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Catholic schools and civic engagement: A case study of community service -learning and its impact on critical consciousness and social capital
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CATHOLIC SCHOOLS AND CIVIC ENGAGEMENT: A CASE STUDY OF COMMUNITY SERVICE-LEARNING AND ITS IMPACT ON CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND SOCIAL CAPITAL by Paul Baron Stewart, III A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (EDUCATION) August 2003 Copyright 2003 Paul Baron Stewart, III R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. UMI Number: 3116791 Copyright 2003 by Stewart, Paul Baron, III All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3116791 Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695 This dissertation, written by __________ PAUL BARON STEWART. ITT___________ under the direction o f /ii s dissertation committee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Director o f Graduate and Professional Programs, in partial fulfillment o f the requirements fo r the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Director Date A u g u st 12 2 0 0 3 Dissertation Committee C l /jk u u u r R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. DEDICATION To Jerome R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS The completion of this dissertation would not have been possible without the support and love o f many individuals. First I must thank the faculty and students at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. For three years, they offered me a professional home and always supported my scholarly endeavors. They opened their doors to critique in hope of creating a better learning environment for the students, and out of a personal favor to me. I wish to thank the five professors who selflessly agreed to sit on my doctoral committee: William Rideout, Nelly Stromquist, Richard Sundeen, Melora Sundt, and the late David Eskey. I would like to acknowledge separately Dr s. Sundeen and Sundt for agreeing to sit on my committee without ever having had me in one of their classes. In particular, my thanks and appreciation goes to Dr. Nelly Stromquist, my advisor. She provided expeditious feedback on my work, while maintaining an internationally recognized research agenda, mentoring other doctoral students, and teaching graduate classes. She is an amazingly brilliant, approachable scholar who is passionate about social change through education and it has been an inspiration to get to know her over the past 5 years. I have also been fortunate to have numerous friends and family members who have offered me support over the one year process of writing my dissertation. Of course, my mother, father, and sister are central in this support. Although they could never quite understand why I was still in school, or exactly what earning a doctoral degree meant, they continued to ask how my studies were progressing, what my R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. iv research was about, and what my future plans involved. I hope that I have made them proud by becoming the first family member to hold a graduate degree, let alone a doctorate. There are also several friends that I wish to thank. Without their support and humor, this dissertation would have been more difficult: Pam Mullen for opening her home to me during trips to California to collect data; Rita Diamant for taking me out to dinner so that I could save my money for future data collection trips; Andrea Clemons for providing me with insight into what to expect in the dissertation process, as well as letting me share her office; April Tofanelli for graciously accepting me as her roommate and understanding my need to work; Elizabeth Cartwright for being my “Grace” and providing me with unending humor and friendship over the past 15 years; and, Diane Rodriguez who has offered me residence, empathy, and logistical support. I wish all of these individuals the utmost happiness and continued success in their professional and academic careers. Lastly, and most importantly, I owe a tremendous amount of gratitude to my partner and best friend Dr. Jerome Smith. Jerome has provided me with emotional and financial support, periods o f escape, and constructive criticism. I love him more than I tend to express, and cannot imagine happiness without him. For this reason, I dedicate this dissertation to him. R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. V TABLE OF CONTENTS Dedication ........................... ii Acknowledgements. ................................... iii List of Tables .................. x Abstract. ......................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1: THE PROBLEM AND ITS EXPLICATION Historical Foundations of Individualism in America. ................................................. 1 Institutionalizing America’s Fatal Flaw: Common-Schools and Individualism 3 Modem Schools: Harbingers of Individualism................................. 7 Purpose of the Study.................. 12 Rationalization for the Study............................. 13 Why Community Service-Learning?.................................. 13 Why Adolescents?.... ..... 15 Why Catholic Education?...................... 18 Why St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School?............................................. 20 Significance of the Study.............................................. 21 Research Questions............................................................................................................. 23 Organization of the Study. ....... 24 CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE Overview ............................. ..26 Social Reproduction and Education. ......................................... 28 Human Capital ............................. 29 Cultural Capital. ............................................................. 38 Social Capital........................ 47 Conceptualizing Community. .......................................................... 57 Service-Learning for Community-School-Student Connections............................ 65 Efforts Toward Defining Service-Learning ........................................ 65 Service-Leaming’s Foundations in Dewey’s Experiential Learning..............68 Conceptualizing Effective Service-Learning Programs ........................... 70 Structure ................................................................. 71 Processes and Components of Effective Service-Learning Programs. ...... 76 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. vi Secular Service Interventions. .............................................. 104 National Efforts............................................................. 105 State Efforts.......................................................................................................... 110 Grassroots Efforts. .................................................. 113 Catholicism and Service-Learning..................................................................... 115 Catholicism and Service......................................................................................115 Catholicism and Learning. .......................................... 118 Criticality, Pedagogy, and Freire..................................................................... 120 Critical Theory and the Frankfurt School.........................................................121 Freirean Emancipatory Pedagogy. ................................. 123 Stages o f Critical Consciousness....................................................................... 126 Catholicism and Social Justice................................................. 129 Application o f Critical Pedagogy to Catholic Education & Social Justice.. 132 Adolescence: Identity, Social Pressure, and Faith.......................................................134 Adolescent Identity Development and Egocentrism.......................................135 Social Influences on Conformity. ............................................ 138 Faith Development in Adolescents.................................................................... 139 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN & METHODOLOGY Overview.............................................................................................................................142 Case Study Design................................................. 142 Conceptual Framework.....................................................................................................144 Procedure and Participants............................. 148 Recruitment and Selection Criteria of Student Participants...........................148 Application of Selection Criteria and Student Participants............................152 Recruitment and Rationalization of Faculty Participants .................159 Data Collection and Treatment........................................................................................162 Archival School Data........................................................................................... 162 Semi-Structured Interviews: Student and Faculty/Administration...............163 Student Reflection Papers...................................................... ........................ ..167 Ethical Responsibilities.................. 169 Research Schedule: Summary...........................................................................171 Data Analyses................................................................................. 172 Analysis Intra-Interview .................. 174 Tape Transcription............................................................................................... 174 Coding.............................................................. 175 Self and Relationship to Research. ......................................................... .....177 Summary..................................................................................................................... 181 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. vii CH APTER 4: HISTO RICA L FOUNDATIONS & CONTEM PORARY DEM OGRAPHICS OF ST. THOM AS AQUINAS CATHOLIC H IG H SCHOOL Overview................................ 182 Geography and History of Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School................182 High School Demographics............................................................................................. 185 Christian Service at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School: History & Programmatic Anatomy .............. 191 Christian Service at STACHS: A Brief History............................................. 191 Outcomes from Organizational Reflection. ................................................194 Service Recipient Populations: Associated Grade Level and Rationale....195 Faculty Familiarity with the Rationale behind Service Recipient Group Selection.......................................................................................198 Rationale behind Additional Changes to Required Service Hours...200 Summary. ....... 202 CHAPTER 5: PROCEDURAL COMPONENTS O F SERVICE PROGRAM S: ST. THOM AS AQUINAS CATHOLIC H IG H SCHOOL AND BEST PRACTICES Overview. ........ 204 Preparation for Service.................................................................................................... 205 Stakeholders’ Understanding o f Programmatic Goals and Purposes........... 205 Training and Orientation for Service.................................................................211 Community Collaboration..................................................................................220 The Role of Religion Teachers in Students’ Service Experiences............... 222 Arranging Service............................................................................................................. 232 Advantages to Arranging Service................. 233 Disadvantages to Arranging Service. ......................................................... 237 Engagement in Service. ....... 242 Types o f Service Tasks........................................ 243 Service Tasks and Motivation to Engage in Future Service.......................... 248 Choice of Tasks/Duties .......................................................................... 254 Role o f Site Supervisors in Students’ Service Experiences........................... 255 Numbers o f Service Hours Completed & W hy............................................... 260 Deconstructing Service................................................................. 270 Types and Prevalence of Reflection. ........ 271 Reflection and Student Outcomes.................................................................... 277 Assessment & Evaluation................................................................................................278 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. CHAPTER 6: OUTCOMES FROM STUDENT ENGAGEMENT IN CHRISTIAN SERVICE AT SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL Overview.............................................................................................................................283 Outcomes Stated in Program Documents...................................................................... 283 Civic Outcomes. ........................ 283 Religious Outcomes. ....... 288 Social Awareness Outcomes..................................................................... 294 Critical Consciousness/Social Justice Outcomes.............................................298 Outcomes not Stated in Program Documents......................................... 307 Cognitive Outcomes............................................................................................308 Psychological Outcomes ....... 312 Social Capital Outcomes..................................................................................... 319 CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, & RECOMMENDATIONS Overview.............................................................................................................................328 Conclusions from the Study.............................................................................................328 Community and Social Capital. .............. 328 Enhancement of Critical Consciousness & Manifestation of Social Justice................................................................................................... 330 Civic Apathy and Individualism........................................................................ 333 Adolescent Identity Development. ..................................................................334 Implications to the Study................................................................................................. 335 The Modality of Service-Learning.................................................................... 336 Mandatory and Direct Service with Diverse Service Recipients 336 Reflection Opportunities........................................................................ 339 Extending the Program M odel................ 340 Social Actors in High School Service-Learning Programs............................341 T eachers........................................ ..341 Adolescent Students. ............................................................................. 343 Administrators..................................................... 346 Recommendations for Future Research ....... 347 References ........ 350 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. IX Appendices. ...................................................................... 380 Appendix A — Informational Sheet Distributed to Students........................ 380 Appendix B — Parent/Guardian & Student Informed Consent Form.......... 382 Appendix C — Senior Data Sheet.....................................................................384 Appendix D — Student Survey: Reason(s) for Not Participating................386 Appendix E — Student Participant Mini-Biographies by Gender............... 387 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. X LIST OF TABLES Table 1: A Service and Learning Typology...................................................................66 Table 2: Numbers of Students by Willingness and Eligibility.................................. 155 Table 3: Research Schedule: December 2001 - July 2002........................................172 Table 4: Summary o f High School Student Demographics (2001-2002). ..............187 Table 5: Summary o f Demographic Data on Student Participants...........................188 Table 6: Number of Faculty (2001-2002) by Length of Residency..........................190 R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. xi ABSTRACT In 1835, Alexis de Tocqueville warned that America’s casual and transient communal bonds could eventually lead to the isolation of its citizens, threatening the foundations o f American democratic society. Observers of contemporary society have concluded that individualism, autonomy, and self-reliance have triumphed over civic commitment and responsibility, and are perpetuated by our school systems. Students experience a lack of connection not only between classroom learning and their personal lives, but also between classroom learning and public issues. This explanatory and descriptive case study examined how 18 students enrolled in a diverse, urban Catholic high school became (re)connected to their communities through mandatory participation in a four-year service-learning program. In addition, this study aimed to discover whether the adolescents’ involvement in these service activities simultaneously empower and motivate them to think critically about their world and to work for social change. To accomplish this task, analyses of archival school records and policies, semi-structured interviews with student participants, faculty, and administration, and student participants’ reflection papers were guided by social capital theory, and framed within Paulo Freire’s concept of conscientizagdo. Analyses targeted specifically the characteristics of the experiences of the student participants, the structure and processes o f the high school’s service program, and the outcomes from students’ participation. R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. Four conclusions were drawn from the study: 1) direct service to numerous, diverse service recipient populations enables students to reconnect to former, to establish new, and to develop existing social networks; 2) mandatory service informs students’ critical awareness by exposing them to different realities, although it is unlikely that students will achieve critical consciousness if substantive reflection activities are limited; 3) service programs can decrease civic apathy by exposing students to the phenomenon o f community service and to meaningful, adult roles that are available to them; and, 4) service programs offer a viable and enjoyable means to integrate adolescents into civic life and to build healthy identities. R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 1 CHAPTER 1 THE PROBLEM AND ITS EXPLICATION Historical Foundations of Individualism in America Upon his arrival in the United States in 1831, Alexis de Tocqueville ([1835] 1969) discovered that the country was suffering from growing pangs due to the immense social, economic, and cultural changes of the time. Specifically, America was evolving from an underdeveloped seacoast settlement to an immigrant-dense melting pot (Miller, 2000). The technological and industrial forces that had gathered at the beginning o f the 19th century were primarily responsible for this transformation. American factories had begun to put into practice the concepts of capitalism called for by master economist Adam Smith (1776) in his masterpiece The Wealth of Nations. Smith posited that the wealth of the state would increase if individuals were allowed to pursue their self-interests with little interference from the government. He argued that the state would benefit simultaneously because in serving their own interests, citizens would be unconsciously serving those of the public as well. Smith’s notions coincided with the contemporary American ideas of autonomy and opposition to government interference. He contextualized his hypothesis by explaining that a division of labor through individual specialization in existing factories would increase productivity. De Tocqueville ([1835] 1969) admired Americans’ independence, and marveled at their love of trade and passion for making money. He noted, in R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 2 particular, the differences between communal bonds in America and those in his native France. He asserted that America’s communal bonds were more casual and transient, in part because of the individuals' "restlessness in the midst of prosperity,” and because Americans "never stop thinking of the good things they have not got" (p. 565). He even coined an essential phrase to capture the characteristics and traits he was witnessing - individualisme. De Tocqueville warned, however, that the strong notion of individualism could eventually lead to the isolation of individuals, threatening the potential of American democratic society. He recognized that this attribute in the American character could be a fatal flaw if individuals allowed their self-interest to turn into selfishness. During his travels, de Tocqueville did note that one characteristic, central to the ties between individuals in America, could prevent the fledgling nation from destroying itself - volunteering. America was a nation of joiners. Individuals bonded and banded together for myriad associations, including trade groups, literary gatherings, and political and religious societies. Historians have even found evidence that some cynics established anti-unification organizations (Massur, 2000). De Tocqueville argued that the power o f association could offset the dismembering effects of a nation of individuals and would allow Americans to accomplish great works. Although individualism could lead to isolation and solitude, these associations created instead a sense of community and belonging. R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 3 Institutionalizing America’s Fatal Flaw: Common-Schools and Individualism The demographic changes in 19th century America concerned the established Protestant majority about how to maintain America’s identity o f independence and growing wealth. Their concern with identity stemmed primarily from the ecclesiastical and socioeconomic differences of the steady influx o f Catholic immigrants. The Protestants’ worries were not completely unfounded. They had already experienced religious tension during the ideological shift from the Puritanical stymies of Calvinism (i.e., innate depravity, predestination, and everlasting punishment; Massur, 2000) to the more contemporary tenets of individual free will and free moral agency. The sustainability of an increasing wealth also concerned Americans. The majority o f recent immigrants, particularly the Irish, were poor, uneducated, unskilled, and used to a system of privatization in their home countries. Questions were raised about how a nationalistic spirit would be built with the steady arrival of ethnic and religious groups who did not share the same “American” values. Education was soon identified as a means to acculturate the diverse population. Schools would become socialization factories where “common values” could be developed and disseminated via educated pupils. However, school attendance during this era was not universal. Furthermore, schools were few in number and in miserable physical conditions. They were also located outside of the reach of the greater populous, often in the poorest, crime-laden parts of the cities. It comes as no surprise, then, that few students attended schools, and that the rich R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 4 provided private tutors for their children (Tozer et a l, 1998). These conflicts provided a powerful stimulus for school reform. The most notable educational reform of the time, and what has been referred to as a transition to modem schooling (Tozer et al., 1998), was Horace Mann’s common schools plan. Mann purported a causal relationship between public schooling and a democratic society. He advocated literacy as the means for citizens to exercise their right to participation in a representative political process. Mann also alleged that education could continue the process of creating a unique American identity (Cremin, 1957). For him, a common basic education that promoted a sense of national identity and purpose would act as the unifying bond o f a common culture in the heterogeneous nation. Like his fellow Americans, Mann espoused that a common set of values must be taught to the nation’s children. He also held at the core of his reform efforts that these values must be of a moral nature. He was particularly concerned with the apparent breakdown o f the moral consensus and the resulting conflict in his society - arguably, related to the aforementioned demographic, economic, and religious changes. Mann advocated for “common elements” which would support and sustain industrial development. However, the values that should be developed as a basis for individual growth and social stability were not easily agreed upon. Mann advocated for those “common elements” which would support and sustain industrial development. This is unsurprising given that Mann was a former legislative spokesperson for industrial and railroad businesses, an attorney, and a classical R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 5 liberal who was interested in the growth of towns and cities (Messerli, 1972). These elements included regard for truth, love o f country, chastity, and moderation (Tozer et al., 1998) - features based on the “great Christian truths” (i.e., Protestantism). Disagreements founded in conflicting religious dogma unsurprisingly arose over Mann’s values for individual growth and social stability. Irish Catholics, for example, objected when the “common elements” were accompanied with the reading of the King James Bible. They perceived the common school as positioned against Catholicism, and eventually they built a separate system of parochial schools. Thus, ironically, M ann’s effort to integrate children of various social, economic, and ethnic backgrounds into the broad American community around commonly held values led to a competing private school system with potentially conflicting values. Religious segregation over a common identity was not the only element related to Mann’s common schools that fostered loss of community cohesion. The economic ends sought by his common schools plan served to further isolate individuals from their greater connection to society. Horace Mann originally tried to promote his common schools plan by arguing that investing today in the education of tomorrow’s workforce would provide human resources of higher intelligence and creativity. However, the factory owners, and other constituents, withdrew their support o f Mann’s educational plan when a link between education and the promised cognitive and creative outcomes failed to manifest. In an effort to regain political and financial support for his common schools, Mann capitalized on the upsurge in industrial development and the greed of R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 6 America’s growing citizenry. Laying the foundation for contemporary human capital theory, Mann promised factory owners that education could be used as a means to enculturate students (i.e., future workers) into the value system of industrialized factory life. Such “industrial morality” meant that workers would be more punctual, diligent, obedient, and less likely to be unreasonable during periods of labor turmoil (Tozer et al., 1998). To accomplish these goals, however, classroom activities and routines were structured so that students worked individually, as they later would in their individual, specialized factory positions. Cooperation and interaction were discouraged while self-aggrandizement was supported. Mann also used this propaganda to earn the interest of other constituent groups, namely working class parents and upper class elites. He sent the message that education would make poor children rich, while providing a workforce that would increase the affluence of the elite. Mann’s reliance on economic rationalization was ironic, however, given that he considered the use o f education as a means to a financial end as the lowest of its possible beneficent influences (Tozer et al., 1998). With this said, the competing forces o f individualism and communal associations conceived by de Tocqueville were not restricted to the economic and social realms; an individualist culture, framed within notions of capitalist gains, had permeated common school classrooms within a decade of his visit. R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 7 Modem Schools: Harbingers of Individualism The prosperous, yet materialist nature of America and of its citizens remains a reality over 170 years after de Tocqueville’s visit. Barber (1992) and other observers o f contemporary society (e.g., Bellah et al., 1996; Putnam, 2000) conclude that in the last half century in particular, individualism, autonomy, and self-reliance have triumphed over commitment, citizenship demands, and civic responsibility. Proctor (1992) believes that the ties connecting us with others are disintegrating and that society is overwhelmed by “a general lack o f cooperation among individuals and a retreat from personal and social responsibility throughout American society” (p. 9). This conversion from civic to self-interest is clarified in a comparison of two often-cited contemporary presidential speeches. In his inaugural address, President John F. Kennedy challenged the nation with this famous appeal: "Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country." Only two decades later in a campaign speech Ronald Reagan asked: "Are you better off today than you were four years ago?" If Kennedy's exhortation reflected an idealism and sense of collective mission, Reagan's question epitomized the individualism and materialism of which de Tocqueville warned. In the 21st century, globalization has exacerbated the effect of such egocentrism by shifting the structure of global economics toward a homogeneous culture based on capitalism; this phenomenon is founded on economic competition and individual consumerism. Community institutions, once the shapers of the values of individuals and their relationships, have become fragmented by external economic R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. forces and now arguably serve instead to perpetuate globalization’s dominion (Friedman, 2000). The American educational system is one of these former communal institutions. A vivid example of the relationship between education and economic prowess can be found in the First Wave reforms which grew out of concern with the dissolution of American economic competitiveness and were launched by several reports of the early 1980s, particularly A Nation at Risk (National Commission on Excellence in Education, 1983). Although two more comprehensive "waves" followed, it is telling that America’s educational system was only considered "at risk" when its economic domination o f the global market was endangered. In moving toward practices reflective of human capital theory, the community has lost its connection to and sense of ownership of the school, isolating an essential element of participatory democracy. Merz and Furman (1997) argue that there is a strong anti-communitarian ethos in our school systems, one in which schools are considered instruments: instruments of the economy, so that literate and productive workers are prepared; instruments o f the state, so that laws are followed willingly; and, instruments o f bureaucracy, so that teachers and other educational officials remain employed. Most specifically for schools, families and communities have abdicated their responsibility to supply "social capital" to the next generation, as suggested by Coleman (1987). Instead, school socialization processes are driven by the preferences of the business elite on centralized school boards who operate schools as highly bureaucratic, system-dominated factory models that inhibit a R eproduced with perm ission o f the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 9 socially relevant academic focus (Hansen, 1999). Such an organization typically is characterized as impersonal (isolated), non-responsive, and competitive, placing a high value on individual success over collective well-being. As many analysts have documented (Apple, 1979, 1986; Callahan, 1962; Giroux & Penna, 1977; Haubrich, 1971), schools have even adopted the bureaucratic organizational system found in corporate business. They are structured in such a way as to promote a division o f labor within a hierarchical system. Principals manage the physical plant and staff; teachers teach the curriculum content; psychologists test children; special education teachers teach children with special needs; social workers deal with the children’s emotional or family problems as they are related to pupil performance in the schools; and students “consume” school knowledge as they work on their assignments (Goodman, 1992). In addition, teachers work in segregated classrooms and rarely have opportunities to actively communicate or participate in educational decisions with their colleagues. As Sarason (1982) notes, teachers often cite this professional isolation as a central aspect of their job experience. Such structure is not surprising given that institutions reflect the values and social relations found in a given society. Referring specifically to schools, Popkewitz (1983) echoes this sentiment: “The patterns of school conduct are always rooted in assumptions about the nature of society, of individuality and of the relation of the individual to that society” (p. 11). However, schools do not only reflect societal culture, but perpetuate it: “Institutions control human conduct by setting up R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 10 predefined patterns of conduct which control it in one direction and against the many other directions that would theoretically be possible” (Berger and Luckmann, 1967, p. 59). As a response to increasing global consumer and market demands, the role of education has been reduced to training students to be productive. Bryk (1998) summarizes this cynical view: "Schools are preparing students for a competitive, individualistic, secular, and materialistic world" (p. 260). In this manner, individualism is persuasively woven into our students’ consciousness. Bernstein (1975) has commented that “radical individualism” is reflected and fostered in most schools. It is connected with an unrelenting emphasis on skills and academics and goes hand-in-hand with individual competition. This is clearly evidenced in the competitive and individualistic goal structures that have dominated American education over the past half-century. Students usually come to school with competitive expectations and pressures from their parents, having been enculturated into believing that success and achievement rests in the academic defeat of peers. In such competitive situations there is a negative interdependence among goal achievements; students perceive that they can obtain their goals if and only if the other students in the class fail to obtain their goals (Johnson and Johnson, 1975). Thus, a student seeks an outcome that is personally beneficial but is detrimental to others with whom he or she is competitively linked. Most typical in these competitive environments, and reminiscent of Mann’s common schools, is that students work by themselves to accomplish learning goals unrelated to those of the other students. Holt (1969, as cited in Winget, 1988) states R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 11 that this is splendid training for a world in which we are either conniving to defeat our neighbors, or are ignoring them altogether. The Carnegie Study furthers this point: Students are roughly divided into winners and losers. Such division may be in the classroom, where students compete with each other for the teacher’s attention or praise or through the grading system, or on the athletic field, or through acceptance or rejection by peers. Wherever it is, students quickly learn that they are in competition with each other. Such practices lead students to believe that they are in competition with one another. They are not “on a team” or allowed to collaborate, but rather the work, and the positive or negative outcomes associated with it, will be attributed only to the individual student whose name identifies the final product. Almost without exception, classrooms assume that learning occurs by and for individuals. Rarely do students develop the feeling that they are studying or exploring subject matter “together,” as a class or group (Boyer, 1983, p. 207). Lesko (1988) found that the cult of individualism is particularly prevalent in secondary school practices and structures. She identified seven practices of schooling that contribute to radical individualism: 1) preeminence of a definition of education as skills acquisition; 2) a strong emphasis on individual competition; 3) specialization among teachers; 4) a therapeutic model of school discipline; 5) legalistic, bureaucratic school organization; 6) an official value-neutrality; and, 7) continuous present moment with a neglect o f past and future (p. 14). She further observed that parochial secondary schools exhibit a tension not clearly identified in public schools; in addition to emphasizing education in skills and self-interested achievement, the religious-based education emphasizes character and morals and, hence, a direction toward the greater good. Clearly, educators and communities need R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 12 to reexamine the role that their relationship with youth plays in a civic-oriented, democratic society. PURPOSE OF THE STUDY Community service-learning is increasingly recognized as a valuable way to make education and learning more relevant and meaningful to the lives of youth, and it is understood to close the gap that so often exists between schools and their communities. Service experience, when set in a framework of substantive reflection, can also motivate and empower young people to think critically about their world and to act on it with a growing sense of purpose, agency, and optimism. In this way, service-learning promises constructive youth development, as it contributes to a clearer sense o f identity, self-worth, efficacy, and belonging, and it can motivate and prepare young people to work for valuable social change. In the process, it has the potential to serve as a strong antidote not only to the disconnectedness so often associated with adolescence in the postmodern world, but also to the forces o f radical individualism (Claus & Ogden, 1999). This explanatory and descriptive case study examines how students enrolled in a diverse, urban Catholic high school have become (re)connected to their communities through mandatory participation in a Catholic service-learning program. In addition, this study aims to discover whether the young peoples’ involvement in these service activities simultaneously empower and motivate them to think critically about their world and to work for social change. To accomplish this task, analyses of archival school records, student and faculty interviews, and R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 13 student reflection papers will be guided by social capital theory, and framed within Paulo Freire’s concept of conscientizagdo. Particular attention will be placed on the programmatic structure and processes of service-learning at the high school, and the characteristics o f the students’ service experiences which help to engage today’s adolescent generation so that the continuous downward spiral of civic disengagement might end and the commitment to solving America’s social problems strengthens. RATIONALIZATION FOR THE STUDY Why Community Service-Learning? In response to the dilemma produced by America’s adolescents’ civic disengagement and the role that schools play in its perpetuation, modem communitarians argue that Americans need to reexamine the relationship between the classroom and civil society. Hansen (1999) asserts that schools need to foster a civic responsibility that each individual is a valuable member o f his/her own community. Barber (1992) comments, for example, that public education was originally education in the res publica, in the community and for the community, demonstrating the once reflexive relationship between the two public institutions. He continues by noting that one means to reconnect education and citizenship would be through education-based community service. Promoting a spirit o f volunteerism and community service is often the pathway for drawing young people into their community (Coles, 1993; Lisman, 1998; Wuthnow, 1991). Arguments for including community service in the curriculum have appeared in education reform literature beginning with Dewey’s R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 14 pragmatic and experiential learning philosophy. Some advocates of the practice emphasize the character-building potential of service, its power to promote basic democratic values, and to develop patterns of responsible behavior. Others stress the potential o f service to vitalize education by stressing that it encourages different points of emphasis: “There is general agreement that well-designed programs can have a positive effect o f the social, psychological and intellectual development of participants...” (Conrad and Hedin, 1989, pp. i-ii). Education in civic responsibility is not, however, a substitute for more instrumental goals, such as learning to put into practice what has been already learned by the student (Eyler and Giles, 1999). When combined with formal education, and organized to provide concrete opportunities for youth to acquire knowledge and skills and to make a positive contribution, community-based service becomes a method o f learning, or "service-learning" (Alliance for Service-Learning in Education Reform, 1997). Westheimer and Kahne (1993) note that students and teachers involved in such activities experience a sense of membership rather than the isolation and alienation so frequently ascribed to youth as well as to members of the educational profession. Furthermore, community service-learning facilitates the transformation of a young person from a passive recipient of services to an active service provider and, consequently, helps redefine the perception of youth in the community from a cause of problems to a source of solutions. Service allows students this experience and provides a bridge between the academic world and the real world (Harrison, 1987, p. 5). R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 15 Proctor (1992) believes that the skills, energy, and enthusiasm of youth can be harnessed for the benefit of society, allowing them to “give” in a society where “taking” is the norm and to give of their time and talents in many different ways (pp. 2-3). Coleman (1965; 1974) suggests that students can learn self-responsibility through involvement in the community. The following quote illustrates the potential power o f simultaneously using schools, classrooms, and communities as laboratories for learning (Bigelow et al., 1994): When young people are asked to channel their idealism and energy into helping solve local problems, they build respect for themselves and acquire a stake in their community. When communities respond to young people with appreciation for their ideas and with resources for their development, young people feel both cared for and willing to care about others, (p. 6) Why Adolescents? Adolescence is characterized by a young person’s struggle to construct a permanent self-identity. This developmental stage warrants such a description because the adolescent in contemporary American society is no longer considered a child, yet does not possess the culturally defined characteristics of an adult. An outcome is that “We have created what might be called ‘compulsory youth,’ a substantial time between dependence and independence, a twilight zone of uncertainty and ambiguity of status....” (Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher Education, 1980, pp. 14-15) Because adolescents exist within an identity limbo, they have been forced “to constitute a small society, one that has most of its important interactions within itself and maintains only a few threads of connection with the outside adult society” R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 16 (Coleman, 1961 as cited in Sugarman, 1967, p. 18). In other words, the group self- segregates into a relatively estranged minority group, forming an “adolescent ghetto” (Musgrove, 1964, pp. 137-140), or what Harold Howe, former United States Coordinator o f Education, has referred to as “ ...an island in our society” (Howe, 1981, p. 27). Boyer supports this observation: We have no use in our economic system for our young people between the ages of 12 and 18, and precarious little use in our community affairs. So we suggest you sit quietly, behave yourselves, and study hard in the schools we provide as a holding pen until we are ready to accept you into the adult world. The answer o f American youth to this message, as well as that of the young people in other industrialized countries, is not printable in a polite speech to a polite audience. And youth has gone ahead to create its own culture with its own custom, its own music, and even its own language. (Boyer, 1983, p. 203) The reaction by adolescents to which Howe refers leads to a further widening of the gap between the marginalized adolescents and active participation within the larger civic community. At times, such distancing has even led to negative characterization o f teenagers as rebellious, selfish, lazy, and undisciplined (Boyer, 1983, pp. 202-203). They have even been described as "deficient - of knowledge, of skills, o f any useful capacities" (Kretzman and Schmitz, 1995, p. 8). However, Kvaraceus (1963) attributes adolescent disengagement and alienation to their growing up “in exile, or worse, in nihilo” (p. 87, emphasis added). Boyte (1992) carries this point a step further by blaming the older generations of adults for having excluded youth from participating in adult-centered civic activities. Whether this exclusion is developmentally related or evidence of ageism in practice, it is at this period that so much in terms of future commitment to civic R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission. 17 involvement is at stake. Thus, such segregation disconnects adolescents not only from their immediate civic roles, but from their future ones as well. Lesko (1988) and others (Passow, 1975; Boyer, 1983; Campbell, 1969) have commented that secondary schools hold adolescents in a position of atemporality, or a “continuous present moment” by isolating them from life outside of the classroom and delaying their learning of adult roles, work habits, and skills. More succinctly stated, schools are “social ‘aging vats’” (National Panel on High Schools and Adolescent Education, 1974, p. 6). Being denied the opportunity to be engaged in activities that are important to others, and therefore denied the rewards such work produces, leads to an insensitivity to the immediate problems affecting American society (Barber, 1992; Howe, 1986). The message directed toward adolescents in this instance is that they are unimportant to current civic needs. In response, teens are hardly motivated to prepare to be vital citizens in the future (Toffler, 1974, p. 15). Noddings (1992), like Dewey (1938; 1963), concurs: “Students often feel that no one cares for them, and they are not learning how to be carers themselves” (p. 32). In fact, Coleman indicates that students will not have had the opportunity to wrestle with many of the difficulty challenges they will face as adults, particularly coping with the increasingly large and complex global system they are entering (Coleman, 1961, p. 328). Wutzdorff (1993) echoes this concern: Throughout our educational system, we seek to produce skilled and engaged citizens who will have a positive impact on society. Yet we recognize that many students are not graduating with the knowledge and skills they need in order to function as effective and contributing citizens (p. 19). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 The problem of adolescent civic disengagement and ghettoization is not limited to the future o f America’s participatory democracy, however. It also extends to the psychosocial needs of individuals at this stage o f human development. In order for adolescents to develop a healthy sense of identity they must have opportunities to grow in confidence, self-reliance, and self-understanding (Gross, 1991; Erikson, 1968; DiCaprio, 1983; Mitchell, 1986; Harrington and Schine, 1989). Activities which provide teenagers opportunities to explore and demonstrate their abilities, and receive supportive feedback and rewards for their actions, will foster a healthy sense of identity. However, in the absence of a strong community-school association, students experience not only a lack o f connection between classroom learning and public issues, but also between classroom learning and their personal lives. Boyer observes: “.. .we have not just a school problem but a youth problem in the nation” (cited in Harrison, 1987, p. vii). Ironically, however, teenagers are constantly looking for intense experiences that will establish their identities and connect them to life outside of school walls and to adulthood (Sawyer, 1993). Furthermore, youth have exhibited “ ...a strong desire to serve others” (Grant Foundation Report, 1988, p. 81). In fact, “American society overlooks a vital resource, specifically, that the intelligence, idealism, and energies of youth can be tapped to strengthen the democratic process” (Grant Foundation Report, 1988, p. 51). In the words o f youth themselves: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 We think it important to provide a common spirit and identity to all the young people who will enlist in service to America if given the opportunity. There is a vital need for young people of our generation to feel they belong to something larger than themselves and their individual jobs - to feel there is a way to channel their originality, passion, energy, and commitment into meeting real national, state and local community needs. (Young People for National Service, 1993, p. 21). Why Catholic Education? In recent decades, Catholic schools have been the focus o f considerable interest and controversy among educational researchers and policy makers. This interest came about primarily from Coleman and Hoffer’s (1987) and Greeley’s (1982) studies linking the academic success of Black inner-city students to their attendance at Catholic schools. More recently, however, Catholic schools have found themselves under the focus of the lens of public school reform, specifically in terms of their role in the highly politicized and legally controversial voucher system. For this reason, an examination of the role that Catholic schools might play in the common good, and in education specifically, is creditable. Given the vanishing borders between private, religious schools and the education of the public, it behooves us to study the role that these schools and their programs might have on redirecting youth into civic arenas. A second reason that Catholic education deserves attention is that Catholicism explicitly teaches that one’s faith and love for God is demonstrated most clearly in active service to others. Ideally living according to the examples set from the life and teachings of Jesus Christ, Catholics should understand that being agents of transformation and social justice is a duty of every Christian. Lastly, the presence Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 of a religious component in studies of high school service-learning programs has been rare in the current literature. Such an inclusion would serve to extend the empirical foundations o f both service-learning and Catholic education. Why St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School? As a case study site, St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School (pseudonym) is ideal for several reasons beyond providing the researcher with access to a group of high school adolescents. First, it is located within the immediate confines of one of the most geographically expansive and demographically populous metropolitan areas in the United States. Such a setting would arguably be where individualism and loss of community are most rampant. Putnam (2000) has argued that “living in a major metropolitan agglomeration somehow weakens civic engagement and social capital” (p. 206). This becomes especially problematic when coupled with the secular trend of the last fifty years, wherein the vast majority of Americans have either moved to or immediately outside of such a metropolitan area (Putnam, 2000). The second reason it is a model case study site is that St. Thomas Aquinas requires that its students complete 100 hours of community service in order to receive a high school diploma. A message of charity and service, as well as social justice, exists at the foundation o f the Church’s doctrine and should therefore affect the service program at the school. Putnam (2000) points out that community service programs that are meaningful, regular, and woven into the fabric of the school curriculum can strengthen the “civic muscles” of their participants (p. 405). The combination of required hours and a philosophical mandate to engage in direct Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 service at St. Thomas Aquinas would arguably provide an ideal setting for students to connect to their communities, while simultaneously becoming more critically conscious. Finally, St. Thomas Aquinas reports an extremely diverse student body, thus allowing the researcher to examine how such a program might affect individuals from different backgrounds within a single setting. Although race, ethnicity, gender, and socioeconomic status are fairly routine variables of analysis in social science research, the fact that urban environments are heterogeneous in their compositions further validates this site for data collection. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY The importance of the proposed research to the fields of social and human science, and specifically to education and those institutions and individuals associated with education, can be divided into four elements. First, service-learning is a relatively new and variably defined attempt at educational reform and restoration of the community-school relationship. For this reason, research that seeks to support or extend previous work is important to assessing the potential success of this "sleeping giant of school reform" (Nathan and Kielsmeier, 1991). The second element deals with the school site and program being investigated, but is related directly to a lack of service-learning research. Most research on service-learning is focused at the community college and four-year university levels. Although studies have been completed at the high school level, the addition o f a religious component seldom has been attempted, excluding Oldenski's Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 (1997) study o f Vincent Gray Alternative High School in St. Louis, and Youniss and Yates’ (1997) ethnography of an inner city parochial high school's visits to a local Washington, D.C. soup kitchen. Third, given that student enrollment in operational Catholic schools is increasing, specifically among the disenfranchised, research on Catholic education in general can be considered deficient. In his book Priorities for Research on Catholic Schools, John J. Convey (1994) notes: Despite the dramatic increase in the number of studies dealing with Catholic schools during the past twenty-five years, the research agenda on Catholic schools is far from complete. A coordinated research effort is needed that will enable researchers, policy makers, and consumers to understand Catholic schools better, monitor their quality, and continue to identify those factors that contribute to their effectiveness (p. 128). The fourth, and final, element o f importance of this research is its potential contribution to developing the use of qualitative methodology in educational research. Almost all research concerned with Catholic schools over the past thirty years has used the traditional, survey research methodology. Convey (1992) states that "most studies are descriptive and [are limited to] employ [only] simple statistics, such as means, standard deviations, percentages, and correlations" (p. 5). He advocates for studies based in qualitative methods. Bryk, Lee, and Holland (1993) offer an explanation as to why research has continued to utilize positivistic methods. They argue that traditional research draws upon the discourses of human capital and an economic rationale to measure effectiveness and success. From this understanding of effective schools, one can easily compare Catholic schools with public schools, which tend to accept these Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 same discourses and tend to measure effectiveness the same way (i.e., test scores; Bryk et al., 1993). Lesko (1988) challenged further research and practice "to conceive o f schools as creations of human actions with meaning and potential beyond the surface.” To do so, she explains: “we must interpret schools, not just report surface characteristics, and we must view aspects of school in relation to other aspects, and in relation to social and cultural configurations" (p. 147). In other words, future research should instead be inspired by more inclusive discourses, such as social capital. RESEARCH QUESTIONS The importance of continued research on service-leaming’s role in reconnecting students to their communities, combined with the need for expanded methodologies in the investigation of Catholic education, have guided the following research questions for the present study: 1. What factors have affected or influenced the structure and implementation of the Christian service program at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School? 2. What do students, faculty, and administrators at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School understand to be the purpose/goal of the Christian Service program? 3. What are the programmatic processes that characterize the service experiences of seniors engaged in the Christian Service program at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School? 4. What outcomes characterize the service experiences of the seniors enrolled at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School? Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 5. Which elements of the service experiences of the seniors at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School demonstrate an establishment of, continuation of, or reconnection to providers of social capital? 6. Which aspects of the service experiences of the seniors at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School demonstrate a development or deficiency in critical awareness? ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY The remainder of this research will follow the traditional linear-analytic structure. The sequence of topics includes a review of the relevant, prior literature in Chapter 2. Neo-Marxist, social reproduction theories will be explained in order to serve as the theoretical framework for the study. The historical and theoretical backgrounds of service-learning will be examined, along with previously identified structures and processes of effective programs. A discussion o f Catholicism’s relationship to both service and education will be conceptualized within liberation theology’s foundation in critical pedagogy. Chapter 2 will end with a brief overview of several adolescent development models to facilitate a contextual understanding of the study group. Chapter 3 will describe the methodology used and procedures followed in collecting, analyzing, and reporting the data. The chapter will begin with a description of the conceptual framework in which the data collection and analyses were conducted. This chapter also offers a detailed explanation of the recruitment of the study participants, data collection, and coding of the data. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 will present the analyses of the data. Chapter 4 offers a historic sketch of the high school and its Christian service program. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 demographics of the high school and this study’s participant cohorts will also be presented. The programmatic structure o f the current Christian service program at the high school derives from this discussion and completes the chapter. Chapter 5 will present the findings vis-a-vis the processes of the service program. Attention will be made to those processes that inform each other and the program’s purported goals. Chapter 6 will present the outcomes from students’ engagement in the mandatory program at STACHS, both in terms of how they parallel and extend beyond stated program goals/purposes. Finally, Chapter 7 will summarize the study’s main findings and offer theoretical and practical implications. Recommendations for future research will complete the final research report. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 CHAPTER 2 REVIEW O F RELEVANT LITERATURE Overview The current chapter represents a review of the literature specific to the study’s primary research questions. It attempts to link together past empirical research and theoretical propositions with the purpose of developing sharper and more insightful questions about the topic and by offering a framework against which the Christian service program at STACHS can be analyzed. First, the role of education will be discussed through an overview o f the theoretical foundations and practical implications of three neo-capitalist theories. Criticisms of each theory will also be offered. Specific to this study, cultural and social capital theories speak to whether the high school and its students will understand their service activities as a means to reproduce their Catholic identity and culture, and/or as a social element which connects them to community. Human capital theory is also included in order to capture those instances when service engagement might be seen as a means for the material benefit of the student service provider and, hence, perpetuator o f individualism as discussed in Chapter 1. Second, a narrow discussion of the conceptualization of community is offered. Communitarian and feminist views are included in order to address both the more traditional notions of community and those which espouse recognition of, celebration of, and creation o f meaning from differences within one’s community. In the case of STACHS, fulfilling one’s Christian duty through charitable activities Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 arguably supports the former conceptualization, while the social justice foundations o f the Catholic Church match with the more postmodern, feminist notion of community. Third, empirical research on defining the concept of service-learning and its foundations in experiential education is offered. The structures and processes of effective service-learning programs are also included as a benchmark against which the Christian service program at STACHS might be compared. In addition, these programmatic elements provide a point of departure for any new and effective structures and/or processes discovered through the study which could extend the current conceptualization of an effective K-12 service-learning model. Following, recent international, national, and grassroots policies and programs developed to create a culture o f civism are briefly discussed. Fourth, in order to address the question of whether students’ engagement in mandatory service can increase their consciousness of social realities and their desire to take social action, the purpose of education will be reviewed within the philosophical and practical framework offered by Freirean critical pedagogy. Its connection to Catholic theology and catechism will be highlighted as well. These theories/concepts seek to question the desirability of having students serve in their communities if their actions maintain the same inequalities that led them to volunteer initially. Freire’s three stages in the attainment of critical consciousness offer a typology through which the criticality of the outcomes from the experiences of student participants can be determined. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 Lastly, a portrait of adolescence will be painted through an examination of the psychological, cognitive-developmental, and structural development theories of Erikson, Piaget, and Fowler, respectively. These theories offer insight into the phenomena central to the identity development of adolescents, specifically a civic identity. SOCIAL REPRODUCTION & EDUCATION Lin (2001) defines capital as an “investment o f resources with expected returns in the marketplace” (p. 3). He attributes this notion to Karl Marx (1935) who viewed the creation o f capital as a process. First, an initial investment is made in the production and/or exchange of a certain commodity (i.e., product or service). This investment is based on the expectation that once the commodity is exchanged or sold, the return in the marketplace will be larger than the initial investment. The value created through the processes o f production and the exchange of goods produced is called surplus value, because it is additional to the cost of the original investment. For Marx, the dominant class has the capital to invest and, thus, receives the surplus value; this process perpetuates inequitable class differences. A deconstruction o f Lin’s definition, however, reveals that there is ambiguity in terms of not only what type of investment is made, but also in what form the expected return will take. This diversity, and its relationship to education, will be examined in three neo-capitalist theories (Lin, 2001) - human capital, cultural capital, and social capital. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 Human Capital Theory The Foundations o f Human Capital Human capitalists postulate that the most efficient means to achieving economic wealth resides in the improvement of the individual laborer. Capital in this context, then, is calculated by subtracting the costs of investing in the education or training o f a worker, including the income not earned while in school (i.e., opportunity costs), from his/her total earnings (Miles, 1977; Schultz, 1961). The value added to the laborer from the acquisition of knowledge, skills, and other assets that will be useful to an employer in the production and exchange processes is termed “human capital” (Lin, 2001). The foundations of human capital theory have been traced to Adam Smith (Lin, 2001). The contemporary understanding of human capital, however, can be attributed to the works of economists Harry G. Johnson (1960), Theodore W. Schultz (1961), and Gary S. Becker (1964). Johnson (1960), contrary to the aforementioned Marxist notions, argued that laborers have become capitalists, because their acquisition o f knowledge and skills has economic value and, thus, can be invested for future returns. Schultz (1961), who made the first formal presentation of human capital theory, argued that education is a productive investment, whose returns benefit society-at-large by providing the educated labor force necessary for industrial development. He wrote: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 The failure to treat human resources explicitly as a form o f capital, as a produced means of production, [and] as the product of investment, has fostered the retention work of the classical notion of labor as [only] a capacity to do manual work requiring little knowledge and skill, a capacity with which, according to this notion, laborers are endowed about equally, (p. 3, cited in Lin, 2001) Human Capital and Schools: Students as Commodities In the 1840s, Horace Mann developed the notion that education and economic wealth are linked. Mann (1849, cited in Tozer et al., 1998) summarized this idea in two sentences: For the creation of wealth - for the existence of a wealthy people and a wealthy nation - intelligence is the grand condition, (p. 67). The greatest o f all arts in political economy is, to change a consumer into a producer; and the next greatest is, to increase the producer’s producing power; - an end to be directly attained, by increasing his intelligence, (p. 68) M ann rallied for mass schooling, tempting parents to send their children to school so that they would become rich. He simultaneously addressed the labor need of employers, advising that common schools would produce docile workers that would be unlikely to strike for higher wages and benefits. In other words, echoing Adam Smith’s previous observations, education was touted as the instrument to relieve the plight of the poor, without cost to, or jeopardizing the position of, the more affluent. Education, then, beyond all other devices of human origin, is the great equalizer of the conditions of men - the balance wheel o f the social machinery. ...It does better than disarm the poor of their hostilities towards the rich; it prevents being poor. (p. 60). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 Human capital theorists thus view young people as potentially motivated to invest in themselves as commodities, and view schools as the means of increasing the capacity o f these resources by increasing their skill and knowledge (Lin, 2001). In other words, the students will be motivated to acquire skills and knowledge in order to earn higher wages later. The existence of high rates of private (i.e., individual) returns to education and training provides an incentive for individuals to invest in human capital. The benefits of education and training may not only be restricted to the individual, but also could spill over to others. Such externalities occur when the social rate o f return, or gains to the economy as a whole, exceeds the private rate of return. Gemmell (1997) has found that educated individuals in a firm may improve not only their own productivity, but also that o f their less-well-educated colleagues. These positive production externalities translate into not only potentially higher wages for the individuals, but also a greater boost to the economy at large. Theoretical and Empirically-Based Criticisms of Human Capital Individual Motivation as Sine Qua Non The first criticism o f human capital is that it assumes that individual motivation to earn higher wages in the fixture is the only factor that contributes to the inculcation o f skills and knowledge, and will sustain the production process and increase a society’s economic capital. It makes no reference to the role of individual Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 characteristics within the economic development process, specifically those that will enable or prohibit students to learn. There are myriad other factors that affect student performance in school. For example, Coleman et al. (1966) established that in American schools the most important determinants of student performance were family background and the student’s peer group. Empirical research has also highlighted the importance of factors such as an individual’s ability measured in early childhood (Dearden, 1998; Blackburn and Neumark, 1993), family background (Dearden, 1998; Butcher and Case, 1994), innate ability (Jencks et al., 1979), and local environment (Card and Krueger, 1992; Card, 1995) in affecting educational attainment, and are also important predictors of future income. For developing countries, the realization that education alone could not lead to economic prosperity, and thus national development, is evidenced in the World Bank’s revamping o f its development indicators in the early 1990s. The World Bank replaced its human capital indicator with three new indicators based on a more humanistic approach to development. These indicators comprise the Physical Quality of Life Index (PQLI) and include: 1) infant mortality rate before age 1; 2) life expectancy after age 1; and, 3) percentage of children between the ages of 1 and 15 who are literate. This redefinition sent a message to developing countries that in order to become more economically developed, they would have to radically change their social infrastructure as well (Lockheed and Verspoor, 1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 Educational Quality: Institutional and Individual Differences The second criticism of human capital is that it relies solely on education and training as the means to achieve the economic end. This is exacerbated by human capital theorists’ assumptions that all schools will “produce” the same caliber of educated/trained laborer. Several studies have indicated that students attending different public schools in the United States vary in their earnings, even after controlling for personal traits of the students (Betts, 1995; Grogger, 1996). Hanushek et al. (1998) provide evidence that one explanation of these differences is that, within schools, there is variation in rates of learning between grades; this depends on variations in teacher quality. Similarly, Mumane (1975) shows that individual teachers differ systematically in how quickly their students learn, even after controlling for student traits. Some studies have found, however, that school resources such as teacher- pupil ratio and teacher salaries are predictors of students’ future earnings (Rizzuto and Wachtel, 1980; Card and Krueger, 1992). Other studies have found a positive link between school spending and later earnings (Jud and Walker, 1977; Link and Ratledge, 1975; Ribich and Murphy, 1975; Wachtel, 1975). Evidence of the relationship among school spending, student performance, and students’ future earnings is stronger in developing countries (Hanushek, 1995). Aside from disparities of institutional quality, students also vary in terms of their knowledge and skills. Human capital theory assumes that equal educational attainment means equal knowledge and skills and, thus, equal opportunities for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 economic returns. High school graduates, for example, receive a high school diploma. However, the student who graduates with a 4.0 grade point average almost certainly knows more content and possesses more skills desired by employers than his/her peer that received minimal passing marks in every class. Another example can be gleaned from socioeconomic disparities, rather than individual performance: The valedictorian from an elite private school arguably will possess skills superior to those of the top student of an inner-city public school such as those vividly described by Jonathan Kozol (1991) in Savage Inequalities. For this reason, Betts (1998) assumes that students vary in ability, and thus, the educational level achieved is not necessarily representative of ability/skill. Educational Quantity: Years o f Schooling, Rates o f Return, and Credentials The third criticism of human capital is that it posits that an increase in economic capital will be made with every increase in educational attainment. In fact, this belief underlied the national development efforts in Third World countries until the early 1990s. Psacharopolous (1994) established that an additional year of schooling has large effects on earnings for workers in developing countries. However, large returns are not found across all educational attainment levels. Studies on developing countries report that individual returns on education actually decline with the level of schooling (Psacharopolous, 1994). In other words, the relationship between education and earnings seems to decrease as a student completes additional years of schooling, specifically at the secondary and tertiary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 levels. The evidence for developed economies is quite different, however. Dearden (1998) found that for each additional year o f education, the average rate of return ranges between 5.5 percent for men and 9.3 percent for women. The four percent difference between the sexes can be attributed to the documented inequality between average earnings for equal work between the two groups. In addition, individuals who complete schooling, earning some formal qualification (i.e., certificate, degree, or diploma), have significantly larger returns than individuals with the same number of years o f schooling but who had not earned any formal qualifications. Collins (1979) has referred to this phenomenon in modem education as “cultural currency,” a term that draws attention to the fact that it is the quantity o f schooling that is important, rather than what one has learned. Collins (1979) utilizes the term “currency” because these credentials function like money in that they can be exchanged for desirable goods and, in particular, desirable occupations. It is also like money in that its value can decline over time as the market becomes inundated with abundant amounts of the same currency. In sum, the qualification earned from having been educated may be more valued than the time spent in the process of the education itself. Unaccounted Social Factors: Human Capital and the Marginalization o f Women The fourth criticism of the human capital theory is that it does not take into account the function of social structures and cultural norms o f a society. A most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 pertinent example of this criticism is found in the role of women in the economic development process in developing countries. Numerous empirical studies looking at human capital’s failure to explain the position of women in economic development have been offered. The first argument against the human capital’s reductionist portrayal of women in development was made by Ester Boserup (1970) in her book Woman’ s Role in Economic Development. Boserup explains that not all activities are calculated in production and income statistics. One of these activities in Africa is the cultivation of land in rural areas; women in this region are more frequently charged with this work than men. Boserup argues that a single economic theory based on education and training, therefore, cannot be utilized to explain development when the types of work differ in which each gender group is engaged. Boserup (1995) extends her argument in a later work. She purports that there are several factors that perpetuate the patriarchal culture, and hinder the role of women in development activities in Third World countries. She argues that communities differ on a micro-social scale. Hence, a single theory based on economic determinants cannot explain the position of women in development. She recommends that research, therefore, focus on determining why traditional measures are efficient for some communities, and inconclusive for others. Another criticism is interpreted from Floro and W olfs (1990) analysis of the impact of girls’ education in developing countries. Unlike Boserup, who fails to provide a theoretical model (Beneria and Sen, 1981), W olf frames her analysis by Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 noting the differences between modernization approaches to development and a more Marxist-based radical perspective in girls’ education in both rural and urban contexts. She concludes that culture not only plays an important role in girls’ access to schooling, but also how they use their newly acquired knowledge and skills. For this reason, she supports Boserup’s arguments that cultural variations must be considered in order to explain women’s role in the development process, and asserts that human capital fails to consider these factors. Kelly and Nihlen (1982; Kelly, 1992) note that although female educational levels in Third World countries have changed considerably, women’s participation in the workforce, and the incomes earned therein, have not changed to nearly the same degree. They attribute this, in part, to a change in the types of work that become available to women after an increase in their levels o f education. As countries have become more industrialized, their employers have begun to demand higher levels of education and skills o f their employees; for example, industrialized nations like the United States have steadily moved from requiring proof of graduation from high school, or its equivalency, to college attendance, and in some cases, graduate degrees. Unlike their peers in the industrialized world, women in Third World countries, who traditionally worked in subsistence farming or trade markets and were more poorly educated than men, were unable to attain the necessary skills and education required to obtain employment in the new job market (Robertson, 1984). For this reason, women who had attended only primary school were forced to accept positions in low-paying jobs. Kelly and Nihlen (1982; Kelly, 1992) explain, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 thus make a critique of the human capital theory, that since labor markets in developing countries now require higher levels o f education, women’s primary education does not open many doors into paid labor. Kelly (1992) concludes, therefore, that “improvement in women’s education simply means increasing women’s education” (p. 280). Human capital theory, therefore, ignores the socially constructed barriers, in this case involving gender, which create differential rates of return for the male and female student/laborer. Cultural Capital Theory Linguistic Capital and Schooling: The Origins of Cultural Capital In Class, Codes and Control, Basil Bernstein (1977) demonstrates that social inequalities begin in class-based differences. He explains that the structure of society necessitates the development o f a distinct mode of communication by each social class. Working-class speech, for example, is based on “restricted” codes, implying that the contextual information needed to understand the meaning is minimal. In contrast, middle-class relationships are more individualistic, rather than community-based, thus its members must use “elaborated” language code to ensure comprehension by the listener. Bernstein found that schools employ the elaborated language codes of the middle-class. For this reason, working-class children commonly fail to understand what is expected of them and hence respond inappropriately, perform poorly in comparison to their linguistically-enabled middle class peers, and reap fewer rewards Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 for their efforts. Schools misinterpret this sub-optimal performance as a lack of ability and track the working-class students into vocational education programs. Class structure is thus maintained. Shirley Brice Heath’s (1983) research into the differentiation between students’ language patterns at home and school also highlights the importance of “linguistic capital.” Whereas Bernstein examines the relationship among schooling, social class, and language, Heath examines the confounding variable of race as well. She found that language patterns, specifically those in interrogative questions, among middle-class white children and working-class black children differed. The black students’ parents used imperatives and statements, while their white peers’ parents employed the same questioning and labeling practices as the school. Thus, she argues that the latter were aware, although unconsciously, of teacher expectations and were more frequently rewarded for being “correct.” Heath (1992) blames such disparity on the expectation of children to follow a single developmental model in acquiring uses of language. Bernstein’s and Heath’s findings have been supported by subsequent studies on other ethnic and language groups. For example, language production by speakers of black English (Labov, 1972) and American Indian English (Leap, 1993; Spolsky and Irvine, 1992), and members o f native Alaskan communities have shown that these students are judged less competent than their peers who speak standard English. Many of them are placed in reading groups for the “less capable” (Bennett, 1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 0 Pierre Bourdieu and Cultural Capital In response to Bernstein’s (1977) work on linguistic codes and social class, Pierre Bourdieu and Jean Claude Passeron (1977) developed the concept of “cultural capital” to explain the function of schooling in the reproduction o f cultural and economic wealth. Bourdieu (1986) explains that he first thought of the notion of cultural capital “as a theoretical hypothesis which made it possible to explain the unequal scholastic achievement o f children originating from the different social classes by relating academic success.. .to the distribution of cultural capital between the classes and class factions....” (p. 243). In contrast to the presuppositions inherent in the human capital theory, these theorists hypothesized that a change in educational level is necessary, but not sufficient, for a student to become upwardly mobile; assimilation to the dominant class’ cultural patterns is required as well. There are three main points to Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital. First, each social class transmits a distinctive set of cultural patterns to its members. Bourdieu (1977) defines cultural capital as the knowledge, behaviors, attitudes, preferences, linguistic styles, and skills that distinguish one group from another and are passed from one generation to the next. He argues that it is during enculturation that people develop a “habitus” - a system of socially learned cultural predispositions and activities that differentiate people by their lifestyles (Bourdieu, 1990). The habitus engenders attitudes and conduct about how the world operates, what is to be valued, what one’s own place is in society, and which actions are correct or proper (Bourdieu, 1977). Within a homogeneous community, habitus creates a set of norms Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 that maintain consensus; in diverse communities, however, different forms of habitus can create conflict. Second, although each social class is characterized by its own distinct cultural capital, some are more valued than others. Bourdieu (1977) argues that the cultural capital of the upper classes is the most valued, while the lower class’ cultural capital is depreciated in comparison. This relative valuation of cultural capital becomes problematic when children leave the home and are socially influenced by secondary forces. School, for example, is one social institution that serves to reinforce, increase, or devalue children’s stock of cultural capital. Children from lower socioeconomic backgrounds who are not familiar with the codes of the upper- and middle-classes will have more difficulty understanding the schooling process. As Halsey et al. (1980) note, “The ones who can receive what the school has to give are the ones who are already endowed with the requisite cultural attributes - with the appropriate cultural capital” (p. 7). Finally, differences in academic achievement among the classes will translate into differences in economic wealth, and thus reinforce the existing class structure. In the education system, agents (i.e., teachers and administrators) understand the dominant culture and values as universal and objective, and in turn, transmit “knowledge” by rewarding students who carry out the reproduction of the dominant culture and values in the next generation (Lin, 2001). Students who lack the socially-valued upper class cultural capital are consistently labeled as unsuitable for elite positions and are tracked by ability (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977). Lower- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. class and immigrant children tend to be placed into vocational and remedial tracks, which will directly correspond to low status and paying jobs in the future. For this reason, children begin to misrecognize the culture and values of the dominant class as the culture and values of the entire society (Bourdieu, 1990, 1986, 1977) and aim to acculturate to these patterns. Students who successfully acculturate to the dominant culture and values are rewarded with employment by the dominant class. To Bourdieu (1990), this serves to reproduce existing social structures through a form of “symbolic violence” by representing the acquisition of the culture and values being transmitted as necessary for merit and success. However, Bourdieu (1977) finds that the possibility of exchange of lower class cultural capital for upper class cultural capital is not entirely efficacious because lower class students arrive at school already at a cultural deficit. As Giroux (1983b) contends: “Students whose families have a tenuous connection to forms of cultural capital highly valued by the dominant society are at a decided disadvantage” (p. 88). Social Reproduction Theory and Cultural Capital The theoretical position that explains the devaluation of different groups’ cultural capital is known as social reproduction. Articulated in the 1970s by such scholars as Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1977), social reproduction theory views the educational system as a mechanism to reproduce the current inequitable conditions of society. In their book Schooling in Capitalist America, Bowles and Gintis (1977) posit that schools serve the interests of the capitalist order in modem Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 society by reproducing the values and personality characteristics necessary for its perpetuation. Specifically, schools perpetuate the hegemony o f the status quo by privileging the values and cultural knowledge o f the upper-classes. This is facilitated by the fact that dominant groups control the major social and political institutions, including the school systems. The social organization, methods of instruction and evaluation, and the amount of choice permitted the students of particular schools reflect labor market demands (Bowles and Gintis, 1977). For the lower-class, docility and compliance is understood to be more highly valued than the acquisition of cognitive skills. Giroux (1983a) summarizes this process of social reproduction in schools: First, schools provided different classes and social groups with the knowledge and skills they needed to occupy their respective places in a labor force stratified by class, race and gender. Second, schools were seen as reproductive in the cultural sense, functioning in part to distribute and legitimate forms of knowledge, values, language and modes of style that constitute the dominant culture and its interests. Third, schools were viewed as part of a state apparatus that produced and legitimated the economic and ideological imperatives that underlie the state’s political power, (p. 258) Cultural Capital and Schools: Empirical Findings One of the most lucid illustrations of cultural capital and social reproduction in high school students is found in the ethnographic study A in’ t No Makin ’ It by Jay MacLeod (1995). In his book, MacLeod elucidates the role that race and socioeconomic status plays in educational attainment and economic success of two groups o f teenagers - “Hallway Hangers” and “Brothers” - in the Clarendon Heights Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 4 housing projects. The “Hallway Hangers” is a group of mostly white teenage boys who lack aspirations of upward socioeconomic mobility. The majority o f them has dropped out of school, is unemployed, and passes time using drugs and drinking in the poorly lit stairwells of the housing project. The “Brothers,” in contrast, are mostly black and struggle to graduate from high school and get jobs. They abstain from drugs, alcohol, and lawbreaking in hopes o f achieving middle-class standing. MacLeod frames his study using Bourdieu’s concepts of cultural capital and habitus. He provides a powerful description of how social inequality is reproduced from one generation to the next in the United States. He does so through explicating the differences between the personal, social, and academic lives of the members comprising the two groups. MacLeod found upon his return to Clarendon Heights several years after his initial fieldwork that neither group had escaped the struggles experienced during their adolescence, even those “Brothers” who had aspired to break free from the urban squalor. He attributes this immobility to repressive structural forces and learned feelings of incompetence among the boys. In another empirical study using cultural capital, DiMaggio (1982) investigated whether the impact of participation in upper-class cultural activities were related to students’ high school grades. DiMaggio measured students’ cultural capital using self-reports of involvement in high culture activities, such as visits to museums and attendance of classical music performance. DiMaggio found that those students who had received the highest scores in cultural capital were given special attention in school, and were perceived as more intelligent or gifted than Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 students who had scored lower in cultural capital qualities. In addition, he concluded that cultural capital does indeed have a significant impact on high school grades. This study contributes to previous works by Bourdieu (1977) and Collins (1975, 1979) who argue that schools reward students for their ability to mirror high-status cultural signals (Lareau and Lamont, 1988). In response to DiMaggio, Aschaffenburg and Maas (1997) argue that cultural capital is not determined by whether individuals visit art museums or attend classical music concerts, but whether they enroll in high culture classes (e.g., art, music, or dance) because they signal a conscious “investment” in high cultural forms. Aschaffenburg and Maas note: One problem with most operationalizations of cultural capital is that they rely to some extent on measures o f participation or action. Participation may be constrained in ways that tastes and preferences are not. Given the lack of direct measures, it is generally assumed that participation mirrors the underlying structure of tastes. Going to an art museum or to a particular performance can be a ‘one time deal,’ whereas taking part in regular classes requires a fixed time commitment and often a continuous financial investment as well. (p. 575) Aschaffenburg and Maas (1997) posit that the “cultural proficiency ofhigher status groups is legitimated and rewarded in schools.. .because teachers value this knowledge themselves or because they recognize that it is valued by elites and reward it accordingly” (p. 574). For this reason, they argue that high culture is the best proxy for cultural capital. Lareau (1987), however, admonishes the high culture postulate. She calls for relief from previous fixations on the value of the upper class culture as intrinsically Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 6 more valuable than that of the working class (Bourdieu, 1977). Lareau recommends that further research on cultural capital should expand its focus to include more social groups. In sum, she emphasizes that “in moving beyond the studies of elites, it might be useful to recognize that all social groups have cultural capital” (p. 83). Criticisms of Cultural Capital There are several criticisms levied against cultural capital theory. First, critics contend that cultural capital theory is one-dimensional, only partially explaining the causes o f inequities (Clements and Eisenhart, 1979; Delamont, 1989; Ellsworth, 1989). There are myriad biological, environmental, and psychological factors that play a role in the academic, social, and economic achievements of an individual (Pai and Adler, 1997). This is evidenced by the academic failure of many students who possess upper class cultural capital. Second, cultural capital shows a disregard for the power of individual human agency to overcome the limits of rigid class structure (Giroux, 1983a). It attributes the inequities in capitalist society entirely to the school’s reproduction of the hierarchical class structure. Giroux (1983a) explains that conflict theorists “.. .have failed to provide any major insights into how teachers, students and other human agents come together within specific historical and social contexts in order to both make and reproduce the conditions of their existence” (p. 259). Giroux argues that by avoiding a focus on human activity within social relationships, reproduction theorists offer little hope for change. DeMarrais and LeCompte (1999) add: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 7 While [cultural theorists] have offered a different and often useful way of looking at schools as social and cultural transmitters, their view is a pessimistic one, giving no consideration to how individuals could interact to ameliorate or alter the constraints of the system, (p. 20) Social Capital Theory Introduction Numerous operational definitions of social capital have been offered as a result of its utilization in multiple disciplines (Edwards and Foley, 1997; Portes, 1998). The first known reference to “social capital” in an educational context was made by L. J. Hanifan (1916). For Hanifan, social capital referred to .. .those tangible substances [that] count for most in the daily lives of people: namely good will, fellowship, sympathy, and social intercourse among the individuals and families who make up a social unit....The individual is helpless socially, if left to himself. ...If he comes into contact with his neighbor, and they with other neighbors, there will be an accumulation of social capital, which may immediately satisfy his social needs and which may bear a social potentiality sufficient to the substantial improvement of living conditions in the whole community. The community as a whole will benefit by the cooperation of all its parts, while the individual will find in his associations the advantages of the help, the sympathy, and the fellowship of his neighbors, (p. 130) The contemporary resurgence o f social capital can be attributed primarily to the work o f Pierre Bourdieu (1986), James Coleman (1988), and Robert Putnam (1993a/b, 1995, 2000). Although Bourdieu (1986) revived the term, James Coleman (1988) presented the first empirical evidence about the relationship between social capital and educational attainment, specifically in terms of school drop out rates. However, it has been in the last decade that social capital has held center stage due in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 large part to Robert Putnam’s work on America’s growing civic apathy. Each of these authors’ contributions will be discussed below, making explicit the conceptualization of social capital that each provides. Criticisms of social capital will follow and will be framed within an educational context. Pierre Bourdieu Bourdieu (1986) defines social capital as ...the aggregate o f the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships o f mutual acquaintance and recognition - or in other words, to membership in a group - which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectivity-owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitle them to credit, in the various senses o f the word. (p. 249) There are several components to Bourdieu’s definition that necessitate explication. First, an individual’s potential access to resources is dependent upon his/her social connections with others. Second, the types of relationships that one has with others define the amount and quality of social capital possible, as the volume and type of capital possessed by each affects the individual’s aggregate capital. An overarching point to Bourdieu’s (1986) conceptualization of social capital is that “every type of capital is reducible in the last analysis to economic capital” (p. 253). He argues that the opportunity for financial profit encourages individuals to create groups based in solidarity. Human capital, in contrast, argues for changes to occur at the individual level with a return to the individual and perhaps society. For this reason, and echoing the aforementioned cultural capital and social reproduction theories, Bourdieu believes that the dominant group, in an effort to maintain its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 privileged status, tries to constrain those social processes on which social capital is founded. James Coleman Coleman (1990) remarks that social capital is comprised of a variety of different entities, and, for this reason, must be “defined by its function” (p. 302). According to Coleman (1990), social capital can take on three forms: 1) obligations and expectations, 2) capability of information to flow, and 3) presence of norms and sanctions. Like Bourdieu, Coleman assumes the key to social capital is the actions made in self-interest at the individual level. He argues that individuals seeking to maximize their own opportunities purposefully create social relationships. Therefore, social capital can be treated as in the same ways as other factors measurable within individuals (e.g., IQ, self-esteem). For Coleman, the social processes that reflect social capital are combined measures o f an individual’s level of trust and of membership. Trust, under Coleman’s model, is the unconscious understanding that the acts by individuals will be reciprocated at some time in the future. Trust is usually ascertained from a question in a social survey, such as the General Social Survey. The second component to social capital under the Coleman model is membership. Membership is important for a description of social capital because it reflects a degree of civic engagement and the nature of “horizontal” relations between individuals that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 establish trust. Horizontal relations reflect those associations that are immediate and do not transcend various social divides (e.g., religious, ethnicity). Measures of membership have included membership in voluntary associations or civic organizations and hours spent volunteering. In terms of education, Coleman (1988) describes social capital as those resources embedded in the social structure that contribute to a child’s growth. From his analysis of a random sample of 4000 students, Coleman found that social capital in family and community relations is significantly related to whether students completed high school. Robert Putnam Robert Putnam has extended Coleman’s definition of social capital to include a measure o f social trust and social inclusion that extends beyond the individual level. Social capital, according to Putnam (1993b), “refers to features of social organization, such as networks, norms, and trust, that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit” (pp. 35-36). Putnam (2000) claims that the number of social associations and the degree of participation therein indicate the extent of a society’s social capital. Although his definition relies on networks and social linkages, it aggregates the social capital o f individuals to give a description of the “collective social capital” of the population o f a specific area. For example, Putnam (1993a) has used the aggregation of individual social capital to explain differences in democracy and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 economic development between northern and southern Italy. Putnam (1993a) uses indicators such as the degree of civic involvement, newspaper readership, membership in choral societies and football clubs, and confidence in public institutions as indicators of social capital. Northern Italy, where all these indicators are higher, showed significantly improved rates of governance, institutional performance, and development when other orthodox factors were controlled for. In contrast, he found that the “vertical” relations in the southern region led to social inequality. In contrast to the dominant classes’ efforts to stifle group cohesion out of fear of losing societal control as posited by Bourdieu, Putnam’s conclusions were that civic norms would lead to socioeconomic order. His recent work on the United States (Putnam, 1995, 2000) uses similar indicators to show a persistent long-term decline in America’s stock of social capital. Putnam validates his assorted data against the findings of the General Social Survey. Theoretical and Empirically-Based Criticisms of Social Capital Theory Participation in Social Networks can be Negative The first criticism o f the social capital theory strikes directly at the core of its concept. Social capital theory purports that participation in social networks is positive. Thus, research has focused exclusively on the positive effects derived from such endeavors. Putnam (2000), in particular, has recommended social capital as a panacea for America’s loss of civic values. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 Portes and Landholt (1996) point out that social capital does have a “downside.” For example, communities, groups, or networks which are isolated or carry out activities in contrast to society’s collective interests can actually hinder economic and social development. Souza Briggs (1997) reiterates this point. He explains that the positive attributes of networks are usually limited to those within the network, while those outside o f the group can be affected negatively. He provides examples of gangs, power elites, and the Ku Klux Klan to illustrate this dichotomy of benefits between internal and external membership. In addition, social capital might be used to exclude others. The strong social capital associated with many ethnic groups indicates that strong ties that supply resources can also be used to restrict outsiders or limit individual members’ freedom. Portes and Landolt (1996) also make the important point that some members of highly bound groups may find the norms of those groups stifling and may find they are unable to break from the network for fear of being ostracized. For example, communal societies in North America use a strong practice of enculturation through education in order to insure continued community membership. Socialization and education among the Hutterites follow the formulation and maintenance o f a fully developed and mature person o f the Hutterite faith (Bildungsideal; Peter, 1987). This individual rejects "self' for the church and colony. For this reason, Leutes (Hutterite communes) develop and maintain their own education programs within communal boundaries. Encapsulating the school enables Hutterites to control the behavioral practices of their most weak-minded Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 members - children - through a restrictive learning process (Hostetler, 1974). The Hutterites’ central doctrine teaches that salvation is awarded only to those living in a proper social relationship in a Christian community (Riedemann, 1565). Although the Hutterites regard education, superseded only by religious instruction, as necessary for colony functions and good relations with the provincial government, members are not permitted to seek an education outside of the colony because of the fear of hegemonic cultural encroachment. Another argument related to the focus on social capital’s collective aspect is the expected requirement that there is closure or density in social relations and social networks (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1990; Putnam, 2000). For example, Stanton- Salazar and Dombusch (1995) offer a criticism of social capital in their study of information networks among Mexican-origin high school students. They define social capital as “social relationships from which an individual is potentially able to derive various types o f institutional resources and support” (p. 116). They argue that supportive ties with institutional agents represent a necessary condition for engagement and advancement in the educational system. However, their criticism is that it is often difficult for members of minority and low socioeconomic groups to seek support. This is due to their lack of trust and their efforts to forego acculturation (Depaulo et al., 1983), as well as the institutional restriction on the formation of adult-student relationships. Ogbu (1987, 1991) has previously noted such behavior in his studies of castelike minorities, those historically incorporated into a society involuntarily and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 permanently through slavery and colonization (e.g., African-Americans, American Indians, Mexican-Americans). For this reason, castelike minorities reject certain behaviors, events, and symbols because they are characteristic of members of the dominant population (e.g., white Americans). At the same time, however, they claim other forms of behaviors, events, and symbols as appropriate because these are not characteristic of the members o f the other population (Ogbu, 1987, 1991). In Stanton-Salazar and Dombusch’s (1995) study, this acceptance o f non-dominant behaviors is evidenced through the Mexican-origin students’ use of Spanish to form groups and seek advice. The argument against the latter case, therefore, is that some communities restrict freedom and encourage intolerance. For example, in small-town America in the 1950s people were deeply engaged in community life, but to many this surfeit of social capital seemed to impose conformity and social division, especially along racial, gender, and class lines. Then in the Sixties, tolerance and diversity blossomed, matching almost precisely the decline in social capital (Putnam, 2000). Schudson (1998) has suggested that in the ensuing years Americans have become more tolerant while becoming less connected with one another. He argues: “The decline in organizational solidarity is truly a loss, but is also the flip side o f a rise in individual freedom, which is truly a gain” (p. 55, emphasis in original). With that understood, Sirianni and Friedland (1997, 1995) warn that researchers need to be careful not to interpret the argument for the overall, quantitative decline of social capital as a nostalgia for earlier times. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 Using Individual Indicators for Collective Impact: Measuring Social Capital The second criticism of social capital lies in its conceptualization and measurement. Due to researchers’ use of information about individual social capital to draw conclusions about a broader collective unit, arguments have been made over whether social capital is a collective good or an individual good (Portes, 1998). One reason for this practice is that few surveys have been designed to measure “social capital.” Researchers, therefore, have been forced to compile indexes from a range of individual behaviors and opinions, such as measures o f trust in government, voting trends, memberships in civic organizations, and hours spent volunteering. Portes (1998) has criticized that the use of individual indicators has confused the sources of social capital with the benefits derived from them. Putnam (2000) has received the brunt o f this critique. Portes (1998) explains Putnam’s model as cyclical: As a property of communities and nations rather than individuals, social capital is simultaneously a cause and an effect. It leads to positive outcomes, such as economic development and less crime, and its existence is inferred from the same outcomes, (p. 8) Another argument over the measurement of social capital extends beyond individual indicators being used to explain more macro outcomes, to include the type of methodology used to gather data. For example, research framed by Bourdieu’s definition of social capital reveals that social relations are complex and cannot be quantified using individual indicators. An examination of social capital using this definition therefore requires more qualitative methodologies. Portes and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 Sensenbrenner (1993) use Bourdieu’s definition of social concept in their review of the determinants that favor successful integration of different immigrant groups into the United States. These researchers found that the social structure, including community networks, into which new immigrants arrived was an important factor in determining how long they stayed. Chinese immigrants in San Francisco, for example, were found to integrate more successfully than Dominicans in New York because their ethnic social networks allowed them informal access to resources such as credit, child support, English language training, and job referrals. Coleman (1990) questions Whether social capital will come to be a useful a quantitative concept in social science as are the concepts of financial, physical, and human capital. Its current value lies primarily in its usefulness for qualitative analyses of social systems and for those quantitative analyses that employ qualitative indicators, (pp. 304-305) SUMMARY Lin (2001) defines capital as an “investment of resources with expected returns in the marketplace” (p. 3). A deconstruction of Lin’s definition elucidates the diversity in not only what type of investment is made, but also what the expected form of return will be. In fact, there are differences in how such a value manifests itself. The first component of his definition is that an investment of resources is made. For human, cultural, and social capital, the forms that investments take, as well as whether the investment is made consciously or unconsciously and by an Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 individual or by a group differ. Human capital refers to a conscious investment in individuals’ skills and knowledge. Cultural capital refers to an unconscious investment by an individual in the dominant group’s values and norms. In other words, both human and cultural capital theories have addressed capital as resources invested in individual actors. Social capital, in contrast, refers to an investment made by, but not for, individuals. This investment can be either consciously or unconsciously developed. The second component in capital refers to the expected return from the initial investment. Human capital invests for economic returns. Cultural capital aims for a return of the adoption and reproduction o f the dominant culture. Social capital is formed in expectation of a return in the markets or other interpersonal facets of individuals’ lives. These theories inform the present study by offering a framework against which the Christian service program at STACHS can be analyzed. Specifically, cultural and social capital theories speak to whether the high school and its students will understand their service activities as a means to reproduce their Catholic identity and culture, and/or as a social element which connects them to community. CONCEPTUALIZING COMMUNITY Concern about the disintegration of community is not a contemporary notion. Several 19th century social theorists held the concept o f community as a central concern. The German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies, for example and directly Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 related to the aforementioned problematic, was interested in the forms and patterns of social ties and organizations. His interest resulted in classifications of societies based on the type of social relationships practiced within. He suggests these classifications by sketching the evolution from an ancient to the industrial society of de Tocqueville’s time. Tonnies (2001) labeled societies as either Gemeinschaft (community) or Gessellschaft (association). A Gemeinschaft society is one in which social relationships are close, personal, and valued by their members. The family is the basis of social networks, with social conformity as the norm. A community embodying this classification was typical in pre-industrial society. However, communal societies in North America today, such as the Hutterites and Amish (Hostetler, 1963, 1996), are representative of this form of society as well. A Gesellschaft society is instead one in which close family associations have disappeared and in which social relationships tend to be impersonal and non-kinship based. Social ties arise from an elaborate division of labor in which the work place is more important that the extended family. Tonnies did not conceive of the evolution from Gemeinschaft to Gessellschaft as unilinear. He conceived of societies as always having elements o f both. The Gessellschaft society is arguable represented in large capitalist societies like the United States. More recent communitarians, although dealing with schools only parenthetically in some cases, have examined how to develop a more realistic concept o f community as it pertains to schools. All of these writers to some extent, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 and for various reasons, maintain that we have become overly concerned with the welfare of the individual at the expense of the welfare o f the society. They typically are divided into two groups. The first group includes those writers who espouse that America's survival and well-being depend on reinstituting some aspects of traditional community (e.g., Etzioni, 1993; Fukuyama, 1995; Bellah et al., 1996). They are primarily interested in reestablishing a strong set of morals and notions of virtue, and deal with community as the traditional vehicle for accomplishing this goal. Amitai Etzioni’s (1995) book The Spirit o f Community is arguably one of the most outspoken critiques o f communal erosion in the United States. In fact, it serves informally as a syllabus for the Communitarian movement. Etzioni claims that the erosion o f American civic society is due to an “anticommunitarian paradox” among citizens - “a strong sense of entitlement - that is, a demand that the community provide more services and strongly uphold rights - coupled with a rather weak sense of obligation to the local and national community” (p. 3). The concern among Communitarians is that a failure on the part of citizens to leave all responsibilities to the government, rather than actively attempting to do their part, will end up being passed on to and burdening future generations. The Communitarians are therefore “committed to creating a new moral, social, and public order based on a restoration of communities.” (p. 2). Etzioni describes the Communitarian approach in three parts: 1) how to “reraise a moral voice by implanting it in renewed families, cultivating it in schools, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 and shoring it up in communities” (p. 20); 2) how the moral and civil order of communities can be saved by counteracting the libertarian argument of taking or doing selfishly by giving altruistically to the community; and, 3) how public interest, not interest groups which currently hold extensive governance, represent the community at large and should articulate the responsibilities that members should be expected to fulfill. In Trust: The Social Values and the Creation o f Prosperity, Fukuyama (1995) argues, using examples of “familistic” and “high-trust” societies, that economic success is conditional on the level o f trust. “Familistic” or low-trust societies, like Korea, are countries where the family constitutes the basic unit of economic activity. He contends that it is these countries’ lack of trust and reliance on family that complicates the creation of large organizations. His case is supported by Putnam’s (1992) study of the connection between social capital and economic prosperity in northern and southern Italy. At the other end o f the spectrum are “high- trust” societies like Japan. These societies are able to create large-scale organizations that extend the basis of economic activity beyond the nuclear family and thus, attain greater wealth and financial security. Fukuyama’s argument for a return to previous ethical and moral habits, which places him in the first group of communitarians, is made through his discussion of the United States transition from a high- to low-trust society. He explains: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 Law, contract, and economic rationality provide a necessary but not sufficient basis for both the stability and prosperity of postindustrial societies; they must as well be leavened with reciprocity, moral obligation, duty toward community, and trust, which are based in habit rather than rational calculation, (p. 11) In Habits o f the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life, Robert Bellah et al. (1996) examine the unresolved conflict in American history between individuality and community. The authors’ core argument is that individualism is slowly eroding the social and moral fabric, which de Tocqueville saw as taming capitalist America’s destructive tendencies. They explain that most Americans hold the belief that economic success or misfortune is the individual’s responsibility; this culture of individualism helps to sustain America’s determinist ffee-market ideology. It implies, like Marx, that there are no institutional choices; the market decides: “our destiny is controlled by market forces, the profit margins, the global economy, and the stock market” (p. xii) Drawing on sociology, history, philosophy, and hundreds of interviews with ordinary Americans, Bellah et al. contend that America’s overemphasis on individualism undermines our nation’s capacity to seek the common good. The authors draw on biblical and republican traditions to guide us through our current moral problems. Their analysis illustrates that we need to rebuild community and renew the cause for social justice. Bellah et al. want to counter the current radical individualism with a values- based call for a grassroots organizing campaign. This effort would change the meaning o f work to include public contribution, greater accountability on the part of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 corporations, and more participation in church and civic groups, culminating in a social movement o f transformation with the moral force of the civil rights movement. The second group (e.g., Young, 1990; Stone, 1992), which is founded on feminist traditions, espouses that much communitarian theory employs too restrictive a conception of community. Under a neo-Marxist umbrella, they are interested in including the constructs of social organization and power within the conceptualization o f community. They see common values, morals, and virtues as legitimizing the existing social organization and power structure. In “The Ideal of Community and the Politics o f Difference,” Young (1990) argues that the traditional concept o f community, coveted by those who “share a critique o f liberal individualist social ontology,” is politically problematic (p. 302). She explains that such a community would suppress the differences among its members. In her critique, Young, a feminist philosopher, uses feminism as an example. She argues that feminists historically looked to build ideological and political solidarity against hegemonic patriarchal forces. During that building of community, however, feminism fractured into subsets, separated by differences in the ideological and political direction o f the movement. Young claims that the modernist notion of ideal community participates in Derrida’s (1976) concept o f the “metaphysics of presence” and Adorno’s (1973) “logic of identity.” She explains that “the metaphysics of presence” denies difference in the form of spatial distancing - holding face-to-face relations as ideal. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 Proponents o f community fail to recognize that the alienation and isolation consistent with the critiques against individualism also function in face-to-face relations. With this in mind, the “metaphysics of presence” fails to address the political, specifically hegemonic, relations manifest in these communities of presence. Adorno’s “logic of identity” is also problematic because “it is a metaphysics of the whole, of unity, of togetherness” (p. 303). In other words, it seeks to collapse the distinct subject and person into a single self-identical unity. Young argues that subjects cannot make themselves transparent, wholly present to one another (Alison, 1978). For her, the ideal o f community assumes that individual subjects can empathize with one another, understand one another as they would understand themselves; however, comprehension of another is impossible because the subject does not fully understand himself or herself. Therefore, she claims that reciprocity is a futile endeavor; the denial of difference further makes it difficult for people to respect those with whom they cannot identify. To summarize Young’s critique, by denying heterogeneity, “ .. .the ideal of community exhibits a totalizing impulse.... First, it denies difference within and between subjects. Second, in privileging face-to-face relations it seeks a model of social relations that are not mediated by space and time distancing” (p. 305). For this reason, Young contends that the alternative to a community based on political individualism is a “politics of difference.” Her postmodern conception is derived from the ideal of an “unoppressed city” - “a city defined by openness to assimilated otherness” (p. 319). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 4 In “Disavowing Community,” Stone (1992) elaborates on her dissatisfaction with the modernist meaning of community, “disavows” the concept, and offers a new postmodern replacement - “heteromity.” Stone first explains that the definition of modem, liberal, democratic community is a significant contradiction because its analytic components are in themselves atomistic units; they are individualism, autonomy, and choice or self-interest. She sites two aspects of the contradiction: 1) the joining o f several atomistic contributing factors into a single unity, a totality exceeded by the sum of its components; and, 2) the valuing o f sameness and equality as integral both to the constituent elements of a community and their resulting union. For this reason, Stone urges that we “disavow” or reject the concept. Instead, she proposes a shift in the understanding of association founded on difference rather than similarity. She suggests “heteromity” as a replacement and offers an etymological rationalization of her semantic creation. Heteromity is derived from the suffix “ity” (human association) and the root “hetero” (difference). In heteromity, different persons join together for different purposes, for different time periods, with the acknowledgement and valuing of their difference. Their “joining” does, o f course, imply that they have come to some agreement to join together. Unlike the contradictions of modem community, individualism, rationality and choice are not neutralized away in sameness. Stone gives several conceptual components central to a heteromity, which serve to contrast it to community. The first is a basic inclusion of difference rather than exclusion on the basis of sameness. A second is a multiple and changing Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 member population as individuals move in and out of groups because their boundaries are easily permeable. For this reason, member identities are multiple, allowing them the choice and autonomy to remain free from joining one group. A third is that group identity is conceived of through the decentered nature and marginality of its transitory members. These theories inform the present study. Service programs which understand mandatory service as fulfilling one’s Christian duty through charitable activities arguably would support more traditional conceptualizations o f community. In contrast, programs which are founded on and espouse social justice tenets would mirror the feminist notion of community; awareness of differences and the creation of meaning to these differences are central. Because STACHS is founded on the social justice foundations o f the Catholic Church, postmodern notions o f community are possible. However, tensions could exist given the charitable notions ascribed to service by biblical scripture and understood by all Christians. SERVICE-LEARNING FOR SCHOOL-COMMUNITY-STUDENT CONNECTIONS Efforts Toward Defining Service-Learning Based on an impressive pedigree o f philosophy and praxis, the term "service- learning" first emerged in the work of Sigmon & Ramsey at the Southern Regional Education Board in 1967. However, service-learning is not a monolith. In fact, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 more than a decade ago, Kendall (1990) remarked that there were 147 definitions of service-learning in the literature. Sigmon (1996) describes the nature o f service-learning by manipulating the graphic presentation of the compound term (see Table 1). An academic course primarily focused on student-provided service (e.g., volunteer service programs) is labeled as "SERVICE-leaming." In direct contrast, courses that add a limited, insignificant service dimension to a primarily academic experience fit the "service- LEAKNING" description. A third iteration o f the terms is for volunteer programs that may have no link to particular academic pursuits, may complement the curriculum, and may capture student enthusiasm and interest, but the students are left to make academic connections themselves. This is the "service learning" model. The programs where the two foci are in balance, and study and action are explicitly integrated, fits Sigmon's "SERVICE-LEARNING" category (Eyler & Giles, 1999). Table 1. A Service and Learning Typology. (Sigmon, 1996) SERVICE-leaming Service outcomes primary; learning goals secondary Service-LEARNING Learning goals primary; service outcomes secondary Service learning Service and learning goals separate SERVICE-LEARNING Service and learning goals equal; each enhances the other Eyler and Giles (1999) explain that service-learning ideally should include a balance between service to the community and academic learning and that the hyphen in the phrase symbolizes the central role of reflection in the process of learning through community experience. In spite of the disagreement over a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 definition of service-learning, Sigmon et al. (1996) capture the essence behind the terms: "The notion o f Service-Learning is nothing new in human experience. It happens to be a label given to the coming together of these two notions: our innate desire to contribute and our desire to leam and grow as human beings" (p. 92). An examination of the literature shows, however, that whereas there is still much discussion in the field about what actually constitutes service-learning, the Commission on National and Community Service (CNCS; 1993) provides perhaps the most widely accepted definition and is that which guides this study. A service- learning program provides educational experiences: a. under which students leam and develop through active participation in thoughtfully organized service experiences that meet actual community needs and that are coordinated in collaboration with school and community; b. that are integrated into the students' academic curriculum or provide structured time for a student to think, talk, or write about what the student did and saw during the actual service activity; c. that provide a student with opportunities to use newly-acquired skills and knowledge in real-life situations in the own communities; and, d. that enhance what is taught in school by extending student learning beyond the classroom and into the community and helps to foster the development o f a sense o f caring for others (p. 15). Kraft (1996) maintains that the absence o f a single definition for service- learning permits fluidity in program design, which is imperative in meeting the needs of different and diverse communities and schools. He warns, however, that there is a fine line of distinction between service-learning and other volunteer and community service activities, which boast similar, yet limited outcomes to service-learning. For example, volunteer service activities are those from which the service agent derives Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 no direct monetary or material benefits. In volunteer service, there is no explicit focus on the educational value to be gained through involvement in the particular projects. Although individuals may leam indirectly from their personal involvement in volunteer service, the absence o f a systemic focus on the educational possibilities o f such service inevitably results in less utilization o f those possibilities than can be achieved through service-learning (Waterman, 1997). Another related concept is community service, generally abandoned by proponents of service-learning because of its retributive nature (Chapin, 1997; Kraft, 1996). Community service traditionally is connected to Catholic high schools and independent schools, which emphasize altruism and a concern for the poor. The rationale is that one gives back or repays the community because one has received many benefits from the community (Chapin, 1997). The projects involve concrete tasks that do not necessarily have the strong political or social action focus of, for example, a whole class involved in advocating for and learning about the homeless (Youniss et al., 1997). While community service can be very rewarding for the students by connecting them to the social life o f the community, it does not necessarily facilitate cognitive development, increase political efficacy, or stimulate the political process (Chapin, 1997). Service-Leaming’s Foundations in Dewey's Experiential Learning , The basic pedagogical theory behind service-learning is attributed to the philosopher and educator John Dewey (1938; 1956) who argued that the interaction Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 of knowledge and skills with experience is key to learning. In his classic works, Experience and Education (1938; 1963) and Democracy and Education (1916), Dewey provided the intellectual undergirdings for such critical service-learning components: 1) student involvement in the construction of learning objectives; 2) working together rather than in isolation on learning tasks; 3) using "educative" and minimizing "miseducative" experiences; 4) the organic relation between what is learned and personal experience; 5) the importance of social and not just intellectual development; and, 6) the value o f actions directed toward the welfare of others. Dewey's focus was on the "inert knowledge problem" (Whitehead, 1929), or the tendency o f students to acquire stores of knowledge that are useless in new situations (Eyler & Giles, 1999). Through experiential education, students are challenged to discover relationships among ideas for themselves, rather than merely receiving the information through prescriptive, or "banking," methods (Freire, 1970). Dewey (1916) argued that discovering relationships is a wholehearted affair, linking emotions and learning by capturing student interest and passion. Such learning is intrinsically worthwhile and deals with problems that awaken student curiosity and a need to know that extends over a considerable period of time (Giles & Eyler, 1994). Dewey viewed the student's community as an integral part of educational experiences, because it represents what is most familiar and comfortable to the student and provides a venue where students can apply knowledge outside of school bounds. Dewey (1938; 1956) states that this experience is important both for the advancement o f the student and the betterment of future societies: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 This process at least results in a 'reconstruction' of, a recodifying of habits, and ongoing questioning o f old ideas. Thus, experiential learning so pursued transforms the individual, revises and enlarges knowledge, and alters practice. It affects the aesthetic and ethical commitments of individuals and alters their perceptions and interpretations of the world, (cited in Keeton, 1983, p. 1) CONCEPTUALIZING EFFECTIVE SERVICE-LEARNING PROGRAMS In order to review the literature on service-learning for evidence of compelling design elements and evaluation techniques, it is necessary to emphasize that there is an extensive variety and complexity o f activities under the service- learning umbrella (Giles et al., 1991; Hedin, 1989; Miller, 1994). One reason that assessing student service-learning is difficult is because there is not a uniform conceptualization of an ideal service-learning program. Structure Because every school, student population, and community differ, it is impossible to prescribe a normative set of effective structures to serve as a blueprint for all service-learning programs. Holland (1997) states that “each institution must develop its own understanding o f its academic priorities, including the role of service as an aspect of mission, and set clear goals for a level of commitment that matches those priorities” (p. 30). In fact, very few o f the hundreds of existing programs are identical, although they may share similar elements (Witmer and Anderson, 1994). In a survey of the 130 largest school districts in the country, The American Alliance for Rights and Responsibilities (1995) found that 72 percent of those that require Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 service reported a wide disparity in the structure of the service programs and requirements even within their own districts. As Schon (1983) has emphasized, learning in the “real world” is messy and hard to untangle. Despite the diversity in program structures, five prevalent typologies have been identified in reviewing the literature. It should be underscored, however, that “in the choice of program design, there is no right or wrong answer, except what is right for each school” (Witmer and Anderson, 1994, p. 24). Typologies of Structure 1. Service within versus service outside the school environment Service-learning projects that are of direct benefit to others can be carried out without the students having to leave the school environment. Tutoring programs across grade levels for example have been demonstrated to be o f benefit to both the students receiving the tutoring and those providing the service (Cognetta & Sprinthall, 1978). Similarly, participation in peer counseling programs at the secondary level can provide opportunities for both service and learning. Another model of providing service to the community within the school context is offered by industrial arts and home economic courses in which goods produced in the classroom are donated to community agencies. The alternative model is for students to engage in service-learning projects outside of school, that is, directly in the community. The latter model is most often associated with service-learning programs (Waterman, 1997a). Passing out blankets Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 to clients in an urban homeless shelter and helping to pick up rubbish on a stretch of protected beach are two examples o f this model. 2. Service as an element in academic courses versus in elective courses One model for service-learning is to have service as an element in traditional academic courses. The experiences generated in the field can then be brought back into the classroom for discussion, and ideally linked to subject matter. In this model, service activities have differed in duration and frequency. An alternative model is service-learning courses not identified with any traditional curricular subject area. These courses may involve having students work at a single site for a specified number o f hours during the school term or may have elements o f a survey course in which a succession of projects are carried out at different sites (Waterman, 1997a). 3. Service as a grade-, discipline-, or school-wide initiative versus through individual classes Thirty-two percent of all public schools, including nearly half of all high schools, include service-learning as part of their curriculum (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Schools with service-learning tended to have grade-wide service-learning, discipline-wide service-learning programs, or service-learning in individual courses that were not part o f a broader grade- or school-wide initiative. Grade-wide service-learning refers to those programs in which students complete a service project through academic coursework according to grade level Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 (e.g., 10th grade). In reference to the 1998-1999 academic year, 70 percent of schools with service-learning programs had students participating in this model (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Discipline-wide service-learning is the integration o f service-learning into a subject area through academic coursework (e.g., English). This model was utilized by 53 percent of schools (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Less common was the use of the school-wide service-learning model. Only one-third of the schools reported having school-wide service-learning (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Lastly, some schools do not offer service-learning through grade-, discipline, or school-wide initiatives, specifically. Sixty-two percent o f schools reported that service-learning was offered in individual academic classes that were not part of a broader grade- or school-wide initiative (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Furthermore, some schools report more than one type of service-learning model. 4. Service arranged for students versus service arranged by students. In 1999, the "National Student Service-Learning and Community Service Survey” found that the majority of public schools (57%) arrange community service projects for their students (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). The survey reported that high schools are the most common practitioners. Eighty-three percent of public high schools had students participating in community service activities that were either recognized by and/or arranged by their respective school. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 5. Service-learning as curricular requirement versus as curricular option The arguments over whether students should be required to perform a set number o f hours in order to graduate, rather than to be given the choice whether to become involved, has yet to be resolved. To add complexity, a given service- learning program which is required may mandate some students to enroll in a designated service-learning course, while allowing others to choose the course topic themselves (Waterman, 1997a). The elements of this debate are detailed below. The Mandatory vs. Voluntary Service Debate Mandatory Service In 1992, Maryland became the first state to require community service, or an approved alternative program, for graduation. Several arguments have been made in favor of required service. One argument is that education has long been charged with training young people to be contributing members of democracy. Benjamin Barber (1993), in an article entitled “A Mandate for Liberty,” writes: We think of ourselves as ‘bom free,’ but we are, in tmth, bom weak and dependent and acquire equality as a concomitant of our citizenship. Liberty is learned; it is a product rather than the cause of our civic work as citizens.. ..The most in need o f training in the democratic arts of citizenship are, in fact, least likely to volunteer. ...Thinking that the national problem of civic apathy can be cured by encouraging volunteerism is like thinking that illiteracy can be remedied by distributing books on the importance of reading. (P- 7) A second argument is that as long as service remains optional, it is perceived as less important than the many required courses. Newmann and Rutter (1985) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 support this position with their findings that less than 20 percent of schools with optional programs had participation rates exceeding 25 percent. Boyer (1992) wrote: It seems especially inappropriate to reject community service because it is ‘not voluntary.’ Schools are not centers of volunteerism. They are places where our children are asked - required - to complete programs that prepare them for life: economically, civically, and morally. A service requirement is as justified as a requirement in math or science or physical education if it helps contribute to these essential ends. Blyth et al. (1997) warn, however, that service practitioners should take care to ensure that students who are required to fulfill service obligations have the opportunity to interpret and leam from the experiences they encounter, rather than leave the service activity as an end in itself. Voluntary Service There are numerous objections to mandatory service, beginning with the observance that “required volunteerism” is somewhat of an oxymoron. The most fervent argument invokes images o f slavery (i.e., “involuntary servitude”). These claims posit that only service that is completed voluntarily will carry meaning to its provider. More practical, yet equally valuable, criticisms of mandatory service are offered as well. For example, Schine (1997) has argued that if service is required of all students, problems may arise in cases where service opportunities are few, transportation to and from service sites is problematic, or there is no match between student ability and service site. In urban settings specifically, safety is an additional, but primary, concern. The only solution becomes finding placements for every Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 student that are accessible from school (Schine, 1997). In addition, Witmer and Anderson (1994) have given three reasons why service-programs might decide to remain optional: 1) lack of financial or human resources; 2) philosophical belief that students who choose to participate are more motivated, will leam more from their experiences, and are more likely to make service a lifelong habit; and, 3) students who enter apathetic may not provide adequate service to the service recipients (p. 23). These criticisms are not only substance for theory, but have impacted practical implementation as well. A survey of over one thousand high school principals found that only 20 percent o f the service programs are required (Harrison, 1987). Although the majority of programs are optional, Raskoff and Sundeen (1999) note that research which compares differences in outcome between required and optional community service programs in high schools is limited. Therefore, it is difficult to proclaim a conclusive answer to the debate. Processes & Components of Effective Service-Learning Programs The processes through which schools may go about implementing a service- learning program are even more varied than the structure(s) that they may take on. This is due in part to the fact that these processes are directly related to program goals and populations. For this reason, it is difficult to identify one coherent set of promising processes, since what works in one setting might prove ineffective in another. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 An effort to compartmentalize these various processes can be made through a meta-analysis o f the literature on effective and best practices. For the purposes of this paper, an amalgamation of several categories of essential components identified separately in the literature will be used. The first comes from Honnet and Poulson (1989), who established a set of qualities based on the original “Ten Principles of Good Practice in Combining Service and Learning” (Honnet and Poulson, 1989). Representatives from over 70 organizations concerned with service and/or learning developed the principles in 1989 at a Wingspread conference (Honnet & Poulson, 1989). The principles state that an effective program: 1. Engages people in responsible and challenging actions for the common good; 2. Program provides structured opportunities for people to reflect critically on their service experience; 3. Articulates clear service and learning goals for everyone involved; 4. Allows for those with needs to define those needs; 5. Clarifies the responsibilities of each person and organization involved; 6. Matches service providers and service needs through a process that recognizes changing circumstances; 7. Expects genuine, active and sustained organizational commitment; 8. Includes training, supervision, monitoring, support, recognition, and evaluation to meet service and learning goals; 9. Insures that the time commitment for service and learning is flexible, appropriate, and in the best interests of all involved; and, 10. Is committed to program participation by and with diverse populations (pp. 41-53). Honnet and Poulson (1989) codified the ten Wingspread Principles into six categories of program elements necessary to meet both service and learning goals. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 They include: 1) training, 2) supervision, 3) monitoring, 4) support, 5) recognition, and 6) evaluation. Kendall (1991a), also using the Wingspread Principles, identified three macro categories into which Honnet and Poulson’s effective service components could be compartmentalized. She uses the terms preparation, monitoring, and debriefing. The Maryland State Board o f Education (1993) followed suit with its framework for student service-learning. It defines effective service-learning programs as successful in the areas o f preparation, action, and reflection. Fertman et al. (1993) added the concept of celebration, commenting on the need to honor student achievements and efforts. This paper will examine these constructs by forming the following categories: preparation, action/monitoring, reflexivity, evaluation, and motivation. Preparation Preparatory elements of effective service-learning programs can be separated into four broad categories: 1) establishing educational goals/objectives, 2) providing leadership skills, 3) collaborating with community, and 4) hiring talented adult leaders. 1. Establishing Educational Goals and Objectives The first task in the creation of an effective service-learning program is the articulation of educational goals and/or objectives (Howard, 2001; Kendall et al., 1986; Honnet and Poulson, 1989; Maryland Student Service Alliance, 1995). Service-learning is a mechanism through which in-class knowledge may be Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 enhanced and applied. For this reason, and as it is an extension of the traditional classroom, service-learning objectives and goals should be identified and developed so that original course objectives and goals will be met and, preferably, surpassed. Specifically, studies have shown that matching service activities to class content increases learning. Hamilton and Zeldin (1987) found that students who observed legislative sessions that illustrated class content, learned more and reported a more favorable attitude about the legislative system than their non-participating peers. Alt and Medrich (1994) have found that tutors increase their own understanding of the subjects they teach. 2. Providing Leadership Skills Students are frequently involved with populations or in projects with which they have no or limited experience. The second preparatory element o f an effective service-learning program, therefore, is the preparation of students for service activities (Witmer and Anderson, 1994; Kendall et al., 1986; Howard, 2001). This preparation refers not only to understanding the issue that they will be addressing, but also to the specific project skills necessary to deal with their particular target population (Maryland Student Service Alliance, 1995; Proctor, 1992; Honnet and Poulson, 1989). This training is important given that some manifestations of exemplary practices include interaction with diverse populations as an important element (Eyler and Giles, 1999). If students lack experience and understanding, the achievement o f program goals is lessened (Howard, 2001). In his book The Call of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 Service, Robert Coles (1993) echoes the need for preparing the attitude o f the service provider. Coles finds that the most effective server is one who is sensitive to the needs and feelings of those who are being served and who endeavors to walk in their shoes. To this end, the National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence (1991) recommends ten to twenty hours o f service-site-specific training for students. In terms of specific skills, Chi (1993) discusses that one element of a well- structured service-learning program is its preparation of students in “effective communication, active listening, group facilitation, sensitivity to diversity, informational interviewing, and public speaking. Young people can then identify community needs, manage projects, and lead groups in planning and mobilizing for civic action. Such skills will service them well - now and in the future as lifelong citizens” (Chi, 1993, p. 29). Similarly, Menlo (1993, cited in Howard, 2001) offers four competencies that will accentuate student learning: 1) reflective listening, 2) seeking feedback, 3) acuity in observation, and 4) mindfulness in thinking. 3. Collaborating with Community The third element o f effective service-learning programs is joint collaboration between a school and community. Effective program goals are derived from a partnership, negotiated between teachers, students, and community members or organizations. This is to assure mutual benefits (Shumer, 1988; Maryland, 1995), to clarify the responsibilities of each person and organization involved by articulating clear service and learning goals (Honnet and Poulson, 1989), and to set student Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 expectations and performance guidelines (Witmer and Anderson, 1994). In terms of setting student expectations, Sigmon (1979) notes that students should have significant control over what is expected, as they are the learners and will be completing the service. Howard (2001) states that exemplary programs demonstrate good communication between all parties, especially between the school personnel and the community sponsors. Such communication involves regular discourse between the two groups and a willingness to talk through problems as they arise (Shumer, 1997). Thus programs should be built on reciprocity - the exchange of giving and receiving between the “server” and the person or group “being served.” According to Berry (1988), it is this reciprocity that creates a sense o f mutual responsibility and respect between individuals in the service-learning exchange. In addition, all those involved will expect genuine, active and sustained organizational commitment (Honnet and Poulson, 1989). By working together, school and community can create a more positive image of education (Hedin & Conrad, 1991). One way to maximize the community responsibility orientation o f the course is leaving the primary role of defining the needs of the recipients of service to the community groups being served (Kendall, 1991b; Honnet and Poulson, 1989; Witmer and Anderson, 1994; Sigmon, 1979). There is wide agreement in the service-learning community that whatever the type of service activity in which a student is taking part, it should be based on a genuine need for service that will make a real difference. Rutter and Newmann (1990) emphasized, in fact, that students Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 should only be placed in a community when the service performed responds to a critical social need or contributes to the general welfare, so that they do not take jobs away from local community members or do not become involved in tasks that are not considered useful (Kendall, 1991b: Maryland Student Service Alliance, 1995). Chi (1993) explains that one element of a well-structured program is to provide young people with the knowledge of the real needs of the community. Therefore, the community and the students should collaborate in the “identification of issues and the development of projects” (Chi, 1993, p. 29). One means to begin the collaborative effort is to have students work to identify pressing community needs, and devise and participate in projects that address those needs. The matching of student to activity merits additional discussion. Proctor (1992) advocates that student volunteers should be given as much choice as possible for their volunteer activities. The National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence (1991) has found that it is important to allow the volunteers to have some authority and decision-making power in their service rolls. Although students may not be ready to take a project from conception to realization, “students can, for example, explore the needs o f the immediate neighborhood, decide together which problems people of their age can address, and with the guidance of their adult leader, develop an action plan” (National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence, 1991, p. 43). However, Waterman (1997) notes that there is currently little research available that substantiates claims that matching student interests with placement Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 characteristics actually makes a difference in the outcomes obtained. Waterman (1997) found that intrinsic motivation, arguably a covert manifestation of choice, did play a significant role in whether students continued their volunteer service. On the other hand, extrinsic motivations were not found to be related to service fulfillment or continuation. Snyder and Omoto (1992) found similar results between the sustainability o f volunteer service and satisfaction. Although they found no difference in satisfaction with the service projects between students who terminated their service projects and those who continued, they did report that continuers were more likely to be motivated by potential personal outcomes (e.g., self-esteem enhancement or personal development), rather than by community concerns, values, or gains in understanding or knowledge. With this in mind, a preliminary conclusion may be drawn that if students are allowed to seek out their own service activities based on their personal preferences, they might participate in service projects for a longer period of time, and have more positive, and educational experiences. The importance of matching students to sites should still take into account that student interests and aptitudes are matched as closely as possible to the previously identified community needs (Honnet and Poulson, 1989). Volunteers have been found to have the best experiences when they were able to assume adult roles, are given responsibilities, and have found the service interesting and challenging (Proctor, 1992; Shumer, 1997). The alternative is to have sites chosen for the student. Although programs should make an effort toward letting volunteers choose, there is importance in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 recruiting students for sites (Kendall et al., 1986). Studies have shown that grade level and socioeconomic status may influence whether students choose service activities. In their 1999 study of almost 80,000 K-12 public schools, Skinner and Chapman (2000) found that 71 percent of middle and high schools organized community service activities for students, while only 49 percent of elementary schools did. Skinner and Chapman (2000) report that the socioeconomic status of students within schools could play a role in whether they are permitted to chose their own activities. Schools with less than 50 percent of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch, for example, were more likely to organize community service activities than schools who reported a majority of students who were eligible for free or reduced-price lunch. One compromise found in exemplary programs is described by Kendall et al. (1990). The program identifies the site, but then students are responsible for securing a position within the field. This action can serve to lessen the dictatorial nature of assigning sites to students. 4. Hiring Talented Adult Leaders The last element in the “preparation" category of an effective service-learning program is the role of the adult leader. Lewis (1987) points out that this is a key ingredient in a successful service program. This person must be able to motivate young people, help them articulate the meaning of their experiences, and help them act on that understanding. Supervisors can offer constructive criticism, positive Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 reinforcement, and a greater base of knowledge about those being served (National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence, 1991). Teachers must assist students to reflect on what they are learning and make the connections to prior experiences and future actions (Roberts, 1981; Shumer, 1988). Facilitators need not only to be dedicated and enthusiastic, but also to possess a positive emotional involvement in both the students and the community. Proctor (1992) notes that effective school-based community service programs should utilize a full-time coordinator who can devote adequate time to the many responsibilities of the position, such as scheduling transportation and assessing the efficacy of student- organization matches. Additionally, adult leaders can help to ensure the safety of the minors involved. Kendall (1991a) emphasized the need for faculty and administration to support the participants and integrate their experiences into the classroom. Citing a five-year longitudinal study completed in 1989 by the National Society for Internships and Experiential Education and a separate study in 1989 by Stanford University, success o f a service-learning program hinged on such support and integration. Action/Monitoring Action Action refers to the actual service activities in which students are engaged, and is evaluated primarily in terms o f the outcomes that can be derived from its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 application. For example, Honnet and Poulson (1989) comment that effective service-learning programs engage individuals in responsible and challenging actions for the common good. Sigmon (1979) noted that the service activity should enable those performing the service to grow more effective in that capacity while also receiving something from their actions. Several factors comprise the service action category and will serve to frame this section of the paper. The first factor to be considered is the duration and/or intensity o f service involvement in which students should be engaged. Proctor (1992) introduces the issue of service duration when he notes that students should be exposed to service activities as early as possible. The second factor is the level of involvement that students should have while completing these services, and whether the types o f activities, and students’ opportunities to choose activities, matter in terms of outcomes. Duration/Time Dewey (1933) put forward four criteria that were necessary for projects to be truly educative. He proposed that a project 1) must generate interest; 2) must be worthwhile intrinsically; 3) must present problems that awaken new curiosity and create a demand for education; and, most pertinent to this section of the paper, 4) must cover a considerable time span and be capable of fostering development over time (emphasis added). Dewey was convinced that an educative experience is one Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 that fosters student development by linking intellectual and emotion, and a curiosity that extends over a considerable period of time (Giles and Eyler, 1994b). Giles and Eyler (1994b) note that the effectiveness of a program is directly related to the time spent engaged in the service experiences. However, a definitive period of time based on the current literature cannot yet be assigned as programs differ in their goals, activities, and service providers, and thus tailor their time requirements accordingly. This is evident in the variation in completed service hours by students in different grade levels. A study of middle and high school students by Melchoir & Orr (1995) reported that 44% of youth performed more than 40 hours of service per year in their program with another 15% doing between 21 and 40 hours, and 20% doing between 5 and 20 hours. Middle school programs generally tended to involve fewer hours of service than the high school programs; the former tended to be just several weeks in duration whereas the latter were typically a full year in length. Ninth-grade students who participated in a mandatory service program reported the highest number o f service hours of all grades. In sum, these findings suggest that diversity in the duration o f service experiences is related not only to the types of activities being conducted, but also to the provider’s grade level or age. There is general agreement in the literature with Dewey’s assertions that for most program objectives, students should be in their service-learning placements for extended periods of time. One argument for a longer period of service is that the nature of the tasks that students do in field placements can evolve and become more complex over time (Moore, 1981, 1986; Suelzle and Borzak, 1981). Furthermore, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. there is evidence that a more intense program is more likely to provide higher levels of the qualities associated with effective service-learning than a less intense one (i.e., challenging and varied tasks, opportunities to make important decisions, sense of ownership, collegial relations with professionals in the field, opportunities to apply content from the classroom to the placement and vice verse, and to make a real contribution to the community; Eyler and Giles, 1997). Eyler and Giles (1997) compared students who performed less than 20 hours, between 20 and 40 hours, and more than 40 hours of service within a ninth-grade service-learning program. Results indicated that students who did more than 40 hours reported less at-risk behavior over time, a greater increase in social responsibility for civic involvement, and less disengagement from school. However, the study did find that self-esteem increased most for those doing less than 20 hours of service, as did engagement in regular academic tasks. Ironically, attitudes about social responsibility for helping others decreased among those doing more than 40 hours although most of these were not actually helping others in their service experience. Eyler (1993), in a study of 42 college students, found that when students evaluated characteristics of their 3 to 6 hours-per-week service practicum and then later performed a similar assessment of their full-time internship, the levels o f all of the aforementioned quality-related variables were significantly higher for the higher intensity experience. Rutter and Newman (1989) compared opportunities for challenge such as making difficult decisions and being confronted with new ideas, and found that students who Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 participated in community services reported more of these challenges than those who did not. Although experts within the service-learning community clearly advocate for programs of an extended period of time, one-time service projects can still be useful in helping students change their stereotypes o f people receiving a service. It is important, in these instances, however, that students work directly with the service clients and are provided opportunities to reflect on their experiences. Lastly, regardless of the duration of a project, Blyth et al. (1997) have warned that practitioners should make certain that teaching methods are used that allow students to interpret and learn from their experiences. Intensity/Degree o f Involvement Extent to which schools include service activities The literature provides tentative evidence that service-learning has become more pervasive over the past two decades. In a study conducted in 1984, Newmann and Rutter (1985) found that 27 percent o f all high schools (public and private) in the United States offered some type of community service and 9 percent of all high schools offered service-learning programs. In another study some 10 years later, Nolin et al. (1997) examined the service involvement of 6th- through 12th-grade students. They found that involvement had increased with 49 percent of all students in grades 6-12 participating in community service, and 56 percent incorporating their community service into the curriculum (Nolin et al., 1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 In terms of what grade level is the most appropriate for a service-learning program, one can look empirically at the current state o f implementation of community service and service-learning programs. A recent study by Skinner and Chapman (2000) found that a higher percentage of high schools (83 percent) had students engaged in community service activities than middle schools (77 percent) or elementary schools (55 percent). As far as service-learning programs are concerned, only about half as many schools had service-learning as had community service (32 percent). Again, the percentage of schools that had service-learning programs increased in relation to instructional level; 25 percent of elementary schools, 38 percent o f middle schools, and 46 percent of all high schools had students participating in service-learning (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). This study did expand upon previous findings in that it also noted relationships between community service participation and school size, as well as the socioeconomic statuses of the students. Larger schools (i.e., those enrolling 1,000 or more students) were more likely to have students participating in community service activities than schools with lower enrollments. In addition, schools with wealthier student populations were, on average, more likely to have students participating in community service activities than those that had higher percentages of students in low socioeconomic brackets (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 Types of Service Activities Findings from the spring 1999 “National Student Service-Learning and Community Survey” offer the most reliable national estimates of service-learning practices in public schools (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). The majority of youth (51%) surveyed reported that they were involved in environmental projects (e.g., trash removal). It is interesting to note here that 56% o f those students involved in these types of projects saw these efforts as not directly helping other people. Second in frequency were those projects in which students were directly involved in helping others. Forty-nine percent reported participating such activities as tutoring or working in a nursing home. Other volunteer projects included general volunteer work (e.g., answering organization phones; 41%), engagement in educational or specific prevention presentations to others (e.g., drug awareness; 35%) and working to make change (e.g., getting signatures on petitions; 19%). Ironically, only 40% of students saw their involvement in the service projects as directly helpful to others. Do the ways in which youth are involved matter? With the differences in types of involvement, a salient question to consider is whether the ways in which youth are involved create differences in outcomes. Intuitively, this question seems to have a simple answer: because service activities are framed by the goals of the program, it follows that the ways that students are involved would make a difference to program outcomes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 To better answer this question, Blyth et al. (1997) explored the impact of three different levels of involvement by high school freshmen in their service- learning activities: 1) doing the service alone; 2) doing the service with others but without active group planning; and, 3) doing everything from planning the program to performing the actual service as a group. Their findings suggest that how youth are involved in the creation, planning, and execution of the service does affect outcomes. For example, analyses revealed that the students who worked alone were more likely to be affected personally (e.g., report higher levels of self-efficacy, become more academically engaged). On the other hand, those who worked as a group were more likely to gain a sense of civic responsibility and intent to serve others (Blyth et al., 1997). The choice of which level of involvement makes for a “getter” service-learning program, then, would depend on the objectives of the program itself. Monitoring Effective service-learning programs are concerned with the ongoing quality improvement o f their programs and program components. For this reason, such programs allow for the monitoring of service activities while they are still in progress. The first reason for the inclusion of monitoring in the design o f an effective service-program is to ensure that initial preparations have been implemented according to plan. Second, monitoring program activities helps to determine if the service providers and those being served are deriving maximum Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 benefits from the reciprocal relationship. Third, monitoring allows for the resolution of any conflicts that have arisen. Fourth, monitoring of service can be used as a means of supporting learning, and as an initial step in reflection (Kendall et al, 1986). Fifth, monitoring is a form of formative evaluation where individuals are ensuring that the program continues to develop successfully. Lastly, monitoring might also serve as an opportunity to make sure that service sites are not taking advantage o f students. Witmer and Anderson (1994) offer the following five elements for consideration in initial monitoring efforts: 1) the tasks or experience being provided, 2) the level of student participation, 3) the quality of the participation, 4) student outcomes, and 5) outcomes of the program itself (p. 52). Fertman et al. (1993), however, caution that both monitoring and evaluation are difficult due to the myriad components involved and the interaction between all the distinct parts. Reflexivity Reflective activity entails the ability to stand back from an experience, in this instance from the experiences of providing service to the community, to discover the connections between actions and their effects (Silcox, 1993). These connections are concerned not only with what occurred (the descriptive level of analysis), but also with why the events are connected as they are (the explanatory level of analysis). This two-part analysis has been described best by Schon's (1995) characterization of the process o f discovery where reflection occurs both during and after action and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 "proceeds from doubt to the resolution of doubt to the generation of new doubt" (p. 31). The generation of new doubt offers an escape from the pervasive and stagnant notion of "learning" as the memorization of factual information. For this reason, numerous researchers (Shumer and Belbas, 1996; Witmer and Anderson, 1994; Honnet and Poulson, 1989) have argued that reflective practices are key elements in effective service-learning programs. In fact, there is considerable best-practices literature that stresses the importance of reflection as the vital link between service and learning (Honnet and Poulsen, 1989), and as a springboard for social change. For example, Hausner (1993) believes that “Focusing only on service delivery.. .is short-sighted; it is a little like deploying buckets to catch the rain falling inside the house” (p. 31). An examination of these findings can be divided into the degree to which service-learning programs employ reflective activities, the forms that these activities might take, and the outcomes attributed to reflection. Degree of Implementation Although reflection is an essential component of successful service-learning programs, studies report that the time allotted for and the nature of reflective activities are not explicit in all programs, nor are they universally executed. Most striking is the disparity of the amount of time spent on reflection activities reported by teachers and students. Blyth et al. (1997) found that students do not recognize the reflection activities as such, and they often underestimate the time devoted to reflection. Twenty-one percent of students reported that they had not spent time Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 after their service activity to talk, think, or write about their experience. However, over half (53%) o f the surveyed students noted that they spent some or a lot of time on reflection activities. Only 10% o f teachers, on the other hand, claimed to have not done any reflection at all (Blyth et al., 1997). Types o f Reflective Activities One reason that students might miscalculate the time spent on reflection is that reflection is amorphous, left to take shape under the auspices of each program’s leaders and predetermined objectives. Hatcher and Bringle (1997) provide a definition of reflection with this in mind: “.. .the intentional consideration of an experience in light of particular learning objectives” (p. 154). The most common reflection activities can be encapsulated into two broad categories - individual and group. The most common activities that traditionally accompany individual, or personal reflection are journal writings, a scrapbook, or drawings (Witmer and Anderson, 1994). Proctor (1992) contends that journal writing, for example, is an excellent way for students to monitor their progress and reflect on their experiences. Reflection at the individual level is not limited to tangible items, such as journals or pictures. However, Eyler and Giles (1999) note the importance of not only including written activities for reflection, but also those that include interactive discussion, such as face-to-face meetings between a student and teacher, or agency supervisor. The second category into which reflection activities can be placed is group level reflection. In an interactive, dialogical form of reflection, individuals can Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 explore each other's opinions, thoughts, desires, and perspectives. Noddings (1992) writes that "dialogue is a common search for understanding, empathy, or appreciation.. .It is always a genuine quest for something undetermined at the beginning" (p. 23). Without an emphasis on dialogue between individuals, service- learning again becomes one-sided, focusing on the isolated views and perceptions of the student without a true understanding of each individual's perspective. As Freire (1970) wrote, "the requirement is seen not in terms of explaining to, but rather dialoguing with the people about their actions" (p. 35). Proctor (1992) advocates for adequate time for students to share their feelings and experiences with one another as well. Oral reflection en route to and from the service site could provide such an opportunity if students traveled in groups and/or with a facilitator. Witmer and Anderson (1994) distinguish three subjects of discussion that have led to learning outcomes: 1) about experiences with the people served; 2) about the effectiveness of the service; and, 3) about the root causes and interrelatedness o f social problems (p. 47). It should be noted, however, that reflection activities are not limited to a choice between the individual or group forms; rather, students often use an array of reflection activities, both individually and as a group. In a study by Blyth et al. (1997), almost all (91%) teachers held either whole class, small group, or one-to-one discussions as reflection activities. This is not surprising given that classroom discussions are not necessarily constrained by one topic, are easy to hold while in transit to and from service sites, and can be initiated on the spur of the moment. In addition to discussions, an overwhelming majority of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 teachers (72%) recounted that they use written assignments for reflection. Fifty- seven percent o f teachers also did projects to help students make meaning o f their experiences (Blyth et al., 1997). Outcomes Attributed to Reflection Research has shown that students learn best through combinations of thought and action, reflection and practice, and theory and application - more simply put, by constructing meaning from their experience (Kendall, 1988; Brooks and Brooks, 1993). In a meta-analysis of research studies on community service and service- learning, Conrad and Hedin (1982) found that reflection was the only necessary element in a service program which led to learning by students. They found, in particular, that the opportunities for learning are greatly enhanced if service partners are engaged in written and verbal reflection that is shared with each other throughout the service experience. Additional evidence has been found that students who had most reflected on their service experiences were more likely to remain interested in school, while their peers who reported not having reflected on their experiences became more disengaged (Blyth et al., 1997). Through the combination of discussions with others and individual reflection, students can better develop a sense of social responsibility, advocacy, and active citizenship (Kendall, 1991b), examine the service experience in relation to changes in attitudes, skills, and knowledge (Shumer, 1988), and apply theory to the practical experience o f work (Dollase, 1979). Reflection also allows students to examine the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 complex dynamics of power, race, and class that are created when students go into areas outside their own environment (Boyte, 1991), consider themes for future learning (Roberts, 1981), and arrive at some understanding about oneself and one’s relationship to the world (Hedin & Conrad, 1991). Cairn (1993) provides evidence that reflection helps students: 1) to identify their own values; 2) to assess personal skills; 3) to develop empathy for others; 4) and, to compare their assumptions to real- world experiences. Reflection enables students to critically think about their service experiences by providing a structured opportunity for students to learn about their experiences (Duckenfield & Swanson, 1992). The drawback is that schools seldom provide the direct experience and subsequent reflection that learning requires. As a form of experiential education, service-learning is based on the pedagogical principle that learning and development do not necessarily occur as a result of the experience itself, but as a result of a reflective component explicitly designed to foster learning and development (Jacoby and Associates, 1996). In fact, one might find it quite surprising that John Dewey warned against the potentially “mis-educative” nature of experience, in specific reference to the potential for students to learn the “wrong” things if their service experiences are not coupled with opportunities for reflection. Community service and volunteer programs have this potential because they fail to incorporate reflective activities. Without reflection, students “simply go through the motions of service, unaffected by the experience or with [their] personal ignorance and biases reinforced” (Duckenfield & Swanson, 1992, p. 15). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 In contrast, Blyth et al. (1997) found that youth who did not reflect on their service experience were more likely over time to express less socially responsible attitudes toward the environment, civic involvement, and serving others. They were also less likely to show intent to help others or the environment in the future. Eyler, Giles, and Schmiede (1996, cited in Howard, 2001) found that service- learning reflection is most effective when it conforms to the “Five C ’s”: 1. Continuous: reflection activities are undertaken throughout the service- learning course, rather than intermittently, episodically, or irregularly. Learning is never finished but is a lifelong process of understanding. It is through multiple opportunities for service and reflection that students have the opportunity to test and retest their ways o f understanding and thus to grow and develop; 2. Connected: reflection efforts are structured and directly related to the learning objectives. Learning is not compartmentalized between the classroom and the use of what is learned later, in the community, or between affective and cognitive learning; 3. Challenging: reflection efforts set high expectations, demand high quality student effort, and facilitate instructor feedback that stimulates further student learning. Students develop more complex and adequate ways of viewing the world when they are challenged but not overwhelmed by new experiences. The challenge has to match the needs of the student; 4. Contextualized: reflection activities are appropriate to the particular course, and are commensurate with and complementary to the level of other course learning activities; and, 5. Coaching: Without adequate support, students are likely to become discouraged or reject new insights and information. Students need considerable emotional support when they work in settings that are new to them; there needs to be safe space where they know that their feelings and insights will be respected and appreciated (p. 20). In terms of adequate time for reflection, Rutter and Newmann (1990) called for two hours o f reflection per week for every four hours in the community to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 provide opportunities for students to develop competencies in problem solving, negotiation, consensus building, and public speaking skills necessary for social action and political participation. Evaluation Fertman et al. (1993) present three key elements necessary to the evaluation process. First, the researchers found that evaluative tasks must be administered and delivered close to the operational level. That is, teachers and students must be the managers, as well as subjects of the evaluation. Howard (2001, 1993), Troppe (1995), Kendall et al., (1986) note, however, that evaluating assignments rooted in service must be assessed and evaluated in terms of what is learned, rather than in terms of the quantity, or even quality, of the service provided. The second element is that an effective evaluation will employ both quantitative and qualitative methods. Fertman et al. (1993) explain, as has been previously noted, that service-learning programs are complex, affecting numerous actors during the process. For this reason, results cannot be assessed with data gathered through a single survey. Evaluation must be made which tries to identify change and growth in each individual student. Conrad and Hedin (1991) used both quantitative and qualitative methodologies in their study. They found through quantitative analyses that students were better able to analyze problems when they were similar to those encountered during service experiences, and that students developed more favorable attitudes toward adults and the organizations with which Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 they worked. From qualitative analyses ofhigh school students’ journal entries, Conrad and Hedin (1991) found that students had learned new information, increased connections with society, formed deeper senses of responsibility, sense of questioning and wonder, and developed greater values of themselves. The third element offered by Fertman et al. (1993) is the potential role of consultants in service-program evaluations. They note that this can be particularly helpful when the evaluative tasks overwhelm the current staff. Motivation Motivation can be compartmentalized into prospective and retrospective motivation. Prospective motivation refers to what motivates students to participate in service-learning activities, or what makes schools encourage them to do so. There is a diversity o f incentive among individual schools for encouraging student involvement in service-learning. Results from the “National Student Service- Learning and Community Survey” (1999) show that fostering a relationship between students and the community was the primary incentive. More than half (53 percent) of schools reported that they encouraged students to become more active members of the community. Increasing student knowledge and understanding of the community (51 percent), meeting community needs and/or fostering relationships between the school and surrounding community (48 percent), and encouraging student altruism or caring for others (46 percent) were other reasons cited (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 Findings related to educational outcomes were also reported. Thirty-one percent o f schools with service-learning programs said that they either encouraged student involvement in service-learning activities so that students might enhance their critical thinking and problem-solving skills, or in an effort to improve student achievement in core academic courses (Skinner and Chapman, 2000). Retrospective motivation, in contrast, is the motivation to continue participation in future service-learning activities. Recognition is critical for the teenager. Public acknowledgement o f their good work will reinforce the student’s self-confidence and awareness of their own growth. “The key to this recognition, according to program leaders, is the collective acknowledgement of accomplishment....Young adolescents, so often filled with self-doubt, sometimes need this recognition in order to believe their own accomplishments” (National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence, 1991, p. 45). Proctor (1992) advocates for the inclusion of all stakeholders - parents, community members, school officials, students, service program leaders - in the recognition of student service accomplishments. Although external forms o f recognition might play a role in motivating students to continue with their service commitments, the evidence seems to suggest the opposite. Conrad and Hedin (1980) found that by far, the most powerful predictor of student personal and social development was the students’ perceptions of the quality of the experience. Waterman (1997) provides a possible explanation for this. He found that students who intended to continue with their volunteer Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 service were characterized by an intrinsic motivation for such service to a significantly greater degree than were those who did not intend to continue. Extrinsic motivations did not serve to distinguish between the two groups in the study. Snyder and Omoto 1992) found similar results; those students who were more likely to continue their service were more likely to be motivated by esteem enhancement or personal development, rather than by community concerns, values, or gains in understanding or knowledge. In conclusion, the connection between students’ intrinsic motivation and perceptions of service quality provides a firm support for involving students directly in the preparation elements, but does not necessarily discount the value of extrinsic motivation, which requires further study. Conclusion In response to the lack of a well-defined conceptual framework for creating and designing successful and long-lasting site-appropriate service programs at the K- 12 level, Furco (1994), through a meta-analysis of confounding service paradigms (Shumer, 1987; Lewis, 1988; Conrad and Hedin, 1989), has extracted what he believes to be the essential principles in institutionalizing service programs in K-12 education. The framework is founded upon three principles and constitutes the aforementioned categories in this paper: 1. Philosophically, the educational purposes of a program must be identified and defined; 2. Structurally, a service program must be designed to serve the identified educational purposes, meet the particular educational needs of the students, and operate effectively in a particular community; and, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 3. Programmatically, every issue raised by the implementation of a service program must be clearly and fully addressed and must be reconciled with a school’s existing programs (p. 397). SECULAR SERVICE INTERVENTIONS The attention o f the international community has become much more focused on volunteerism since the tragic events o f September 11, 2001. Countless individuals worldwide have donated time, energy, and funds to aid those in, as well as those emotionally affected by the events, New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. Ironically, this upsurge in volunteerism occurred within what the General Assembly of the United Nations had already proclaimed the “International Year of Volunteers.” The original intent of this proclamation, geared specifically toward efforts in developing countries, was to remind Governments that “volunteerism is an important component of any strategy aimed at poverty reduction, sustainable development and social integration, in particular overcoming social exclusion and discrimination” (United Nations General Assembly (E/2001/26), resolution 39/2). For this reason, the General Assembly called upon Governments to develop comprehensive strategies and programs to support volunteering. There are myriad service programs based on altruistic principles such as solidarity, common good, and help to the disenfranchised. Although many are rooted in religious dogma, others are purely secular in nature. Examples of these secular programs will be framed according to the extent to which program components extend geographically. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 National Efforts This section highlights recent attempts at the national level in the United States to ignite individuals’ activity within the larger community. It is important to consider these efforts as the political focus and continued implementation demonstrate not only the identified need for programs that contain direct service as a central component, but also that there exists an open window of opportunity in terms of creating policy to end the civic disengagement caused by individualism. For this study, it is also important to note that these efforts remain secular, with no reference to or explicit inclusion o f religious efforts. In addition to the efforts by the global community, the United States has had a rich tradition in national service efforts to help the less fortunate both at home and abroad. Raskoff and Sundeen (1999) have traced federally-sponsored service initiatives in the United States to the beginning o f the twentieth century. Among these programs are the Plattsburg Movement from 1915 to 1917, the Civilian Conservation Corps in the 1930s, and the Youth Conservation Corps and Young Adult Conservation Corps, in the 1970s (Raskoff and Sundeen, 1999, p. 77). In more recent years, the federal government has taken further initiative to expand the role o f service. In November of 1990, President George Bush signed into law the National and Community Service Act. This legislation sought to create a nationwide service system to involve Americans o f all ages, from kindergartners to senior citizens, in meaningful service to their communities. The purposes of the Act include: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 1. To renew the ethic of civic responsibility in the United States; 2. To encourage citizens, regardless of age, income, or ability, to engage in service; 3. To involve youth in programs that will benefit the nation and improve their own lives; 4. To enable young adults to make a sustained commitment to service by removing barriers created by high education costs, loan indebtedness and the rising cost of housing; 5. To build on the network o f existing federal, state and local programs and agencies; 6. To involve participants in activities that would not otherwise be performed by paid workers; and, 7. To generate additional volunteer service hours to help meet human, educational, environmental and public safety needs, particularly those relating to poverty (Sagawa & Halperin, 1993, p. 1). Two major programs involving school-age youth were created as a direct effect of the 1990 Act. One was “Service-America” which targeted children and youth in service through schools and community organizations and also endeavored to bring adult volunteers into the schools. The second program was the “American Conservation and Youth Service” which provided funding to programs which engaged young people ranging in age from 14 to 25 to volunteer while they gained essential education and workplace skills. The Act also supported several smaller programs including the Points o f Light Foundation and Youth-Build USA (Sagawa & Halperin, 1993). In 1993, the National and Community Service Trust Act signed by President Bill Clinton authorized the Corporation for National Service, which has funded several national and state-level programs devoted to service (Raskoff and Sundeen, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 1999). In general, the Corporation for National Service administers the programs authorized by the aforementioned two Acts, which authorize most o f the major federally funded volunteer and community service programs in America. The National and Community Service Act authorizes several programs administered by the Corporation including: AmeriCorps Grants, Learn and Serve America, the National Civilian Community Corps, and the Points of Light Foundation. The Domestic Volunteer Service Act authorizes the Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) program and the National Senior Volunteer Corps - known as Senior Corps. The Learn and Serve America program promotes service-learning initiatives in K-16 educational institutions. Funded by the Corporation for National Service in 1990, Learn and Serve America awards grants to schools and community organizations that seek to create new programs, or replicate existing ones, that address community needs in the areas of education, public safety, the environment, and health and human needs, while making a connection to academic content learned in school as well as the habits of good citizenship (Learn and Serve America, 2001). Created in 1993, AmeriCorps is the domestic equivalent of the Peace Corps which provides a network of community and volunteer services opportunities for participants who are at least 17 years of age. By statute, AmeriCorps programs and participants must address educational, public safety or environmental needs through services that provide a direct benefit to their communities. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 AmeriCorps is organized into two main sections: VISTA and the NCCC. The AmeriCorps*VISTA (Volunteers in Service to America) program is dedicated to increasing agency within service recipients to improve their own lives. Sustainability of projects is of central importance. Examples of projects include literacy development for inner-city youth, building affordable homes, and responding to natural disasters. For the Americorps*NCCC (National Civilian Community Corps), members of ages 18-24 serve in the areas of most critical need (i.e., education, public safety, the environment) through a federally-oriented 10-month residential program. Unlike previously discussed programs, the NCCC combines characteristics of civilian and military service (AmeriCorps, 2001). USA Freedom Corps President George W. Bush has also helped to place service at the forefront of national concerns by creating and implementing the USA Freedom Corps. The creation o f the USA Freedom Corps fosters a culture of service, citizenship, and responsibility and will provide opportunities and create incentives for Americans to become even more involved in serving their communities, country, and global neighbors. The intent is to promote civic ties and to foster a lifelong ethic of good citizenship and service among Americans of all ages (USA Freedom Corps, 2002). President Bush sees this step as evidence that Americans have begun to think less of the goods they can accumulate and more about the good they can do. This sentiment is clearly reminiscent of the formation of voluntary civic associations during the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 United State’s fledgling beginnings, which most impressed Alexis de Tocqueville during his visit to America in the 1830s. The USA Freedom Corps initially has three principal components: 1) a newly created Citizen Corps to engage citizens in homeland security; 2) an improved and enhanced AmeriCorps and Senior Corps; and, 3) a strengthened Peace Corps. In direct reaction to the upsurge in volunteerism following the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, President Bush asked all Americans, during his State of the Union Address, to dedicate at least two years of their lives, or 4000 hours, to service. Bush was making this call in an effort to sustain the outpouring of service and heightened civic pride at a time when signs that civic ties and social connectedness in America were on the wane. Putnam (cited in USA Freedom Corps, 2002) explains that the terrorist tragedy would probably also offer the President’s only occasion to capture such involvement and patriotism, which in turn, could manifest into continual civic engagement. In the aftermath of September’s tragedy, a window of opportunity has opened for a sort o f civil renewal that occurs only once or twice a century. But though the crisis revealed and replenished the wells of solidarity in American communities, so far those wells remain untapped (p. 9) In addition, President Bush’s request was also made with the understanding that research has shown that those who were asked to volunteer were much more likely to volunteer (63 percent) than were those who had not been asked (25 percent). Under the President’s leadership, and in line with his two predecessors, Congress is considering the enactment of the Citizen Service Act of 2002. This Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 legislation would serve to reform and enhance national and community service programs (USA Freedom Corps, 2002). Specifically, this legislation would: 1. Support and encourage greater engagement of citizens in volunteering; 2. Provide greater support to organizations meeting the homeland security needs of the Nation; 3. Provide greater assistance to secular and faith-based community organizations; 4. Create the USA Freedom Corps to manage the citizen service initiatives; 5. Create an Assistant to the President position to be located within the White House; 6. Make Federal support more accountable and effective; and, 7. Make Federal funds more responsive to state and local needs (USA Freedom Corps, 2002, p. 18). State Efforts In addition to the aforementioned national and international efforts, several states have developed programs involving service. Some have actually begun to require a fixed number o f community service hours of their high school students a graduation requirement. Others have developed more comprehensive service- oriented initiatives. These states’ efforts are important to examine from the perspective o f this study as they illustrate that education, and more specifically, the high school years, have been acknowledged as an ideal environment for increasing civic identity and engagement. However admirable, these efforts remain secular, mandating service to only public school graduates. So, these efforts are also important to consider and discuss within the context of this study, as they provide evidence that an policy framework for the inclusion of a mandatory service project in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I l l an educational setting exists and can, therefore, be built upon to become more inclusive, Maryland In 1993, Maryland became the first state in the nation to require all public school students to complete either 1) seventy-five hours of student service that includes preparation, action, and reflection components; or 2) a locally-designed program in student service that has been approved by the State Superintendent of Schools. The rationale behind this mandate was to create an opportunity for students to experience what the former Maryland state superintendent called "the joy of reaching out to others" (Hombeck, 1984, p. 2). Although some districts in Maryland require students to conduct individual service-learning projects, most school districts infuse service activities into the existing curriculum to help students use their academic skills to solve real community problems. The graduating high school class of 1997 was the first to be impacted by this state mandate; 99.9% of eligible seniors graduated with their service-learning requirement fulfilled (Maryland Student Service Initiative, 2001). California In response to the National and Community Service Act of 1990, the California Department of Education developed the CalServe Initiative. The CalServe Initiative was created to provide “direct funding assistance to [thirty-six] school-community partnerships" (CalServe, 1993, p. 1). Like Maryland, those Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 districts involved in the CalServe Initiative also require that students participate in service-learning activities. The notable differences between the two, however, are the number o f hours and frequency of activity expected. The CalServe participants, for example, are required to complete at least one service-experience in each grade span (i.e., K-5, 6-8, 9-12). The goals for California’s K-12 program follow. 1. Building a state infrastructure to support high-quality service programs at the local level by investing in individuals, influencing institutions, and promoting systematic change; 2. Achieving many categorical program and education reform outcomes which encourage high-order thinking skills, applies learning to real-life and work situations, and enhances academic learning; 3. Assist schools in better educating their diverse students while emphasizing the citizenship ethic and educating active citizens for a healthy democracy; 4. Support high-quality programs with diverse participants, solid community partnerships, clear program goals and objectives, articulated outcomes, and appropriate training, supervision, and evaluation; 5. Bring together the community and the school in mutual efforts to address community needs and teach the community’s students; 6. Utilize different instructional strategies through many group learning arrangements, individual service projects or placements all of which provide opportunities for collaborative and self-directed learning; and, 7. Empower young people to help their communities, their peers, and themselves. Youth receive orientation and training, and are involved in all levels of the planning, implementation, participation, and evaluation processes, not as “tokens” but as significant contributors and stakeholders in their education and their communities (CalServe, 1993, pp. 1-2). It should be noted that although a clear foundation of CalServe’s service program is to enhance academic learning (goal 2), goals 3 and 5 demonstrate that solidarity through citizenship and democratic values, as well as a shared aim of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 common good by addressing community needs, is essential to program effectiveness and success (CalServe Initiative, 2001) Grassroots Efforts Service initiatives at the local and grassroots levels are abundant. Projects that are based on assisting the less fortunate are arguably the most common at these levels, possibly due to the ability of community members to identify with, and thus form empathy more easily for fellow community members. Soup kitchens, holiday food baskets, and shelters for battered women, runaway youth, and the homeless are traditional examples of these services. For this study, efforts at the grassroots level are important inclusions as they represent those opportunities which those students, like the participants in this study, who are enrolled in private high schools, but are still required to complete a resolute number of service hours in their immediate community will be engaged. In addition, grassroots efforts develop out of an identified need by community members themselves. The concepts o f justice and opportunity for change underpin these efforts, as espoused within Catholic doctrine. An alternative and inspiring example of a non-religious, altruistic local intervention can be found in McLaughlin et al.’s (1994) Urban Sanctuaries: Neighborhood Organizations in the Lives and Futures o f Inner-City Youth, Urban Sanctuaries offers a glimpse into six successful inner-city neighborhood organizations - a community center, a gymnast troupe, a settlement house, a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 neighborhood YMCA, a Boys and Girls Club, and a community-based educational organization - that protect, nurture, and challenge at-risk youth. The authors determine organizational success by whether inner-city youth themselves rate the organizations highly and eagerly participate in them. In the youth’s view, these six organizations succeed because they provide strong support for the youth while they navigate the turbulent and often brutal avenues of their adolescence. Another component o f a successful organization was an ability to retain the adolescents in the program. McLaughlin et al. label the leaders of the six organizations “wizards.” They use this term because these individuals were able to disprove others’ disheartening conclusion that youth are a lost cause - a task that has required “nothing less than magic” to accomplish previously. The six “wizards” share five broad characteristics: 1) they see genuine potential in youth; 2) they put youth at the center o f their programs; 3) they believe in their own abilities to make a difference; 4) they feel that they are giving back something to the community; and, 5) they are authentic (pp. 95- 96). The characteristic that is of central importance to this discussion on the diverse foundations of service interventions is the feeling of solidarity expressed by the fourth wizard characteristic. They each saw commonality between the youth that they served and their own adolescence - a connection that drove them to achieve success. Additionally, the characteristics of putting youth at the center of their programs (characteristic 2) and of making the activities authentic (characteristic 5) are also related to this discussion. The wizards did not take a top-down approach to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 activity development, imposing a defined number of programs for youth to choose between. In contrast, they created a feeling of unity and solidarity between the youth and the program staff by defining activities through youth involvement in decision making processes (McLaughlin et al., 1994). CATHOLICISM AND SERVICE-LEARNING Catholicism and Service Although the central beliefs held by a Catholic are encapsulated in the succinct “Apostles’ Creed,” the principles o f Catholicism that support service- learning are most clearly evident through an examination o f various biblical scriptures. In 1 Corinthians (13:13), St. Paul enumerates the three Divine virtues: “So faith, hope, love remain, these three; but the greatest of these is love.” Love, the greatest of the three virtues, is to be demonstrated by Christians through two means: 1) the love that a Christian shows toward God, and 2) the love that a Christian shows toward his/her fellow human beings as a testament of love for God. This dual component is demonstrated most unmistakably in the first of the Ten Commandments “You shall not have other gods besides me.” (Exodus, 20:3), and in the Golden Rule o f the New Testament “Do to others as you would have them do to you.” (Luke, 6:31), respectively. The love for God is "the greatest and the first commandment" (Matt., 22:38) and ".. .the bond of perfection" (Col., 3:14). Catholics, like all Christians, believe Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 that God created [humans] in His own image (Gen. 1:27). This image not only refers to one’s physical shape, but also one’s moral character. For this reason, Catholics are told that it is their role to complete the duties according to His purpose (Rom., 8:28). The importance o f having good moral character is most evident in the expectation of believers to have a “Christian spirit” (i.e., to have a spirit like Christ’s). This can be interpreted as experiencing the world as Christ viewed it, such as in this description by St. Peter: “He went about doing good and healing all those oppressed by the devil...” (Acts 10:38). The spirit of Jesus, therefore, was not one of passive sympathy, but rather of active empathy. The second component of the divine virtue of love is the duty to cherish one’s fellow human beings, and oneself (Gal. 5:14). Upon the eve o f Jesus Christ’s crucifixion, he gave his followers a “new commandment,” which would ultimately remind them that they are his disciples: “I give you a new commandment: love one another. As I have loved you, so you also should love one another” (John, 13:34). Such acts of righteousness will best separate the children o f God from the children of the devil (1 John, 3:10), will prove who has fulfilled the whole law (Gal., 5:14), and, hence, will be that on which they will be judged. Another manifestation o f this duty to love others is seen in the deconstructing of the word “catholic” itself. Derived from Greek, the word “catholic” means “embracing all” or “universal.” As suggested in the etymological roots of “catholic,” God’s community is not confined by the walls of a physical church, a religious doctrine, a color of skin, or social standing. As a member of God’s community, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 Catholics are committed to the preservation of that community and its members. For this reason, Catholics must contribute to the well being of their neighbors - “Do to others as you would have them do to you.” (Luke, 6:31). However, the connection of this principle to acts o f service is most evident in the seven corporal works of mercy: 1) to feed the hungry; 2) to give drink to the thirsty; 3) to clothe the naked; 4) to visit the imprisoned; 5) the shelter the homelessness; 6) to visit the sick; and 7) to bury the dead. They are called “corporal” from the Latin word “corpus,” meaning “body,” because they pertain to the physical and temporal welfare of one’s neighbors (i.e., the “body” o f the Church, or its “community”; Trese, 1991, p. 164). The role o f helping others is even more forcibly demonstrated when Jesus Christ urges his followers to forgive their enemies, to reconcile with them, and to assist, love, and pity them. This example of serving another through love (Gal., 5:13) is found in the parable of the Good Samaritan in which a reviled Samaritan was the only traveler to offer aid to a Jew who had been attacked during his travels from Jerusalem to Jericho (Luke, 10:29-37). The scriptures make clear that those who fight injustice and help the less fortunate, although they might be ridiculed, tormented, or feel anguish for doing so, will be guaranteed a place next to God in Heaven (1 Peter, 3:17-18; 1 Peter, 5:10-11). For it is better to suffer for doing good, if that be the will of God, than for doing evil. For Christ also suffered for sins once, the righteous for the sake of unrighteous, that he might lead you to God. Put to death in the flesh, he was brought to life in the spirit. (1 Peter, 3:17-18) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 The God o f all grace who called you to his eternal glory through Christ [Jesus] will himself restore, confirm, strengthen, and establish you after you have suffered a little. To him be dominion forever. Amen. (1 Peter, 5:10-11) Catholicism and Learning The philosophies and principles of Catholicism extend beyond ancient scripture and its interpretation. They are most clearly demarcated within the role that the Catholic Church has placed upon catechism, or religious education, and especially in the construction of community through faith and service. This has specific legitimacy to the “learning” component of the service-learning model. The connection between Catholicism’s religious principles, service to others, and education’s role within that duty is most clearly articulated in To Teach as Jesus Did: A Pastoral Message on Catholic Education (1972). This document, written at the National Conference of Catholic Bishops in 1972, articulates the purpose of Christian education in terms of the Church’s commitment to the “dignity of the person and the building o f community” (§13). The educational mission integrates three interlocking dimensions: didache (doctrinal instruction), koinonia (formation of community), and diakonia (service to the Christian and human communities) (§14). Formation of the faith community is a central concern of To Teach as Jesus Did. While the importance of the instructional element of religious education is not marginalized, the document insists that this task is not seen as the sole concern in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 determination o f educational objectives. Instruction is to be considered always in terms of its relationship with community formation and service, or as part of an integrated whole. Integration implies that religious education as a cognitive activity “is not one more subject alongside the rest,” but rather an expression of the “underlying reality in which the student’s experiences o f living and learning achieve their coherence and their deepest meaning” (§103). To Teach as Jesus Did offers a threefold “message-community-service” structure through which to conceptualize all education within the Catholic Church. Heath (1973) writes that this “threefold formula is a priceless and flexible instrument for summarizing the activities and objectives of Christian education” (p. 288). The integration of living and learning in the context of Christian faith is a distinguishing feature o f Catholic secondary school pedagogy. Such integration is made possible by the Catholic school “developing in its students a commitment to community and to the social skills and virtues needed to achieve it” (§109). This community refers not only to the immediate community to which the student belongs, but includes “the larger human community” as well (§107). To Teach as Jesus Did does not prescribe a single model for the implementation o f its stated principles; in fact, it encourages experimentation and the development o f new and creative forms o f schooling (§124). However, it states that a development of commitment to community can only be accomplished if the educative community’s efforts are concerned with “peacekeeping and the achievement of justice” (§109). To Teach as Jesus Did offers youth ministry as one Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 source of creative input and experimentation for adolescents. To Teach as Jesus Did includes several comments relevant to the value o f youth ministry, including a description of the estrangement which many young people experience from “an adult society whose actions often belie its own professed commitment” to traditional values (§127), and a reference to the unrest and apathy which can so often result from a “socially imposed prolonged adolescence” which impedes growth toward adulthood and frustrates efforts to act as responsible persons (§130). Youth ministry is seen as both an outlet for adolescents to contribute to their community as well as a method to carry the message of religious education. In A Vision o f Youth Ministry (1976), the result of a 1995 study commissioned by the Advisory Board for Youth Activities of the United States Catholic Conference, youth ministry is described as ministry “to,” “with,” “by,” and “for” youth, as “ .. .the sharing o f the unique gifts of youth with the larger community” (A Vision of Youth Ministry, 1976, p. 4). CRITICALITY, PEDAGOGY, AND FREIRE Critical pedagogy originated in democratic discourses articulated by social reconstructionists of the 1930s and 1940s (e.g., John Dewey) who sought to "redefine the meaning and purpose o f schooling around an emancipatory view of citizenship" by integrating democracy into education (Giroux, 1988a, p. 8). Their arguments were extended and redefined by the discourses of liberation and transformation introduced by critical theory, in particular that of the social and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 economic traditions of the neo-Marxist Frankfurt School. It should be stressed, however, that like service-learning there is not a unitary conceptualization of critical theory (Kellner, 1989). In fact, "Critical theory has refused to situate itself between competing disciplines, and stresses interconnections between philosophy, economics and politics, and culture and society" (Kellner, 1989, p. 7). It is its interdisciplinary nature that makes critical theory so relevant to the study of education (Torres, 1999). Critical theory, however, can be reified into two key concepts: critique and reform. Critical Theory and the Frankfurt School The first concept of critical theory, or critique, relates to an examination of institutional control and the motivations behind that control (Kreisberg, 1992). The Frankfurt School's epistemology of control stems from Marx's concept of class struggle over the control of economic production and his analysis of the social production o f material and symbolic life. Marx (1935) argued: In the social production which men carry on, they enter into definitive relations that are indispensable and independent of their will; these relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material forces of production. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure o f society - the real foundation, on which rises the legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production in material life determines the social, political and intellectual life in general. It is not the consciousness o f men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness (p. 356). Early critical theorists (e.g., Gramsci, Habermas) argued that maintaining conditions of ideological hegemony is inseparable from capitalist economic relations (Burbules Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 & Berk, 1999). In other words, they believed that Marxism had underemphasized cultural influences in the persistence of capitalism. The basic tenets o f critical theory contend that hegemonic forces seek to impose their knowledge, beliefs, and values on those who lack economic and political power. This view is founded in conflict theory which addresses the use of social institutions by the dominant classes to reproduce conditions that sustain their favored positions. Critical theorists, who side with the oppressed and marginalized, posit that if the dominated classes were to become conscious o f the social reproduction through ideological control, then they would struggle to change the oppressive conditions (Camoy, 1989). The conflict, hence the theory's namesake, arises from the struggle by both the dominant and powerless groups to maintain or gain power, respectively, to define reality. Critical theory, therefore, addresses the issue o f ontological control (Hunter, 1991). Reform, the second concept that comprises critical theory, speaks to the creation o f an agenda to empower those who lack control over their own lives and destinies. Bhaskar (1979, cited in Morrow & Torres, 1995) has distinguished the Marxist model from other society-person relationships (e.g., Tonnies). Here, individuals either reproduce or transform society rather than create it. For this reason, the Marxist model “can sustain a genuine concept of change, and hence of history” (Bhaskar, 1979, p. 121, emphasis in original). Horkheimer (1986, cited in Stone, 1999) reiterates the connection between theory, criticism, and change: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 The real social function of philosophy lies in its criticism of what is., .prevalent... .The chief aim o f such criticism is to prevent mankind from losing itself in those ideas and activities which the existing organization of society instills into its members, (p. 264) Freirean Emancipatory Pedagogy Critical pedagogy derives its name and conceptualizations from critical theory. Critical pedagogues are specifically concerned with the influences of educational and cultural knowledge that foster a critical capacity in learners that legitimate resistance to hegemony (Burbules and Berk, 1999). Simon (1988) summarizes these concerns and aims. He suggests that critical pedagogy helps teachers and students ...to understand why things are the way they are and how they got to be that way; to critically appropriate forms of knowledge that exist outside of their immediate experiences; to take risks and struggle with on-going relations of power from within a life-affirming moral culture; and, to envisage versions of a world which is ‘not yet’ in order to be able to alter the grounds upon which life is lived, (p. 2) The author to whom the theoretical and philosophical foundations of critical pedagogy are most often attributed is Brazilian philosopher and emancipatory pedagogue Paulo Freire. Writing originally within the specific context of promoting adult literacy within Latin American peasant communities, Freire conceptualized the process of schooling to involve the development of critical awareness (conscientizagao) o f one's own world and the injustices and oppressions that exist therein. Education for liberation, in Freire's view, would challenge the "givenness" of the world and enable learners to reflect on their experiences historically, giving Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 their immediate reality a beginning, a present, and, most importantly, a future. It would awaken in adult learners the expectation of change - a power that, once awakened, seeks expression in collective, transforming social action (Mackie, 1980). Freire's original work on "literacy" was an attempt to develop an adult literacy program in which developing a capacity to read was tied to developing an enhanced sense of individual, and collective, self-esteem and confidence (Burbules & Berk, 1999). Illiteracy, for Freire, exceeded the lacking o f the skills of reading and writing to include feelings of powerlessness and dependency. The challenge for an adult literacy campaign, therefore, was to provide skills and directly address this self-contempt and sense of powerlessness (Freire, 1970). In Freire’s model, pedagogy is made through dialogue with, rather than for the oppressed: A pedagogy which must be forged with, not for, the oppressed (whether individuals or people) in the incessant struggle to regain their humanity. This pedagogy makes oppression and its causes objects of reflection by the oppressed, and from that reflection will come their necessary engagement on the struggle for their liberation. And in the struggle this pedagogy will be made and remade (1970, p. 33). In the dialogical approach, learning is characterized by co-operation and acceptance of interchange and mutuality in the roles of teacher and learner. This method, which demands an atmosphere o f mutual acceptance and trust, contrasts with the anti-dialogical or banking approach which emphasizes and perpetuates domination and oppression. Thus, schooling became less of a "banking" process where teachers are seen to hold all the legitimate knowledge and are charged with depositing that knowledge into the brains, or empty receptacles, of their passive Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 students. He wrote, "Cultural action for freedom is characterized by dialogue, and its preeminent purpose is to conscientize the people" (Freire, 1970, p. 47). In this pedagogy o f "conscientization" students become critically aware o f the system of oppressive relations and their own place within that system. For critical pedagogy, however, the problems of overcoming oppressed thinking and demoralization are more complex: changing thought and practice must occur together. For Freire, critical consciousness requires a combination of reflection and action: "Critical consciousness is brought about not through intellectual effort alone but through praxis - through the authentic union of action and reflection" (Freire, 1970, p. 48). In Pedagogy o f the Oppressed, Freire's seminal work, the greatest single barrier against the prospect of liberation is an unwillingness to acknowledge that humanity's central problem is achieving humanization, since the effort requires recognition of the current dehumanization (Freire, 1970). This fear of reflection is complicated by an ingrained, fatalistic belief in the inevitability and necessity of an unjust status quo (Burbules & Berk, 1999). Concerning this process, Freire (1985) stated: One o f the important points in conscientization is to provoke recognition of the world, not as a ‘given’ world, but as a world dynamically ‘in the making’ ...It is precisely this creation of a new reality, prefigured in the revolutionary criticism of the old one, that cannot exhaust the conscientization process, a process as permanent as any real revolution, (p. 107) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 Stages of Critical Consciousness In Education for Critical Consciousness, Freire (1973) suggests three stages in the attainment o f critical consciousness: 1) semi-intransitive consciousness, 2) naive transitivity, and 3) critical transitivity. Semi-intransitive consciousness is based on the syntactic function of intransitive verbs; these parts of speech do not act upon the object o f a sentence. For Freire, semi-intransitivity is the first phase as total intransitivity is not a form of consciousness at all. Semi-transitive consciousness is limited perception rather. Those who are in the first phase are “impermeable” to challenges situated outside of the demands of biological necessity; their interests center almost totally on matters of survival. Their consciousness becomes “transitive” when they enter into dialogue with others and react to the general scope of a particular problem. Ira Shor (1992), who collaborated extensively with Freire, actually disagrees with Freire’s terminology by employing the term “intransitive consciousness” to refer to the first stage in his model of “desocialized thinking.” Shor claims, and in contrary to Freire’s terminology, that individuals who are in this first stage act neither upon their own lives, nor the lives of others. They, in fact, hold a fatalistic view of human beings as being powerless in the ability to change their lives or society. Divine forces, elites, or fate controls what will happen in society. Shor (1992) explains as well that individuals who fall within the stage o f intransitive consciousness, not only do not act to change society, but typically accepts the status Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 quo. He notes that these individuals, therefore, have the most closed minds and live in political disempowerment (Shor, 1992). The second stage of Freire’s model is naive transitivity. Freire characterizes the learner who is in this stage by their over-simplification of problems, nostalgia for the past, fascination with fanciful explanations of reality, and by their practice of polemics rather than dialogue. Shor (1992) terms his equivalent to Freire’s second stage as “Semi-transitive consciousness.” Here, people have transcended their naivete about humanity’s role in societal change and realize that causes have direct effects and can be changed through learning. For this reason, “semi-transitive thought is partially empowered because it accepts human agency in the making of personal and social change” (p. 127). However, the semi-transitive individual only seeks to make change rather slower, changing only one disconnected part at a time. Such a lack of critical examination of the social system serves to perpetuate the problem as root causes and possible solutions are not framed within a meaningful whole. This leads to individuals acting on isolated, short-term problems (Shor, 1992). The third stage is critical transitivity. Its characteristics include a depth of interpretation of problems, an attempt to avoid distortion and preconceived notions when perceiving problems, a practice of dialogue, and a receptivity of the new without a rejection of the old. Freire explains that consciousness and action are two constituents of critical relationships. Consciousness, which does not challenge the imposed, and therefore dehumanizing, reality, is therefore uncritical and intransitive, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 for it does not act upon the world. Younnis and Yates (1997), in their study of community service outcomes in an inner city Catholic high school, refer to this stage as “transcendence.” To connect consciousness and change, Freire posits that pedagogy, specifically the teaching of literacy, must "relate speaking the word to transforming reality" (Freire, 1970, p. 4). Freire used codifications, abstract representations of the learner's day-to-day situations, to mediate between the concrete reality represented and its theoretical context. These photographs, words, or drawings become the focus of collective dialogue. The next process, decodification, then dissolves a codification into its constituent elements and is the operation by which learners begin to perceive relationships between elements of the codification and other experiences of their day-to-day life and among the elements themselves. Decodification is a kind of "reading" of social dynamics, o f forces of reaction or change, o f why the world is as it is, and how it might be made different (Burbules & Berk, 1999). Analysis, or an attempt to "read the world" (Freire and Macedo, 1987), takes places through dialogue. Shor (1992) calls his equivalent to Freire’s final stage “critical consciousness,” a translation o f Freire’s own concept of “conscientizagao. ’ ’ At this stage, individuals have achieved desocialized thinking. They are no longer seeing reality as one-dimensional. Rather, they are able to make broader connections between individual problems and the larger social system which is a human creation and, thus, capable of being transformed (Shor, 1992). It is at this time that humans Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 being turn objects into subjects, realizing that each subject as itself, but with influence on other subjects. This stage also continues the action o f transforming the unfavorable, oppressive, and undemocratic conditions. Shor (1992) summarizes the concept of critical consciousness in the following four qualities: 1) power awareness, 2) critical literacy, 3) permanent desocialization, and 4) self education/organization. Catholicism and Social Justice In his 1995 public address in Baltimore, Maryland, Pope John Paul II alluded to the ability of Catholic education's teachings to permeate classroom walls and transcend spirituality to incorporate the political. He stressed the role of Catholic education in the transformation of society by helping students to become critical of the world and of their own experiences in that world. Oldenski (1997) reiterated the Pope's message: One exercises faith by participating in the transformation o f society toward a more just and democratic society and by establishing a solidarity with other people, including a commitment to the poor, and the victims of gender, class, and race oppression, (p. 79) In fact, according to Pope John Paul II (1995), the benefits of Catholic education reach beyond students learning the required curriculum and serving those individuals oppressed by dominant groups. He argues that "Catholic education serves the future of all Americans by teaching and communicating the very virtues on which American democracy rest." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 Such ideology o f social justice is embodied in liberation theology. Boff and Boff (1989) define liberation theology as "reflecting on the basis of practice within the.. .vast efforts made by the poor, seeking inspiration in faith and the Gospel for commitment to fight against poverty and for integral liberation of all persons and the whole person" (p. 8). Chopp (1989) also understands liberation theology as an ethical discourse o f theory and praxis— a discourse which, like Freire's conscientization, includes critical reflection, action, and solidarity with the oppressed. Welch (1985) adds that liberation theology, through its use of reflection and action, represents an integration o f theory and praxis based upon the experiences of those marginalized or silenced by others. Although liberation theology is rooted in Christian Scripture and has evolved from a political-critical theology, Medcalf (1995) notes that it was "influenced by [Freire's] thought and in turn influenced [him]" (p. 801). Giroux (1988) acknowledged Freire's relationship with liberation theology as well as his influence upon liberation theology in this way: Freire's own philosophy of hope and struggle is rooted in a language of possibility that draws extensively from the tradition of liberation theology. It is from the merging o f these two traditions that Freire has produced a discourse that not only gives meaning and theoretical coherence to his work, but also provides the basis for a more comprehensive and critical theory of pedagogical struggle. ...Freire's opposition to all forms o f oppression, his call to link ideology critique with collective action, and the prophetic vision central to his politics are heavily indebted to the spirit and the ideological dynamics that have both informed and characterized the Liberation Theology Movement that has emerged primarily out of Latin America, (pp. 110-111) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 Seeing the themes and language of liberation theology as similar to those which Freire used, Welch (1985) concluded: Liberation faith is conversion to the other, the resistance to oppression, the attempt to live as though the lives of others matter. ...To live honestly and believe as universal the imperative of love and freedom is to hope that suffering can be ended, to hope that all lives without liberation in history were not meaningless, but it is to work for this hope without the guarantee that such meaning is possible, (p. 87) The symbiotic connection between Catholicism, service, and social justice is noted most clearly in one of the few studies available on the processes and outcomes associated with service-learning programs in Catholic high schools. In their book Community Service and Social Responsibility in Youth, Youniss and Yates (1997) offer a sophisticated analysis of community service’s beneficial effects when combined with a social justice class at a predominately Black, urban Catholic high school in Washington, D.C. The authors conducted the case study with two primary goals. First, they aimed to offer a theoretical framework for understanding how community service can stimulate political-moral development in adolescents. Second, they wanted to illustrate this framework with findings from their yearlong study. To do so, Youniss and Yates build on Erik Erikson’s conceptualization of identity development to present their analysis of community service's beneficial effects on adolescents' political and moral identity. They found that required community service at a soup kitchen for the homeless, when connected to a course on social justice, provided teenagers with the opportunity to reflect on their status in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 society, on how society is organized, on how government should use its power, and on moral principles related to homelessness and poverty. Developing a sense of social responsibility and a civic commitment, youth come to see themselves as active agents in society. Furthermore, the authors use their findings to challenge the “demonization of youth” (Giroux, 1996, p. 31, cited in Youniss and Yates, 1997) in contemporary American society. They illustrate how youth, when given the opportunity, can use their talents for social good. In summary, the experience of a Catholic education, or indeed the practice of one's Catholic faith, like the discourses of liberation theology and critical pedagogy, constitutes an ongoing recursive process of praxis, or the integration o f reflection and practice. Catholic principles, in fact, maintain that being an agent of transformation is part of what it means to practice one's faith. Application of Critical Pedagogy to Catholic Education and Service-Learning Freire’s views on conscientization, and pedagogy as a whole, have revolutionized education and provided a strong and reasonable framework from which teachers and students can evolve. Critical pedagogy is now viewed as a form of border pedagogy (Aronowitz & Giroux, 1991; Giroux, 1991, 1992; Giroux and McLaren, 1994). It suggests a need for understanding schools as political sites that produce meaning in opposition to dominant cultural values and practices while understanding students and teachers as social agents of change. Giroux (1988b) explains that the goal o f education is "to create the conditions. ..[for] the self Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 constitution of students as political subjects" (p. 167). He adds, however, that an educational theory o f politics should rest on a moral discourse and theory o f ethics (1988a). Such a discourse is arguably present in religious, and specifically for this study, Catholic doctrine and catechism. Border pedagogy also paints a picture of teachers and students working jointly to address issues of critique and potential. Critical pedagogy begins with the voices of those who have been silenced and excluded through the exercise of power and their experiences as a source o f knowledge, including their everyday culture expressed in a variety of contemporary and familiar forms. "At the heart of any critical pedagogy is the necessity for teachers to work with the knowledge that students actually have" (Giroux, 1988a, p. 197). McLaren (1994) echoed these sentiments: [A] critical and affirming pedagogy has to be constructed around the stories that people tell, the ways in which students and teachers author meaning, and the possibilities that underlie the experiences that shape their voices. It is around the concept of voice that a theory of both teaching and learning can take place, one that points to new forms of social relations and to new and challenging ways of confronting everyday life. (p. 226) This critical pedagogy "examines schools both in their historical context and as part of the existing social and political fabric that characterizes the dominant society" (McLaren, 1989, p. 159) with the major objective o f empowering “students to intervene in their own self-formation and to transform the oppressive features of the wider society that make such an intervention necessary" (1988a, p. xi). In Freire’s (1970) view, "the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed is to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 liberate themselves and their oppressors as well" (p. 28). This connection can be made through those dialogues between teachers, students, and community members during, and in reflection about, service experiences. ADOLESCENCE: IDENTITY, SOCIAL PRESSURE, AND FAITH Adolescence is characterized by a young person’s struggle to construct a permanent, separate identity, which had previously been defined by his/her role as a parent’s child. Compounding this separation issue is a general feeling of alienation from the society at large, and a questioning of its values, ideals, and customs. Because adolescence is a period in which the establishment of identity involves significant questions about one’s own reality, religion is often of great significance (Strommen, 1974). While creating one’s own value system is an important part of establishing identity, the conflicting impulse to reject authority may cause considerable opposition to adhering to formal church doctrine, including the moral principles and ecclesial duties of charity espoused by Catholicism. How this may contribute to or hinder the motivation o f teens to participate in a religious-based service-learning program will be discussed by examining the key factors which relate to the intersection o f Catholicism with service-leaming, as well as by reviewing secular interventions with similar outcome expectations. The ever-changing character of adolescents confuses high school counselors, parents, and even teenagers themselves. There are numerous theories of development that attempt to explain adolescent behavior and identity development. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 However, those that have specific relation to the possible tensions between altruistic principles of service and individual identity development focus on the psychological and social relations of youth. Adolescence may be characterized as a period when individuals establish identity. Even though identity-formation is a lifelong process, the problem of identity reaches its crisis during the teen years. It is at this time that many physical and emotional changes are taking place, and so much in terms of future commitment is at stake. Adolescents also become disturbed and confused by new social conflicts and demands. At the time, one’s earlier identity seems inadequate for all the choices and decisions one must make. When young people find themselves in situations containing uncertainty as to how they are to behave, they typically rely on social comparison processes, checking whether their behavior is similar to that of others, and adjusting their actions according to the information obtained in order to achieve this. These notions will be examined in the psychological development theory of Erik Erikson, the cognitive-developmental theory o f Jean Piaget, the structural development theory of faith by James Fowler, and the concept of peer pressure. Adolescent Identity. Development, and Egocentrism Erik Erikson’s (1959) psychosocial theory describes the relationship between identity formation and group expectations. He offers a chronological sequence of eight stages of life to explain the development of an individual. Stage 6 corresponds to adolescence; Erikson gives it the title “Young Adulthood Stage.” The name itself Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 implies that adolescents are in identity limbo. They are too old to be considered a child, and too young to be regarded as an adult. Erikson (1959) noted that the adolescent is preeminently self-centered. Adolescents are concerned with who they are, how they appear in the eyes o f others, and what they will become. They are sometimes morbidly, often curiously, preoccupied with what they appear to be in the eyes o f others as compared with what they feel they are and with the question of how to connect the earlier cultivated roles and skills with the ideal prototypes o f the day. (Erikson, 1968, p. 128) Even Jean-Jacques Rousseau in stage four o f his theory of development explained that as children enter into and pass through adolescence, they continuously pursue social approval. Rousseau purported that even “savages” were somewhat concerned with the opinions o f others; this concern deepened as people became increasingly immersed in social life. As a result, modem individuals (i.e., not “savages”) no longer think for themselves: “.../e sauvage vit en lui-meme; I’ homme sociable, toujours hors de lui, ne sait vivre que dans I 'opinion des autres;....” [.. .the savage lives within himself; the sociable/civilized man, always outside himself, knows how to live only in the opinions of others;....] (Rousseau, 1964, p. 179). Erikson (1959, 1968) purports that an increased egocentricity during adolescence is caused by a fear of alienation. Adolescents are extremely concerned that they might not look good to others or meet others’ expectations. It is this confusion between identity and expected roles that troubles young people. In attempts to escape alienation, the adolescent’s primary task becomes an Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 establishment of an ego identity - a feeling for who one is and what one’s place is in the larger social order. Because adolescents are so uncertain about who they are, they anxiously tend to identify with “in-groups.” In their rush to create some identity, they stereotype “themselves, their ideals, and their enemies” (p. 92). They can “become remarkably clannish, intolerant, and cruel in their exclusion o f others who are ‘different’” (Erikson, 1959, p. 92). Such behavior is also covertly expressed in schools. Teenagers are often taught that it is “everyone for themselves”: Students are roughly divided into winners and losers. Such division may be [played out] in the classroom, where students compete with each other for the teacher’s attention or praise or through the grading system, or on the athletic field, or through acceptance or rejection by peers. Wherever it is, students quickly learn that they are in competition with each other. (Carnegie, 1989) This is no more clearly demonstrated than in the behaviors, speech, and ideas that teenagers adopt in efforts to remain in the good graces of their peer group (e.g., consumption of alcohol and use of profanity). Jean Piaget (1974) also discusses the egocentric characteristics of the adolescent personality in his cognitive-developmental theory. In this theory, there are four stages of cognition: Period I (Sensori-Motor Intelligence), Period 2 (Preoperational Thought), Period 3 (Concrete Operations), and Period IV (formal operations). He places adolescents in Period IV. Unlike the concrete-operational child (Period III), who lives primarily in the here and now, adolescents begin to think about more far-reaching problems - about their futures and the nature of the society they will enter. The adolescent in formal operations is able to deal with all classes of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 problems, to understand causation, think about thinking, and reason abstractly without reliance upon concrete, external realities (Piaget, 1968). Thus, the adolescent becomes a dreamer, constructing theories about a better world. Piaget believed that such idealistic and utopian thinking carries with it a new kind of cognitive egocentrism. He writes: “Exactly parallel to the elaboration of the formal operations and the completion of the constructions of thought, adolescent affectivity asserts itself through the development of personality and its injection into adult society” (Piaget, 1968, p. 64). While the younger child, feeling inferior to older persons, fashions a separate world at a “lower” level than theirs, “The adolescent.. .thanks to his budding personality, sees himself as equal to his elders, yet different from them, different because of the new life stirring within him” (Piaget, 1968, p. 66). Social Influences on Conformity Deutsch and Gerard (1955) identified two kinds of social influence on behavior. Informational influence is the steering of one’s behavior by the information received from a source that seems reliable. Normative influence, on the other hand, refers to behavior which attempts to meet the approval of others by complying with group-established norms. A more sophisticated version of these social influence processes is offered by social identity theory, which includes in the influence process both the direct social pressure to conform and the motivational role of individual perceptions and self Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 categorization as a group member (Tajfel, 1978; Cotterell, 1996). In an experiment examining the differences between reactions to informational and situational ambiguity, Abrams et al. (1990) found that subjects exposed to situational ambiguity sought information mostly from those who they had previously identified as “in group” members. That is, social influence is derived from “awareness of one’s social identity as an in-group member” (Abrams et al., 1990, p. 99). Behavioral conformity was greatest under conditions of publicly responding in the presence of “in-group” members, and least under conditions of being required to respond publicly in the presence of an “out-group.” Thus, when group membership is salient, “in-group members are seen as more correct while out-group members are seen as less likely to be correct” (Abrams et al., 1990, p. 109). Abrams et al. (1990) suggest that normative influence only arises when a person is consciously aware of her/his group membership. In these cases, pressure exerted by an “out-group,” including parents, teachers, or health educators, is typically resisted or ignored. Thus, attempts made by members of the “out-group” to get teenagers involved in altruistic service activities may prove futile, unless “in-group” members are involved. Faith Development in Adolescents Most directly related to the friction between the daily pressures experienced by adolescents and the aforementioned religious principles of service is the development of faith. In his structural-developmental theory, James Fowler (1981) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 focuses on faith as “an active ‘ mode-of-being-in-relation ’ to another or others in which we invest commitment, belief, love, risk, and hope” (p. 49). He suggests that an adolescent’s emergent faith and identity are shaped by the expectations and judgments o f others. Adolescent spirituality, therefore, can be considered an additional effort by youth to locate themselves in the scheme of things, to establish meanings that involve self and others (Fowler, 1981). For this reason, Fowler devotes stage three of his developmental model - the synthetic conventional faith stage - to describing the convergence o f faith and adolescence. In this stage, teens are dependent upon membership in close communities for the construction and maintenance o f identity and faith. Two strategies that adolescents use to synthesize expectations are compartmentalization and hierarchization of authority (Fowler & Keen, 1978). Compartmentalization, similar to Abrams et al.’s (1990) findings of situational ambiguity, refers to the differences in the way adolescents act when with different groups. In other words, when with their peers, adolescents do as their peers expect them to do, rather than complying with parental wishes. The second strategy, hierarchization of authority, is the ranking of peers and their values above all other positions of influence (Fowler & Keen, 1978). Hoge and Petrillo (1978) found that adolescent participation in church programs is a function of peer relations, even if parental religious involvement is positively related to that o f their children. This implies that a teen’s participation in altruistic endeavors might be a function of its value to the peer group Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 At least three distinctly different religious orientations have been identified among adolescents: 1) Intrinsic or committed; 2) Extrinsic or consensual; and, 3) Quest faith (Batson & Ventis, 1982; Spilka et a l, 1985). Youth who embrace an intrinsic-committed faith emphasize moral principle and a search for truth. They evidence an altruistic-humanitarian, world-minded viewpoint, and oppose prejudice and other forms of social injustice (Strommen, 1974). In contrast, an extrinsic- consensual orientation sees religion as a means for personal advantage. Concerns with morality and justice are largely irrelevant to this position. Quest faith seems especially appropriate to adolescence, stressing unbiased questioning through which doubt and conflict often prevail (Batson & Ventis, 1982; Kojetin et al., 1987). Thus, it appears that an intrinsic-committed youth would be most likely to participate or derive satisfaction/meaning from service-learning activities. In contrast, Quest faith youth would be less likely to participate, and the extrinsic-consensual oriented cohort not at all. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY Overview The purpose of this study is to identify the programmatic structures and processes, and personal experiences of senior high school students engaged in a Catholic service-learning program that helped to (re)connect them to their communities. Exploring the relationship of these elements to raising students’ critical consciousness is a secondary purpose. In Chapter 1 ,1 examined the historical foundations of individualism and civic disengagement in America, and its perpetuation by modem schools. In Chapter 2, the theoretical and conceptual frameworks used to guide this study were presented. The current chapter aims to present the specific research procedures that were used. The conceptual and philosophical paradigms that guided the data collection techniques and analytic processes that were employed are discussed. Next, the specific procedures and methods used are elucidated. A brief commentary on researcher bias completes the chapter. Case Study Design A research design serves as a “logical model o f proof’ (Yin, 1994) to guide the researcher through the process o f collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data. When followed, the researcher can not only identify causal relationships among the seemingly disparate variables under investigation, but also can more critically draw Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 inferences from them. Variables that represent real-life situations, however, are often too complex to be captured quantitatively via surveys or other experimental data gathering strategies. Because the achievement of the purpose of this study relied on the experiences and, thus, emic perspective of the students involved in service, a case study model anchored in a meta-qualitative methodological paradigm/approach was selected. Stake (1994, 1995) suggests that researchers have different purposes for studying cases. For this reason, he classifies case studies into the following typology: intrinsic, instrumental, and collective. This study shares characteristics of the first two. Intrinsic case studies are undertaken when a researcher wants to better understand a particular case because o f its uniqueness, ordinariness, or because it is representative of a larger number o f similar cases (Stake, 1994). In these instances, the researcher’s intention is to better understand intrinsic aspects of a particular case. For this study, the high school site was chosen because it was located in an urban area, required service hours of its students, was Catholic, and reported a diverse student population. At this single site, numerous variables that had been previously associated with civic disengagement and individualism were identified. The same site differed from previously investigated locales, and thus might have offered further insight into the problem or a solution. Therefore, the site was very unique. However, I did intend to add to existing theoretical and conceptual perspectives. For Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 this reason, the intrinsic case study model by itself could not adequately frame the present study. An instrumental case study aims to provide insight into some issue or to refine some theoretical explanation through the examination of cases (Stake, 1994). This was true for the present study, as I sought to follow up on the recent literature concerned with service-learning, while adding to the published accounts of Catholic education. Furthermore, the scientific benefit of the case study method lies in its ability to open the way for discoveries (Shaughnessy & Zechmeister, 1990), and to highlight insights that may be pursued in subsequent studies. It would have been short-sighted, therefore, to limit the inquiry to that which is allowed by a purely intrinsic model. Although Stake (1994) classified these models separately, he points out that, as in the case of this study, since researchers often have multiple interests, no boundary between intrinsic and instrumental case study models exists. In fact, a “zone of combined purpose separates them” (Stake, 1994, p. 237). Conceptual Framework This study’s conceptual framework was based on my agreement with Patton (1990) and Field and Morse (1991) that the research design and conceptualization should be based on those questions for which an answer is sought. In this study, however, the aforementioned research questions were not restricted to one theoretical tradition (Patton, 1990), orientation (Tesch, 1990), strategy o f inquiry (Denzin and Lincoln, 1994), or genre (Wolcott, 1992). In other words, all questions could not be Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 answered by research designed under one conceptual framework. For this reason, this case study was designed around a meta-qualitative paradigm. The approaches include constructivism, grounded theory, and critical theory. Constructivists recognize that individuals construct meaning or knowledge through actions and interactions, rather than passively received wisdom (Stromquist, 1997). A constructivist approach functions on the realization that the most direct means by which to understand the act o f constructing meaning, or o f the meaning itself, is through an examination o f the actor’s own definition of the situation, or emic point of view. An irony to constructivism, however, is that in order for a researcher to understand the meanings attributed by actors to their own experiences, s/he must interpret through his/her own subjective lens. In other words, constructivist methodology follows a tautological process - meaning is constructed from meaning itself - albeit from two separate sources. I was interested in the meanings and outcomes that students made from their service experiences. Questions were posed about their service experiences and what they thought of them in their immediate reflection. However, as part of my analysis of the interviews and reflection papers, I constructed a more categorized and conceptual meaning utilizing that of the participants. In addition to the constructivist perspective, I also drew design elements from the grounded theory paradigm (Strauss and Corbin, 1994, 1990a/b). Related in part to constructivism, grounded theorists derive analytic categories inductively from the data, rather than through preconceived or etic sources. Although some analyses of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 the data in the present study did follow this process, other analyses were completed through deductively coding and categorizing data according to constructs previously identified in the relevant literature. This is most evident in my discussion of how students’ service experiences can be framed within the Freirean typology o f critical consciousness, and by the identified processes of effective programs. Nonetheless, aspects of my research do follow the more antiessentialist notions espoused by grounded theory. For example, I began with individual cases and experiences (i.e., individual students’ yearly service experiences; Charmaz, 2001), then developed analytic categories in an effort to synthesize these diverse findings. This was an effort to identify patterned relationships within the data in isolation from previous research findings. The formulation of new theory, as well as the extension and support of existing theory, relies on these cases (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). In addition, I also began the analytic phase of the research while still collecting data (Charmaz, 1983, 1990; Morse, 1994). Lastly, this research is guided by the critical theory paradigm. In critical theory, the researcher and participants are assumed to be in direct “transaction” with one another (Guba and Lincoln, 1994). Transaction implies the opposite of a passive researcher-participant relationship. Some forms of observations and archival analyses would be categorized as passive data collection methods. Transaction also implies an interpersonal, reflexive, and iterative relationship where not one, but both parties are involved in the creation of a final product or meaning. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 These above characteristics are true of the current study for two main reasons. First, interviews are interactive conversations which would be impossible to carry on if either the interviewer or interviewee were absent. Second, my previous teaching experience at the case study site connected me interpersonally to the participants. With this said, an important element o f critical theory is that the values of the researcher influence the inquiry. Subjective, value mediated findings, as in the aforementioned tautology of constructivism, blur the reality of what is participant voice and researcher voice, although both are present. Explanations of the efforts made to reduce subjectivity are provided in the data analysis section of this chapter. As is typical of most qualitative inquiries, ethnographic and phenomenological elements were used. Here, ethnographic techniques were used to collect data about the nature of the high school and the demographic background of the students comprising the study’s sample. The history of the school, the ethnic makeup and socioeconomic status of its student body, and school officials’ attitudes toward service and education were all ethnographic considerations in this case study. Merriam (1998) notes that phenomenology underpins all qualitative research. Phenomenology focuses is on the essence or structure of an experience (Patton, 1990). In this study, for example, the phenomenological aspect is evident in the attempt to depict the basic structure of the students’ service experiences, as well as the meaning and outcomes attributed to them by the participants. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 PROCEDURE AND PARTICIPANTS Case studies are generalizable to theoretical propositions and not to populations. A case study, therefore, does not represent a "sample," and the researcher's goal is to expand and generalize theories (i.e., analytic generalization), not to enumerate frequencies (i.e., statistical generalization; Yin, 1994). With this in mind, a group o f 18 students enrolled in the 2001-2002 twelfth grade class at St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School comprised this study’s participant population. Eight faculty members and 2 administrators at the high school also took part in the study. The following section discusses the efforts made to recruit both participant cohorts, as well as those selection criteria which interested students were required to meet prior to participating in the data collection procedures. Recruitment and Selection Criteria o f Student Participants Active recruitment of participants was started in January 2002. Students attend all six class periods on the first day o f the second semester. Aware of the special “first day back” schedule, I asked the senior religion teachers in December and early January if it would be possible to make announcements in their classes on the first day o f the second semester. Once I was at the high school, however, I realized that there were disadvantages to beginning recruitment on the first day o f the second semester. For example, some students’ schedules were still in flux, which meant that they were meeting with guidance counselors; some had not yet scheduled a religion course. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 Some had also extended their semester breaks, or were absent due to illness. In each case this meant that they were not present during my initial recruitment announcement. In the end, however, I felt that the advantages outweighed the disadvantages. I was able to visit each senior level religion class in one day. As absences were still possible on any other school day, the atypical first day schedule enabled me to track absences so that I could later contact each of those students individually. Also, due to the shortened class periods, teachers were only planning to wrap up first semester classroom business (e.g., discuss previous semester’s exams and grades) and distribute second semester syllabi. In other words, no new lessons were being prepared, and my attendance would be less intrusive than during any other class meeting. Lastly, it was during the first class of the spring semester that an explicit due date for the completion of the students’ Christian service projects was given. This information presented by the teachers served to segue into the recruitment for and discussion of my own study. This theme was omnipresent throughout my initial visit to St. Thomas Aquinas as it happened to coincide with Catholic Schools Week, a period when schools celebrate and recognize what it means to attend a Catholic school. I did not draw attention to this during my announcements, in a conscious effort not to coerce students into participating out of feelings of Christian duty. During my initial visit, I made announcements to each of the three senior level religion classes and the Campus Ministry class in an attempt to make contact with every member of the senior class. Campus Ministry is comprised of 15-20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 seniors, or ministers, who are selected by a committee of faculty and administrators the previous year for their leadership potential, spirituality (not necessarily Catholic), and maturity. This group, led by two faculty Campus Ministry directors, is in charge of directing the spiritual programs for the academic year (i.e., school masses, retreats) and planning numerous school-wide service projects. The announcement in each class took approximately 20 minutes during which I distributed an informational sheet about the study (Appendix) and went over each data collection component. Particular attention was given to what would be required of a participant, what the student would have to do to become involved, and that I should be viewed as a researcher, not a teacher. Attached to the information sheet were 2 identical copies of the parental informed consent form (Appendix). I explained that one o f these was to be filled out and returned, and the other was to be kept at home. It was also explained that even though a student might show interest, s/he might not be chosen due to strict selection criteria. Some students asked what the criteria were. I explained that I was unable to tell them at this point in the data collection, but they would be elucidated on future correspondence. After answering all questions about the study’s procedures and data collection steps, I asked students to complete a data sheet that asked for individual student demographic information (Appendix). This document served several purposes. First, student responses on the data sheet provided me with the age, gender, ethnic group, and religious affiliation of every student in the senior class. Although I could have acquired this information from the school’s registrar, I looked Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 to this opportunity to begin the integration of the students’ own voices into the data. For this reason, I provided students with additional ethnic and religious choices in comparison to the school’s data form. From my experience teaching adolescents and knowing that during this period of human development often comes a passionate questioning o f religious identity, I included non-specific religious identifiers like “agnostic,” “atheist,” and “other,” in addition to the more traditional religious descriptors (e.g., Catholic, Protestant). I was also aware of the large percentage of biracial teens at the high school, so I included a descriptor on the survey to describe this ethnic cohort. Numerous students took advantage of these choices. The second purpose for having all students complete the senior demographic form was to ascertain how many students would be interested in participating in the study, and how many would meet my predetermined selection criteria. If students indicated on the data form that they were interested in taking part in the study, they were directed to complete a portion of the form where they could indicate their availability, both in terms of days o f the week, and times of day (i.e., before or after school). Again, my experience teaching at the high school level had guided me to include this schedule portion o f the form, as students are frequently involved in several simultaneous activities, or have complex schedules due to part-time jobs, sports, and dramatic arts. Also, I suspected that many students still had some service hours to complete, which might also require time after school. At the end o f my announcement, I thanked students and asked them to return their signed consent forms within one week to the folder hanging on the outside of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the Senior Guidance Counselor’s door. A due date of a week later was set because I did not expect students to have the forms completed and signed prior to my departure two days after my initial in-class visit. However, I did not want to extend the due date any longer than one week because I was also concerned that the study might fall to the wayside once second semester academics and activities began. The Senior Guidance Counselor’s door seemed a logical site for students to return the forms as every senior knew where her office was located and many would be visiting her to request that first semester transcripts be sent to colleges and universities to which they were applying. Students were also reminded that my e-mail address was printed on the consent form in case they or their parents had any questions or needed clarification. This was repeated in each of the four classes following the opening prayer/meditation. Application of Selection Criteria and Student Participants After I had visited each o f the senior religion classes, I collated the senior data sheets. This step allowed me to enforce pre-determined selection criteria and also to make an initial list o f those students who exhibited interest in participating. The study had three selection criteria. First, students must have attended St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School for their entire high school career. As I sought to understand the particular service program and student experiences at a single Catholic high school, I felt that including students who might have attended one or Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 more years at a public or other Catholic high school would have diluted the data. I was aware of several seniors that fit this characterization. Second, students were required to have had completed all of their prior service requirements. Because understanding the experiences of these students relied on them having actually engaged in service, I reasoned that a student who had failed to complete their required service hours arguably would not have had the same opportunity for experiences and reflection. The last criterion was that students must not have completed their service requirements during the high school’s summer program. St. Thomas of Aquinas Catholic High School requires students who did not fulfill that academic year’s service requirement to enroll in a Christian service summer school course before being allowed to return the next fall. My reasoning for excluding these individuals was because the summer program differs dramatically from that of the regular academic year. Students serve as a group, complete more hours than are usually required, and have substantive amounts o f time for reflection and adult guidance from their teacher. Therefore, these students’ experiences differ in important ways. The first collection of student forms consisted of those students who failed to meet any of the aforementioned selection criteria. Once the forms of those individuals that did not meet the selection criteria were removed, they were then divided into those who had shown interest in participating in the study and those who had not. Each group was also separated according to gender. These steps were taken Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 in the event that a noticeable pattern was to evolve between student gender and willingness to participate. The next piles consisted o f only those forms o f students who had met the study’s three selection criteria. Like the first set of forms, these collections were collated by student willingness to take part in the study. At this point, I was pleased to observe that over half of the senior class (52.4%) had both met eligibility requirements to take part in the study and had also shown interest in participating. I was even more delighted that there was almost equal gender representation in the group (23 female, 22 male). I remained cautious, however. Students were still required to turn in a completed and signed informed consent form in order to secure a position in the study. Although some students were already 18 years of age at the time of the study, this information was not available to the researcher until the interview portion of data collection. Furthermore, in a conscious effort to protect myself and the liability of the high school, informed consents were a prerequisite to inclusion in the study population. Subjects were required to seek parental consent a priori, regardless of age. Nonetheless, I was optimistic as I had not intended to interview 45 individuals. Rather, I had planned to randomly select, from those individuals who had turned in their consent forms, a sample of participants that would represent the overall ethnic and gender makeup o f the high school’s student body. Therefore, a population of 45 with equal gender representation would ensure this realization fairly easily. Table 2 represents the final number of students per group. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 Table 2: Numbers of Students by Willingness and Eligibility Eligibility Per Study’s Criteria Gender Number Willing to Participate Number Not Willing to Participate Ineligible Males 6 12 Females 8 0 Total 14 12 Percentage of Student Data Forms 16.2% 2.3% Eligible Males 22 17 Females 23 8 Total 45 25 Percentage of Student Data Forms 52.4% 29.1% My earlier concerns of attrition proved relevant, however, when only five seniors had submitted informed consent forms by the deadline one week later. I asked the senior Guidance Counselor to make an announcement via the school’s intercom system reminding seniors to turn in their signed consent forms if they were interested in participating in the study. Relying again on my teaching experience, I asked that she also add that additional consent forms were available in a separate folder in her door. The deadline was extended another week with the announcement Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 being repeated each morning up to the new due date. An additional eight completed informed consent forms were turned in. I was prepared to follow my proposed plan of research with the 13 individuals who had turned in their consent forms. However, because only 3 boys had submitted forms, I was left with a heavily unbalanced gender ratio. Moreover, only 7 out o f the 10 girls were actually eligible to participate, based on the previous selection criteria. For this reason, I made several additional attempts to acquire more student participants. First, I wrote a letter, hand-delivered by attendance office assistants, to those students who had displayed a willingness to participate in the research, and who had also met all criteria. The due date was again extended and a reminder that only one hour o f their time would be required was made explicit. I included as well that I would be willing to work around their schedules if need be. This was purposefully included in the new message as I thought that some of those students that were interested and eligible might have feared time conflicts due to their involvement in the spring musical at the high school; rehearsals began immediately after school and lasted until the evening. These notes were delivered over a Thursday and Friday with a due date on the following Wednesday. An additional six students submitted informed consent forms. At this time, the senior Guidance Counselor mailed all 19 consent forms. A series o f letters were mailed in one last attempt to increase participation. One letter was mailed to those students who were able to participate according to the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 study’s selection criteria, but had indicated that they were not interested on their senior data sheet. This letter highlighted that they had met all criteria and asked that they reconsider participating. Requirements were again explained, emphasizing that only one hour o f personal time was required and that confidentiality was assured. Two additional consent forms and a self-addressed stamped envelope were provided in an effort to facilitate their participation and quick response. The letter also asked that if the student was absolutely sure that s/he would not like or be able to participate, to indicate the reasons why on an enclosed survey and return it in the enclosed self-addressed stamped envelope (Appendix). I created a list of 15 reasons why students might not be interested or able to be involved based on my experiences and observation. Having taught at the high school, I knew that some policies did not allow students to be on campus except during formal school hours. These policies dealt with academic and behavioral probation (e.g., “I am on academic/disciplinary probation and cannot be on school grounds before/after school”). Additionally, my knowledge of urban schools, adolescent responsibilities, and of the school itself led to my including other reasons. For example, seniors have the daunting task of applying to college, completing service requirements, holding part-time jobs, doing homework, relying on external transportation, engaging in numerous extracurricular activities, sports, etc. I also provided reasons like “I want to participate, but my parents will not give their permission” in order to capture phenomena outside of the students’ control. Lastly, because I had taught almost all of the members of the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 senior class two years prior to data collection, and some o f the same students the year before, I understood that students might have chosen not to participate due to our past teacher-student relationship. Reasons were included on the survey for non participation that would account for this possibility (e.g., “I am not willing to help Mr. Stewart because of past issues when he was my teacher”). Other reasons took into account the emotional/socio-psychological dimensions of adolescence. For example, the reasons “I don’t feel comfortable being interviewed” and “I don’t feel that I have anything important/original to add to the Christian Service study” were included. A second letter was mailed to those students who had been absent, were in the midst of finalizing their schedules, or were attending sporting events when I made my initial visit. This letter explained the study, directing the students’ attention to the attached information sheet - the same one that had been distributed on the first day o f the second semester. I included 2 informed consent forms, a senior data sheet, a self-addressed stamped envelope, and a survey to determine why the student would not be participating. The latter form was included at this point so that an additional mailing would be avoided. The last letter was to those students who had expressed interest, had met the study’s selection criteria, but who had not turned in a signed informed consent form by the due date. In this letter, I reminded students that they had previously indicated interest in participating and met the criteria. Like the other letters, I also highlighted that only one hour o f time was required and I would be willing to work around their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 schedules. I enclosed 2 additional informed consent forms, a survey as to why they were unable or did not want to take part if necessary, and a self-addressed stamped envelope. All of these letters were sent directly to the students’ home addresses using mailing labels printed by the director of Guidance during my first visit to the high school. Envelopes trickled back to me over the next month. Only four surveys explaining why a student was not participating were returned. Two o f the surveys cited a lack o f time, specifically because the students were concentrating on their last semester of studies. The other two surveys noted that the students were uncomfortable being interviewed, or were too engaged in extracurricular activities. It is interesting to note that the student that chose introversion as a reason for abstention from participating in the study was one of the individuals for whom that answer was intended during the survey design. During this time, an additional 5 students who met all previous criteria mailed consent forms, bringing the total eligible participant count to 21. Despite multiple attempts to schedule all 21 students over 3 interview trips, 3 students could not be accommodated, bringing the final participant count to 10 females and 8 males. Recruitment and Rationalization o f Faculty Participants In addition to the 18 high school seniors, interviews were held with ten members of the faculty/administration. This group was composed of the principal, vice principal, director o f guidance, the two co-directors of Campus Ministry, three Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 of the five members of the religious studies faculty, including the department chair, and two faculty members who had each attended and/or taught at the school for more than 20 years. These individuals play unique roles in the service programs at the high school in that, between them, they design, create, implement, and enforce all required service criteria. They also personify a further influence of Catholic principles, which could have had a bearing on student responses, as well as in their own descriptions of the service conceptualization, structure, and implementation. Faculty recruitment for the study involved significantly fewer steps than were required for the student participants. All faculty and administrators in the group were contacted via e-mail and asked if they were willing to sit for an interview, and when they would be available if so. An e-mail also allowed the participants to print out the agreed upon date and time, or retain it in their computer files for easy reference. A phone call would have placed the responsibility of keeping track of the arrangement on the participant, or would have required me to mail confirmation notices to each individual. Since I was attempting to cut costs of the study, and because I was cognizant of time, this option was abandoned. In each e-mail, three to five options of interview times during my next visit were given. Faculty were asked to list their top three choices in their replies if interested. I then arranged the interviews attempting to schedule as many within the period of one visit as possible. After a final schedule was available, I sent an e-mail to each person telling them the class period, date, and setting o f the interview. However, determining the logistics of when each employee could meet was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 complicated. Teachers at St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School have one free period, devoted theoretically for planning, grading, and/or returning parent phone calls. However, the school runs on a rotating block schedule, which means teachers’ planning periods vary by occurrence and frequency each week. This became even more difficult because teachers are allowed to arrive late or leave early when their planning periods fall during the first or last block o f the day. Also, given that they might only have three free periods each week, I felt guilty asking them to give up one of these for the interview. Scheduling everyone seemed almost impossible when I realized that some teachers had the same planning period, or were away with school-sponsored religious retreats at the time of my visit. It was also frustrating that one religion teacher with whom I had scheduled an interview called in sick the day on which our interview was scheduled. Although requesting an interview via e-mail was financially palatable, I recognize in retrospect that it was not the most professional means by which to secure an interview with a complete stranger. Further, some of the individuals were not as computer literate as I had suspected. I realize that the delays that I experienced in receiving some replies might have been due to this. Luckily, I attained the consent of all contacted parties except for one religion teacher who felt that she did not have anything of worth to add that the other, more experienced teachers could not share. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 DATA COLLECTION AND TREATMENT Yin (1994) notes that no single data source has a complete advantage over the others; .the various sources are highly complementary, and a good case study will therefore want to use as many sources as possible" (p. 80). This case study used a combination of an examination of archival school records; open-ended, semi structured interviews with students and faculty; and student reflection papers. Archival School Data Documents explaining the history of the St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School and the polity of its service program were obtained from the high school and parish archives, the high school registrar, and the high school administration. The descriptive information found from the records was combined with theoretical propositions and original research inquiries to create focused interview questions. The data also served to guide the description of the school site and to contextualize the changes which the service program had undergone overtime. During the four data collection visits to the high school, demographic information about the faculty and student bodies over the past decade were obtained from the school registrar and Director of Guidance. The principal also provided a copy o f the school’s previous Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC) accreditation report. I also examined the most recent high school alumni directory, which actually provided the most complete historical background of St. Thomas Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 Aquinas. The WASC committee Chair also provided me with a WASC 2002 draft during the beginning months of the 2002-2003 school year. It should be noted that the archival data gathered was used primarily for ethnographic site and population descriptions and case contextualization when applicable. For this reason, these data were not coded, but rather filtered according to my perception of necessity and importance of use. Semi-Structured Interviews: Student and Facuity/Administration The most direct way to ascertain insight into individuals’ experiences is through the direct questioning of the individual about those experiences. Vygotsky (1987) noted that the stories that an individual tells are actually reflections of the storyteller’s consciousness. Interviewing, therefore, provides access to the context of peoples’ experiences and a way for a researcher to subjectively understand the meaning o f those experiences (Seidman, 1998; Schutz, 1967). Because student and faculty experiences, and the meaning they attributed to these experiences, were one purpose to the present study, 18 students and 10 faculty members were interviewed. Student Participants A semi-structured interview of approximately one-hour in duration was conducted with each of the 18 high school seniors. Interviews were held in the high school psychotherapist's office. This room was chosen as the interview site because a pre-existing perception of confidentiality had been associated with its use, and its Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 acoustics were optimal for recording the interview session (i.e., a small, closed, carpeted room). Interviews were held before and after school; as mentioned previously, choices of interview times were provided to students in an effort to reduce the burden on them. The purpose o f the interviews was to gain insight into the service experiences of the subjects and to identify other relevant themes o f investigation. Interview question themes included: why the participants believe they are required to complete community service projects, what types o f projects they completed over the past four years, and what are some of the changes that they would like to see made to the service requirements. Interviews were recorded using a small, lecture-style tape recorder for later transcription. Given that all o f the participating students knew the researcher, the interview took on a relaxed, conversational tone, in an effort to make students feel comfortable about sharing their personal thoughts and feelings. In order to further ease the students' anxiety, I began each interview with a brief explanation of the research topic and my reasons for conducting the research. McLaren (1992) explained the importance o f discussing research plans to participants: "The field researcher needs to share with his or her subjects the discourses at work that are shaping the field site analysis and how the researcher's own personal and intellectual biography is contributing to the process of analysis" (p. 84). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 Facuity/Administration Participants Ten members o f the high school’s faculty were interviewed. With regard to the administration participants, the principal and vice principal were interviewed individually during my initial recruitment visit to the high school. Both were interviewed in their respective offices for approximately one hour and thirty minutes. These individuals were key to grasping the philosophy and goals of the current service program at the high school, as well as understanding the structural and procedural changes that have transpired over the years. Their roles as policy makers at the school made their input even more valuable. This was most true of the vice principal who was Campus Ministry director prior to his administrative duties; this position is typically charged with the overall management of the Christian Service program, and therefore central to the changes in the program over the past years. The director of guidance was interviewed during my second visit to the high school. She was interviewed primarily because the Christian service hours are a requirement for graduation at the high school. I wanted to understand how these credits fit into students’ graduation requirements and how they were reported to post secondary institutions. Furthermore, this individual was not only the director of the department, but also the counselor of the senior class. Thus, the interview also provided me with an opportunity to discuss her perceptions of how students’ service experiences have contributed to future career and/or college choices. Also, she was able to paint a holistic portrait of the senior class. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 As noted previously, the co-directors of Campus Ministry were interviewed because they hold the central administrative role in the operation of the Christian Service program at St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. They are charged with disseminating information and explaining requirements to the religion teachers. Furthermore, they work directly with the administration to design any programmatic changes. Each co-director was interviewed separately in the Campus Ministry office during my third visit to the high school. At first, I had wanted to interview both of the co-directors simultaneously. However, during one of my prior visits I had learned that one o f the co-directors had joined the faculty that year while the other had returned for her second. In addition, the new co-director also had been trained in the seminary, held a Masters degree in Pastoral Studies, and was almost twice the age o f the returning co-director. For these reasons, I felt that any differences of philosophy or of operation of the service program might be overshadowed by these personality and experiential differences. I wanted both individuals to feel that they could speak freely during the interviews as well. I felt that separate interviews would reduce both false answers and coercion. Three religion teachers were also interviewed. My purpose in interviewing these individuals was primarily to understand how teachers integrate the required service component into their class curriculum, what they seek in terms of outcomes from assignments and service experiences, and the difficulties that they face in terms of program implementation and processes. Two teachers were interviewed in their respective classrooms in an attempt to make them feel as comfortable as possible. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 The third religion teacher, who also held the position of junior counselor, was interviewed in his office. Lastly, two faculty members were interviewed in order to acquire a longitudinal perspective of the high school, and specifically of its service program. The first individual had taught at the high school for over 20 years. The second was a graduate of St. Thomas Aquinas who returned to teach there after college. The former was interviewed in the psychotherapist’s office. He is the marine science/zoology teacher and his classroom is filled with bubbling aquariums and squawking birds that could have disrupted the sound of the recording. The latter was interviewed in his classroom. Student Reflection Papers At the end of each academic year, students at St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School are assigned a project to help them to deconstruct that year’s service experiences. These activities have ranged from making quilt pieces, which visually represented one aspect of their service activities, to class presentations. Students, across all four grade levels, however, are required to write a reflection paper in addition to whatever extra project has been assigned. These papers typically account for a percentage (e.g., 30%) of the students’ final exam grade. Copies of the participating students’ reflection papers were obtained. Student papers were due only a few weeks prior to their graduation and after all visits to the school site by the researcher had been completed. For this reason, arrangements Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 were made with the participating students and their respective senior religion teachers to have a copy o f each reflection paper mailed to me. Each student was directed to turn in an additional copy of his/her paper, specifically noting that it was intended for me, at the same time that s/he handed in the religion teacher’s copy. I received 14 of the 18 reflection papers in one large mailing. Two male students had previously sent their papers to me via e-mail. I sent a letter to the remaining two delinquent students requesting a copy of their reflection papers. I included a self- addressed stamped envelope to facilitate a quick reply. Those papers were mailed to me within two weeks after sending the letters. Selltiz et al. (1959) note that the use of personal documents shares the same rationale as that of observational techniques: “What the latter may achieve for overt behavior, the former can do for inner experiences: to reveal to the social scientist life as it is lived without the interference of research” (p. 325). They exist independent of a research agenda, are non-reactive, and unaffected by the research process. They are a product o f the context in which they were produced and therefore grounded in the real world. These documents were used to: 1) verify, contextualize, or clarify interview data; 2) help to construct visual images and accounts; 3) focus follow-up questions; and, 4) provide an alternative angle to or add another dimension to the research (Mason, 1998). As Yin (1994) indicates, documents play an explicit role in case study data collection because they can provide specific details to augment, corroborate, and/or contradict information from other sources. Since the primary Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 research question o f the proposed study was to examine students’ experiences, students’ reflective joumals provided an inner, personal, and literal insight into their experiences. Ethical Responsibilities Individuals conducting qualitative research confront unique challenges that those researchers using positivist, quantitative methods do not. Their approach is inductive, and often involves interaction with those individuals taking part in the study. Patton (1990) points out, however, that the investigator's task "is first and foremost to gather data, not change people" (p. 354). In the present case study, I had worked at the same high school that served as the case study unit of analysis. Although this provided me with greater opportunities to conduct the research, participants, their guardians, and the school may have had difficulty separating my role as researcher from that of former teacher. To aid the distinction of roles, to meet University of Southern California's requirements for human subject research, and to protect the rights and welfare of the participants, three steps were taken: 1) informed consent, 2) storage of data, and 3) confidentiality. Subjects and their parents/guardians were provided with a one-page overview of the study, highlighting the procedures that would be followed, the types of questions that would be asked, and the general focus of the study. Included in the one-page document was logistic information as to the exact venue where the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 interview portion of data collection would transpire and how they or their child/ward could contact the investigator with questions or concerns at any time. Furthermore, it was explained that the parents/guardians or subjects could withdraw their child/ward or themselves from the study at any time. Parents/Guardians and participants were required to sign an informed consent form in order to take part in the study. They were provided with a copy o f the aforementioned documents. One aspect of the study’s data collection involved the analysis of subjects’ written reflection papers; therefore, anonymity could not be assured to the participants. For this reason, the informed consent form included a discussion of how any references to the subject in the study would be replaced by a fictitious identity linked to the students’ real identity on a separate code key found in a password-protected file on the researcher’s personal home computer. Additionally, audiotapes used to record the interview sessions were assigned a unique number and linked to the aforementioned code key. Subjects’ names do not appear on the audiotape covers. Audiotapes were transcribed within a reasonable amount of time directly following the interviews, and the audiotapes were then key-locked in a fireproof safe. The audiotapes will be retained for one year past the completion of the study in case o f questions of validity. After the one-year period, the tapes will be erased or destroyed. No one, except I, has access to these data. These two previous steps will assure confidentiality. With the research guided in part by critical theory, I also consciously monitored how I referred to the students and faculty members who so selflessly Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 participated in my study. The word a researcher chooses to refer to the person being interviewed often communicates important information about the researcher’s purpose in interviewing and his or her view o f the relationship. This had even greater personal significance to me given that I was interviewing my former students and, in some cases, colleagues. The decision on which term to use was difficult, as there are numerous accepted terms used: “interviewee” or “respondent” (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Richardson, Dohrenwend, & Klein, 1965), “subject” (Patai, 1987), “informant” (Ellen, 1984), or “co-researchers” (Reason, 1994). In the end, I decided to use the term “participant” to refer to those individuals that I interviewed. As explained by Seidman (1998), participant seemed to capture both the sense of active involvement that occurs in an in-depth interview and the sense o f equity that critical researchers try to build in interviewing relationships. Research Schedule: Summary Table 3 summarizes how data collection efforts and field research were conducted over an 8-month period (December 2001 - July 2002). These efforts can be divided into four phases. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 Table 3: Research Schedule: December 2001 - July 2002 Phase Activities I • Logistical arrangement for data collection visits • Interview Protocol Development and Completion II • Classroom Announcements • Study description and informed consent dissemination • Met with Principal regarding access and research schedule • Principal and Vice Principal Interview • Initial Archival School data collection • Recruitment and Rejection Letters, and Surveys Sent to Students • Informed Consents Received • Interview Appointments Set-up • Beginning Analysis of Collected Archival data III • Student Interviews • Religion Department Chair Interview • Director of Guidance Interview • Tenured Faculty Interviews • Further Archival records collection • Transcription • Preliminary Coding of Data • Met with Principal regarding progress-to-date and subsequent steps IV • Transcription Completion • Student Reflection Papers received • Coding o f Data Drafting of Manuscript DATA ANALYSES Schumacher and McMillan (1993) observe that "qualitative data analysis is primarily an inductive process of organizing the data into categories and identifying Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 patterns (relationships) among the categories" (p. 479). In contrast, Strauss (1987) argues that the categories researchers use in a content analysis can be determined inductively, deductively, or by some combination of both. Abrahamson (1983, p. 286) indicates that an inductive approach begins with the researchers “immersing” themselves in the data in order to identify the dimensions or themes that seem meaningful to the producers of each message. The development of inductive categories allows researchers to link or ground these categories to the data from which they derive (Denzin, 1978; Glaser & Strauss, 1967). In a deductive approach, researchers use some categorical scheme suggested by a theoretical perspective, and the documents provide a means for assessing the hypothesis. In many circumstances, the relationship between a theoretical perspective and certain messages involves both inductive and deductive approaches. This dual perspective approach is understandable given that at this point, the researcher is in what Rowan (1981) calls a “dialectical” process with the material (p. 134). The participants have spoken; now the interviewer is responding to their words, concentrating his or her intuition and intellect on the process. What emerges is a synthesis of what the participant has said and how the researcher has responded. These procedures, as guided by constructivist and critical theory paradigms, were used in the analysis of data collected through the aforementioned steps. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 Analysis Intra-Interview At the initial stage of this research, I had proposed to begin data analysis during the interviews themselves. I proposed to begin coding student responses into an initial frame of the four dimensions of service-learning outcomes - cognitive, behavioral, affective, and justice - as previously identified during a pilot study. However, after the first two student interviews, I quickly found that this task would jeopardize my ability to listen actively and to probe for additional information during the interview. Also, I realized that the initial four categories would not be sufficient to capture the phenomena under investigation. I became concerned that categorizing student responses prematurely might obfuscate later analytic efforts. I decided, therefore, to discontinue the formal analysis during the interview in exchange for what I felt turned out to be comparatively superior interviews. Tape Transcription As noted previously, each interview was recorded and later transcribed verbatim; no linguistic features (e.g., sighs) were retained, however. A reasonable effort was made to complete the transcription as soon after the interview had been conducted as possible. The rationale was to modify the interview protocol for future interviews if necessary, to determine where additional probing was needed, and even to identify areas where students shared information that had not been directly asked in a question. Merriam (1998) stresses that data collection and analysis is a simultaneous activity in qualitative research and that it is imperative to begin Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 analysis with the first interview, so that changes in instrumentation may be made accordingly. After each tape had been transcribed, I listened again to each interview, noting errors in the transcription. This process proved to be insightful, as it required that I immerse myself again in the data. During this step, I kept a running list of repeated themes that could serve as a strong foundation to subsequent coding steps. At this time, I also noted those questions to which I might need to seek additional information from participants. Coding The third step in data analysis was a systematic coding of the data, or noting what is interesting, labeling it, and putting it into appropriate files (Dey, 1993, p. 58). Charmaz (2001) refers to this step as the “first major analytic phase of the research” (p. 341, emphasis added). It is at this point of data analysis that the student reflection papers and the transcribed interviews were combined. Coding o f the data was completed in three distinct stages: 1) open coding, 2) axial coding, and 3) selective coding. First, texts were analyzed through open coding (Strauss, 1987). Here, texts were read carefully for emerging concepts and repeated themes. The purpose of “open coding” is to help the researcher to create order out of the many discrete pieces of data (Charmaz, 1983). To do so, each data set was coded line-by-line (Strauss, 1987; Glaser, 1978). During this process, I read each line o f data in each Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 interview and wrote the name of a code in the adjacent margin according to the action, event, or concept that I felt was being represented. At times, these initial codes were single words or short phrases that actually comprised part of the line of data being coded (i.e., in vivo codes; Charmaz, 2001). I also noted some text that stood out as representative of the student’s critical awareness. For example, several students discussed that their preconceived notions about the population to be served were invalidated during their service experiences. I chose to begin coding with individual lines of data so that each line could be analyzed as a distinct piece of data. I felt comfortable doing this because I planned to later return and analyze the data from a more inclusive, macro perspective. This stage allowed me to truly explore the data from the students’ viewpoints, and identify those themes most prevalent in their experiences. After an open coding of all data had been completed, I identified those concepts or themes that were most prevalent and reoccurring. This was necessary and helpful, as a large number of initial codes were identified during the open coding step. The purpose o f this step, known as axial coding (Charmaz, 1983; Strauss, 1987) or focused coding (Glaser, 1978; Charmaz, 2001), was to refine categories used in the line-by-line coding and to begin to make connections between concepts. I began by sorting some of the cases into special categories that had been previously identified during a review of the relevant literature. For example, codes were sorted into whether they were descriptive o f the St. Thomas Aquinas program itself, such as the structure or processes, or whether the code represented an outcome Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ill of a student’s participation in the processes. Although the coding at this stage became more directed, allowing me to determine those codes which could accurately capture the data from the previous step, the process was also very iterative. While I sorted codes into predetermined categories, new categories or subcategories within each theme would develop, obliging me to re-read each text. The last stage of coding was selective coding (Charmaz, 1983). It was during this stage that subcategories o f each concept or theme were identified and analyzed. Analyses of comparisons and contrasts were also made within and between the student and teacher/administrator data sets at this stage. Self and Relationship to Research As previously stated, individuals conducting qualitative research often experience prolonged contact with the individuals taking part in the study. Thus, the possibility o f a misconception of their initial role is an ever-present concern. In terms of this research, I had worked for three years at the same high school that served as the case study site. During my tenure, I had taught, mentored through clubs or homerooms, or simply interacted with the majority o f its study body. Although this provided me greater opportunities to conduct the research, a concern of whether the participants would have difficulty separating my current role of researcher from that of former teacher was ongoing throughout the data collection process. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 In addition to the students’ perceptions, Denzin and Lincoln (1994) note that research is not devoid of interface between the data analysis and the researcher's own values. Peshkin (1988) adds that subjectivity is "a garment that cannot be removed" (p. 17) and that researchers should realize the extent to which their backgrounds shape their roles as researchers. They should, therefore, engage in self-reporting in order to reduce the impact that such subjectivity may make on the data analysis. This work will not deviate from established conventions. The purpose of a researcher explaining his background invites the reader to recognize that his analyses and conclusions are formed through a particular, and personal, lens o f analysis and critique. The reader’s greater familiarity with the lens through which the researcher conducted his analyses permits a more finely-tuned interpretation of the reported findings. I approached this study as a Caucasian, middle-class, Southern man. In more direct relation to the concepts examined in this study, however, I additionally self describe as an atheist, although I was baptized and confirmed in a small Presbyterian church whose services I involuntarily attended every Sunday with my extended family. Furthermore, I can report that I have never been mandated to complete any community service project for academic credit. From this standpoint, I came from a background which was diametrically opposed to that of the student participants that were interviewed. Most notable in this dissimilarity were religious belief and regional foundations. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 Aside from these differences, however, there were similarities that allowed for what I felt to be a very warm, friendly connection with the participants. For example, I am only ten years older than the students. In fact, it became clear during the interviews that some of the students actually had siblings that were older than I. When I had been teaching at the high school, this had allowed a much more relaxed relationship between me and my students, most noticeably vis-a-vis their relationships with teachers whose ages neared or exceeded those of their own parents. Such comfort was again displayed during data collection, when several students asked whether the need for them to recognize me primarily as a researcher external to the school meant that they could call me by my first name. Although I understood that allowing this could help them to separate my current researcher role from the former pedagogical one, I thought that allowing them to call me by my first name would create an air of familiarity and friendship which could have been problematic for the study in terms of them answering how they suspected I would want them to (i.e., hypothesis-guessing; Isaac and Michael, 1997). Also, I felt that as their elder and as someone trying to keep as much affective distance from the population as possible, I should ask them to continue to use my formal title. With respect to the faculty and administration that were interviewed, the same differences existed, especially in terms of religious belief and devotion. In fact, perhaps what separated me most from the people that I interviewed was that the majority of them claimed a Catholic identity. For example, one of the female faculty members interviewed was a nun and two of the men were former seminary students, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 who had trained to be priests. Also, I did not know all of the faculty members that I interviewed. However, as with the student participants, I felt a connection with the faculty that seemed to overshadow our differences. We shared a collegiality and a concern for the well-being and success of the students at the high school. Having been on faculty at the high school, I was welcomed, as expected, with open access to all information and the full cooperation of all faculty and staff. However, I was surprised to see that my past tenure at the high school established an ambience of trust which extended to new faculty through word-of-mouth by my former colleagues. Faculty and administration were more than willing to provide me with any information that would enhance my understanding of the service program at St. Thomas Aquinas. No one seemed reticent to share their feelings and thoughts; in fact no one refused to have their interview recorded. Only one individual did not wish to be interviewed. It was difficult at times to interview faculty and administrators. I found myself showing restraint during these interviews so as to not critique the philosophy and methods of these individuals with respect to service and education. This was difficult given that during graduate training, students are taught to be critical and to question the validity and applicability o f practices. However, as a former high school teacher, I could empathize and understand the choices that these individuals had made. For this reason, I chose to engage in a self-monitoring process similar to that described by Horvat and Antonio (1999) and Peshkin (1988). However, my monitoring was not as systematic and rigorous as that of the aforementioned Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 researchers. In addition, I applied such self-monitoring only during the interview and not during the data analysis. For this reason, my activities could thus be described as “informal systematic monitoring of self.” SUMMARY Chapter 3 presented the methodological conceptualization and data gathering procedures of this study. A meta-qualitative paradigm was utilized to effectively design the case study given the different purposes of each research question. The recruitment o f the 18 student and 10 faculty/administrators participants, the types of data gathered, and the analytic stages were discussed and rationalized according to proposed goal of the research. A brief commentary on researcher bias completed the chapter. The following two chapters present the data and analyses gathered through the above activities. In Chapter 4, the histories of St. Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School and its Christian service program are highlighted. Chapter 5 extends previous findings on the processes o f effective service-learning programs. Evidence of how student participants were (re)connected to their communities is provided. In chapter 6, the outcomes from students’ participation in service projects are presented. Attention is placed on the meaning that students ascribe to service and their corresponding levels of critical consciousness in preparation for the concluding chapter o f this study. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 CHAPTER 4 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS & CONTEMPORARY DEMOGRAPHICS OF SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL Overview The first two chapters of this dissertation presented the theoretical and conceptual frameworks that would guide the current chapter, or data analysis portion, of the study. Chapter 3 expanded on this framework, by examining the methodological approach for researching the Christian service program at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School (STACHS), and by analyzing the data collected during those processes. Logically, this chapter presents the data after substantial analysis, coding, and categorization has taken place. The historical foundations of STACHS, followed by those of its Christian service program, are discussed. This chapter is followed by an expansion upon previous service-learning research with a discussion o f the specific processes in which students engage during their service-learning experiences. In chapter 6, the outcomes from students’ participation in service projects are presented in preparation for the concluding chapter of this study. Geography and History o f Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School is a coeducational, college preparatory, parish high school located in Sun City, a southern California beach community. Sun City is home to approximately 90,000 people (US Census Bureau, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 2000), ethnically comprised of almost three-fourths Caucasian, with the remaining percentage divided between 12% Hispanic, 6% Asian-Pacific Islander, and 4% African-American. Sun City’s economy is dominated primarily by tourism and its proximity to the hubs o f the Hollywood entertainment industry (US Census Bureau, 2000). STACHS opened on September 11, 1899 and was the first Catholic school in Sun City. The Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary were specifically asked by Bishop George Montgomery to open a school in Sun City. He requested that the sisters pay special attention to the underprivileged children of the area; otherwise, they would not have had access to a quality education. The parish territory at this time extended approximately 30 miles north and south, and 15 miles east from its current location. Sun City was a small mission settlement with a resident population of less than one thousand people, although this number swelled during the summer months due to the beautiful shoreline. The initial number of students enrolled at the school (i.e., 19) reflected Sun City’s small population. All of these students were below the eighth grade level. The school’s popularity grew quickly, however. Enrollment had almost tripled, to 52 students, by the end of the first term, while the faculty of three sisters remained constant. STACHS’s infrastructure was as humble as its faculty. The original site of the school was in a small house approximately six blocks southwest of its present location. The schoolhouse also served as a convent for the sisters working at the school. A small wooden church and rectory were adjacent to the schoolhouse. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 need was soon identified for a larger physical space. In order to maintain the low tuition of one to two dollars per term, (which depended on the grade level in which the student was enrolled) the sisters undertook an intense fundraising drive. In 1900, a more substantial school building was erected. Eventually, as its first cadre of students matured, the school expanded to include a four-year high school for girls. In 1930, the elementary department was transferred to its present location and became Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic Elementary School. At this time, parishes were being encouraged to open their own parochial schools to ensure the education of their immediate community’s children, not only in academics, but also in the Catholic faith. High school classes continued at the original site until 1936, when the sisters sold the building and agreed to staff the new parish high school. High school classes were held temporarily in the quarters of a local hotel until a coeducational parish high school was opened in fall 1938. The new STACHS opened with 183 students; the sisters continued to operate both the elementary and high schools during this period. The first senior class of twenty high school students (17 girls and 3 boys) graduated in 1939. The high school was expanded with additional classrooms and a gym in 1947. It was not until 1956, however, that the construction of the east wing of the high school was completed. At this time, the Brothers of Mary (Marianists) came to STACHS to teach the male students, but departed two years later to be replaced by the Brothers of St. Patrick (Patricians). With the arrival of the Patricians, the student population was segregated by gender, each with its own administration, faculty, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 student organizations and leaders. The Brothers departed from the school in 1977 after 28 years of dedicated ministry and service. The previously separated instructional departments were integrated in 1968, and the school was completely unified during the 1970-1971 school year with the joining of the two administrations. The contemporary STACHS stands in stark contrast to its humble predecessors run by the Sisters o f the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary. It is comprised of five buildings: East and West wings, library, auditorium, and gymnasium. The school occupies, along with the parish elementary school and the adjacent church and pastoral center, an entire city block in the now expensive and overpopulated beach community of Sun City. In 1998, STACHS hired its first layperson to serve as principal. Principal June’s selection reflected a transition from a majority religious faculty to a faculty consisting primarily o f lay people - a factor that Bryk et al. (1993) find potentially problematic in the maintenance o f a school’s and its students’ Catholic identity. She was the principal at the time that this research was being conducted. High School Demographics Students STACHS’s demographic reports show an extremely diverse student body. In this sense, it differs from the urban area in which it is located. In fact, 92% of STACHS students come from cities other than Sun City. In total, students reside in 24 cities covering a radius of 25 miles. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 Enrollment at STACHS during the time of this study (i.e., academic year 2001-2002) was 585 students. Male students comprised 55% of the high school’s population, exceeding its female counterpart by 65 students. The ethnic composition of the school is very diverse and echoes that o f the surrounding metropolitan communities. However, the high school does report that approximately 42% of its 585 students identified as Caucasian. The next most represented ethnic group was Hispanic/Latino composing almost 29% o f the population. African-American and Asian/Pacific Islander, including Filipino, which the school distinguishes as its own ethnic group, are the next most represented ethnic groups with about 13.5% each. Native Americans comprised the remaining percentage of students (2%). In addition to ethnic diversity, the high school also reports that almost one- third o f its students are affiliated with a religion other than Roman Catholicism. For the 2001-2002 school year, 70% of the student population identified as Catholic, while 30% identified with another religion. Statistics gathered in-house by the school registrar show that the total percentage of the Catholic students attending STACHS has decreased steadily over the past four years, however. In the 1998- 1999, when the current senior class matriculated into STACHS as freshmen, 78% of the school’s student body was Catholic. In the 1999-2000 and 2001-2002 academic years, enrollment by Catholics decreased by 2%, followed by an additional drop of 6% the following year. This decline to its lowest Catholic student enrollment is in sharp contrast to just 7 years prior, when 80% o f the student body population was Catholic. The declining Catholic student body at STACHS is important to note at Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 this point. Discussions in chapters 5 and 6 will indicate that the high school’s maintenance o f its Catholic identity plays a role in the faculty’s and students’ understanding o f the purposes of the program, and the subsequent outcomes of its Christian service program. Table 4: Summary of High School Student Demographics (2001-2002) Number of Percentage of Ethnic Religious Students Population Composition Affiliation Male Students 325 55% Female 260 45% Students Caucasian 39.9% Hispanic 28.9% African- 13.6% American Pacific 13.3% Islander/ Filipino Native 2.5% American Catholic Non-Catholic Source: Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School Western Accreditation of Schools and Colleges Draft, 2002-2003. Student Participants In this section, key demographic features of the students who participated in this research study are presented. The purpose is two fold: 1) to show that the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 student participants were representative of the high school’s overall student population, specifically in terms of ethnic, religious, and gender identities, and 2) to paint a vivid picture of those individuals who volunteered, rather than reducing their characteristics to quantitative data. To achieve the latter, mini-biographies of student participants are offered (Appendix). Table 5: Summary of Demographic Data on Student Participants Name Age Race/Ethnicity Religion Dennis 18 White Catholic Guillermo 18 Hispanic Catholic " S James 17 White Catholic G Greg 17 White Catholic 3 m Elliot 18 White Catholic G s Ahmed 17 African-American Christian (Coptic- Orthodox) Benjamin 18 White Catholic Johann 18 White Catholic Sonya 18 Biracial (Asian/Caucasian) Protestant (Not £ Leanne 17 African-American Specified) Catholic 0 O Tara 18 African-American Catholic TS B Nahid 17 Biracial (African-American & Christian (Not 00 < L > 73 Stephanie 18 Middle Eastern) African-American Specified) Catholic B <L> Kelly 18 White Christian (Presbyterian) Helen 18 White Christian (Lutheran) Claire 18 Biracial (White/Middle Eastern) Catholic Barbara 18 Biracial (Not Specified) Catholic Monica 17 Hispanic Catholic Source: Student interviews and questionnaires Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 O f the 18 seniors interviewed, 10 were female and 8 were male. As a group, the females were much more ethnically and religiously diverse than their male peers. All participants self-identified as Christian, with six out of the ten females self labeling as Catholic. The remaining four practiced some form of Protestantism, with one female not identifying with any one particular Christian denomination. O f the male participants, seven were Catholic and one was Coptic Orthodox. Ethnically, the female group was comprised o f three African-Americans, two Caucasians, and one Latina. The remaining four identified as biracial, and described their ethnic heritage as a mixture o f white and middle eastern, African-American and middle eastern, Asian and Caucasian, and non-specified. The males were less diverse with all but two o f the participants being white. The other two male students were Latino and African-American. Faculty As with student demographics, data on the faculty at STACHS were derived from a draft accreditation report. For the 2001-2002 academic year, the faculty of STACHS consisted of 43 men and women. The average years of secondary teaching experience among the faculty is 7.3 years and the average years o f employment at STACHS is 5.3 years. The faculty is heavily weighted toward inexperience (Table 6). Less than a quarter of the faculty at the time of the study had worked at STACHS for more than 5 years, and STACHS has experienced difficulty in retaining teachers; during the time when data were being collected for this study (i.e., 2001-2002 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 academic year), 17 of STACHS’s teachers were new. This number is even more striking because more than half of the new teachers were also novice teachers, most just having graduated from college the previous spring. In regards to the religious studies faculty, which primarily composed the faculty participant cohort for this study, these data are fairly representative. More than half of the religion faculty were new to STACHS and all of these individuals, except one, had never taught high school before. O f the remaining teachers, only three had been at the high school for more than two years. Table 6: Number of Faculty (2001-2002) by Length of Residency Length o f Residency Number o f Faculty Percentage of Total Faculty 1-2 years 18 41.8% 3-5 years 15 34.8% 6-10 years 4 9.3% 11-14 years 2 4.7% 15-19 years 2 4.7% 20+ years 2 4.7% Source: Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School Western Accreditation of Schools and Colleges Draft, 2002-2003. STACHS asserts that “the key to providing a quality Catholic education is attracting, developing, and retaining outstanding teachers” (STACHS Parent-Student Handbook, 2001-2002). Unfortunately, the differences in salaries offered by adjacent public schools and other private schools make this task quite challenging. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 In response, STACHS has made attempts over the past several years to steadily raise teacher salaries. In addition, individuals leave for a diverse set o f reasons, including some outside of the control of STACHS as an organization (e.g., pregnancy, move due to partner’s work). Per the aforementioned characteristic of effective service- learning programs o f hiring talented adult leaders, these findings imply that the inexperience and/or attrition o f teachers at STACHS might be a contributory element in the effectiveness of the service program. Christian Service at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School: History & Programmatic Anatomy Christian Service at STACHS: A Brief History In response to the goals of Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School ("to encourage responsible participation in the world community") and o f Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish ("to form loving disciples who will transform the world"), STACHS requires that every student complete 100 hours of approved Christian Service in order to graduate. Per the 2001-2002 Parent-Student Handbook: “It is expected, that in this learning process, students will be exposed to different communities of need and hopefully serve others outside of their existing comfort zone” (emphasis added). To illuminate the history and goals/purposes of the Christian service program at STACHS beyond these policies, interviews were held with administrators and faculty members, primarily religious studies teachers. However, their knowledge of the development and maturation of the service program was limited because only two of these individuals, Mr. Paul and Mr. Richard, were working at STACHS at the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 time of the program’s implementation. Furthermore, although Mr. Paul was employed at STACHS at the time, he neither taught in the religious studies department nor was involved with the Christian service program. In contrast, Mr. Richard, the current vice principal, was hired to direct the Campus Ministry program at STACHS, which oversees the Christian service program and its requirements. It became clear during our meeting that he held a central position in the activities that led to the current structure of the service program. This is more concretely evidenced by a correlation between his arrival in the mid-1980s and substantial structural and procedural changes in the service program, which will be discussed below. In fact, when questioned about the history o f the service requirement and the program’s structure, all faculty participants deferred to Vice Principal Richard. It is important to note, however, that the modest information offered by other administrators and faculty members did corroborate the information provided by the vice principal. The reliance on Mr. Richard’s unique perspective vis-a-vis the Christian service program is evident in the following discussion. Since STACHS implemented its Christian service program in the mid-1980s, the program’s structure and requirements have changed dramatically. When first initiated, students were required to complete 50 hours of Christian service in order to graduate. They were able to begin their service activities no sooner than their junior year, and once their activities had been pre-approved by their respective religion teachers or the director of Campus Ministry. However, there was no standard as to what activities were appropriate to meet the service requirement. For this reason, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 students were able to engage in practically any type of activity if their teacher approved. This structure continued until the mid-1990s when frustration on the part of both students and teachers led the administration to reflect on and evaluate the goals of the service program and whether these were being met through the current structure. Three main shortcomings were identified. First, it was acknowledged that there were no instructional or implementation standards dedicated to or associated with the service program. The lack of an acceptable policy for what was allowed frustrated both students and faculty, who consistently fielded complaints from parents as to why a student in one teacher’s class could do the same activity for which their daughter/son had just been denied credit. Second, it was questioned whether students were being challenged, or at least encouraged, to do something difficult or meaningful, rather than any mundane activity that would fulfill their graduation requirements. Third, although students were able to begin their service hours during their junior year, school administration and Campus Ministry officials found that a significant portion o f students were not beginning their service hours until the last semester of their senior year. So, one limitation as identified by the administration was that service was completely focused in the senior year. The concern with students completing all of their hours at the last moment was that the senior year was already a very busy time for most students (e.g., overnight retreats, college applications, involvement in extracurricular activities, part-time jobs). In addition, the administration saw this common practice Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 as philosophically contrary to the ecclesial and pedagogical aims of the program. Vice Principal Richard drew an analogy to attending church services. It's kind of like going to mass only on Sunday and you're not living out your faith the rest of the time. So it seemed really somewhat hypocritical or somewhat just a lack of seriousness to that we wouldn't have students involved in service prior to that. These three shortcomings led to a year-long process of redesigning the Christian Service program. In the mid-1990s, the administration gave an open invitation to all school stakeholders interested in the service program (i.e., parents, students, teachers) to attend meetings and to form a committee to be charged with discussing possible changes. Attendees were comprised primarily of religious studies faculty, directors of Campus Ministry, administration, and a few student members of the Key Club service organization. Outcomes from Organizational Reflection From the stakeholder meetings, a new Christian Service program structure was designed. The new program required that students not only complete a total of 100 service hours, double that of the previous requirement, but also that they begin their service activities as freshmen. When asked what the rationale was behind increasing the number of service hours to 100, Vice Principal Richard explained that the committee wanted the service hours to be graduated in number. Freshmen were required to complete 10 hours of service; sophomores were to serve 20 hours, juniors 30 hours, and seniors 40 hours. Under this model, students would begin their service Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 hours before their senior year, but not be overwhelmed while also adjusting to high school culture and academics. In distributing the hours among the four grade levels, program planners rationalized the increase in service hours by taking into account the 50 hours students had been previously required to complete over two years; “so 100 [hours] seemed like a reasonable stretch (sic) number to go toward [for four years]” (Vice Principal Richard). The committee, however, also informally surveyed other Catholic high schools in the area during the planning process. Vice Principal Richard added: “One hundred [hours] seemed a little higher than many schools had at the time. But it seemed in reach [for our students].” Service Recipient Populations: Associated Grade Level and Rationale In addition to the change in the number and distribution of required service hours, the new design of STACHS’s Christian Service program also aimed to address those complaints caused by an ambiguity in what service activities were acceptable for credit. To do this, a specific service recipient population was matched with each grade level. Students enrolled in that grade level had to volunteer directly with their respective service recipient population. Students were still required to establish their own contacts with organizations serving these populations, however. The service recipient populations were chosen and assigned to each grade level with the relative maturity of students in mind. The first two years were purposefully designed so that students would be working in areas where they already Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 had previous connections or history. This provided students with two years to learn how to establish connections with service agencies and learn the required paperwork while acclimating themselves socially, psychologically, and academically to high school. By their last two years, students could then be expected to take on more mature tasks, including setting up service projects with a less familiar recipient population. 9th grade As freshmen, students are expected to work directly with a parish, synagogue, mosque, temple, or other religious community. This choice came about for two principal reasons. First, numerous incoming students had never engaged in volunteer activities, in particular ones in which they would be required to make the initial contact. Because the majority o f freshmen matriculated from Catholic grammar schools or were members of Catholic religious communities, this would allow them to become acclimated to the culture of service while feeling affectively safe in their sociocultural "comfort zones.” Ironically, this lay in contrast to the goal of the program to expose student to realities outside of their own. The team had an additional reason for requiring students to serve first in an institution of faith. The team was aware that adolescence is a period of development characterized by an increase in truancy from religious communities and services. This practice o f "leaving the Church" (Vice Principal Richard) becomes exacerbated by peer pressure, which is rampant in high schools. The selection o f an institution of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 faith was an effort to strengthen existing connections between students and their respective faith communities. 10th grade Tenth graders are required to serve youth. Adolescent psychological development remained a guide in picking the sophomore level population. This allowed students to remain within a zone of familiarity. Like the institution of faith requirement at the freshman level, the choice of youth as the sophomore level service recipient population, however, again created a conflict with the Christian service program’s goal o f increasing student exposure to new and diverse populations and environments. This conflict is even evidenced in the high school’s use o f the term “youth” in its service policy. Youth, in adolescent literature, refers to teenagers, or the peer group of the students providing the service; “children,” in contrast, are pre adolescents and younger. Per the principal research questions of this study, the committee’s assignment of a higher value to maintaining students’ psychological comfort could have a positive effect on social capital (i.e., increasing interaction with existing social networks), but also a potential negative effect on the development of critical consciousness by not introducing a critical lens through which students experience and make meaning of these familiar environments/interactions. 11th grade Juniors have to serve the elderly, infirmed, or disabled. The service curriculum design team understood that working with this population would require Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 a greater level of emotional and social maturity because the students would have to move out of their immediate cultural comfort zones in order to find a suitable service site. They reasoned that the majority o f students had not had previous experiences working with these populations and, consequently, were more likely to be affected by these activities. 12th grade Seniors at STACHS complete their service through direct work with the poor. Like the junior year service projects, greater student maturity is required to complete service tasks associated with the service recipient population, as students typically have never had such experiences. Vice Principal Richard offered an explanation, referring to both the junior and senior service recipient populations: [Students] choose experiences [during their senior year] that are different than what they've had [previously]. Their freshmen and sophomore years, they're able to choose things that are similar to what they've already seen in their lives. Most kids have not sat down and talked to an elderly person that's drooling you know .... So they are the eye opening years. Faculty Familiarity with the Rationale behind Service Recipient Group Selection In addition to the analyses performed on school documents (e.g., parent- student handbook) and interviews with administrators regarding the history behind the current structure of the Christian service program at STACHS, questions were added to faculty interview protocols to determine their knowledge and understanding of the rationale behind the selection of the four service recipient populations. This step was taken because religious studies teachers at STACHS are the principal Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 9 9 administrators of the service requirements, and because current service-learning literature asserts that hired adult leaders play a central role in effective service programs (Lewis, 1987; Roberts, 1981; Shumer, 1988; National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence, 1991). Furthermore, it can be conjectured that the extent of the faculty’s familiarity with the rationale of the structure of the service program could determ ine how they help students to make meaning and act on their service experiences, particularly in terms of integrating them with the required curriculum. The particular roles that these individuals play in the processes of the service program will be discussed in Chapter 5. Faculty and administrators revealed different explanations as to why the service recipient groups were chosen. Most striking was that the high school principal and all o f the religion teachers, except Sr. Margaret - the only religion teacher who was a member of the original planning committee, admitted that the rationale behind the selection of the target groups had never been verbalized to them. Mr. Claudio, a new sophomore religion teacher, noted that he was simply told: “this is how we do it.” Other teachers who reported never having been privy to the formal decisions did make reference to having noticed the developmental orientation of the group assignments. Mr. Phillip, a co-director of Campus Ministry, explained that the groups were obviously assigned so that students could begin with service which was most benign or culturally familiar to them and then move incrementally toward the groups with which they had more cognitive, emotional, and cultural dissonance - “a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 movement from groups to where the service is probably easier to do, to service where it engages you at a deeper level.. (Mr. Phillip). Although a few teachers’ analyses as to the rationale behind the choice of service populations matched those of the planning committee, findings suggest that STACHS is slow to disseminate programmatic information to those teachers most directly involved in its implementation and oversight. Although the faculty attrition problem might have some role to play in this weakness, data collection activities suggested that a reliance on the historical perspective and expertise of the vice principal might also be a factor. Rationale behind Additional Changes to Required Service Hours During the 1995-1996 year of preparation, the committee agreed that they would revisit the structure of the program “in four years after the [students] ha[d] gone through from freshmen to senior year and see if the process really meant something” (Vice Principal Richard). The fourth year was the 2000-2001 academic year. Stakeholders reconvened, although most of them had not sat on the original committee, and decided to alter the structure of the service program slightly to allow additional flexibility and freedom for the students, while assuring that the goals were still going to be met. The primary difference between the current service program’s requirements and those of its predecessor is the eradication of the graduated hours requirement over the four years. Previously, students had been required to complete an additional Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 10 hours of direct service activity with their respective population each year. The current program, however, rearranges hours to compensate for students’ extracurricular schedules. This change was brought about directly through student feedback and faculty concern that the large number of hours during the senior year was less compatible with other competing responsibilities (e.g., applying to college, holding part-time jobs) when compared to the freshman level when extracurricular activities and extramural responsibilities are respectively minimal. Under the new Christian Service policy, students’ service hours remain distributed by grade level. However, freshmen and sophomores are required to complete 20 hours, and juniors and seniors have 30 hours each. Despite the distribution o f hours, students are still required to complete a minimum number o f hours with a designated population each year. However, beginning with the 2001-2002 school year, students were able to complete 10 of each year’s hours by serving any of the four previously established service recipient populations. The primary cause o f this change was the lobbying efforts by the on- campus Key Club, which operates two projects with local community organizations. Key Club had increased interest campus-wide in working with these organizations, especially at the homeless shelter where students prepare and serve food every week. The administration saw this as a viable reason for change, in that students should not be discouraged from engaging in service if they are interested. Other students’ comments were heard during this period of change as well. Many students found that they enjoyed working with children. Some even planned Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 to have a career working with this age group while, in contrast, they did not care to work entirely within a place of worship. For this reason, they thought that it would be more helpful to spend their service hours working in the areas that they found interesting. At the same time, the high school’s policy still required students to work a portion o f their yearly, required hours with the assigned population. Therefore, students who “had a great experience.. .doing the religious education every Sunday morning for third graders” as freshmen were able “to stay working with those [same] third graders. They can do like 10 of their hours or 15 of their hours with that” (Vice Principal Richard). The choice of service recipient populations (Proctor, 1992) and an opportunity for involvement in longitudinal projects (Moore, 1981, 1986; Suelzle and Borzak, 1981; Giles and Eyler, 1994b; Eyler and Giles, 1997; Rutter and Newman, 1989; Melchoir and Orr, 1995) have been identified as elements of effective service-learning programs and will be discussed in the next chapter. SUMMARY Chapter 4 provided a historic conceptualization of Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School and its Christian service program against which programmatic and outcomes data presented in the following two chapters could be analyzed. This discussion included the current demographic characteristics of the high school, in particular the change from a religious to lay faculty, the diverse religious and ethnic student population, and the structures that house them. Particular attention was placed on STACHS’ attempt to retain faculty members and their efforts to hire new Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 3 religious studies teachers. Complementary to this discussion was an examination of those factors which led to the current structure o f the Christian service program at STACHS. Data showed that program effectiveness vis-a-vis the stated high school and parish goals, relationship to adolescent developmental models, and students’ past experiences and present needs have played a role in the formation of the present program. Lastly, information regarding the service recipient populations and number of required hours, and the faculty’s familiarity with these structural components were presented. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 4 CHAPTER 5 PROCEDURAL COMPONENTS OF SERVICE PROGRAMS: ST. THOMAS AQUINAS CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL & BEST PRACTICES Overview This chapter begins to explore the characteristics of Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School’s (STACHS) Christian service program vis-a-vis the categories o f processes o f effective service-learning programs as described in Chapter 2. It should be noted, however, that my choice to present the data according to characteristics of effective service programs does not advocate that STACHS’s Christian service program should be considered exemplary or even effective in achieving its stated goals. The effective program characteristics simply provide a set of benchmarks against which the Christian service program at STACHS can be compared. Furthermore, the effective program characteristics described in the literature are not sufficient to present those processes specific to STACHS’s service program. STACHS, unlike the majority o f programs which were considered in comprising the effective program models analyses, requires students to find and secure their own service sites. For this reason, an additional process of “arranging” service must be considered here. This process follows the initial, preparatory steps and precedes students’ actual engagement in service activities. Otherwise, this section follows the layout o f effective program characteristics from Chapter 2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 5 PREPARATION FOR SERVICE Stakeholders’ Understanding of Programmatic Goals and Purposes Service-learning is an experiential mechanism through which in-class knowledge may be enhanced and applied. For this reason, effective service-learning programs articulate and develop their goals and objectives from service activities as well as with traditional classroom content (Howard, 2001; Kendall et al., 1986; Honnet and Poulson, 1989; Maryland Student Service Alliance, 1995). As previously stated, formal school and parish documents indicated that the Christian service program at STACHS has four goals: 1) civic (“to encourage responsible participation in the world”); 2) religious (“to form loving disciples”); 3) social awareness (“to serve others outside of their comfort zone”); and, 4) critical consciousness/social justice (“to transform the world”). To determine the understanding of the goals and purposes of the Christian service program by the administration and faculty, a question was included in interview protocols. This area was covered because the intentions, philosophies, and understandings of the program by these actors affect the program design and its implementation. Students also answered questions focused on their perceptions of the purpose of the service requirement. These questions were deliberately asked after students had related their service experiences over the previous four years, and provided data for comparison across participant groups. Findings showed that both the faculty’s and students’ understanding of the goals of the Christian service program at STACHS parallels those stated in school Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 6 documents, with the notable exception o f the critical consciousness/social justice goal. Promoting Community Involvement and Civic Reciprocity Students and faculty interviews revealed that one purpose to the Christian Service requirement at STACHS is to initiate a culture of civic involvement or to expose students to the “experience o f helping others and serving others...” (Mr. Phillip). This purpose directly correlates with the previously noted civic goal of the program (i.e., “to encourage responsible participation in the world”). Students also commented that the school hoped that their connections would serve as an impetus for future service activities as well, emphasizing the high school’s interest in creating a civism in its students that would continue even when not mandated (Leanne). In order to achieve this, Mr. Ian commented that it is important that students realize “that service is a good thing, a loving thing, and not a drudgery or something that we can ignore.” Students and Ms. Michelle, the senior guidance counselor at STACHS, did reveal, however, that the goal o f increased civic involvement would not be met if Christian Service hours were not mandatory: “Because without forced volunteer work, no one would ever do it” (Guillermo). Their comments suggest that students have an apathetic attitude toward civic participation and/or a primary concern with issues directly affecting their personal lives. These themes were detailed in Chapter 1 as part of the problematic influencing this study. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 7 Experiential Religion: Living the Faith Students and faculty both mentioned that there is a religious purpose to the Christian service requirement and that it is a direct result of the particular religious orientation of their high school. More specifically, these individuals felt that one purpose o f the service program at STACHS was to provide students with an experiential means by which to “live their faith” (Principal June). The experiential component of this theme is not incongruous, given service- learning’s historical foundations in the pragmatic pedagogy o f John Dewey (1938; 1956). Dewey’s pedagogy purports that activating learning through direct engagement in authentic contexts helps students to create meaning more easily. In the case o f STACHS, however, the experiential orientation seems to stem from the program’s religious foundations in Christianity and its goal “to form loving disciples,” rather than from the high school’s college preparatory curriculum. Sr. Margaret, the senior level religion teacher, commented that the service requirement proves the school’s and its students’ commitment to fulfilling the mission of Jesus Christ as prescribed in Biblical scriptures, specifically Matthew 25 - “When you do this for the least of my brothers and sisters, you do it for me” (Sr. Margaret). Specifically, Sr. Margaret further commented that students’ engagement in service would prove that “we don’t just say ‘we are doing it,’ but we actual do it.” Principal June did make a connection between the pragmatic experiences of students and the students’ educational pursuits. Her comments indicated that the pedagogical connection was only between service and the religious studies Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 8 curriculum, however. She explained that “the Catholic Church is very committed to the issue of service and social justice” and that students’ education should extend beyond learning about this connection “in the book, but [also] actually participate in it.” In other words, she viewed service as “faith in action.” Greg and Guillermo, both Catholic, shared similar views of the purpose of the service program. Greg felt that the service requirement was “trying to expand on what we are learning,” and Guillermo conjectured that the purpose was to “maybe put our religion class to practice....” As stated previously, the development of program goals within both the service and academic components o f the program is an element unique to effective service-learning programs. The absence of data supporting a broad pedagogical foundation to the service program at STACHS suggests that the goals of the program are framed solely within this religious/religious studies context and will be shown to influence the students’ understanding o f their experiences heavily. Social Awareness: Opening Student Eves through Introspection The third purpose of the Christian Service program discerned by faculty and students was social awareness, which echoed an objective of the Christian service program stated in the 2001-2002 Parent-Student Handbook (i.e., “students will be exposed to different communities of need and hopefully serve others outside of their existing comfort zone,” emphasis added). Participants explained that one reason that the service program seeks to raise students’ awareness of different peoples and cultures is because students at STACHS are relatively lacking in exposure to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 9 phenomena outside of their comfort zones, “especially teenagers who are usually very set and cliquish towards their own age group” (Sonya). Students, in particular, noted that the service program aimed to connect them with their “community and to see the different levels of society” (Claire). This cultural exposure would, therefore, serve as a means to produce adolescents that are tolerant of differences and who are more sensitive to the disenfranchised. Ms. Michelle, the senior guidance counselor, mentioned that “the only way to make sure.. .that they get this critical experience” is to have them volunteer outside of their comfort zones. Faculty also mentioned that the social awareness goal of the Christian service program, and having students work outside of their “comfort zones,” is related to adolescent behavioral and psychological development. This rationale is based on the understanding that adolescents self-ghettoize as a means of self-protection (Erikson, 1968). An intended goal of the Christian service program would then be for them to do something for greater humanity, instead o f only for themselves. Mr. Daniel, who taught the summer school Christian service course to those who had not completed the previous year’s required hours, offered the following insight to the program’s goal to combat narcissism: I think these kids need to understand that they need to look outside their little selfish worlds, and that there is a world out there beyond. I think it will help them to help to grow and to appreciate what they have. And help them to understand how blessed they may be, even though they may be struggling, they still are blessed, compared to other people. Students and faculty commented that the outcome of engagement in service activities would be creating a more tolerant, socially aware individual - not only in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 general, but also in regards to Christian ideals. Mr. Claudio and Stephanie commented that these activities help to “fully develop a young person into a kind, caring, loving, Christian Catholic” and “to make you a well-rounded person; Catholics believe in the value o f just, to help others,” respectively. Like Ms. Michelle’s comment about the necessary relationship between mandatory service requirements and the promotion of civic involvement, Principal June also mentioned that the goal of urging students to confront the unfamiliar necessitates a mandated number of service hours, as STACHS does from its students. In comparing other schools’ models to the one at STACHS, she shared that the program at STACHS “kind of urges kids out o f their comfort zone a little bit and I think on an interpersonal level to help kids to challenge themselves a little bit too - in addition to the faith component.” Critical Consciousness/Social Justice: Ouestionability for Change Analyses revealed that although students and faculty recognized that one of the goals of the program was to expose students to diverse populations and settings, no participant from either group mentioned the program’s stated critical consciousness/social justice goal of “transforming the world.” Their exclusion of this purpose implies that they do not see their service activities beyond civic engagement, an extension of religious belief/duty, and social exposure. This finding questions the potential of the Christian service program at STACHS to achieve this goal, which is founded arguably in the social justice tenets of the Church (Principal Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 211 June). Furthermore, the absence of an understanding of this goal suggests that subsequent processes can be administered, experienced, and understood only through those goals acknowledged by teachers and students. This connection will be made in the remaining pages o f this chapter. Training and Orientation for Service Effective service-learning programs orient, or prepare, their students for engagement with populations or in projects with which they have limited to no experience (Witmer and Anderson, 1994; Kendall et al., 1986; Howard, 2001). Typically, these programs provide students with skills to address the important issues in a specific project (Maryland Student Service Alliance, 1995; Proctor, 1992; Honnet and Poulson, 1989). The failure to provide this training can result in a reduced achievement in program goals (Howard, 2001). With this in mind, STACHS’s preparation and planning at the institutional level has been discussed through an examination of the program’s structural and procedural changes over the past two decades. The training, orientation, and preparation that students underwent are highlighted in this section. Faculty and administrators explained that there are elements in STACHS’s Christian service program specifically designed to prepare students for service. For example, at the beginning of each academic year, Campus Ministers visit each religion class to discuss the requirements associated with that year’s service recipient population. This is an opportunity for students to ask questions and to receive Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 information about the requirements from a non-authoritative source. Principal June also explained that a representative from the parish routinely visits freshmen religion classes so that they may learn what opportunities are available within the STACHS religious community. The representative only visits 9th grade classes as freshmen are required to complete their service hours with an institution of faith. Although administrators identified introductory activities to service offered in both the school and service site settings, Principal June added: “I think it’s an area we could do more often to be quite honest with you.” Her acknowledgment foreshadowed student comments regarding the lack of preparation for service activities received, and their opinions as to what type and how much preparation was necessary and desired. The following sections present this information. No Service. But None Needed Almost all student participants reported that they had not received any preparation for the service in which they subsequently engaged. In fact, only one student mentioned having received the orientation by Campus Ministers described above. Although students reported that they had not received any special preparation, many also felt that none was needed in order to participate in and complete the required tasks/duties. This was particularly true for the freshman and sophomore years when students volunteered with institutions of faith and with youth, respectively. Overall, student comments suggested a relationship between the type of task to which they were assigned and whether they felt service was needed. Three Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 3 main reasons were provided: 1) engaged in simple and/or everyday tasks, 2) already prepared due to familiarity with site or through past experiences, and 3) provided with “on-the-job training.” First, students were engaged in simple everyday tasks. Nahid mentioned that “you don’t need any training to feed the homeless” because “you just give the food to the people and as long as you don’t fall over, you should be fine.” Claire and Monica, who had volunteered to tutor elementary aged children during their 10th grade year, admitted that they already possessed the academic knowledge necessary to do the job. Monica, who was to “help [a] kid with his homework or to read,” explained her lack o f need of training on the fact that she “already know[s] how to read.” Similarly, Claire tutored a student in “simple math” and basic language arts, which were topics that she “already knew how to do.” The second reason that students reported that they did not need preparation or training was because they felt that their familiarity with the task or the environment exempted them. Elliot, who helped out at his church’s annual summer yard sale, explained that having had his own yard sale at home prepared him for the service. He even made reference to the ease of the job given his past experiences: “You could call it preparation, I guess, maybe having my own yard sale at hom e.... I mean it made it easier than, I guess, just going out there and not knowing.” Kelly’s sophomore service experiences of working at the pre-school were her mother is employed evidences this relationship between environmental familiarity and preparation for the service activities. She mentioned that she felt comfortable there Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 4 and needed no introduction to the site or service because she had visited many times with her mother. Benjamin offered an intriguing example of service activity for which his previously acquired skills became useful. Upon arriving with fellow Campus Ministers at a day camp for blind children, Benjamin found himself making non alcoholic margaritas for the parents who were attending a support group while other students from STACHS babysat their children. Again, his comments revealed that this task “wasn’t much o f a change” from what he does at work at a local juice and smoothie store. Lastly, several students identified that they did not need training prior to engaging in service because they received indirect training while doing the actual tasks. In other words, they were prepared through hands-on activities, or “on the job training” (James) activities rather than prior to the actual commencement of the service act. All of those students who identified receiving training during the actual service activity served food to the homeless at a local shelter for which the high school is charged with providing dinner once a week. Although the above findings depict a relationship between the service task and students’ need for preparation, analyses of these instances suggest that the students’ denial o f a need for preparation might be founded, rather, in their approach to the service projects. Given the absence of a critical consciousness/social justice understanding of the Christian service program, students approach and understand their service activities as a means to connect them with society and to prove their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 5 faith. By the nature of doing service, they are connected to society in broad terms; likewise, by engaging in a charitable service, students understand that they are proving their faith. For this reason, they see no reason to examine their engagement in these mundane tasks as more than “work,” and for that reason would need no training to prepare them for those tasks that they already know how to complete. In other words, students take a product approach to the service, which is concerned solely with the outcome (e.g., feeding the homeless), rather than how the task is accomplished, the purpose of the tasks, and the importance o f the task beyond meeting immediate needs. This overconfidence could instead be attributed to the students’ egoistic personalities as mentioned by school faculty and framed within Eriksonian and Piagetian psychological development models. However, the previous finding that religious studies faculty and students both failed to see the transformative element of the program, and because other students did express a need for preparation, further supports the argument of a charitable foundation to the program. In addition, this finding could also evidence a weakness in the program’s design to achieve all stated goals (Howard, 2001). In particular, having students choose their own sites and pick those activities with which they are already familiar, might further retard students’ willingness to examine phenomena beyond the meaning that they had of them prior to serving and, hence, the development of critical consciousness. This will be further evidenced later in this chapter during discussions of students’ reasoning for completing certain number of service hours. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 6 Preparation Needed and/or Desired Aside from those students who felt like they did not need training or preparation, other students commented that they had either needed or wanted some orientation to their service duties. Barbara, for example, described her initial fear when being placed into a classroom with little children and not knowing what to do; it took her some time to become more comfortable with the class. Guillermo also indicated feelings of anxiety during his sophomore year o f service in which he “babysat” a large group o f youth who were involved in the high school’s spring musical. He had a difficult time keeping the children silent as no one shared with him how to complete the task (“oh my God, how do I keep these kids in line? How do I get them not to be so vile and obnoxious?”). In the end, Guillermo said that he would not complete similar service in the future for that reason. No! Unless they are really good with kids, they can handle kids, no. That drove me nuts, and I’m a pretty patient guy with kids. I can’t control them, and I know that other people don’t like it, don’t like the job o f having to control little kids, so I don’t recommend it. Leanne also expressed anxiety during her sophomore year service project. For her, however, the anxiety was not due to the population, but solely the lack of preparation that she felt that she needed to effectively complete the service task. She chose to tutor an elementary student from Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic Elementary School. She independently sought guidance from her grandmother, a former teacher, after the service organizers failed to provide her with guidelines about how to work best with the elementary student. In this case, the lack of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 7 orientation made her anxious about the quality o f the service that she provided (“What if I’m not tutoring this kid right? What if their grades don’t improve?”) and whether the negative outcome would reflect poorly on her (“Is that going to reflect back on me?”). These examples suggest a relationship between the training a student receives and his/her participation in future civic activities. Preparation Received Although the majority o f students interviewed did not receive training or preparation for their specific service activities, nor felt that they needed any, other students did report that they received some type of orientation, commonly for their junior and senior service projects. The first type o f orientation to which students made reference was also the most frequent. These individuals reported that they had received a tour of the site where they were beginning their service duties. The orientation typically included an introduction to either the staff working at the service site, other volunteers, or to the service recipients themselves (e.g., elderly). The majority of those students who received this type of orientation were involved in service projects developed by and implemented through the high school’s Key Club chapter. Helen explained that the Key Club advisor offered to take a group of students to the convalescent center. Once there, “he gave [the students] a tour, and [they] got to meet some of the people and. ..[only] after that [they] could choose to go back.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 8 The second type o f orientation that students reported having received was in the form of special instructions for dealing with the specific service recipients. An informal information session was included to prepare students mentally and emotionally for what they might encounter. Some students’ orientation to the site included instructions on behavioral etiquette and communication skills. Again, this type o f orientation was noted primarily during the junior and senior years o f service. Sonya, like her peers, received a tour of the convalescent center where she served. However, she was also made aware that many of the patients were diabetic, was shown the sticker denoting the illness on the wheelchair, and was explained the rules regarding providing food and drinks to these patients. Claire received a different set of instructions before she volunteered with homebound elderly during her junior year. The project supervisors told Claire what to expect and what not to do. For example, she was told how to act if the elderly “seem to like get upset about what you are saying.” Unlike the majority o f his peers, Elliot received a more content-based orientation to his senior year service project at a food collection and distribution center. He described that he had served his senior hours by volunteering for a food distribution program run out o f a local public storage facility. The supervisor of the project told the volunteers the history of the project, “about homelessness in America,” “what percentage [of the homeless population] are veterans, and what percentage are handicapped, and what percentage are women and children.” During the interview, he expressed his shock over this information, particularly the numbers Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 9 of women and children who are homeless. He even could explain his shock in that we constantly see homeless men, but that the mothers are “hiding the kids during the day, or putting them in school, public school.” Elliot’s account of his introduction to homelessness evidences the effects that preparation can have even before service begins. He said: “You are kind of blind to the problems that exist around you, and like hearing it kind o f opens your eyes.” Elliot’s example suggests a relationship between the training a student receives and a heightened level of critical analysis and understanding of service phenomena. Three students reported that they had significant periods of training required before they could begin service. All had accepted leadership positions in their respective service organizations. Tara decided to return to YMCA as a camp counselor during the summer before her sophomore year to complete her service hours with youth. She was required to arrive three weeks prior to the campers for training. Greg also was involved in a long period of training for his sophomore year service requirements. He was asked to be a team leader on a religious retreat, which required leadership training. During the first semester of his junior year, Guillermo was approached by an activities director from Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish and asked whether he and some friends would like to sing Christmas carols during a luncheon for elderly parishioners. Guillermo was a member of the high school’s student choir at the time and also knew how to play the guitar. His interview revealed that he and other band members had to practice several hours in preparation for the service because they were “bad;., .really bad.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 Community Collaboration The third preparatory element of effective service-learning programs is collaboration between a school and community. Collaboration assures mutual benefits to the community organization and students (Shumer, 1988; Maryland, 1995). At STACHS, evidence of community collaboration was evident in two ways. First, the Key Club has established two service projects at a local convalescent center and homeless shelter where students can complete their junior and senior service hours, respectively. Because these are weekly projects and are pre-arranged with the community service organizations, students are simply required to sign up in advance. Neither prior approval by their religion teacher, nor having to document their completed hours is required of students who serve in these projects. Second, administrators and Campus Ministry directors dialogue often with the adjacent parish and elementary school about possible service projects for freshmen and sophomores. In addition to its participation at the homeless shelter, the school, through the direction o f Campus Ministry and in partnership with the parish, hosts a massive Thanksgiving dinner and offers attendees choices of donated clothing and shoes. This event, which attracts thousands o f homeless and poor individuals, is staffed entirely by students, faculty, parent and parish volunteers, and parish employees. Although an effective service-learning program element, the prearrangement of service projects at STACHS is concerning with regards to both the program goal of having students exposed to settings/people outside of their comfort zones, as well Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 as to the program design element of having students seek their own placements in an effort to create more responsible and psychologically healthy adolescents. In the former case, prearrangement arguably keeps students within their existing peer and community comfort zones which could decrease opportunities for increased social awareness and developing critical consciousness. This is again evidenced by students feeling that they did not need training/orientation to their service activities because they were already familiar with either the sites or activities. Furthermore, because these projects are arranged by the Key Club and Campus Ministry which take a purely “charitable” approach to the activities, and exacerbated by the previous analysis o f the faculty’s and students’ narrowed understanding of the program’s goals, students might enter into these activities under similar perspectives. In the latter case, Principal June commented that parents have complained that the high school does not prearrange all service projects for students, but she thinks that this practice “disengages kids” - a noted contradiction in philosophy and implementation. Principal June’s concerns were well-founded. Almost all of the student participants reported that they chose to complete their junior and senior service hours by volunteering with the Key Club at the high school. They stated that their main reasoning was because the service projects were already set up and they just had to sign up for a particular day, and the Key Club moderator kept track of the paperwork for them. Also, as mentioned above, students did not have to seek prior approval by their religion teacher because service hours completed with the Key Club automatically counted through a prior agreement between the Key Club and the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 office of Campus Ministry. In other words, students seemed to rely on prearranged service projects rather than seek out their own when available. The Role of Religion Teachers in Students’ Service Experiences The classroom teacher plays a pivotal role in any formal educational environment. How this individual is involved and how s/he structures activities and discussions about a topic depends on the specific learning goal, personal demeanor, and philosophy of education of the teacher. Past service-learning studies have identified the role of talented adult leaders as an integral component of a successful and effective service-learning program. More specifically, factors include the ability of this individual to motivate students; to help them make meaning of their experiences; and, related to the question of social justice/critical consciousness, to help them to act on that understanding (Lewis, 1987; Roberts, 1981; Shumer, 1988). Furthermore, adult leaders can offer positive reinforcement and a base of knowledge about those being served (National Center for Service Learning in Early Adolescence, 1991). Interviews revealed that administrators at STACHS understood the connection between teacher qualifications and their subsequent roles in the service program. In fact, Principal June expressed this point of view in her reference to teachers as the “key folks on the school end for the [service] program.” Administrators recently have made efforts to hire religion teachers who had experiences in service-learning, charity work, or pastoral theology, as well as whose Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 3 religious beliefs most approximate those currently guiding the overall curriculum and philosophy of the school. This was most evident in the administration’s intense interviewing o f religion teacher candidates. In his discussion of the administration’s effort to hire teachers who ascribed to the high school’s philosophy and religious agenda, Vice Principal Richard evidenced the previous discussion of STACHS’s difficulty in retaining teachers. Specifically, the administration “interviewed a lot of religion people [for] this year and hired.. .almost [all] new teachers.” The administration’s intense search was made to find individuals that saw service as a key element in their “interpretation of the Catholic faith.” In other words, are they “living it out in a way that [STACHS was] trying to live it out in this program” (Vice Principal Richard). In regards to the qualifications o f the religious studies faculty, Principal June boasted that the teachers have “impressive histories of service.” According to administrators, teachers at STACHS have three principal roles vis-a-vis the service program. The first role that religion teachers have in the Christian Service program is to approve the site and adjoined service activity for their students; this role is limited for junior and senior religion teachers by the majority o f students serving their hours through prearranged Key Club projects. The second is to monitor and motivate students during the school year to complete their service hours. Vice Principal Richard commented that religion teachers “should be the main promoters [of service activities] and. ..[in] teaching [students] the value, and kind o f helping them, guiding them through [the processes].” These tasks Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 4 include: “keeping this requirement fresh in the kids’ minds;” “distribution of information and collection of information;” “validating the importance of the work;” and, “affirming the kids for what they do” (Vice Principal Richard). Teachers’ third role is that of evaluator. Religion teachers, in partnership with the office o f Campus Ministry, evaluate the students’ service experiences by assigning an oral and/or written project and by collecting a field log which accounts for students’ completed hours. These assignments are due by a certain date at the end of the second semester; the date is the same for all students in the high school no matter the number o f hours that they have been required to complete during that academic year. Campus Ministry then randomly chooses student logs and verifies their validity by calling the listed service sites. Although the initial steps in teacher service roles are very similar among all religion teachers, disparities exist in student evaluation. These differences in program assessment are not surprising given that, as has been already shown, teachers approach the service requirements with diverse goals in mind. Principal June added that variation in follow-up activities are due primarily to teachers falling behind in the required curriculum. For this reason, teachers “end up assigning a paper most of the time and maybe an individual presentation.” She concluded that the debriefing and reflection components of the service program are areas in need of growth: “[It] would be a really neat thing to do more group discussion and making (sic) sense o f it if there was time” (Principal June). Principal June’s own connection between the evaluative component of the teachers’ roles and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 5 the high school’s admitted need for more meaningful reflection, and the importance of these activities described in the literature, calls into question the ability o f the program to realize its outcomes, particularly regarding the development of students’ critical consciousness, given the facilitator role that teachers play in these models. Furthermore, teachers seem to hold the students’ service experiences secondarily to their in-class achievement, as evidenced by their primary concern of meeting required curricular elements. This will be further evidenced by the relative lack of attention provided to students’ service experiences during the reflection sections of this chapter. Student Perceptions of Religion Teachers’ Roles Because of the symbiotic relationship between the role of the teacher and the success of the service-learning program, a question was added to this study’s interview protocol in order to ascertain student’s perceptions of their teachers’ actual roles in their service experiences over the four years vