Jussim, 1992, Pollar, 1989; Rist, 1970; Rosenthal
& Jacobson, 1992; Rubowitz & Maehr, 1970). The biases influence the children's
belief in their ability to achieve academically. It is important to note that
discrimination does not have to be overt to have a negative impact on ethnic minority
children. In fact, most of the discrimination that ethnic minority children face is
subtle, but not unnoticed. Tettegah (1996) found that the racist attitudes of
predominately white female teachers influence their behaviors toward ethnic
minority students. Wayman (2002) reports that Hispanic students report that teachers
treated other students (whites) more favorably. Asian American and white students
are criticized less by teachers than other ethnic minorities (Green, 1983; Gillbom,
1988). Ethnic minority children are perceived as having more behavior problems in
the classroom than white students (Cicourel & Kitsuse, 1971). Wright (1986) found
that ethnic minorities, especially Affo-Caribbean children, have higher rates of
suspension and are relegated to lower academic courses than white children.
Little research has been conducted in the discrimination of Asian American
students in school, because they are viewed positively in academic circles. Steinberg
(1996) found that Asian American students received the majority of "A's" in school,
even though they make up a small percentage of the student population. The image of
the hardworking Asian American doing well in school is manifested in the positive
attitude of teachers toward Asian American students. Teachers, because of the
stereotypes of Asian Americans, are apt to attribute more positive qualities to Asian
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
25
students than other ethnic minorities or to white students. Asian American students,
in fact, receive about the same amount of criticism as their white counterparts from
their teachers (Green, 1983; Gillbom, 1988). This builds a positive self-image of
academic ability.
Another benefit that Asian American students have is the model minority
image. The term, coined by William Peterson (1966) in New York Times Magazine,
describes how Japanese Americans are able to overcome prejudices to become
successful members of society through their cultural values. Peterson praises Asian
Americans for overcoming many social barriers and achieving educational, financial,
and occupational success. They are held up as a "model minority" that can achieve
even in the face of discrimination, lower income, and language barriers. Asians
Americans are industrious, intelligent, and have very few problems (De La Rosa &
Adrados, 1993). Deeply embedded in the image is the belief that Asian Americans
are academically successful, since it is believed that this is the reason for their overall
success. Asian Americans’ academic success is touted as the example of how other
ethnic group can overcome adversity and become successful in America.
A side effect of the model minority image is it may protect Asian Americans
against higher levels of discrimination than other ethnic groups. Teachers and school
officials may assume that Asian American students are diligent with their
schoolwork and may attribute more positive traits to Asian Americans than to other
ethnic groups. Research demonstrates that Asian Americans and whites are viewed
in a similar light in education (Green, 1983; Gillbom, 1988). The lack of
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
26
differentiation between whites and Asian Americans may demonstrate the idealized
version of Asian Americans that society holds. Since Asian Americans are expected
to do well in school, school officials are sending Asian Americans positive messages
about their academic ability and Asian Americans believe them.
Another method of understanding the involuntary and voluntary status of
immigrants is immigrant optimism. Immigrants start with a positive frame-of-
reference when comparing the educational opportunities in their country of origin to
the opportunities that exist in America (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Recent immigrants,
in fact, have very high hope of doing well academically (Ogbu & Simons, 1998) and
are more satisfied with their education of their children than non-immigrants. They
have more positive expectations for their children's education level than native boms
(Kao & Tienda, 1995) and they transmit their educational expectations through
"immigrant optimism.” Kao and Tienda (1995) define "immigrant optimism" as
immigrant parents’ confidence of their children's prospects of gaining "upward
mobility in a country to which parents have contrarily moved with the goal of
improving their life" (p. 5). This optimism is manifested in the parental belief that
education is the key to gaining success in society. Immigrant parents instill in their
children with the belief that education can be the method for gaining social success in
society. The public school system is available to everyone regardless of SES. The
availability of education is viewed as a great opportunity to immigrants. The doors of
education are inaccessible for many immigrants in their county of origin.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
2 7
Immigrants’ positive outlook of educational opportunities has an effect on
educational aspiration. Wei-Cheng Mau (1997) states, "Parental educational
expectation is another motivation/cultural factor that has a direct relationship with
students’ school performance"(p. 45). Studies show a correlation between parental
expectations with students’ academic performance (Hess & Haolloway, 1984: Smith,
1991; Peng & Hill, 1995). Peng and Wright (1994) report there is a high correlation
between children's school performance and parental "optimism.” Kao and Tienda
(1995) found that there is a correlation between a student's immigrant status and
grades, test scores, and aspirations. They found that having immigrant parents
significantly increased academic achievement and educational ambitions. Regardless
of the family's past social standing or history, in America the immigrant family is
able to reinvent itself and education is the common tool used. Immigrant parents look
to their children to help create a new social standing by receiving advanced degrees.
America represents a clean slate for the immigrant family and education becomes the
focal point in the family's struggle to move up the socioeconomic scale. Thus, the
expectations for immigrant children's education become independent of their own
educational level. In fact, ethnic immigrants tend to have higher expectations of for
their children's level of education regardless of their own education level (Rong &
Grant, 1992). This runs counter to the typical experience, where one of the
precursors of parental expectation is the parent's own level of education.
Parents communicate immigrant optimism to their children by having clear
and high expectation of their children's academic levels. The expectation level is
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
28
communicated either verbally or unconsciously. One example of how optimism is
transmitted is that immigrant parents limit television viewing and/or older members
of the family are required to tutor their younger siblings (Rumbaut, 1990). Another
example is that immigrant parents are more likely to attend parent-teacher
conferences then native-born parents (Kao & Tienda, 1995).
There are other factors that explain the higher expectation levels that
immigrant parents have for their children's education. Ogbu (1990) has shown that
immigrant expectation levels are also independent of economic status. Immigrants
view political and social barriers and their own economic status as temporary
hurdles, which they can overcome with hard work and more education (Ogbu, 1990).
This belief in upward mobility through hard work and education is transmitted to the
children. Immigrants believe that even though they might not be able to fully
integrate themselves into American culture, their children will become part of the
mainstream culture. It is through their children that immigrants will be able to reach
a higher economic and social status.
Immigration status can have profound influence in academic achievement and
attitudes of Asian American and Hispanic children. Parental influences are important
in academic outcomes of their children. Immigrant parents have a more optimistic
view of their ability to achieve in society in comparison to those ethnic minorities
who have been in America for generations. The optimism of immigrant parents may
transmit onto their children in having higher educational goals. Second and third
generation ethnic minorities, due to discrimination and problems, have lower
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
29
educational exceptions for their children. They exhibit disillusionment about their
ability to succeed in life. Immigrant status is an important variable in understanding
the achievement levels of Hispanic and Asian American children.
Prior research has been conducted in examining the cultural-ecological theory
and there have been mixed results. Several studies have reached conclusions that do
not support parts of the cultural-ecological study. Velez-Yelin (2002) hypothesized
that Puerto Ricans (involuntary immigrants) would have low educational aspirations.
The results of her study, however, did not support her hypothesis. Puerto Rican
students, in fact, had high educational aspirations. She concluded that her research
did not validate Ogbu’s theory about involuntary immigrants. Lotty Eldering (1997),
when studying ethnic minorities in the Netherlands, concluded that the definitions of
typology developed by Ogbu should be reconsidered. Eldering found that the
educational differences between schools and parents have an impact on minority
students’ school success. In another study, George Iber (1992) found that his
examination of second and first generation Mexican Americans did not support
Ogbu’s theory of involuntary immigrants having a negative frame-of-reference or
having lower educational aspirations. Iber found that both first and second
generations of Mexican Americans are successful in rural school setting of Iowa.
Katherine Hayes (1992) found that Mexican American immigrants exhibited both
voluntary and involuntary characteristics. The Mexican Americans in her study
shared the voluntary educational aspirations of their parents. Darnell Ainsworth, W.
James and Douglas Downey (1998) did not support Ogbu’s oppositional cultural
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
30
explanations for academic failure. A large sample of African Americans, Asian
Americans and nonwhite Latinos are included in their study.
There have been a number of other studies, however, that support cultural-
ecological theory. Samuel Edith, Eve Krugly-Smolska and Wendy Warren (2001),
found that voluntary immigrants excel at school despite social barriers. They
concluded that the results of their study supported the cultural-ecological theory.
They classified Chinese, Caribbean, Eastern European, South Asian, and Latin
American in Canada as voluntary immigrants. Most of the students in their study
aspired to obtain college degrees. When studying black involuntary immigrants,
Lynn Spradlin, Lesley Welsh and Stephanie Hinson (2000) found blacks had the
lowest grade point average (GPA) and high levels of discrimination. The researchers
found that the blacks in their study had strong feelings that system was “stacked
against them” (Spradlin, Welsh, & Hinson, 2000; p. 25). Many of the involuntary
immigrants reported that they believe that they could achieve academically, but
would not be rewarded for their efforts. The finding of this research supported the
cultural-ecological theory.
Many studies use Ogbu’s theory of cultural-ecological to conceptualize the
educational differences between ethnic groups (Quia & Blair, 1999; Selas, 2000;
Martin, 1995; Osborne, 1999; Goto, 1997; Foley, 1991; Ovando, 1994). Folk
theories of success and frame-of-reference are two important components of Ogbu's
cultural-ecological theory. Asian Americans believe in education as the method of
success, and Hispanics tend to believe that other avenues are available to success.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
31
Asian Americans have a more positive frame-of-reference due to their interaction
with schools and teachers. Asian Americans are viewed favorably by the school
system. Hispanics have the added burden of facing discrimination by society as a
whole and from the school system. The school system is a reflection of mainstream
society (Hurrell, 1995). It is within this school system that people of color experience
how mainstream society will interact with them. The school system immigrant
optimism and the interaction that exist between teachers and students influence
ethnic minority's frame-of-reference and folk theories of success.
Parental Involvement
Parental involvement is an important factor in academic achievement.
Researchers have studied the relationship between parental involvement and it's
effect on academic achievement. Theoretical (Majoribanks, 1986; Seginer, 1983; &
Walberg, 1984) and empirical (Epstein, 1984,1990,1991) evidence supports that
parental involvement creates a positive effect on student learning. Parental
involvement is found to have more influence on test scores than grades in all ethnic
and income groups (Desoimone, 1999). That is, the more parents are active in school
activities and in contact with the school and in support for outside activities, the
more positive the impact on children's educational aspiration (Chavkin & Williams,
1980; Comer, 1984; Lightfoot, 1978; McDill & Rigsby, 1973; McLaughlin &
Shields, 1987; Esptein, 1984 & Henderson, 1987). The common classifications of
parental involvement include:
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
32
1. Contact between parent and school (Epstein, 1987;
Walberg, 1984)
2. Parental supervision of homework and school activities
(Brown, 1985; Becker & Epstein, 1982)
3. Parental academic aspiration and expectations (Bloom,
1980; Keith, 1991; Wilbur, 1986)
4. Allocation of family resources for education (Majoribanks,
1983).
The problem with the current existing literature of parental involvement is the lack of
consensus on the effectiveness of each type of parental involvement for Hispanics
and Asian Americans. Only a few studies have examined the relationship between
effectiveness of parental involvement and ethnic groups. Fine and Cook (1993) and
Desoimone (1999) both found that volunteering at schools is a better indicator of
school achievement for whites than Asian Americans and Hispanics.
In the case of Hispanic and Asian families, the parents express a desire to be
involved in their children education, regardless of income or education level
(Chavkin & Williams, 1989; McLaughlin & Shields, 1987). The wide variety of
kinds of parental involvement makes it difficult to find consistency and to gauge the
effects on academic achievement (Fehrmann, Keith, & Reimer, 1987; Keith, 1991).
The varying definitions of parental involvement lead to problems in studying the
impact on academic achievement. Two questions need to be answered concerning
parental involvement. First, how does each type of parental involvement affect
academic ability? Second, what is the level of participation of Asian Americans and
Hispanics in parental involvement? Since the different types of parental involvement
are rarely used in the same study, an important step is constructing a model that
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
33
includes all the classifications of parental involvement. In comparing the different
types of parental involvement, the effectiveness can be examined.
The different kinds of parental involvement need to be compared and
measure against each other. The level of participation should be measured between
parental groups. When one type of parental involvement is usually utilized in a
study, the other types are relegated to secondary position, creating an illusion of a
hierarchy of what is valued and effective in education.
Past research has proven that Asian Americans and Hispanics participate in
other forms of parental involvement than the tradition method of participating in
school activities (Kao, 1997; Catsambis, 1995; Alva, 1989; Fleming, 1982).
Desoimone (1999) states:
Parents' choice of involvement activities is a function of their
perceived skills and abilities, their employment and other demands,
and invitations and opportunities presented by the school. One could
imagine how in those contexts there might b systematic differences
according to race-ethnicity and income levels: for example, minority
parents may feel less welcoming or effective in middle-class school
culture; low income parent may be more likely to have less flexible
work schedules, which might allow more involvement and parents (p.
25).
Outside forces have great influences on how ethnic parents participate in their
children's education. Asian American and Hispanic parents both value education for
social mobility (Delgado-Gaitan, 1987). In the case of Hispanic and Asian families,
the parents express a desire to be involved in their children education, regardless of
income or education level (Chavkin & Williams, 1989; McLaughlin & Shields,
1987).
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
34
Asian American parents, in comparison to whites, spend more money for
educational resources (Kao, 1997; Catsambis, 1995). Educational resources can be
viewed as enrolling their children in after school programs, hiring tutors, buying
computers, and reading materials. Kao and Tienda (1998) found that Asian American
parents spend more money on materials, such as books and computers, than white
parents from similar SES background. There were also cases of Asian immigrant
mothers buying two sets of school texts to help their children with homework
(Coleman, 1988). Asian American parents have higher levels of enrolling their
children in after school activities, such as music lessons and other tutoring classes
(Kerbow & Bernhardt, 1993). Asian parents are involved in their children's
educational needs, but not in the traditional manner that is usually thought of by
school officials or outsiders.
Hispanic parents, though equally concerned about the future success of their
children, express their concern in other ways than involvement in school activities
(Alva, 1989, Fleming, 1982). An interesting finding of Catsambis (1995) found that
Hispanic with similar SES backgrounds in comparison with whites have the most
significant school involvement in political aspects. Hispanic parents are active in
ensuring the hiring of minority teachers and initiate frequent parent contact. The
parents may not be as active with school activities, but are involved with the more
political aspects of school administration, such as hiring minority teachers and
receiving funding.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
35
Hispanic parents are also more active in at-home parental involvement. At-
home involvement includes discussing educational issues with children (Portes &
MacLeod, 1999). Hispanic parents partly due to their feeling of alienation from the
school system, feel more comfortable with helping their children in the home
environment. Hispanic parents are actively concerned about their children's
education, but this method of encouragement is not as visible. Several studies
support the importance of at-home discussions and even find that at-home discussion
has more of an impact on academic success than school involvement (Muller, 1993;
Schneider & Coleman 1993; Desimone, 1999).
There is no question that parental involvement creates a positive affect on
children's educational aspiration (Majoribanks, 1986; Seginer, 1983; & Walberg,
1984; Epstein, 1984, 1990, 1991). The question lies in understanding the
effectiveness of the different types of parental involvement and the level of Asian
American and Hispanic parents participation in their children's education. Past
research has proven the ethnic parents participate differently than the tradition
method of parental involvement of being active in school organizations. The next
step in studying parental research is to determine if the methods that Asian
Americans and Hispanics employ are as effective as the traditional method of
parental involvement.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
36
Interaction of Race/Class and Ethclass
Cultural-ecological theory is based on racial explanations (Wilson, 2000).
How SES effects educational aspiration is not incorporated into the cultural-
ecological theory. Ogbu and Simons (1998) believe that, regardless of income level,
the classification of an immigrant as voluntary or involuntary is independent of SES.
This study will examine this premise of cultural-ecological theory: that racial
explanations are adequate to understanding the educational aspirations of Asian
Americans and Hispanics. One of the shortcomings of the cultural-ecological theory
is that is does not recognize the different class levels that exist for Asian American
and Hispanic community. Cultural-ecological theory devalues the influences of SES.
One of the purposes of this study is to understand how class and race interact to
influence educational aspirations of involuntary and voluntary immigrants.
In prior research, SES or culture is viewed as the primary components for
understanding educational aspirations. This research asks if the interaction of
race/class will produce new information about the educational aspiration of
involuntary and voluntary immigrants. It asks whether this interaction has an effect on
educational aspirations and attitudes that race and class alone cannot explain.
Two theories help in understanding the interaction of race/class and it’s
effect. The first theory is called ethclass (Gordon, 1964). The second theory is
usually referred to as an interaction between race/class. Both theories share the idea
that an interaction will shed more light than race and class alone. Usually race and
class are employed as an additive model in studies (Wilson, 2000). Only a few
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
37
studies have examined class and race as an interactive influence that shape attitudes
and actions (Cotter, Hermsen & Vanneman, 1999). It should be noted, that ethclass
is mentioned as a theory in studies when the interaction of race/class is examined, but
is not used as a method for analysis (Bankston & Henry, 1999). Ethclass is
sometimes used as shorthand to refer to the interaction of race/class in some studies
(Bankston & Henry, 1999; Ovadia, 2001; Hill & Sprague, 1999).
A benefit of ethclass and interaction of race/class analysis is that it allows for
a comparison between different ethnic and economic groups and their values system
(Marger 1977). One of the problems in comparing Hispanics and Asian Americans in
educational aspirations is that groups might be eschewed in terms of class. Hispanics
and Asian Americans in research can come from different classes. The difference
between the two classes creates an uneven comparison between the two groups.
Ethclass and interaction of race/class allow for the studying of ethnic and class
groups within a framework of comparability. Combining race/class creates an
interaction that allows an equitable method of comparison between ethnic groups
from different SES levels.
Milton Gordon (1964) saw ethnicity and class as two power hierarchies that
influence each other. He believed that it is wrong to assume that ethnicity or class
alone would influence the values, behaviors, and attitudes of people. Gordon
believed that ethnicity and class combined together would be a more accurate
predictor of attitudes and behaviors of people. He called this combination ethclass. In
ethclass, ethnicity and class are seen as interacting with each other and producing
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
3 8
unique effects that go beyond the influences of ethnicity and class alone. Ransford
(1994) in Race and Class in American Society: Black and Latino calls states that the,
"ethclass perspective focuses attention on the retention of both ethnicity and class
identities, a combination which produces unique joint effects for each distinct cell"
(p. 62). The values and behaviors of middle-class Latinos are different from those of
lower-class Latinos. Middle-class Latinos may have more similarity with those
closest to their class level and ethnicity.
One issue that is not addressed in ethclass theory is how the interaction of
ethnicity and class occurs. Gordon (1964) and other researchers (Kitano, 1976;
Marger, 1978; Ransford, 1994) explain ethclass as an interaction, but are vague at
what causes the interaction. One of the questions that needs to be addressed someday
is how ethnicity and class intersect and what is the influence that they have on each
other. Many of the ethclass researchers focus on the outcome without examining the
process.
Most of the studies that include ethclass fall into two categories. The first
type of study examines group interactions. The second type of study examines
attitudes, behaviors, and values. The research on group interactions usually finds that
people have a preference for interacting and friendships with those in the same
ethclass (Kourvetaris & Dobratz, 1973, Dobratz, 1988). Each of these studies found
that ethclass could shield more information than ethnicity and class alone.
The majority of the research using an ethclass model to examine the attitudes
and values between different ethclasses found that ethclass influenced values and
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
39
beliefs that are counter to conventional methods of thinking. Bank (1988) believes
that the ethclass theory is an important theory for understanding race/class
interaction. Many researchers only view a problem in an ethnicity or class
perceptive. Ethnicity theory predicts that regardless of class, ethnic minorities will
maintain similar attitudes at any class level. Race is more influential on attitudes than
class values. Each of the following studies demonstrated that ethclass provided
information in addition to ethnicity or class influences.
Wilson (2000) uses the ethclass analysis to examine black middle-class
support for an egalitarian statism. He found that there is varying support for an
egalitarian statism across class lines of blacks. He also studied the attitudes of middle
class blacks on crime control and found that ethclass explained attitude of blacks
concerning crime control. Wilson (2000) believes that ethclass theory best explains
the interaction of race/class and its effect on attitudes of middle-class Blacks.
Huang (1995) introduces a tripartite cultural personality theory for
understanding mental disorders based on an ethclass interpretation. He examined
how ethclass analyses could be used to examine cross-cultural therapeutic
intervention. Therapeutic intervention cannot be based wholly on cultural factors, but
class influences should also be taken into consideration.
Gilliam and Whitby (1989) found that as blacks increased in social status
their attitude changed to include more white middle-class values. The subculture of
upper-class blacks became more conservative on welfare policy preference than
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 0
lower-class blacks, but more liberal then upper-class whites. Gilliam and Whitby’s
findings went against the established research that examined attitudes from a racial
perspective.
Ransford and Miller (1983) studied the feminist views of different SES in a
comparative framework of blacks and whites. They also added the variable of
gender in their analyses. The new interaction variable is called “ethgenders.” The
researchers are able to account for the ethnicity, gender, and class interaction and
how that would affect attitudes about feminism. Black women who identified
themselves as "middle class" are more conservative on their feminist outlook than
white middle class women. Black middle class men are also found more conservative
than their white counterparts on their views on political and household labor. The
findings are counter to the commonly held views of whites being more conservative
in their political and division of labor attitudes than other blacks.
In another study conducted by Ransford (1986), the patterns of worry about
heart disease between whites and blacks were compared using an ethclass model. In
comparing ethclass, an interesting finding was discovered in that significance is
found among low-class/educated blacks when it came to changing health habits due
to worry about heart disease. Ransford, in using the ethclass approach, found a
relationship between heart disease and change of health habits that is not perceivable
in past research.
Only one study (Majoribanks, 1990) examines ethclass in conjunction with
education issues. Majoribanks (1990) examine how ethclass affects children’s
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
41
cognitive performance and achievement syndrome in Australia. Achievement
syndrome is defined as modes of behaviors and principles that influence "the
individual's preferences and goals" (p. 327). The study examines the ethclass of
Greeks, Italians, and Croatians. He found ethclass significantly caused a difference in
cognitive scores and achievement syndrome. Ethclass accounted for the variance in
cognitive scores.
The other type of study that examines class attitudes of ethnic minorities
simply views race/class as an interaction. The interaction of race/class is viewed as a
joint process that has unique characteristic (Cotter, Hermsen, & Vannehan, 1999).
One of the dilemmas that face race/class interaction theory is the lack of theory
(Cotter, Hermsen, & Vannehan, 1999). Several studies use the interaction of
race/class to understand ethnic and class differences. Researchers understand the
importance of varying attitudes of each ethnic class level. The interaction of
race/class creates special influences that are unique to each ethnic class level.
As in the case of ethclass, how the interaction occurs is not explained very
well in the literature, but what are recognized are the effects of the interactions.
There are a number of studies (Ovadia, 2001; Hill & Sprague, 1999; Cotter,
Hermsen, & Vannehan, 1999; Horvat & Antonio, 1999; Horton & Thomas, 1998;
Kluwin, 1994; Durant & Sparrow, 1997) that have examined the interaction of
race/class and have found unique results from the interaction. In studying the
interaction of race/class it is important to realize that to perceive ethnic minorities in
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
42
a purely cultural or economic category, many significant influences may be ignored
that can only be understood in when race and class interact.
In studying the race/class interaction of blacks, Horton and Thomas (1998)
found that blacks in the higher income levels had more negative experiences in
regards to the housing market. It is usually argued that higher levels of income
provide some type of buffer shielding upper income blacks from discrimination that
lower class black may encounter. Horton and Thomas (1998) found that blacks,
nonetheless, had more trouble when trying to integrate into the more expensive
housing tracts.
In examining interaction of race/class of women, Peplau, DeBro, and
Chapman (1999) found that stereotypes of social class influences the perception of
people when combined with race. Lower income level women are classified as more
“passive” than middle income level women. The researchers concluded that the
stereotypes of women differed significantly by race and class. The perceptions of the
subjects in the study are influenced not only by the race of the woman, but also by
the class levels.
Ovadia (2001) in comparing race/class interaction with other methods that
view race and class separately found that the interaction between race/class yielded
unique influences of the value system of school youths. Ovaida found that at times,
an additive model of race and class significant in influencing the values system of
students, but in other cases, the interaction of race/class demonstrates new
information that the additive model missed. Ovaida (2001) concluded that
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 3
incorporating the race/class variable would safeguard against overlooking any
significant information.
Both ethclass and the interaction of race/class variable seem to demonstrate
similar results in analyzing information. There are more similarities than differences
between the two types of analyses. The one advantage that ethclass seems to have is a
more developed theory. The theory behind the interaction of race/class simply is
developed on the idea that the interaction creates unique effects. What both theories
lack is the mechanics how the interactions are created. The strength of the two
theories is that they understand that class and race alone cannot account for all the
influences that are in ethnic minorities lives.
Culture
A cultural interpretation is commonly utilized to explain the success of Asian
Americans in education (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Rong & Grant, 1992; Steinberg,
1996; Blair & Quian, 1985; Kao & Tienda, 1995). The cultural explanation allows
for the idea that Asian people by their own power are able to succeed in society.
Some of the cultural beliefs that emphases the importance of education are:
1. Family's belief in the importance of education
(Mordowitz & Ginsburg, 1987; Schneider and Lee,
1990)
2. Education can be the key to overcoming social
barriers (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Blair & Quian,
1985)
3. Any social barriers are temporary and can be
overcome with education (Dombush & Brown,
1992; Steinberg, 1989)
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 4
Asian Americans’ families put a high emphasis on educational aspiration (Hickey,
1998). Mordowitz and Ginsburg (1987) found anecdotal support for the Asian
Americans' belief system of holding education in high regard. They found that Asian
American students report that their family’s emphasized educational
accomplishments, held high expectations for achievements, and considered schooling
very important (Mordowitz & Ginsburt, 1987). Schneider and Lee (1990) also found,
through in-depth interviews, a connection in how children perceive what makes their
parents happy. They found that white parents express satisfaction with their children
in many different areas, e.g., sports, school, music, or other hubbies. Asian American
children report that parents only express satisfaction when they performed well
academically (Schneider & Lee, 1990).
Generally, Asian Americans believe that education is the key to success in
American society (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Blair and Quian (1985) report that, "Asian
Americans (specifically parents and their children) are believed to increase their
perceptions and valuation of education as a means of achieving success in life" (p.
356). Asian Americans view education as one of their primary means of success in
society (Steinberg, 1998). Asian Americans tend not believe that they have other
avenues of prosperity open to them. Educational failure is seen as a guarantee that the
Asian American students will do poorly in life.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
45
Hispanic culture is usually viewed less positively than the Asian American
culture in promoting educational outcomes (Fligstein & Fernandez, 1985; Garcia-
Preto, 1982; Rogler & Cooney, 1984). Several studies have found that Hispanic
parents value and encourage education, but that they may not view education in the
same light as other cultures (Alva, 1989, Fleming, 1982). Hispanic culture does not
believe as strongly as other cultures (Asian American) that education will lead to
financial success (Steinberg, Bombush, & Brown, 1992). Both the Hispanic and
Asian American culture value education, the difference between the Asian American
and Hispanic culture is the strength of that belief (Steinberg, 1996).
Hispanic culture is usually thought of not promoting education. Roger
Wojtkiewicz and Katharine Donato (1995) state:
Hispanics have fewer of the family background
characteristics that lead to higher educational aspiration
(p. 559).
Hispanic family traits are usually blamed for the lack of education aspiration and
aspirations for Hispanics. Some of the culture factors that are usually blamed are:
1 Familism
2. Self identity formation
3. Alternative role models (Fligstein & Fernandez, 1985).
Familism is the cultural value that stresses the commitment to family as the most
important element in a Hispanic’s life. Familism fuels a sense of intense obligation
and responsibility to the family (Garcia-Preto, 1982; Rogler & Cooney, 1984; Blair,
Blair, & Madamba, 1999). The idea of familism is blamed for Hispanic children's
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 6
lack of educational aspirations. Education, personal growth, and moving up the SES
ladder are sacrificed for the needs of the family. If a Hispanic child puts his/her own
needs first, he or she is betraying the family. The strong sense of responsibility
toward the family may supercede any individual goals. Perez, Pinzon, and Garza
(1997) point out, "This collective (Hispanic) mentality permits individuals to gladly
exchange personal needs for the good of la familia (the family)” (p. 182). Self
esteem and self-identity are usually formed through family interactions in the
Hispanic culture (Perez, Pinzon, & Garza, 1997). Hispanic children gain their self
esteem from the family instead of outside influences. The self-esteem of the family
influences the self-esteem of the child. Outside validation, such as schoolteachers,
are not as important in the Hispanic culture as it is in the Asian culture (Perez,
Pinzon, & Garza, 1997). A family's opinion is more important than peers or outside
non-family members. Hispanic children may not view education as the one of the
primary methods to gain self-esteem (Steinberg, Dombusch, & Brown, 1992). Family
approval takes on more importance than societal values. Hispanic individuals do not
"buy" into the mainstream's idea of validation through educational aspiration. The
common validations that influence youth take on a secondary importance compared
to family values.
The importance of the extended family also plays a pivotal role in developing
the self-esteem of a Hispanic youth (Perez, Pinzon, & Garza, 1997). The extended
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 7
family acts as a support group that Hispanic families can lean upon instead of outside
resources. Also, the extended family provides support in times of crisis. Hispanic
culture values family interaction more than outside influences from school or society.
Socioeconomic Status
Culture has been the primary area studied in understanding the academic
achievement of Asian Americans and Hispanics. Research demonstrates, however,
that cultural values cannot alone explain the academic success of Asian Americans or
the problems that Hispanics have in education (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Peng &
Wright, 1988; Brace, 1994, DeBlassie & DeBlassie, 1996). Socioeconomic status
has also been found to have significant influence on educational aspirations of
Hispanics and Asian American (Blair, Blari, & Madamba, 1999).
Asian Americans and Hispanic are usually thought to be a homogeneous SES
group. Hispanic are thought to be mainly belong to the lower economic status, while
Asian Americans are thought to be in the higher and middle income brackets
(Steinberg, 1989; Kitano, 1976; Hirschman & Wong, 1986; DeBlassie & DeBlassie,
1996). Recently, literature has exposed how varied the SES levels are for Hispanics
and Asian Americans. An example of the different class levels that exist in the
Hispanic community can be found in the Cuban community. Cubans are largely from
the middle-class (Birischetto, 2001) and some research supports the idea that Cubans
are successful due to their middle-class standing (Chavez, 1997). The class
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 8
differences and other factors have allowed Cubans to close the gap between earnings
and education with other non-Hispanics within this decade (Chavez, 1997).
Birischetto (2001) reports that Hispanic middle class is growing. He finds
that it grew 71.2% from 1979 to 1999. In 1999, middle class Hispanics had a
graduation rate from college of 22% (Birischetto, 2001). There are distinct features
of the Hispanic middle class. Half of the Hispanic middle class are blue-collar
workers, one-fourth are white-collar workers, and 6% are self-employed (Birischetto,
2001). Hispanic middle class, on average, has 2.26 wage earners in the home
(Birischetto, 2001). Both parents work and there is usually a teenager also
contributing to the household income. It is easy to assume that all Hispanics are
from the lower income level, but there is an emergence of the middle class for the
Hispanic community.
An example of the differences in income levels for Asian Americans is
Hmong immigrants. They are one of the newest arriving immigrants from Southeast
Asia and have low levels of educational attainment. Only 7% of male and 3% of
Hmong women have college degrees (U.S Bureau of Census, 1993). Only 8.6% of
male and 3.2% of female Cambodians have college degrees (U.S. Bureau of Census,
1993). It is easy to assume that all Asian Americans are succeeding in American
society, but there are certain subgroups of Asians Americans that are struggling.
Even though there is research done on the different economic levels of Asian
Americans and Hispanics, much of the literature focus on the low economic levels
for Hispanics as the primary cause of educational difficulties (Michele Collison,
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
4 9
1999; DeBlassie & DeBlassie, 1996). On the other hand, Asian Americans’ middle
class values and income have been touted as one of the primary reasons for academic
success (Steinberg, 1989; Kitano, 1976; Hirschman & Wong, 1986). It is important
to recognize the changing of the SES levels of Hispanics and Asian Americans. Even
though there are changes in the makeup of Hispanic and Asian Americans, it should
be noted that there is also some dissimilarity. An example of the difference is that the
newest wave of Hispanic immigrants tends to be from the blue-collar and menial
industry. Collison (1999) reports that about, "About half of all Hispanic adults have
minimal skills" and "Only 6% of Hispanics hold white collar jobs" (p. 56). Income
levels from the 2000 U.S. Census found that the average income for Hispanics is
$30,735. Mexican Americans, have the lowest SES (Rumbaut, 1994). The lower
income status can translate to lower class position. Compared to middle class, the
lower income may lack the resources available to the middle class for education.
Hispanics that are less than 20 years old, about 40% live in poverty and about one-
third of all Hispanic children live below the poverty line (Zambrana & Domington,
1998). Another example of the differences in SES is the educational attainment of
Hispanics. Only 47% of Mexicans have a high school diploma (Hernandez, 1997).
Fifty-seven percent of all Hispanics over 25 years old have a high school diploma
(2000 U.S. Census Bureau). Only 11% of all Hispanics have a four-year bachelor’s
degree (2000 U.S. Census Bureau). As the Hispanic population is growing, so is the
variation in income and class level in the Hispanic community.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
50
The differences in SES between Asian Americans and Hispanics can be noted
in educational achievement between the two groups. Asian Americans tend to have
more education and higher incomes than Hispanics. United States Census (1997)
reports that 42% of Asian Americans have a college degree and 85% have a high
school degree. The median income in 1997 for Asian Americans was $43,276.
Fourteen point five percent of Asian Americans live in poverty (U.S. Census, 1997).
The differences between Hispanics and Asian Americans in educational level can
result in differences in income level and educational aspirations.
Another example in the difference between the SES levels between Hispanics
and Asian Americans is the difference in the school dropout rate. Only 53% of
Hispanics finish high school (Current Population Survey, 1995). Hispanics have
twice the dropout rate of non-Hispanic groups (Steinberg, Blinde, & Chan, 1984).
The Educational Testing Service and the Hispanic Association of Colleges and
Universities report:
The high school rate also is higher for Hispanic
students - 27 percent of Hispanic student dropout of
high school, compared to 7% of white students and
roughly 13 percent of African American students.
(Collision, 1999; p. 56).
The high dropout rate among Hispanics can be partly attributed to school
environment and to living in poorer neighborhoods (Driscoll, 1999).
Researchers, in studying dropout rates for teens, have focused on SES as
one of the causes of the high dropout rate in the Hispanic community
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
51
(Beck & Muia, 1980; Rosenberg, 1983; Rumberger, 1983; Wagenar,
1987). Headden (1997) states about the dropout rate of Hispanics:
Poverty also goes a long way toward explaining why
Mexican-Americans, Central Americans and Puerto
Ricans dropout of school at rates far higher than,
Cuban-Americans, who tend to be wealthier and
immigrate for political reasons (p. 64).
Students from more economically privileged families have more assistance from
their parents and live in more academic supportive areas (Velez, 1989). Parents from
higher SES tend to be more active in school actives and to monitor their children's
school progress more closely (Baker & Stevenson, 1986). Having more economic
privileges decreases the dropout rate among all students. Thus, it is not surprising
that Hispanic children from lower SES have higher high dropout rates than other
groups. The increase in single parent families is another factor blamed for the low
educational aspiration of Hispanic children (Neill, 1979). Hispanic children living in
single parent-female homes increased four times in the past 30 years (Battle, 1997).
Battle (1997) found that the main effect of single parent Hispanic families is lower
income. Smith and Krohn (1995) found similar results that showed having only one
parent is often less of an impact on a child's academic aspiration than economic
living conditions caused by one income. Nearly 40% of Hispanic children live in
households headed by women who live in poverty (Friedenberg, 1999). This
represents over 60% of all Hispanic households Single parents also have less time to
monitor and participate in school activities. The lower SES status of single parents
affects the income resources available to the child. Hispanic single parents also have
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
52
the problem of living in poorer areas. The quality of schools in the poorer areas is
usually lower than those schools in middle-class areas. Since the increase in single
parent homes in the Hispanic culture, it is easy to blame the changing family
structure instead of the culture of poverty.
The Asian American community tends to have fewer single parent families
than the Hispanic community (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1996). Unites States
Census (1997) report that 8 out of 10 Asian Americans live with both parents. The
issue of single parent homes does not arise in the literature concerning Asian
Americans. Blair and Qian (1998) found that only 10% of Asian Americans in their
study are from single parent families. Fewer single parent families translate into an
economical advantage for Asian Americans compared to Hispanic families.
One of the reasons for Hispanic failures in school can be traced to lower SES
factors. Asian Americans, because of more middle-class values usually achieve
higher academically in school (Kitano, 1969; Steinberg, 1989). But, in order to fully
understand how SES affects academic achievements and values, Asian Americans
and Hispanics from similar SES should be compared.
Hypotheses
• Voluntary immigrants (Asian Americans) will have higher educational
aspirations than involuntary immigrants (Hispanics).
• Involuntary immigrants will be less satisfied with their educational opportunities
than voluntary immigrants.
• All three types of parental involvement, activeness in school organizations, at-
home parental involvement, and outside resources, should all have a similar and
positive effect on educational aspiration and attitudes.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
53
• Recent immigrants will have higher educational aspirations and be more satisfied
with educational opportunities than non-immigrants.
• The interaction of race/class should demonstrate that identical class levels of
Hispanics and Asian Americans should have similar levels of educational
aspirations and satisfaction of educational opportunities.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
III. Data & Methods
54
Data & Methods
This research uses data from The National Educational Longitudinal Study of
1988 (NELS: 8 8 ). The NELS: 8 8 is sponsored by the National Center for Educational
Statistics (NCES). NELS: 8 8 is a longitudinal study that followed students from the
eighth grade to two years after high school. The NELS: 8 8 employs a two-stage
probability sampling design that selected a nationally representative sample of
24,599 students from 1,057 randomly selected schools. The first stage of the survey
is a stratified sample that focused on schools. The second stage focused on students
within the selected schools. Prior to the sampling the schools were stratified by
region, urbanity, and percentage of minorities. Both public and private schools were
included in the survey and private schools were oversampled to insure proper
representation in the data set. Catholic and other religious schools were also included
in the sample. Schools were ineligible to be in the survey if they served special
student populations, e.g., Bureau of Indian Affairs schools, special educational
schools for the disabled, or schools for dependents of U.S. personnel overseas. The
first sample was taken in the spring of 1988. The base-year was collected using
questionnaires that were administrated to respondents, teachers, administrators,
parents, and counselors. Every two years the survey was administered to include as
many of the original respondents from the base year, as possible.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
55
The first follow-up survey was given in 1990, when the respondents were in
the tenth grade. The second follow-up was conducted in 1992, when the respondents
were in twelfth grade. The final year of the research was in 1994, when the
respondents were out of high school. Questionnaires were used during each follow-
up year. Respondents were chosen at random from their selected schools. An average
of 24 students were selected from each school. In some schools, 26 students were
selected. In those cases, the two additional students’ ethnicity was Hispanic or Asian
American. Each of the return rates for the survey for the base year and the follow-ups
were over 90% for each year (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1990).
The NELS: 8 8 contains some remarkable features. It is unique in that it
oversampled both Asian Americans and Hispanics to ensure proper representation
(National Center for Educational Statistics, 1990). The second follow-up study
(1992) was selected for this research. The respondents were in the 12th grade in 1992.
The 1992 questionnaire included some questions involving values and attitudes that
were not in the original and first follow-up study.
Operational: Key Concepts
Respondents were selected for inclusion in this research if:
1. They identified themselves as Hispanic, Mexican
American, Latino, or any of the sub categories that
comprise the category "Hispanic."
2. Or, they identified themselves as Korean, Japanese,
Chinese, Vietnamese, Filipino, or any of the sub
categories that comprise the category of "Asian
American."
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
56
3. Or, they identified themselves as white native-boms.
4. And, in addition to #1, #2, or #3, they had parents
who completed the parent questionnaire.
It should be noted that requirement #4 eliminates many possible respondents from
this study and this has an effect on the final results. Parents who have very limited
English ability might be excluded from the research due to their inability to fill out
the questionnaire. Moreover, if parents have little regard for education, the
probability of filling out the questionnaire could be low.
The following variables are selected for this research (Table 1):
1. Gender
2 . Parents’ education level
3. Immigration status
4. Satisfied with educational opportunities (SEO)
5. Parental involvement
6 . Race
7. Education aspirations
8 . Ethclass
9. Class
Logistic regression (OLS) is employed to analyze the determinants of education
aspiration, education aspiration, and discrimination. The total number of respondents
in this study is 13,001.
Table 1: Key Concepts Frequency, Means, and Standard Deviations
Dependent Variables Frea. Means SD
College Aspiration 12640 1.64 1.1
Educational Satisfaction
Dissatisfied 1963 4.14 5.51
Somewhat Satisfied 1984
Satisfied 2549
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
57
Table 1: Continued
Independent Variables
Parental Involvement
Belong to Organization 12469 1.99 1.32
At-home Resources 14118 2.17 1.63
At-home Discuss 13619 2.57 0.93
Male 7258
Female 7567
Hispanic 2107
Asian American 1087
Caucasians 9729
Parent's Education
Graduate Degree 1790 3.03 3.04
College Degree 1930
Less than 4 years of College 5561
High School Degree or Less 5908
Income
High Income 2715 18.3 26.47
Middle Income 4867
Low Income 4878
hnmigr. 3630
Asian Ethclass 8 6 8 0.24 1 . 0 2
High Income 278
Middle Income 327
Low Income 263
Hispanic Ethclass 1601 0.36 1.23
High Income 150
Middle Income 494
Low Income 957
White Ethclass 8534 1.92 1.92
High Income 2147
Middle Income 3679
Low Income 2708
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
58
Dependent Variables
The first dependent variable measures academic aspiration and is whether a
student took the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT). Other measures were considered
for measuring education aspiration, but for this study taking the necessary steps to
apply for college is selected to define high academic aspiration. Previous studies
have used “will be taking” or “took” the SAT as a measure of educational aspirations
(King, 1996; Heinrich Stumpf & Julian Stanley, 2002; Lisack, 1980). Since the
NELS only followed students two years out of high school, it is impossible to
determine if a respondent graduated from college or not. Thus, one of the few
methods left that can be used to determine if students are considering continuing on
to college is the question that asks about taking the SATs. Logically, it follows that
students who plan to continue their education would take the SAT; students that are
not interested in attending college would not, since a student usually studies for the
test, pays a fee to take the test, and may take a preparation course. All the steps
needed to take the SAT would indicate an inclination to continue on with school
beyond high school. NELS asked, "Have you applied to SAT" (F2S44B)? The
responses available are "yes" or "no.”
The SAT is used in several studies as a measure for education aspiration and
also for predicting success in college. In previous research, the SAT is used as a
measure to determine if a student is going to attend college and/or have college
aspirations. Jacqueline King (1996) employs the SAT as a measure to identify high
school students having college aspirations. King (1996) assumed that students that
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
59
took the SAT are college-bond and had aspirations for post secondary education.
The National Report for College Bound Seniors (1982) utilizes the SAT as one of
measures to predict whether high school seniors will attend college and to examine
the characteristics of high school seniors that will be college freshman. Stumpf and
Stanley (2002) employ the SAT as a predictor of students that will finish college.
They found that SAT scores were a good indicator of whether or not college
freshmen would finish their degrees. Lisack (1980) uses the SAT to identify high
school students that will attend college for her study of comparing high school
students from Indiana with the nation. The SAT is also used in many studies as a
predictor for college success or failure (Spencer, 1996; Bridgeman & Wendler, 1989;
Kim, 2001; Snyder, Hackett, Stewart, & Smith, 2002; Gehring, 2001; Ting, 2000).
Cultural-ecological theory states that involuntary immigrants are less satisfied
with their educational opportunities and voluntary immigrants due to ffame-of-
reference with white privilege school (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Voluntary immigrants
are more satisfied with their educational opportunities than involuntary immigrants
(Ogbu, 1990). The dependent variable for measuring satisfaction with educational
opportunities (SEO) asks respondents if they were "Satisfied with opportunity to
further their education.” The response is on a three-point scale:
1. Dissatisfied
2. Somewhat satisfied
3. Very Satisfied
This dependent variable is selected because it directly asks respondents to measure if
they are satisfied with the opportunities that schools afford them. This question also
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
6o
assesses a student’s perception of school programs and other school related
opportunities. Opportunities can also represent poor school conditions that can be
traced back to low-income neighborhoods.
The three types of variables selected to measure parental involvement are:
1. If parents belong to some school organizations
2. Whether parents provide outside resources in
the form of music lessons.
3. If parents discussed school matters at home.
The first type of parental involvement is if a parent belongs to a school organization.
The NELS asked parents, "Do you take part in parent/teacher organization?” The
answers are coded into a “yes” or “no” response. The answers are coded as 0 as
participating in an organization and 1 as not belonging to an organization.
The at-home parental involvement variable includes parents discussing
school issues with their child at home. The NELS asked respondents, "How often do
you discuss school activities with your parents?” The answers are divided into four
categories:
1. Not at all
2. Rarely
3. Occasionally
4. Regularly
The four responses are collapsed into two responses. Collapsing “not at all” and
“rarely” into one answer representing not discussing school matters with their
parents. The variable representing not discussing school issues is coded as 0. The
responses, "occasionally" or "regularly," are collapsed into one response signifying
that parents do discuss school issues. This response is coded as 1.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
6 i
Outside resources is the third type of parental involvement that is. In this
study, providing music lessons is selected to represent outside resources. The NELS
asked respondents, "Do you take music lessons outside of school (BYP60B)?” The
answers are coded into "yes" or "no" response. The responses are coded into 1
representing "taking music lessons" and 0 representing "not taking music lessons.”
Independent Variables
The variable for race is comprised of three dummy variables. Respondents are
included in the research if they identified themselves as Asian American, Caucasians,
or Hispanic s (F2RACE). Blacks, American Indians, and the other racial groups are
not included in the study. The subgroups of Asian American and Hispanics are
collapsed into a dummy variable of either Asian American or Hispanic. Asian
Americans in the survey are 1,527 or 6.3% of the respondents. Hispanics in the study
are 3,171 or 13% of total respondents. Whites comprise 67.1% or 116,317 of the
respondents
Parental involvement is the second independent variable. Parental
involvement is divided into three categories. The first type of parental involvement
considered is the more traditional idea of participating in parent/teacher organizations
(BYP59C). The NELS asked parents, "Do you take part in parent/teacher
organization?” The answers are coded into a “yes” or “no” response.
At-home parental involvement includes parental interaction with his/her child
at home. At-home base involvement includes discussing school matters, school
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
62
planning, and discussing a child's educational future. The NELS asked respondents,
“How often do you discuss school activities with your parents (BYP6 6 )?” The
answers are divided into four categories:
1. Not at all
2. Rarely
3. Occasionally
4. Regularly
The four responses are collapsed into two dummy variables. Collapsing “not at all”
and “rarely” into one answer creates the first dummy variable. This represents
parents who rarely discuss school matters with their child. The answers of
"occasionally" and "regularly" are collapsed into a second category that represents
parents who discuss school matters regularly with their child.
The third type of parental involvement that is examined in this study is
outside resources. Outside resources are usually defined as resources that are
provided by parents for music lessons, private tutoring, and computer classes. The
NELS asked respondents, "Do you take music lessons outside of school
(BYP60B)?” The answers are coded into "yes" or "no" responses.
Parents’ education level is the next dummy variable. Parents’ education level
is included in the study because the higher the parent's educational level, the more
positive effect on his/her child's educational level. The NELS asked, "What is your
parents’ education level (BYPARED)?” Seven possible responses are available:
1. No high school degree
2. High school degree of GED
3. Some college experience
4. College graduate
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
63
5. Master's degree
6 . Ph.D. or MD
7. Don't Know
The answers are collapsed into four dummy variables. The first dummy variable
represents parents with Master’s degree or Ph.D. The second dummy variable
represents parents with a college degree. The third dummy represents parents with
some college experience. The fourth dummy variable represents parents with high
school degrees or less. Answer number seven of “Don’t Know” is discarded.
The two dummy gender categories are male and female. Students are asked to
identify their gender in the questionnaire and each follow-up study. In the survey,
50.6% are males and 49.4% are females.
The immigration variable is created by asking parents if they are foreign bom.
NELS asked respondents the birthplace of their parents (BYP11/mother &
BYP 14/father). Both parents have to be bom in another country for the respondent to
be categorized as having immigrant parents. The answers are divided into four
categories:
1. Bom in the U.S.
2. Bom in Puerto Rico
3. Bom in another country
4. Don't know
Parents are considered immigrants if they were bom in a foreign country or in Puerto
Rico. Though Puerto Rico is a territory of the United States, its culture is very
different and can be considered a foreign. The immigrant variable is only comprised
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
64
of Hispanic and Asian American immigrant parents. Only first generation immigrants
are included in the study. Response number four, “don’t know,” is discarded.
The independent variable representing class (BYINCOME) is collapsed into
three dummy variables. The first dummy variable represents the low-income
category, $0 to $24,999 annual salary. The middle-income category represents annual
incomes of $25,000 to $449,999. The third dummy income variable is the high-
income category. The high-income category represents annual incomes from $50,000
to $2 0 0 , 0 0 0 or more.
The ethclass variable is created from an interactive variable that multiplies
ethnicity (F2RACE) and income (BYINCOME). The income levels for each ethclass
are the same as the class dummy variable: $0 to $24,999 for low-income, $25,000 to
$49,999 for middle-income, and $50,000 to 200,000 or more for high-income.
Ethclass is divided into nine categories:
1. Middle class whites.
2. Lower class whites
3. Upper class whites
4. Middle class Hispanics
5. Lower class Hispanics
6 . Upper class Hispanics
7. Middle class Asian Americans
8 . Lower class Asian Americans
9. Upper class Asian Americans
White middle class is used as the reference group. Ethclass variable is used to detect
any addition information that race and class alone could not exhibit.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
65
The following is a list of logistic regressions that were conducted on each
dependent variable.
1. Measuring educational aspirations of involuntary
and voluntary immigrants: educational aspirations
will be regressed on parental education level,
income, gender, immigrant status, SEO, parental
involvement, and interaction of race/class.
2. Measuring satisfaction of educational
opportunities: SEO will be regressed on parental
education level, gender, income, immigration
status, and interaction of race/class.
3. Measuring parental involvement in schools.
Parental involvement is regressed on parental
education level, gender, income, SFO, immigration
status, and interaction of race/class.
4. Measuring the effects of immigrant optimism will
be conducted in previous regressions.
5. Measuring the effects of the interaction of
race/class will be conducted the previous
regressions.
Two regressions were conducted. In the first regression, whites were the reference
group. In the second regression, Hispanics and Asian Americans were compared to
each other. In this second regression, ethclass was added to the model
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
IV. Results
66
Sample
Table 1 displays the frequencies, means, and standard deviations of all the
variables. “Respondents” refer to the students who answered the questionnaire,
unless otherwise noted. The following categories were used as the reference group in
the regressions.
1. Females
2. Caucasians
3. Parental education: High school degree or less
4. Low income level
5. Non-immigrants
6 . Less SEO
7. Parental Involvement
A. Respondents take music lessons outside of school
B. Parents don't belong to a parent/teacher organization
C. Don't discuss school issues with children
8 . Caucasian Ethclass
9. Asian Americans (when just comparing Asian Americans and
Hispanics
10. Parental involvement - at home discussions.
Some of the key information highlighted in Table 1 included education aspiration of
parents, immigrants, parental involvement, and income levels.
The NELS divided parents' education achievement into four categories. The
first is high school degree or less. The second is some college experience or a
vocational degree (Associate of Science degree). The third is a college degree. The
fourth is a graduate degree. Asian American parents had the highest levels of
education of the three racial groups. The majority of the Asian American parents,
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
67
49%, had a college degree or graduate degree. Thirty-two percent of Asian American
parents had some college experience or a vocational degree. Only 14% had a high
school degree or less. Even though Asian Americans had the smallest size in the
sample, they had the highest level of education.
The majority of Hispanic parents, 52%, had a high school degree or less.
Thirty-seven percent had some college experience or a technical degree. Twelve
percent of Hispanics had a college degree or graduate degree. The majority of
Hispanic parents were grouped into the lower education aspiration category.
Thirty percent of the reference group, Caucasians, were college graduates or
had graduate degrees. The largest percentage of the group, 41%, had some college
experience or a vocational degree. Twenty-nine percent of the group had a high
school degree or less.
A portion of each racial group contains immigrants. To be classified as an
immigrant, the parents of the respondent had to identify themselves as bom in a
foreign country. Asian Americans have the highest percentage of immigrants. Over
three-quarters of the Asians, 77% or 724 parents identified themselves as bom in a
foreign country. Hispanics have the second highest percentage of immigrants.
Almost half, 48% or 887 parents of the respondents were bom in a foreign country.
Caucasians had the smallest number of immigrants in their group, only 5% or 466
parents.
Parental involvement was divided into three areas. The first area is the more
traditional method of parental involvement in school organizations. The majority of
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
68
parents were not active in school organizations. Nine thousand, one hundred and
eighty-four parents were not active in parent/teacher activities. Only 3,285 parents
were involved in any parent/teacher organizations. The second type of parental
involvement that was studied is outside resources that parents provided. The type of
outside resource included in this study is if the respondent had music lessons outside
of school.
Almost three-quarters or 72% of the sample (8,992 respondents) reported that
they did not have outside music lessons. Only 3,126 or 26% of respondents report
that they had outside music lessons. At-home resources of parental involvement
included discussing school issues with parents. A majority of respondents discussed
school experiences with their parents. Ninety-six percent of parents occasionally or
regularly discussed school issues with their children. Only four-percent of
respondents rarely discussed school issues with their parents.
Table 2 displays the frequencies of the types of parental involvement by class
and race. Asian American respondents had the highest percentage of respondents that
studied music outside of school. Thirty-four percent or 285 Asian American
respondents had taken music lessons outside of school. On the other hand, 65% of
Asian American respondents reported that they had not taken music lessons outside
of school. Hispanics had the lowest level of participation in studying music outside
of school. Only 14% or 216 of the Hispanic respondents studied music outside
school. In the case of Caucasians, 28% studied music outside of the school. The
class divisions in parental involvement are also displayed in Table 2. The lower class
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
69
division had the lowest percentage of respondents that studied music outside of
school. Fifteen percent of the lower income category respondents had taken music
lessons outside of school. The percentage of respondents that had taken music
lessons increased with income level. The middle-income level had 30% participation
in outside music lessons, while the high-income level category reported 43% of
respondents having taken music lessons.
Table 2
Music Lessons Asians Hispanics Caucasians
Yes 285 215 2354
No 549 1273 6084
Music Lessons Low Inc. Middle Inc. High Inc.
Yes 662 1226 1118
No 3847 3330 1470
School Orean. Asians Hispanics Caucasians
Yes 159 282 247
No 690 1281 6181
School Organ. Low Inc. Middle Inc. High Inc.
Yes 772 1268 1 1 0 1
No 3830 3453 1557
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
70
Table 2: Continued
At-Home Discuss Asians Hispanics Caucasians
Yes 830 1591 8529
No 113 236 693
At-Home Discuss Low Inc. Middle Inc. High Inc.
Yes 4195 4451 2581
No 586 362 119
Immigrants Asians Hispanics Caucasians
724 887 466
Parents that were involved in parent/teacher organizations increased with class
levels. The lower income levels had the least participation, 17%. The middle-
income level had 26%; the high-income class had 58%.
Educational Aspiration
Table 3 displays the binary logistic regression on whether respondents took the
SAT during their high school years. Two regressions were conducted. The first
model did not include the ethclass variable. The second model did. Two types of
parental involvement of providing outside resources and belonging to a school
organization were included in both models. The dependent
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
71
variable from NELS asked respondents if they had taken the SATs. The original
answer is divided into four categories.
1. Not thought about it.
2. No plans to take.
3. Yes, already took.
4. Yes, plan to take.
The variable is recoded into a dummy variable. Zero represented "not taking the
SAT.” One (1) represented "taking the SAT.”
Table 3 Binary Logistic Regression:
Education Aspiration
Variable
Model 1 Model 2
Beta Beta
Hispanic -0 . 0 2 -0.18
Asian
Parent Education
*** 7 3 *** 9 7
Graduate Degree * * * 1 2 ***1.26
College
*** g
***.84
Jr. College & Vocation ***.31
*** 4
Middle income 0 . 0 2 ***-.38
High income level
*** 4 4
0.18
Male * * * - . 2 1
***_ 2 1
Immigr. *** 24
*** 3 i
Satis. Edu. Opport * * * - . 2 2 * * * - . 2 2
Parent Involvement
Music Lesson **.15
*** lg
Organ
*** 2 *** 2
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
72
Table 3: Continued
Ethclass
Hispanic
Low income
**_ 4 ^
Hispanic Mid. Income 0.23
Hispanic High Income 0.16
Asian Am. Low income
***_g7
Asian Am. Middle Income -0.36
Asian Am. High Income
White Low Income
***_ yg
White High Income 0 . 1
Intercept -0.62 -0.27
R2 0.09 0 . 1
*** 0 0 1 ** 0 1 *.05
Reference group: White. Ethclass: white middle
class
Results of the binary logistic regression showed that males were significant
-.21 less likely than females to take the SATs in Model 1. Hispanics were not
significantly different from whites to take the SATs, but were -.02 less likely to take
the SATs in comparison to Caucasians. Asian Americans were found to have
significantly higher - by .73 - educational aspirations than Caucasians. Parental
education level was significant in predicting the likelihood that respondents would
take the SATs. The more educated the parents, the more likely that their child would
take the SATs. Respondents with parents with junior college experience were .31
significantly more likely to take the SATs than parents with a high school degree or
less. Respondents with parents with college degree were . 8 more likely to take the
SATs than parents with a high school degree or less. Respondents with parents with
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
73
graduate degrees were the most likely, 1.2, to take the SATs than parents with a high
school degree or less. Binary logistic regression demonstrated that high-income level
was significant by .44 more likely to have higher educational aspirations than low-
income levels. Middle-income levels demonstrated no significance from lower
income levels in taking the SATs.
Students that reported not being SEO were more discouraged, by -.22, from
taking the SATs. Immigrants were significantly, by .24, more likely to take the SATs
that those who were non-immigrants. Both types of parental involvement of
providing outside resources, .15, and belonging to a school organization, .2 , were
more significant in having a more positive influence in educational aspiration than
discussing school matters at home.
The second regression, Model 2, includes the ethclass variable. The change
of variable had not altered little from what is significant from the previous model.
Males were still less likely to take the SATs by -.22 than females. Immigrants were
by .31, significantly more likely to take the SATs than non-immigrants. Respondents
who reported having higher SEO were more likely to have higher educational
aspiration by .31 than those who felt were not SEO. Parental involvement of
providing outside resources and belonging to a parent teacher organization were still
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
74
more significant in predicting educational assertions than discussions at home. Asian
American increased their likelihood of taking the SATs to .97 from .75 when ethclass
is added.
The significance for income changed and high income level lost its
significance and dropped from .44 to .18 when ethclass was added. This indicates
that an interaction may be occurring between race and class. White middle income
became significant, but was -.38 less likely to take the SATs.
A bivariate regression was employed to see the significance in understanding
the interaction of race/class effect. Caucasian middle-income level was used as the
reference group. The interaction of race/class came out significantly for all three low-
income levels. In the case of Hispanics, low class of Hispanics was less likely by -
.41 to take the SATs. Middle and high-class levels for Hispanics showed no
significance in comparison to a white middle class group for having higher
educational aspirations. Middle and high ethclass Hispanics were not significant in
having higher educational aspirations than middle class whites. Asian American
low class level was less likely by -.87 to take the SATs than the white middle class.
Asian American middle class level by -.36 was not significantly different from the
reference group in educational aspiration. Asian American high-class level is more
likely by .89 to have higher educational aspirations.
Table 4 shows a binary logistic regression for comparing Asian Americans
and Hispanics on educational aspirations. Two regressions were conducted. The
interaction variable of race/class is added to the second regression. The regression
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
demonstrates that Hispanic have lower educational aspirations by -.82 in comparison
to Asian Americans. The middle-income level by .12 was not significant from low-
income level in educational aspirations. High-income level by .17 was not significant
in predicting educational aspirations.
Table 4 Binary Logistic Regression: Education Aspirations
Comparing Asian Americans and
Hispanics
Variable
Model
1
*** 82
Model 2: Ethclass
Hispanic
***_! i
Middle Class 0 . 1 2 *-0.5
High
Class
0.17 -1.9
Jr. College **.31 *.33
College ***.64 * * * . 6 6
Graduate Deg. ***.85 ***.85
Male
*
1
i —*
OO
*-.18
Immigr. **.15
*** 23
Satis. Of Ed. Opp. -0 . 1 -0 . 1
PI: Music **.36
PI: Organ 0 . 0 1 0 . 0 2
Ethclass
His. Low -0.28
His. Mid
* 4 9
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
76
Table 4: Continued
His. High 2.05
As. Low **-.62
As. High 1.5
Intercept 0.23 0.63
R2 0.16 0.17
***.001 **. 01 *.05
Reference Group: Ethclass - Asian American middle class
Parents’ education level was significant in all three cases. Parents with junior
college degrees or vocational training by .31 were significant in predicating higher
educational aspirations than parents with a high school degree or less. Parents with
college degrees were more likely by .64 to have a positive influence in educational
aspirations on their children than parents with high school degrees. Parents with
graduate degrees were by .64 more likely to have positive influence on their
children's education than those with a high school degree or less.
Males were less likely to have higher educational aspiration by -.18 than
females. Children of immigrants, by .15 were more likely than children of non
immigrant to have higher educational aspirations. Respondents' who encountered
discrimination was not significant in predicting educational aspiration by - . 0 1 than
those who did not feel education.
Parental involvement was only significant when parents provided outside
resources. Parents who provided music lessons had children who had higher
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
77
educational aspirations, by .36, than those parents who merely discussed school
issues with their children at home. Parents that belong to school organizations were
not significantly different that those parents that discuss school matters at home in
influencing educational aspiration.
Interaction of race/class variable was added to binary logistic regression in
the second model. Hispanics were still had less educational aspiration than Asian
Americans by -1.1. Middle class became significant once the interaction variable was
added to the regression. Respondents in the middle-income level were -.5 had less
education aspiration than lower income respondents. High income was not
significant in influencing educational aspiration.
Parents’ education was significant in influencing educational aspiration.
Parents with junior college degree and/or vocational training were .33 more likely to
have high educational aspirations than parents with only a high school degree or less.
Parents with college degrees were significantly more likely by . 6 6 to have higher
educational aspirations. Parents with graduate degrees were more likely by .85 to
have higher educational aspirations.
Males had significantly lower educational aspirations by -.18 than females.
Immigrants had significantly higher educational expectation by .23 than non
immigrants. People reporting discrimination were not significantly different from
those who did not feel discrimination by -.0 1 .
The interaction of race/class demonstrated that there was differences in
educational aspiration between Hispanics and Asian Americans. Asian American
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
78
middle class level was used as the reference group. The low class level of Hispanics
was not significantly lower in their educational expectations than Asian American
middle class by -.28. Hispanic middle ethclass had higher educational aspirations by
.49 than middle ethclass Asian Americans. The Hispanic high class level was not
significantly different in educational aspirations than Asian American middle class,
even though the Hispanics had higher educational aspirations. Asian American lower
ethclass were less likely to take the SAT's by -.62 than Asian American middle class.
Asian American high-class level was not significantly by 1.5 to take the SAT's than
Asian American middle class.
Educational Satisfaction
Table 5 displays the multi-linear regression on respondent satisfaction of their
educational opportunities (SEO). Table 5 represents whether a respondent felt
satisfied with the opportunities they had in furthering their education. Two different
regressions were conducted. In the second regression, the interaction variable of
race/class is added. The dependent variable in the regression asked the respondent if
they were "satisfied with the opportunity to further their education (FURTHED).”
The response is on a three-point scale.
1. Dissatisfied.
2. Somewhat satisfied
3. Very Satisfied
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
79
The multi-linear regression demonstrated that males were significantly less satisfied
than females by -.94 with their opportunities to further their education. Asian
Americans felt more positive by 1. 6 that they had the opportunity to further their
education than the reference group. Hispanics were not significantly different from
whites in their opportunities in school. Even though Hispanic felt less SEO by -.12
than whites, it was not significant. The education level of the parents had
significance in the belief of having a fair opportunity to further their education. The
more educated the parents, the more they felt more SEO in the education system. The
respondents with parents with graduate degrees felt the most positive about having a
fair opportunity for a good education by 2 . 2 than those parents with a high school
degree or less. Parents with college degree were reported feeling more SEO by 1.7
than parents with a high school degree or less. Parents with junior college degree or
vocational degree felt .91 more SEO than the reference group.
The regression demonstrated class differences in the belief that there were fair
opportunities for educational advancement. In comparison with the lowest income
category, the middle and high-income level had a more positive belief about having a
fair opportunity in the educational system. The middle-income level by .38
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Table 5 Multi-Linear Regression
Satisfied with Educational
Opportunities
Variable
Model 1 Model 2: Ethclass
Beta Beta
Hispanic -0 . 1 2
***_ 4
Asian American ***2 5
Middle Income *** 38 -0 . 2 1
High Income ***1 37 0 . 8
Parent's Education
Jr. College
***
***.96
College
* * * 1 7 ***1 7
Graduate Deg.
* * * 2 2 * * * 2 2
Male
*** 9 4
* * * _ 9 5
Immigr.
*** ^
* * * . 6 6
Parental Involvement
PI: Music * * * . 8 6
PI: Organization
*** 9 5 *** g9
Ethclass
His. Low *-.56
His. Mid 0.54
His. High -0.52
Asian Low *-1.4
Asian Middle
***_! g
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
8 i
Table 5: Continued
Asian High **-2 . 2
White Low
***_! 3
White High 0.15
Intercept 2 . 8 3.3
R2 0 . 1 2 0.13
* * * . 0 0 1 **. 0 1 *.05
and the high-income level by 1.37 felt they had significantly better opportunity to
further their education compared to a low income category. Immigrants by .5
believed that they had a better chance of furthering their educational goals than those
who were non-immigrants.
The regression demonstrated that parents who were involved in providing
outside resources and belonging to a school organization were significantly felt more
SEO than those who merely discuss school matters at home. Parents that provided
music lessons report feeling more SEO by . 8 6 than the reference group. Parents that
belong to school organizations felt more satisfied with educational opportunities by
.95
Table 6 displays the multi-linear regression examining SEO comparing Asian
Americans and Hispanics. Two regressions were conducted. The second regression
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Table 6 Multi-Linear Regression: Satisfied with Educational
Opportunities
Comparing Asian Americans and
Hispanics
Variable
Model 1 Model 2: Ethclass
Beta Beta
Hispanic
* * * _ 2
***-2 . 6
Middle Class *.5 -0 . 8
High **.85 -0 . 8 8
Class
Parent's Education
Jr. *.52 *.54
College
College ***1 . 1 2
Graduate Deg.
* * * 1 7
Male *** 38 ***- 95
Immigr. ***.38
*** 4 9
Parent's Education
PI: Music **.75 **.82
PI: Organ -0.15 0.16
Ethclass
Hispanic Low -0.35
Hispanic Mid **1.4
Hispanic High 1 . 8
Asian Low -0.57
Asian High 0.75
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
83
Table 6 : Continued
Intercept 5 5.6
0.16 0.17
R2
***.001 **. 01 *.05
Reference Group: Ethclass - Asian American middle class
included the interaction variable of race/class. Hispanics report that they felt less
SEO than Asian Americans by -.2. Both middle and high income groups significantly
felt more satisfied with their educational opportunities than lower income
respondents. Middle income respondents by .5 were felt more satisfied with their
educational experience. High-income respondents felt by .85 more satisfied with
their educational opportunities.
The more educated the respondent parent's, the more SEO felt by the
respondents. Parents with junior college or vocational training were significantly by
.52 to feel more SEO than parents with high school degree or less. Respondents with
parents with college degree felt more satisfied with their educational opportunities by
1.1 than the reference group. Parents with graduate degrees report by 1.7 more SEO
than the reference group.
Immigrants report being more contented with their education opportunities
than non-immigrants by .38. Parents that provided outside resources for their
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
8 4
children report feeling more SEO by .75 than those parents who only discuss school
matters at home. Parents that belong to student organization were not significantly
different from the reference group in their belief about their opportunities for school.
In the second model, the interaction variable is added to the regression.
Hispanics were -2.2 to report less SEO than Asian Americans. Income becomes
insignificant when the interaction variable is added to the regression. Middle-income
level reports - . 8 of experiencing less SEO than lower income. High-income level
reports - . 8 8 in experiencing SEO than the reference group.
Parents’ education level still remains significant. Parents with junior college
degrees or vocational degrees report by .54 experiencing more SEO than parents with
a high school degree or less. Parents with college degrees report by 1.12 more SEO
than the reference group. Parents with graduate degrees by 1.7 felt more SEO than
parents with high school degree or less.
Immigrants report more SEO from schools by .49 than non-immigrants.
Parental involvement shows that parents that provide outside resources report more
SEO, by .82, than parents that discuss school matters at home. There is significance
by .16, between parents that belong to school organization than the reference group.
The interaction variable of race/class demonstrates that the Hispanic low class
level was not significantly different from Asian American middle class even though
Hispanics report -.35 less satisfaction with their educational experience. Hispanic
middle class shows a higher satisfaction by 1.4 in their education opportunities than
the reference group. Hispanics in the high-class level were not significant in their
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
85
experience with their educational experience by 1.8. Asian American low class level
was not significantly different from the reference group.
Parental Involvement
Table 7 displays the binary logistic regression on if parents participate in
parent/teacher organizations (BYP59C). The NELS asked parents, "Do you take part
in parent/teacher organization?” The answer was coded into a 'yes' or 'no' response.
The variable was recoded to 0 and 1. Zero represents parents that take part in
Table 7 Binary Logistic Regression: Parental Involvement in Child's
Education
Tradition Parental Involvement: Belonging to a
School Organization
Variable
Model 1 Model 2
Beta Beta
Hispanic **.16 -0.41
Asian
*** 46
-0.3
Parent Education
Graduate Degree
***_ 64 ***_ 24
College
***_ 4 4 ***_ 4 4
Jr. College & Vocation
***_ 24
***-64
Middle income
***_ **_ 1 9
High income level
* * * _ gj
* * - . 8 6
Male -0.04 -0.04
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
86
Table 7: Continued
Immigr. *** 2 2 *** 2 2
Satis. Edu. Opport 0 . 0 2 0.03
Ethclass:
Hispanic Low income **.79
Hispanic Mid. Income *.7
Hispanic High Income 0.7
Asian Am. Low income 0 . 8
Asian Am. Middle Income 0 . 8
Asian Am. High Income *1.07
White Low Income
***_ 3 4
White High Income -0.34
Intercept 1 . 6 1.4
R2 0.06 0.06
*** 0 0 1 ** 0 1 *.05
Reference group: White. Ethclass: white middle
class
parent/teacher organizations, and one represents parents that do not take part in
parent/teacher organizations.
The model one regression shows that Hispanics and Asian American were
significantly less likely to belong to school organization than Whites. Hispanics
by. 16 were less likely to be involved in school than the reference group. Asian
Americans were also less likely to belong to a school organization by .46 than
whites.
The regression demonstrated that parents with some college experience or
vocational degrees, college degrees, or graduate degrees were significantly more
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
87
likely to be active in a parent/teacher organization. Parents with some college
experience or vocational degree were -.24 more likely to belong to a parent/teacher
organization. Parents with a college degree were -.44 more likely to belong to a
parent/teacher organization. Parents with graduate degree were -.64 more likely to be
a part of a parent/teacher organization.
The regression also demonstrated that the middle and high-income levels were
more likely to belong to a parent/teacher organization than the low-income level. The
middle-income level was significant by -.38 more likely to belong to a school
organization. The high-income level was -.81 more likely to be a part of a school
organization.
Immigrants in comparison to non-immigrant were significantly less likely to
belong to a parent/teacher organization by .22. Respondents' parents who had SEO
with their school were more likely to participate in school organizations by - . 0 2 than
those who felt less SEO.
When the interaction variable was included in the second model Hispanics and
Asian Americans lost their significance in participating in school organizations than
whites. Hispanics were more likely to belong to a school organization by -.41 than
the reference group. Asian Americans were more likely to belong to participation in
school organizations by -.3.
Parental education still remains significant in predicting a parent's
involvement in school activities. Parents with some college experience or vocation
training were more likely by -.64 to belong to a school organization than parents with
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
88
high school degrees or less. Parents with college degrees were more likely by -.44 to
participate in school organizations than the reference group. Parents with graduate
degrees were more likely by -.24 to join school organizations.
The second model shows that income level influences parents' participation in
school organizations. Middle-income parents were more likely by -.19 to join school
organization than low-income parents. High-income parents were more likely by -.64
to participate in school organizations than the reference group. Parents of males were
not significantly different in participation of school organizations than parents of
females. Parents of males were -.04 more likely to participate in school
organizations. Immigrants were significantly less likely to join school organization
by . 2 2 than non-immigrants.
Model two demonstrated that Hispanic low class level was significantly less
likely to participate in school organization by .79 than white middle class. Hispanic
middle class was significantly less likely to belong to a school organization by .7.
Hispanic high ethclass reports no significant difference in school participation than
the reference group.
Asian American low and middle class levels were not significantly different
from white middle class level in participating in school organizations. Asian
American middle class was . 8 less likely to belong to a school organization. The
high-class level of Asian Americans was less likely by . 8 to take part in school
activities. Asian American high-class level was significantly less likely to belong to a
school organization by 1.07.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
89
White low class level was more likely to belong to a school organization by -
.34. White high-class level was not significant in predicating whether a parent
belongs to a school organization than the white middle class.
Table 8 displays the binary logistic regression on if respondents studied music
outside of school. The NELS asked respondents, "Do you take music lessons outside
of school (BYP60B)?” The answer was coded to a 'yes' or 'no' response. The variable
was recoded to 0 and 1. Zero represents respondents that took music lessons and one
represents students that had not taken music lessons. The regression demonstrated
that males in comparison to females were significantly less likely to take music
lessons outside of school by .64. The regression also demonstrated that Hispanics
were significantly less likely by .56 to take music lessons than Caucasians. Asians
Americans were by .02 less likely to not take music lessons.
Table 8 Binary Logistic Regression: Parental Involvement in Child's
Education
Outside Resources - Taking music
lessons
Variable
Model 1 Model 2
Beta Beta
Hispanic ***.56 0.07
Asian 0 . 0 2 -0.62
Parent Education
Graduate Degree
***_ p ***_ ^
College ***-.62 ***-.62
Jr. College & Vocation ***-.38
Middle income
***_ 5 ***_ 2 7
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
90
Table 8: Continued
High income level
***.9f
*-.43
Male
*** 64
*** 64
Immigr. * - . 1 * . 1 1
Satis. Edu. Opport. -0.07 -0.7
Ethclass
Hispanic Low income 0.13
Hispanic Mid. Income -0.06
Hispanic High Income -0.47
Asian Am. Low income 0.24
Asian Am. Middle Income 0 . 1 1
Asian Am. High Income -0.62
White Low Income *-.34
White High Income -0.34
Intercept 1.61 1.5
R2 0 . 1 0 . 1
* * * . 0 0 1 ** 0 1 * 05
Reference group: White. Ethclass: white middle
class
The regression also demonstrated that the more educated the parents, the more
likely that the child will take music lessons. Respondents with parents with some
college experience or vocational degree were more likely by -.38 than respondents
with parents with high school degree or less. Respondents with parents with college
degrees significantly were more likely, by -.62, to take music lessons. Respondents
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
91
with graduate degrees were more likely by -.9 to take music lessons than the
respondent group.
In the case of class differences, middle and high-income levels were
significantly more likely to take music lessons than those from the low-income
levels. Middle-income level by -.5 was more likely to take music lessons than the
reference group. High-income levels were more likely by -.91 to take music lessons.
The regression illustrated that immigrants were significantly less likely to take
music lessons by -.1 than non-immigrants. Respondents, in turn, who did not take
music lessons, experienced less SEO, by -.07, than those who did take lessons.
The second model of parental involvement of parent provides outside
resources added ethclass to the regression. Adding the interaction variable of
race/class did not cause a significant change from model 1. Hispanics and Asian
Americans were not significantly different white in providing music lessons for their
children.
Parents' education is still significant in model two. Parents' with some
college experience or vocational training was -.38 than parents with only high school
degree or less. Parents with college degrees were more likely by -.62 to provide
music lessons. Parents with graduate degrees were more likely by -.9 to provide
outside resources.
Income was another significant predicator of whether respondents had outside
resources provided by their parents. Middle income was -.37 more likely to provide
outside resources than low-income respondents. High-income respondent were more
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
92
likely by -.43 to provide outside resources. Immigrants were less likely to provide
outside resources by . 1 1 than non-immigrants.
Only one class level showed any significance in providing outside resources.
White low class level was more likely to provide outside music lessons by -.34 than
the white middle class. Hispanic low class was less likely by .13. Hispanic middle
class was more likely to provide music lessons by -.06 than the reference group.
Hispanic high-class level was more likely by -.47 to provide outside resources. In the
case of Asian Americans, only the high-class level by -.62 was more likely to
provide outside resources in comparison to the reference group. Both the middle
classes by .11 and low class level by .24 of Asian Americans were less likely to
provide music lessons than the reference group.
Table 9 binary logistic regression examined the parental involvement variable
concerning at-home discussion (BYP6 6 ) between parents and respondents. The
NELS asked respondents, "How often do you discuss school activities with your
parents?” The answers were divided into four categories.
1. Not at all
2. Rarely
3. Occasionally
4. Regularly.
The responses were collapsed into two responses. Zero represented respondents not
talking or rarely talking to parents. One represented respondents that do discuss
school issues with their parents.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
93
The regression demonstrated that males significantly talk to their parents by
.4 more than females. Both Hispanics and Asian Americans compared to Caucasians
were more likely to discuss school issues with their parents. Hispanic parents were
more likely by .09 to discuss issues and Asian Americans by .13 were more likely to
discuss school issues with parents than the reference group.
The more educated the parents, the less likely a dialog about school issues
would occur. Parents with some college experience or a vocational degree were - . 8
less likely to discuss school issues with their children than those with high school
degrees. Parents with college degrees were significantly by -.41 less likely to discuss
school issues with their children than those parents with high school degrees. Parents
with graduate degrees had the lowest level of discussing school issues with their
children by - . 8 in comparison with parents with high school degrees or less.
Table 9 Binary Logistic Regression: Parental Involvement in Child's
Education
Discuss school matters at
home
Variable
Model 1 Model 2
Beta Beta
Hispanic 0.09 *.34
Asian 0.13 -0.17
Parent Education
Graduate Degree
***_ g ***_ 7 7
College
***_ 4 2
***-39
Jr. College & Vocation ***-.36
***_ 4
Middle income *-.15 0.19
High income level
***_4g
0.13
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
94
Table 9: Continued
Male
*** 4 *** 4
Immigr.
*** 2 9 *** 2 2
Satisfaction Ed. Opp. -0.05
***_ 4 5
Ethclass
Hispanic Low Income 0.25
Hispanic Mid. Income -0.29
Hispanic High Income -0.56
Asian Am. Low Income
Asian Am. Middle Income 0.55
Asian Am. High Income -0.27
White Low Income
*** 5 9
White High Income -0 . 2 2
Intercept -2.41 -2.75
R2 0 . 0 1 0 . 0 2
***.001 **.01 *.05
Reference group: White. Ethclass: white middle
class
The class division showed significance in whether respondents discussed
school issues with their parents. The reference group was respondents from the low-
income class. In comparison, the middle-income level significantly did not discuss
school issues with their children by -.15. High-income level class was significantly
by -.48 was less likely to have communicated with their parents about school
compared to low-income parents.
The regression displayed that immigrants' respondents were more likely by .4
to discuss school matters with their parents than non-immigrants. Respondents that
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
95
felt more SEO were less likely by -.05 than respondents that felt less SEO to discuss
school issues with their parents.
Model 2 of table 9, displays the regression when the interaction variable of
race/class is added. Hispanics’ ethnicity becomes more significant in discussing
school matters with their children by .34 than whites (the reference group). Asian
Americans, on the other hand, become less likely to discuss school matters by -.17
than the reference group.
Parents' education level, however, still remains important. Parents with some
college or vocational training were less likely to discuss school matters with their
children by -.4. Parents with college degrees were less likely by -.39 to discuss school
matters with their parents. Parents with graduate degrees were less likely to discuss
school matter by -.77 than the reference group.
When the race/class interaction variable is added, income loses its
significance. Middle and high-income levels were not significantly different from
the low-income level in discussing school matters with their children. Middle
incomes by .19 were more likely to discuss school matters with their children. High
incomes by .13 were more likely to discuss school matters with children than low-
income people.
Parents with male children were more likely to discuss school matters with
their child by .4 than parents of female children.
Immigrants were still significantly more likely to discuss school matters with
their children than non-immigrants. Respondents that report less SEO were
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
9 6
significantly more likely to discuss school matters at home than those who felt more
SEO when ethclass was added.
Only two race/class levels showed any significance in at-home discussions.
Asian Americans in the low class level by 1.1 were more likely to discuss school
matters with their children than white middle class. White low class was
significantly less likely to discuss school matters with their children. The other
income class levels demonstrated no significance in their difference than the
reference group. Hispanics in the low class level were more likely to discuss school
matter by .25. Hispanic middle class were less likely to discuss school matters by -
.29 and the Hispanic high class by -.56 was also less likely to discuss school matters
with their children. Asian American middle and high class were not significantly
different from the reference group to discuss school matters. Asian American middle
income was more likely to discuss school matters with their children than the
reference group. Asian American high income was less likely by -.27 to discuss
school issues.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
97
V. Discussion
The Interaction of Race/Class and/or The Ethclass Effect
An important finding of this study is that the interaction of race/class
demonstrates that the racial explanation for cultural-ecological theory is not adequate
to explain the differences between Asian Americans and Hispanics in educational
aspirations. The hypothesis about involuntary and voluntary immigrants from the
same income level having similar educational aspirations is proven false. Ethclass
and the interaction variable did prove that the combination of race and class
influenced the educational aspiration of involuntary and voluntary immigrants. Class
levels are influential in educational aspirations of voluntary and involuntary
immigrants.
Though it is generally believed that Asian Americans have higher
educational aspirations, this only emerges at the higher Asian American income
levels and only after the interaction of race/class is added. In fact, low-income Asian
Americans exhibit lower educational aspirations than the white middle-class. Most
research studying Asian Americans concludes that cultural factors outweigh
economic factors when predicting academic performance. This study, however, has
found that low income has a muffling effect on cultural influences. The interaction of
race/class demonstrates that ethnicity cannot outweigh the problems associated with
low income. Asian Americans in the low-class level have to deal with similar
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
98
problems that other ethnic groups encounter in the same bracket. These include poor
school conditions and fewer resources.
The high-income level of Asian Americans in Table 3 shows that they have
higher educational aspirations than the white middle-class. These higher aspirations
are not seen in lower and middle-income level Asian Americans. This is contrary to
the idea that only culture plays an important role in boosting academic aspirations in
Asian Americans. Clearly, income is also very important in having higher
educational aspirations. This study indicates that Asian Americans need the
protection of high-income. The folk theory of “making it” does not seem to be able
to overcome class barriers that lower-income Asian Americans face as predicted by
cultural-ecological theory. Only in the upper-income brackets, does the folk theory of
“making it” seem to help Asian Americans in having higher educational aspirations.
Table 6 is a comparison between Hispanics and Asian Americans. Model 2
shows that when the interaction of race/class is added to the regression, middle class
Hispanics have higher educational aspirations than the Asian American middle class.
Researchers usually find that Asian Americans have a higher level of educational
aspiration than other ethnic groups (Sue & Okazaki, 1990; Rong & Grant, 1992;
Steinberg, 1996; Blair & Quian, 1985; Kao & Tienda, 1995). Most of the literature
concerning Hispanics and education view Hispanics as having problems in
educational endeavors (Howe, 1994; Collison, 1999). These conclusions may have
been reached by past studies, because only Hispanics from the lower income bracket
had been included. Previously, a common theory to explain lower Hispanic
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
99
academic achievement, is that education is not seen as a viable option for Hispanics
or that the folk theory of “making it” does not center on educational success.
However, this study has found that middle class Hispanics, due to having more
economic resources, may, in fact, feel that education is an accessible avenue to
achieve success. Middle class Hispanics may have the resources to assist their
children by proving better quality education or outside resources. The comparison
between involuntary and voluntary immigrants becomes more complicated when
comparing the class levels and can no longer be thought of in strictly racial terms.
The folk theory of “making it” seems to change with the rise of income.
Comparing the voluntary and involuntary immigrant groups directly
demonstrates that the involuntary immigrant group has higher educational aspirations
than voluntary immigrant groups, which is contrary to the cultural-ecological theory.
Hispanics in the middle-income levels have higher educational aspirations than
Asian American middle-income levels. One of the reasons that this finding may have
gone unnoticed is that the reference group is usually whites. This study has found
that comparing different income levels within the Hispanic community reveals new
information. The middle-income level of Hispanics may have enough resources to
feel that they have the ability to achieve academically. The barriers that low income
Hispanics face may not hinder them. Middle class Hispanics may have a stronger
folk theory of “making it” than middle-class Asian Americans. All of this runs
counter to cultural-ecological theory, which states that involuntary immigrants have
lower educational aspirations.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
100
The interaction of race/class analyses provides important information about
educational aspirations. Using cultural-ecological or cultural explanations to
understand the differences between Asian Americans and Hispanics groups is not
enough. The issue of educational aspirations is much more complex. A racial
explanation is not enough to understand these differences either. The interaction of
race/class demonstrates the importance of understanding the influences that are
unique in ethnic income levels.
Educational Opportunities
The hypothesis concerning the involuntary (Hispanics) and voluntary (Asian
Americans) status of minorities in their relationship with educational opportunities is
proven true. Hispanics felt less satisfaction than Caucasians about their educational
opportunities. Asian Americans have a more positive experience in the educational
system and report more satisfaction with educational opportunities. On the other
hand, Hispanics felt less satisfaction about their ability to advance their education.
When comparing the involuntary and voluntary immigrants as a cohesive racial
group, predications for educational aspirations are accurate.
One of the interesting findings of this study is that when comparing Hispanics
and Asian Americans, Hispanics report lower levels of satisfaction with their
educational opportunities than Asian Americans (Table 6). This finding supports
cultural-ecological theory in explaining the differences between involuntary and
voluntary immigrants. Cultural-ecological theory states that involuntary immigrants
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
101
will have less satisfaction with educational opportunities than voluntary immigrants.
The difference in satisfaction of educational opportunities can be an indication of
each group’s frame-of-reference. This study support Samuel, Krugly-Smolska, and
Warren (2001), which found that voluntary immigrants are more satisfied with
educational opportunities in American than from their country of origin.
One reason that Hispanics are dissatisfied with their educational opportunities
might be that Hispanic youths encounter more discrimination than Asian Americans
and whites in school (Wayman, 2002; Steinberg, et al, 1992). Ogbu (1991) states
that discrimination is instrumental in creating a negative frame-of-reference.
Hispanics, by being involuntary immigrants, are subjected to more discrimination
than voluntary immigrants. Discrimination can be seen as another barrier that
Hispanics face in school that discourages them about their ability to achieve
academically.
Immigrants in comparison to non-immigrants are satisfied with furthering
their education. Again, Ogbu’s (1990) theory that immigrants are happier about their
educational opportunities than non-immigrants bears out in this study. Ogbu points
out that immigrants are more content with educational opportunities, because they
compare educational opportunities in the United States with their country of origin.
Immigrants' positive attitude about educational advancement is an indicator that
immigrants come to America for education. Even if the immigrants are relegated to
poorer or inferior schools, the belief in educational betterment forms their view that
opportunities are still better in the United States than in their country of origin.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
102
The positive attitude about educational opportunities can be interpreted as the
"immigrant optimism" that Kao and Tienda (1995) describe. Immigrant optimism is
the belief in upward mobility by educational means. Kao and Tienda’s (1995) theory
of immigrant optimism taps into the idealism and faith of immigrants in the
education opportunities that are available for their children. Immigrants believe the
social, political, and language barriers are only temporary. They also view
discrimination as a temporary hurdle that enough education can conquer. Immigrant
optimism can act as a buffer against discrimination. The effects of discrimination
lessen when immigrant optimism is high.
Parental involvement becomes clearly important in gauging the level of
satisfaction of educational opportunities felt by respondents. If parents are involved,
more satisfaction with educational opportunities is found in all three types of parental
involvement. This result is independent of income level.
Hispanics feel less satisfaction with educational opportunities. One of the
failings of this study is that no direct explanation on the reasons why Hispanics are
less satisfied or why Asian Americans are more satisfied with educational
opportunities can be provided. To understand the differences that occur between
involuntary and voluntary immigrants, the next step in research should be a
qualitative analysis. This study supports the basic premise of the differences between
involuntary and voluntary immigrants in their satisfaction with educational
opportunities.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
103
VI. Conclusions
Cultural-Ecological Theory
This research examines some of the basic tenets of cultural-ecological theory.
The findings of this research in educational aspirations of involuntary and voluntary
immigrants support some of the primary hypotheses of cultural-ecological theory.
One significant aspect of what propels or impedes ethnic minorities in education is
how they interpret their surroundings. How involuntary and voluntary immigrants
make sense of the interaction with society shapes the folk theories of “making it” and
ffame-of-references. What cultural-ecological theory provides is a framework for
understanding the reasons why the differences occur.
As Ogbu (1991) predicts, this study finds that involuntary immigrants have
lower educational aspirations than voluntary immigrants. Many different factors affect
educational aspirations. Ainsworth, James, and Downey (1998) state that not many
studies have been done to test the hypothesis of the cultural-ecological study. One of
the hopes of this study is to provide some of the groundwork to check the basic
premises of the theory. This study did find that involuntary immigrants had lower
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
104
educational aspirations than voluntary immigrants as a whole; but, when ethnic
minorities are examined by class levels, cultural-ecological theory becomes less
forceful.
The results of this research are consistent with cultural-ecological theory in
that it finds that involuntary immigrants are less satisfied with educational
opportunities than voluntary immigrants. Satisfaction with educational opportunities
has a powerful influence on how students gauge their educational aspirations. The
more satisfied with educational opportunities, the higher the educational aspirations.
Satisfaction with educational opportunities influences everything from parental
involvement to educational goals.
The real question about the relationship between education and educational
satisfaction is how it shapes the belief system of ethnic groups. If Hispanics
experience less satisfaction than other groups, then the internal belief that education
is not a viable path to success is created (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Hispanics then
form a folk theory of “making it” that does not center on educational success and is
not consistent with mainstream society. If society and school systems continually tell
Hispanics that they cannot perform well academically, then their folk theory of
“making it” incorporates the opinion of others, thus creating a belief system that does
not recognize educational attainment as a viable goal.
On the other hand, Asian Americans feel very satisfied with their opportunity
to further their education. They form a folk theory of “making it” that is hinged on
their ability to achieve academically. The common belief is that Asian Americans
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
105
highly value education, but part of the reality maybe that they face less
discouragement than other ethnic groups. Asian Americans may have more support
in their academic endeavors from school staff. Less discouragement about school
issues can have a positive affect the belief of Asian Americans ability to do well in
school.
The contrast of the two racial groups conveys the importance of how
satisfaction of educational opportunities affects each group's assessment of the
importance of education. This research has demonstrated that satisfaction of
educational opportunities impacts many different areas for Asian Americans and
Hispanics. Satisfaction of educational opportunities seems to influence how
immigrants view other aspects of the education experience. An example is that the
more satisfied with educational opportunities, the more likely parents will participate
in school organizations and provide outside resources. Parents that experience less
satisfaction may perceive more alienation from school officials and participate less in
school activities.
Parental Involvement
To truly understand the effects of parental involvement in schools, all forms
of parental involvement in schools should be included in research. In understanding
the relationship between parental involvement and academic success, two types of
parental involvement appear to have more influence than a third type of parental
involvement. Parents that are involved in school organizations and providing outside
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
io6
resources seem to have more influences on academic success than the at-home
discussions. At-home discussions appear not to have the constant influence on
academic achievement and attitudes that the other two types of parental involvement
have. Parents may talk to their children, but the conversation may not necessary
center on the importance of academics. Further research should be conducted on the
categories of at-home discussions. Are conversations about subjects other than
education important to the academic growth of the child or are only discussions
concerning academics helpful?
The problem with at-home discussion is twofold for ethnic minorities.
Languages and unfamiliarity with school procedures present a barrier for ethnic
parents to discuss school issues with their children. Children with questions about
schools may not feel that their parents can provide adequate guidance in school
matters. Language becomes a dilemma when ethnic parents are unfamiliar with
English. If schools do not provide language assistances then the rift between schools
and ethnic parents remains. Since both parties are unable cross the barrier of
language, the problem will continue to exist.
Parental involvement is vital to the positive influence of academic
achievement and attitudes. Parental involvement serves two purposes in academics.
The first is that it provides a bridge between the school and parents. The second is
that parental involvement conveys the message that education is important. Parental
involvement provides the opportunity to share cultural values with school officials.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
107
Immigrants
Education is important to an immigrant’s idea of achieving success in
America. The higher levels of immigrant educational aspiration support the cultural-
ecological theory of frame-of-reference. Immigrants, compared to non-immigrants,
exhibited a stronger desire to achieve more academically. Kao and Tienda’s (1998)
idea of "immigrant optimism" materializes in the conviction of immigrants in their
belief in their ability to achieve academic success. Though most immigrants are
ethnic minorities, normal barriers that other ethnic minorities perceive in society do
not seem to deter immigrant parents. Immigrants compare the current educational
opportunities with the lack of educational opportunities from their country of origin.
Immigrants are more satisfied with their opportunities for education than non
immigrants. Ogbu (1991) found that ethnic immigrants compare their current
education situation with their possible education situation from their country of
origin. It is within the comparison that optimism flourishes. Ethnic minorities that
live in poorer areas may contrast their schools with middle class schools. On the
other hand, immigrants may not be making similar comparisons.
The immigration factor should be further studied to understand how the
frame-of-reference of immigrants is able to cushion obstacles that other ethnic
minorities encounter. Immigrants may not have encountered the history of racial bias
as involuntary immigrant, but may perceive that racism and other problems are only
temporary hurdles that education can conquer. The positive frame-of-reference about
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
io 8
education that immigrants have produces higher expectations than socioeconomic or
ethnic profiles can predict.
Immigrants tend be less active in joining school organizations. The lack of
parental involvement for immigrants can be understood as being due to time
constraints and possible language obstacles. Immigrant parents are usually working
several jobs in order to survive financially and so they may not have the time to
participate in school activities. School officials should be sensitive to the time
pressures and time constraints that immigrant parents are under. Immigrants may not
have the language skills to communicate with schools. Schools may not have the
language capability to handle all the different ethnic groups. This creates a double
bind situation that impedes both immigrant parents and school officials from
participating interaction. Because of the lower socioeconomic status of many
immigrant children, they are regulated to poorer schools. These poorer schools may
have fewer resources to handle language problems.
The Interaction of Race/Class and/or Ethclass Effect
The interaction of race/class casts new information about educational
aspiration and attitudes. The interaction of race/class demonstrates that the cultural-
ecological theory and cultural explanations about educational aspiration or attitudes
are limited in scope. When examining involuntary and voluntary immigrants as racial
groups, then the cultural-ecological theory proves to be true. Involuntary immigrants
do have lower educational aspirations than voluntary immigrants, but when the
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
109
interaction of race/class is introduced, the racial explanation of cultural-ecological
theory is not enough. Involuntary and voluntary immigrants are also influenced by
the interaction of class levels. The cultural-ecological theory needs to take into
account the SES influences.
The interaction of race/class sheds lights on the lower Asian American class
level desire for higher academic achievement compared to other ethnicity class
levels. Not all Asian American class levels demonstrated the same desire for
education aspiration. Asian Americans lack of constancy of educational aspirations
across income levels demonstrates that the racially based explanation of cultural-
ecological theory is inadequate to understand the ethnic differences. In broad terms,
cultural-ecological theory applies to Asian Americans and Hispanics. The interaction
of race/class demonstrates that not all Asian Americans are similar in their
educational goals. The folk theory of “making it” should be similar for all Asian
Americans. However, the lower income levels of Asian Americans do not have the
same folk theory of success as other income groups. The interaction of race/class
demonstrates that the combination of race and class created a unique effect on
educational aspiration for Asian Americans.
One finding that contradicts cultural-ecological theory is that Hispanics from
middle and upper income levels believed that they would go further in school
compared to Asian American middle class. Only Hispanics from the lower class have
a more negative view about education compared to middle class Asian Americans.
Cultural-ecological theory seems only to be suited in making generalizations of the
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
no
educational aspirations of Hispanics and Asian Americans. Examining each income
level of Hispanics allows for a more through understanding of the complexity of
attitudes about education.
One of the disappointments of using the interaction of race/class is that it is
only significant in a few of the areas studied. Not every question about academic
aspirations demonstrates that interaction of race/class is an important addition to
understanding the issues. Where the interaction of race/class is significant, it brings
new information that is vital to understanding of how race and class interact and
influences educational aspiration.
One of the difficulties that is encountered in this analysis is that the nuances
may be missed. One of the limitations of this research is that it is not able to
examine how the folk theory of “making it” changes when income rises for
involuntary immigrants (Hispanics). It would be interesting to know what causes
middle and upper class Hispanics to have higher educational aspirations than Asian
Americans. Cultural-ecological theory provides a comprehensive framework to
understand the educational difference between ethnic minorities
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
I ll
VII. References
Adams, T. (1998). Pulling the plug on gender-related differences in mathematics.
Preventing School Failure. 42(4), pp. 176-190.
Alba, R. & Nee, V. (1997). Rethinking assimilation theory for a new ear of
immigration. International Migration Review. 31(4, p. 826-875.
Ainsworth-Damell, J & Downey, D. (1998). Assessing the appositional culture
explanation for racial/ethnic differences in school performance. American
Sociological Review. 63(4), p. 536-553
Arias, B. (1986). The context of education for Hispanic students. Journal of
Education. 95; p. 26-57.
Auerbach, S. (2002). Why do they give the good classes to some and not to others?
Latino parent narratives of struggle in a college access programs. Teachers
College. 104(7), pp. 1369-1396.
Bakker, D. & Jones, D. (1993). Creating gender equality: Cross-national gender
stratification and mathematical performance. Sociology of Education. 86(4),
pp. 91-103.
Barringer, H., Takeuchi, D., & Xenos, P. (1990). Education, occupational prestige,
and income of Asian Americans. Sociology of Education. 63(1), pp. 27-43.
Battle, J. (1997). Academic achievement among Hispanic students from one-versus
dual parent household. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 19(20), pp.
156-171.
Berger, H., & Epstein, J. (1982). Parents as Partners in Education: The School and
Home Working Together (2d ed.). Columbus, OH: Merrill.
Beveridge, M., & Jerrams, A. (1981). Parental involvement in language
development: an evaluation of school-based parental assistance plan. British
Journal of Educational Psychology. 51, pp. 259-269.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
112
Blair, S., Blair, M. & Madamba, A. (Racial/ethnic differences in high school
students' academic performance: Understanding the interweave of social class
and ethnicity in the family context. Journal of Comparative Family. 30(3), p.
539-355.
Blair, S. & Qian, Z. (1998). Family and Asian students' educational performance: A
consideration of diversity. Journal of Family Issues. 19(4), pp. 355-375.
Bond, G. (1981). Social economic status and educational achievement: A review
article. Anthropology and Education Quarterly. 12(4) p. 227-257.
Bower, B. (1986). The 'math gap' puzzling sex differences. Science News. 130(1),
pp. 357-360.
Brace, G. (1994). Ethnicity and School Achievement. Phi Delta Kappan. 76, pp. 252-
254.
Brandon, P. (1991). Gender differences in young Asian Americans' educational
aspirations. Sex Roles. 25(1-2), pp. 45-61.
Bridgeman, B. & Wendler, C. (1989). Prediction of grades in college mathematics
courses as a component of placement validity of SAT-mathematics. College
Board Report No. 89-90. U.S.: New York.
Bunge, F. (1985). South Korea: A Country Study. USA: United States Government.
Buriel, R. (1993). Acculturation, respect for cultural differences, and biculturalism
among three generations of Mexican American and Euro American School
Children. Journal of Genetic Psychology. 154(4), p.531-167.
Buriel, R. & Cardoza, D. (1988). Sociocultural correlates of achievement among
three generations of Mexican American high school seniors. American
Educational Research Journal. 25(20), pp. 177-192.
Campbell, J. & Connolly, C. (1987). Deciphering the effects of socialization. Journal
of Educational Equity and Leadership. 7, pp.208-222.
Caplan, N., Choy, M., & Witmore, J. (1992). Children of the Boat People: A Study
of Educational Success. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Carpenter, P. & Hayden, M. (1987). Girls' academic achievements: Single-sex versus
coeducational schools in Australia. Sociology of Education. 60(7), pp. 156-
167.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
H3
Carson, A. (1994). American's new immigration: characteristics, destinations, and
impact, 1970-1989. The Social Science Journal. 31(3), p. 213-36.
Casteel, C. (1998). Teacher-student interactions and race in integrated classrooms.
The Journal of Educational Research. 92(12), pp. 115-128.
Chavez, L. (!997). Hispanics pursue thee American dream. USA Today. 126, pp. 22-
25.
Chavez, L. (1987). The next underclass? The truth about Hispanic poverty. The New
Republic. 197, pp. 12-14.
Chavkin, N. & Williams, D. (1989). Low-income parents' attitudes toward parents'
involvement in education. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare. 16, pp. 17-
29.
Chrispeels, J. & Rivero, E. (2001). Engaging Latino families for student success;
How parent education can reshape parents’ sense of place in the education of
their children. Peabody Journal of Education. 76(2), p. 119-169.
Coleman, J. (1987). Families and schools. Educational Researcher. 16, pp. 32-38.
Collison, M. (1999). For Hispanics, demographic imperative drives educational
mandate. Black Issues in Higher Education. 16(17), pp. 56.
Comer, J. (1986). Home-school relationships as they affect the academic success of
children. Education and Urban Society. 51, pp. 442-446.
Comer, P. (1984). Parents as providers of linguistic and social capital. Education
Horizons. 6(2), pp. 259-269.
Cotter, D., Herhsen, J., & Vannehan, R. (1999). Systems of gender, race, and class
inequality: Multilevel analyses. Social Forces. 18(12), p. 433-455.
Crystal, d., Chen, C., Fuligni, A., Stevenson, H., Hsu, C., Ko, H., Kitamura, S., &
Kimura, S. (1994). Psychological Maladjustment and academic achievement:
A cross-cultural study of Japanese, Chinese, and American high school
students. Child Development. 65, pp. 738-753.
DeBlassie, A. & Deblassie, R. (1996). Education of Hispanic youth: A cultural lag.
Adolescence. 31. pp.205-216.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
114
Desimone, L. (1999). Linking parent involvement with student achievement: Do race
and income matter? The Journal of Educational Research. 93(1), pp.l 1-30.
Dixon, P., Fukuda, N., & Bems, A. (1970). Cognitive and personalogical factor
patterns for Japanese-American high school students in Hawaii.
Psvcholgoica. 13, pp. 35-41.
Dobratz, B. (1988). Socioeconomic mobility and ethclass in primary group relations.
Ethnic Groups. 7, pp. 227-257.
Driscoll, A. (1999). Risk of high school dropout among immigrant and native
Hispanic youth. International Migration Review. 33(4), pp. 857-874.
Ducan, O., Featherman, D., & Duncan, B. (1972). Socioeconomic background and
Achievement. New York: Seminar Press.
Duran, B., & Weffer, R., Immigrants' aspirations, high school process, and academic
outcomes. American Educational Research Journal. Vol. 29. pp. 163-181.
Eccles, J. & Harold, R. (1993). Parent-school involvement during the early
adolescent years. Teachers College Record. 94(3), pp. 568-587.
Esptein, J. (1991). Effects on student achievement of teachers/ practices of parent
involvement. In S. Silver (Ed.), Advances in Reading/Language Research:
Vol. 5 Literacy Through Family, Community, and School Interaction.
Greenwich, CT: JAI.
Felson, R. & Trudeau, L. (1991). Gender differences in mathematics performance.
Social Psychology Quarterly. 54(2), pp. 113-127.
Fine, M. & Cook, D. (1993). A parent involvement: Refection on parents, power and
urban public schools. Teachers College Record. 94, pp. 682-710.
Fradd, S. & Correa, V. (1989). Hispanic Students at risk: Do we abdicate or
advocate? Exceptional Children. 56(2), pp. 105-111.
Friedenberg, J. (1999). Predicting dropout among Hispanic youth and children.
Journal of Industrial Teacher Education. 36(3), pp. 70-85.
Fuligni, A. (1997). The academic achievement of adolescents from immigrant
families: The roles of family background, attitudes, and behavior. Child
Development. 68(2), pp. 351-363.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
H5
Fuligni, A. (2001). Family obligation and the academic motivation of adolescents
from Asian, Latin American, and European backgrounds. New Directions for
Child and Adolescent Development, n. 94, p. 61-75.
Garcia, C. Gender differences in young children's interactions when learning
fundamental motor skills. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport. 65(3),
pp. 213-226.
Garcia, M., & Thompson, C. (1999). Hispanics as academics: The difficult road to
equity. Education of Hispanics in the United States. 6 . P. 223-246.
Gardner, R., Fitzgerald, R. Gifford, A. Zuma, J., & Carroll, C. (1988). Asian
Americans: Growth, change and diversity. Population Bulletin. 40(4).
Gehring, J. (2001). SAT said to be a reliable predictor of college success. Education
Week. 20(34), pp. 3.
Gibson, M. (1987). The school performance of immigrant minorities: A comparative
view. Anthropology and Education Quarterly. 18(4). p. 262-275.
Gilliam, F. & Whitby, K. (1989). Race, class, and attitudes toward social welfare
spending: An ethclass interpretation. Social Science Quarterly. 70(1), pp. 8 8 -
101.
Gillock, K & Reyes, O. (1999). Stress, support, and academic performance of urban,
low-income, Mexican-American Adolescents. Journal of Youth and
Adolescence. 28(2), pp. 259-279.
Goldenberg, C.; Gallimore, R.; Reese, L. (2001). Cause or effect? A longitudinal
study or immigrant parents’ aspirations and expectations, and their children’s
school. American Educational Research Journal. 38(3), pp. 547-582.
Gordon, M. (1964). Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, religion, and
Naitonal Origins. New York: Oxford University Press.
Gordon, M. (1978). Human Nature. Class and Ethnicity. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Goto, S. (1997). Nerds, normal people, and homeboys: Accommodation and
Resistance among Chinese American students. Anthropology & Education
Quarterly. 28(1), pp. 70-84.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
n6
Gould, M. (1999). Race and theory: Culture, poverty, and adaptation to
discrimination in Wilson and Ogbu. Sociological Theory. 30, pp. 171-195.
Gradin, S. (1994). What's gender got to do with it? National Forum. 74(1), pp. 19-22.
Graham, S., Taylor, A., & Hudley, C. (1998). Exploring achievement values among
ethnic minority early adolescents. Journal of Educational Psychology. 90(4),
pp. 606-620.
Grant, L & Rong, X. (1999). Gender, immigrant generation, ethnicity and the
schooling progress of youth. Journal of Research & Development in
Education. 33(1). p. 15-26
Grant, C. & Sleeter, C. (1986). Race, class, and gender in education research.: An
argument for integrative analysis. Review of Educational Research. 56, pp.
195-211.
Griffth, J. (1998). The relation of school structure and social environment ot parent
involvement in elementary schools. The Elementary School Journal. 99(1),
pp. 53-81.
Harris, S. (1993). The influence of personal and family factors on achievement needs
and concerns of African-American and Euro-American college women. Sex
Roles: A Journal of Research. 29(9-10), pp. 671-700.
Hayes, K. (1992). Attitudes toward education: Voluntary and involuntary immigrants
from the same families. Anthropology & Education Quarterly. 23. pp. 250 -
265.
Headden, S. (1997). The Hispanic dropout mystery: A staggering 30 percent leave
school, far more than blacks or whites. Why? U.S. News & World Report.
123(15), pp. 64-66.
Henderson, A. (1988). Parents are a school's best friends. Phi Delta Kant)an. 70(2),
pp. 148-153.
Hernandez, M. (1997). A Profile of Hispanic Americans. Executive Summary.
Population Resource Center, Princeton, NJ.
Hickey, M. (1998). "Back home, nobody'd do that": immigrant students and cultural
models of schooling. Social Education. 62(7), pp. 442-447.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
117
Hickman, C., & Greenwood, G., & Miller, M. (1995). High school parent
involvement: Relations with achievement, grade level, SES, and gender.
Journal of Research and Development in Education. 28(3), pp. 125-134.
Hirschman, C. & Wong, M. (1986). The extraordinary educational aspiration of
Asian-Americans: A search for historical evidence and explanations. Social
Forces. 65(10), pp. 1-27.
Hood, S. & Freeman, D. (2000). Contrasting experience of white students and
students of color in a year-round high school. The Journal of Negro
Education. 69(4), pp. 349-360.
Hoover-Dempsey, K., Bassler, O., & Brissie, J. (1987). Parent involvement:
Contributions of teacher efficacy, school socioeconomic status and other
school characteristics. American Education Research Journal. 24, pp. 417-
435.
Horvat, E. & Antonio, A. (1999). Hey, those shoes are out of uniform: African
American girls in an elite high school and the importance of habitus.
Anthropology & Education Quarterly. 30(3), p. 317-342.
Horton, H. & Thomas, M. (1998). Race, class and family structure: Differences in
housing values for black and white homeowners. Sociological Inquiry. 68(1),
p. 114-136.
Homblower, M. (1998). Beyond the Gender Images. Time. 152(16), pp90-92.
Homan, L. (1997). Working effectively with Hispanic immigrant families. Phi Delta
Kappan. 78(8). pp. 647-670.
Howe, C. (1994). Improving the achievement of Hispanic students. Educational
Leadership. 51(8), pp. 42-45.
Hsia, J. 91988) Asian Americans in Higher Education and at Work. Hillsday, NJ:
Lawrences Eribaum.
Huang, K. (1988). Tripartite cultural personality and ethclass assessment. Journal of
Sociology & Social Welfare, pp. 99-119.
Huang, L. (1956). Dating and courtship innovations of Chinese students in America.
Marriage and Family Living. 18, pp. 25-29.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
u 8
Hurtado , M. & Gauvain, M. (1997). Acculturation and planning for college among
youth of Mexican descent. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 19(4),
pp. 506-517.
Iber, G. (1992). Academic Performance. Acculturation and Ethnic Identify Traits of
First and Second Generation Mexican-Americans High School Students in
Rural Iowa Town. U.S.: Iowa.
Jung, M. (1984). Structural family therapy: Its application to Chinese families.
Family Process 23, pp. 365-374.
Jordan, W., Lara, J., & McPartland, M. (1996). Exploring the causes of early dropout
among race-ethnic and gender groups. Youth & Society. 28(1), pp. 62-95,
Kane, C. (1998). Differences in family of origin perceptions among African
American, Asian American, and Hispanic American college students. Journal
of Black Studies. 29(1), pp. 93-116.
Kantrowitz, B. (1991). Falling further behind; a generation of Hispanics isn't making
the grade. Newsweek. 118(8), pp. 60-61.
Kao, G. (1995). Asian Americans as Model Minorities? A look at their academic
performance. American Journal of Education. 103. pp. 121-159.
Kao, G. & Tienda, M. (1998). Educational aspirations of minority youth. American
Journal of Education. 106(3). P. 349-385.
Kao, G., & Tienda, M. (1995) Optimism and achievement: the educational
performance of immigrant youth. Social Science Quarterly. 76(1), pp. 1-19.
Kara-Akecuim R., Urbtm B, & Ebeberm R, (Developing academically supportive
behaviors among Hispanic parents: What elementary teachers and
administrators can do. Preventing School Failure. 42(1), pp. 27-33.
Katz, D., & Kahn, R. (1978). The Social Psychology of Organizations (2d ed.) New
York: Wiley.
Keith, T. (1991). Parent Involvement and Achievement in High School. In S. Sivem
(ed.) Advances in reading/language research: literacy through family,
community, and school interaction. 5, pp. 125-141.
Kianian, A. (1996). Gender and mathematics achievement parity, evidence from
post-secondary education. Education. 116(4), pp. 586-593.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
119
King, J. (1996). Improving the Odds: Factors that Increase the Likelihood of Four-
Year College Attendance among High School College Board Report No. 96-
2JJ.S.: New York.
Kim, T. (2001). SAT II better predictor of college success, UC says. Education
Week. 21(101. p p . 14.
Kitano, H. (1976). Japanese Americans: the Evolution of a Subculture. New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Kleinfeld, J. (1999). Student performance: Males versus females. The Public Interest.
134(1), pp. 3-4.
Kozlowski, S., & Hattrup, K. (1992). A disagreement about within-group agreement:
Disentangling issues of consistency versus consensus. Journal of Applied
Psychology. 77(21. pp. 161-167.
Kourvetaris, G. & Dobratz, B. (1988). An empirical test of Gordon's ethclass
hypothesis among three ethnoreligious groups. Sociology and Social
Research. 61(1), pp. 39-54.
Lange, R. & Rupp, J. (1992). Ethnic background, social class or status?
Developments in school aspiration of the children of immigrants in the
Netherlands. Ethnic and Racial Studies. 15(2), pp. 284-305.
Lee, E.S., & Rong, X. L., (1988). The educational and economic achievement of
Asian Americans. Elementary School Journal. 8 8 ; pp. 545-560.
Lopez, L., Rodriguez, R., & Sanchez, V. (1995). The relationship between parental
education and school involvement of Mexican-American parents.
Psychological Reports. 77(3), pp. 1203-1208.
Lueptow. L. (1980). Social change and sex role change in adolescent orientation
toward life, work, and achievement: 1967-1975. Social Psychology Quarterly.
43(1), pp. 48-59.
Lum, D. (1990). Cultural values and minority people of color. Journal of Sociology
& Social Welfare, p. 59-74.
McNeal, R. (1999). Parental involvement as social capital: Differential effectiveness
on science achievement, truancy, and dropping out. Social Forces. 78(1), pp.
117-144.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
120
Massey, D. (1981). Dimensions of the new immigration to the United States and the
prospects for assimilation. Annual Review of Sociology., pp. 57-83.
Massey, D. (1995). The new immigration and ethnicity in the United States.
Population and Development Review. 21(1), pp. 631652.
Marger, M. (1978). A reexamination of Gordon's ethclass. Sociological Focus. 11(1),
pp. 21-33.
Maijoribanks, K. (1990). Ethclass, the achievement syndrome, and children's
cognitive performance. The Journal of Educational Research. Pp. 326-350.
Majoribanks, K. (1984). Aspirations: Sibling and family environment. Genetic
Psychology Mongraphvs. 110, pp. 3-10.
Marshall, J. (1994). California's Immigration Problem. National Review, p.25-26.
Mau, W. (1997). Parental influences on the high school students' academic
achievement: A comparison of Asian immigrants, Asian Americans, and
White Americans. Psychology in the Schools. 34(3), pp. 267-277.
Mau, W. (1995). Educational planning and academic achievement of middle school
students: A racial and cultural comparison. Journal of Counseling and
Development. 73(5), pp. 518-527.
Meredith, G. Meredith, C. (1973). Acculturation and personality among Japanese-
American college students in Hawaii. In S. S. Sue & N. N Wagner (Eds.),
Asian-Americans Psychological Perspectives. Science and Behavior Books:
Palo Alto, CA.
Mickelson, R. (1989). Why does Jane read and write so well? The anomaly of
women's achievement. Sociology of Education. 62(1), pp. 47-63.
Micklethwait, J. (2000). The next America. The Economist. 354(8161), p. 15-16.
Naidoo, J. & Davis, J. (1988). Canadian South Asian women in transition: A
dualistic view of life. Journal of Comparative Family Studies. 19, pp. 331 -
327.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
121
Nel, J. (1995). From theory to practice: Ogbu and Erickson in the multicultural
education curriculum. Action in Teacher Education. 17(1). P. 60-69.
O'Halloran, C. (1995). Mexican American female students who were successful in
high school science courses. Equity & Excellence in Education. 28(2), pp. 57-
65.
Ogbu, J. (1978). Minority Education and Caste. New York: Academic Press, Inc.
Ogbu, J.(1990). Minority education in comparative perspective. Journal of Negro
Education. 59: p. 45-54
Ogbu, J. & Matute-Bianchi, M (1986). Understanding Sociocultural factors:
knowledge, identity, and school adjustment. Beyond Language: Social and
Cultural Factors in Schooling Language Minority Students, p 73-142.
Ogbu, J. & Simons, H. (1998). Voluntary and involuntary minorities: A cultural-
ecological theory of school performance with some implications for
education. Anthropology & Education Quarterly. 29(2), pp. 155-188.
Okagaki, L & Sternberg, R.(1993). Parental beliefs and children's school
performance. Child Development. 64; pp. 36-56.
Olneck, M. & Lazerson, M. (1974). The school achievement of immigrant children:
1900-1930. History of Education Quarterly. 14, pp.453-482.
Ong, P. & Wing, L. The social contract to education all children. Reframing the
Immigration Debate.
Orfield, G. (1986). Hispanic education: Challenges, research and policies. American
Journal of Education. 95: pp. 1-25.
Omstein, A. & Levine, D. (1989). Social class, race, and school achievement:
Problems and prospects. Journal of Teacher Education. Pp. 17-21,
Oropesa, R. & Landale, N. (1997), In search of the new second generation:
Alternative strategies for identifying second generation children and
understanding their acquisition of English. Sociological Perspectives. 40(3),
Pp. 429-455.
Ovadia S. (2001). Race, class, and gender differences in high school seniors’ values:
applying intersection theory in empirical. Social Science Quarterly. 82(2), p.
340-356.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
122
Ovando, C. (1994) Insights on diversity reflections of an involuntary voluntary
immigrant. Bilingual Research Journal. 16, p. 115-117.
Qian, Z. & Blair, S. (1999). Racial/ethnic differences in educational aspirations of
high school seniors. Sociological Perspectives. 42(4), pp. 605-625.
Pieke, F. (1991). Chinese education achievement and "Folk theories of success".
Anthropology & Education Quarterly. 22, pp. 162-178.
Perez, M., Pinzon, H., & Garza, R. (1997). Latino Families: Partners for success in
school settings. Journal of School Health. 67(5), pp. 182-185.
Perez-Granados, D. & Callana, M. (1997). Parents and siblings as early resources for
young children's learning in Mexican-descent families. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences. 19(1), pp. 3-33.
Portes, A. & MacLeod, D. (1999). Educating the second generation: Determinates of
academic achievement among children of immigrants in the United States.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 25(3), pp. 373-404.
Ransford, E. (1994). Race and Class in American Society: Blacks, Latino, and
Anglo. Vermont: Schenkman Books, Inc.
Ransford, E. (1986). Race, heart, disease worry and health protective behavior.
Social Science Medical. 22(12), pp. 1355-1362.
Reardon, S. & Yun, J. (2001). Suburban racial change and suburban school
segregation, 1987-1995. Sociology of Education. 74(2), pp. 79-101.
Reyes, O. & Jason, L. (1992). Pilot study examining factors associated academic
success for Hispanic high school students. Journal of Youth and Adolescence.
22(1), pp. 57-71.
Rong, X. & Grant, L. (1992). Ethnicity, generation, and school aspiration of Asians,
Hispanics, and non-Hispanic Whites. The Sociological Quarterly. 33(4). pp.
625-626.
Rooney, M. (2002). Report on Latino students notes high enrollment race, lower
graduation rate. The Chronicle of Higher Education. 49(4), pp. A36.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
123
Rumberger, R. & Larson, K. (1982). Toward explaining differences in educational
achievement among Mexican American language-minority students. Pp. 65-
91.
Schneider, B. & Coleman, J. (1993)(Eds.). Parents. Their Children, and Schools.
Westview Press: San Francisco.
Seginer, R. (1983). Parents' educational expectations and children's academic
achievement: A literature review. Merrill Palmer Quarterly. 29, pp. 1-23.
Serbin, L., Zelkowitz, P., Doyle, A., Gold, D., & Wheaton, B. (1990). The
socialization of sex-differentiated skills and academic performance: A
mediation model. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research. 23(11), pp. 613-629.
Simpson, J. (2001). Segregated by subject: Racial differences in the factors
influencing academic major between European Americans, and African,
Hispanic and Native Americans. The Journal of Higher Education. 72(1), pp.
63-100.
Smith, T. (1992). Gender differences in the scientific achievement of adolescents:
Effects of age and parental separation. Social Forces. 71(2), pp. 469-485.
Snyder, V., Hackett, R., Stewart, M.., & Smith, D. (2002). Predicting Academic
Performance and Retention of Private University Freshmen in Need of
Developmental Education. U.S.: California.
Slater, R. (1994). The growing gender gap in blacks higher education. The Journal
of Blacks in Higher Education. Pp. 52-59.
Spencer, H. (1996). Mathematical SAT test scores and college chemistry grades.
Journal of Chemical Education. 73, pp. 1150-1153.
Spradlin, L., Welsh, L. & Hinson, S. (2000). Exploring African American academic
achievement: Obgu and Brookover perspectives. Journal of African American
Men. 5(1), p. 17.
Steinberg, L., Dombusch, S., & Brown, B. (1992). Ethnic differences in adolescent
achievement: An ecological perspective. American Psychologist. 47(6), pp.
723-729.
Steinberg, L. (1996). Ethnicity and adolescent achievement. American Educator. Pp.
28-35.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
124
Steinkamp, M. & Maehr, M. (1984). Gender differences in motivation toward
achievement in school science: A quantitative synthesis. American
Educational Research Journal. 21(1), pp 39-59.
Stevenson, D., & Baker, D. (1987). The family-school relation and the child's school
performance. Child Development. 58, pp. 1348-1357.
Stevenson, H. (1988). Cross-cultural studies of parental influence on children's
achievement. Human Development 31: 349-350.
Strage, A. (2000). Predictors of college adjustment and success: Similarities and
differences among Southeast-Asian-American, and white students. Education.
120(4), pp. 731-40.
Singh, K., Bickley, P., Trivette, P., Keith, T., Keith, P., &Anderson, E. (1995). The
effects of four components of parental involvement on eighth grade student
achievement: Structural analysis of NESL- 8 8 data. School Psychology
Review. 24(2), pp. 299-317.
Solorzano, D. (1992). An exploratory analysis of the effects of race, class and gender
on student and parent mobility aspirations. Journal of Negro Education.
61(1), p. 30-44.
Stockard, J. & Wood, W. (1984). The image of female underachievement: A
reexamination of sex differences in Academic underachievement. American
Educational Research Journal. 21(4), pp. 826-838.
Strage, A. (1999). Social and academic integration and college success: similarities
and differences as function of ethnicity and family educational background.
College Student Journal. 33(2). P 198-205.
Sue, S. & Okazaki, S. (1990). Asian-American education achievements. American
Psychologist. 45(8), pp. 913-920.
Sui-chu, E., & Willms, D. (1996). Effects of parental involvement on eighth-grade
achievement. Sociology of Education. 69, pp. 126-141.
Teachman, J. (1987). Family background, educational resources, and educational
aspiration. American Sociological Review. 52, pp. 548-557.
Ting, S. (2000). Predicting Asian Americans’ academic performance in the first year
of college: An approach combing SAT scores and noncognitive variables.
Journal of College Student Development. 41(4), pp. 442-449.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
125
Trusty, J. & Harris, M. (1999). Los talent: Predictors of the stability of educational
expectations across adolescence. Journal of Adolescent Research. 14(3) p.
359-382.
Velex, W.(1989). High school attrition among Hispanic and Non-Hispanic White
youth. Sociology of Education. 62: 119-133.
Viadero, D. & Johnston, R. (2000). Lifting minority achievement: Complex answers.
Education Week. 19(30), pp. 1,14-16.
Wayman, J. (2002). Student perceptions of teacher ethnic bias: A comparison of
Mexican American and non-Latino white dropouts and students. The High
School Journal. 85(3), pp. 27-37.
Waxman, H., Huang, S., & Padron, Y. (1997). Motivation and learning environment
differences between resilient and nonresilient Latino middle school students.
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 19(2), pp. 137137-156,
Weiss, M. (1970). Selective acculturation and the dating process: the patterning of
Chinese-Caucasian interracial dating. Journal of Marriage and the Family. 32,
pp. 273-278.
Whitman, D. (1987). For Latinos, a growing divide; Hispanics increasingly believe
America's tradition of the melting pot. U.S. News & World Report. 103, pp.
47-50.
Wilson, G. (2000). Race, class, and support for egalitarian statism among the African
American middle class. Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare. 27(3), p.
75-91.
Wojtkiewicz, R. & Donato, K. (1995). Hispanic educational aspiration: The effects
of family background and nativity. Social Forces. 74(2), pp. 559-575.
Yu, L. (1984). Acculturation and stress within Chinese American families. Journal of
Comparative Family Studies. 15, pp. 77-94.
Zambrana, R. & Dorrington, C. (1998). Economic and social vulnerability of Latino
children and families by subgroup: implication for child welfare. Child
Welfare. 77(1), pp. 5-28.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
126
VIII. Appendix A
Description of Variables used in the Analyses
Dependent Variables
Discrimination
Educational Aspiration
Parental Involvement
Discrimination felt by children
Respondent took SAT/ACT
Parent involved with school activities
1 . Traditional-parent/teacher organizations
2. Home resources
3. Home involvement
Reference Group
White Native Boms Respondents that identified themselves as Caucasian
and bom in the United States.
Independent Variables
Race
Hispanic Dummy’ 1, Hispanic ethnic group, 0 otherwise
Asian Dummy’ 1, Asian ethnic group, 0 otherwise
Parental Information ofRespondent
Fed Father's level of education
Med Mother's level of education
Parental Involvement Parent involved with school activities
Parental Support Supporting education goals for children
Personal
Female Dummy’1, female, 0 otherwise
Male Dummy’ 1, male, 0 otherwise
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
127
Discrimination
Education important
Parental Involvement
Immigration
Discrimination felt by children
Belief of the importance of education for
better life
Parent involved with school activities
1. Traditional-parent/teacher organizations
2. Home resources
3. Home involvement
Mothers and fathers birthplace is used to decided
immigration status
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
128
IX. Appendix B
Variables List
All variables included in each year of the questionnaire expect when noted.
BYS34A - Father's education level
1. No high school degree
2. Graduated high school
3. Some college or vocational school
4. College degree
5. Graduated degree
All other values coded missing.
BYS34B - Mother's education level
1. No high school degree
2. Graduated high school
3. Some college or vocational school
4. College degree
5. Graduated degree
All other values coded missing.
BYS37A - Important to attend school
1. Yes
2. No
BYS37B - Parents spoke to teacher/counselors
1. Yes
2. No
BYS37C - Parents visited class
1. Yes
2. No
BYS37D - Parents attend school event
1. Yes
2. No
BYS45 - How far in school do you think you will go?
1. Won't finish high school
2. Will finish high school
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
129
3. Some college or vocational school
4. Finish college
5. Graduate school
BYFAMINC - Family income (Composite)
1. $0-9,999
2. $10,000- 19,999
3. $20,000-34,999
4. $35,999-49,000
5. $50,000-74,999
6. $75,000- 199,999
FLS66D - Education is important to get a job later
1. Agree
2. Disagree
F2S7C - Teaching is good at school
1. Agree
2. Disagree
F2S7D - Teachers are interested in students
1. Agree
2. Disagree
F2S7I - Discipline is fair in school
1. Agree
2. Disagree
F2S44B - Has respondent taken the SAT?
1. No
2. Yes
F2S44C - Has respondent taken the ACT?
1. No
2. Yes
FLD40 - How much education needed to get a good job later?
1. High school diploma or less
2. Some college or vocation school
3. College degree
4. Graduate degree
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
BYP30 - Highest level of education completed
1. Less than high school
2. High school graduate
3. Some collage or vocation school
4. College degree
5. Graduate school
BYP76 - How far respondent expects child to go in school
1. Less than high school
2. High school graduate
3. Some college or vocation school
4. College degree
5. Graduate degree
F2P62A - Respondent encourage teen to prepare for the SAT
1. Yes
2. No
F2P62B - Respondent encourage teen to prepare for the ACT
1. Yes
2. No
F2P74 - Total family income from all sources (Composite)
1. $0 - 9,999
2. $10,000 - 19,999
3. $20,000 - 34,999
4. $35,999 - 49,000
5. $50,000 - 74,999
6. $75,000 - 199,999
F1D40 - How much education need to get a job
1. Some high school
2. High school degree
3. Some college or vocation school
4. College degree
5. Graduate degree
F3HISP - Hispanic sub group
1. Collapsed into one group accounting for Hispanics (Composite)
F39PL - Asian/PI sub group
1. Collapsed into one group accounting for Asians/PI (Composite)
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
i3 i
F3SEX - Gender of respondent (Composite)
1. Male
2. Female
BYS36 - Discuss programs at school with parents
1. Yes
2. No
BYS36C - Discuss things studied in class with parents
1. Yes
2. No
F2PTALK - Parents discuss school-related matters with child
1. Yes
2. No
BYP60A - Child study art outside of school
1. Yes
2. No
BYP60B - Child study music outside of school
1. Yes
2. No
BYP60G - Child study computer outside of school
1. Yes
2. No
BYP70 - Computer in home used for educational purposes
1. Yes
2. No
FUTHED - Satisfied opportunity to further education
1. Dissatisfied
5. Somewhat satisfied
6. Very Satisfied
BYP11 - 8 ^ grader's mother's birthplace
1. Bom in the U.S.
2. Bom in Puerto Rico
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
3. Bom in another country
4. Don't know
BYP14 - 8 to grader's mother's birthplace
1. Bom in the U.S.
2. Bom in Puerto Rico
3. Bom in another country
4. Don't know
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
133
Male
Female
Asian
Hispanic
White
PGRAD
PCOLL
PJRCOLL
PHS
MUSYES
MUSNO
ORYES
ORNO
AG1
DIS2
DSAC
DSTAL
LOWCL
MIDCL
HICHCL
IMMIGRAN
ASCLASS
LACLASS
X. Appendix C - Coding of Dummy Variables
Composite Sex (FISEX), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Composite Sex (FISEX), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Composite Race (FIRACE), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Composite Race (FIRACE), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Composite Race (FIRACE), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
All other races (e.g. Native American, Black) are considered
missing.
Parents have a graduate degree (BYPARED), Dummy 1,
otherwise 0
Parents have a college degree (BYPARED), Dummy 1,
otherwise 0
Parents have a less than fours year of college or technical
degree (BYPARED), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Parents have a high school degree or less (BYPARED),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Took music lessons outside of school (BYP60B), Dummy 1,
otherwise 0
Did not take music lessons outside of school (BYP60B),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Parent participate in parent/teacher organizations (BYP59C),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Parents does not participate in parent/teacher organizations
(BYP59C), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Students are graded fairly (F2S7I), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Students are not graded fairly (F2S7I), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Does not talk to parents about school activities (F2S99B),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Talk to parent one or more times about school activities
(F2S99B), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Income from $0 - 24,999 (BYFAMINC), Dummy 1, otherwise
0
Income from $25,000 - 49,999 (BYFAMINC), Dummy 1,
otherwise 0
Income from $50,000 - 200,000 or more (BYFAMINC),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Father and Mother are immigrants (BYP11 + BYP14),
Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Asian* Income (Asianl*BYFAMINC), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
Latino*Income (Latino 1*BYFAMIC), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
134
WHCLASS White*Income (White*BYFAMINC), Dummy 1, otherwise 0
DI2 Discipline is fair in schools (F1D12D), 0 ‘ agree with
statement, 1 ‘ disagree with statement
FAIR Students are graded fairly (F2S7I), 0 ‘ agree with statement, 1
‘ disagree with statement
MUS Study music outside of school (BYP60B), 0 ‘ yes take music
lessons, 1 ‘ no, does not take music lessons
PORG Belong to a parent/teacher organization (BYP59C), 0 ‘ yes,
belong to an organization, 1 ‘ no, not a part of an organization
SATS Respondent has or has not taken the SAT (F2S44B), 0 ‘ no, 1
‘ yes
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Interfaith family process and the negotiation of identity and difference

PDF

Intergenerational conflict, family functioning, and acculturation experienced by Asian American community college students

PDF

Family functioning, intergenerational conflict, and psychological symptomology of Asian American college students

PDF

Assimilation and ethnicity: Adaptation patterns and ethnic identity of Armenian -Americans in central California

PDF

A cross-cultural comparison of marital power and dyadic adjustment among American, Indo-American, and East Indian dual-career and single-career couples

PDF

Family -based risk and protective mechanisms for youth at -risk of gang joining

PDF

The adoptive closet: Social interactions and social disclosure

PDF

Impact of language and culture on a neuropsychological screening battery for Hispanics

PDF

Diagnosing communication connections: Reaching underserved communities through existing communication ecologies

PDF

Factors influencing minority parents to place their children in private schools

PDF

Factors shaping the career choices of Korean American teachers and teacher candidates

PDF

Innovative incorporation of cultural arts in Jewish education: How to enlighten the Jewish community with quality cultural arts programming

PDF

In church with my ancestors: The changing shape of religious memory in the Republic of Armenia and the North American diaspora

PDF

Gay men with eating disorders and food, body image, and exercise concerns: A group treatment approach

PDF

Domestic violence in the South Asian immigrant community

PDF

Child sexual abuse in a sample of male and female Hispanic and White nonclinical adolescents: Extending the reliability and validity of the Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI)

PDF

Effects of parenting style and ethnic identity on European American and Asian Indian adolescents' academic competence and self esteem

PDF

Changing patterns of interracial marriages of Asian Indians in California

PDF

"It's always something": African-American women's college reentry experience

PDF

*Class and place within the Los Angeles African American community, 1940--1990

Asset Metadata

Creator Hahn, Jeannie Y. (author)

Core Title A cultural -ecological analysis of educational aspirations and satisfaction of educational opportunities of Asian -Americans and Hispanics: Understanding the interaction of race and class, paren...

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology ( Marriage and Family Therapy)

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, sociology of,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,sociology, individual and family studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor James, Angela (committee chair), Binder, Amy (committee member), Chung, Ruth H. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-637099

Unique identifier UC11335077

Identifier 3116710.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-637099 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3116710.pdf

Dmrecord 637099

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Hahn, Jeannie Y.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA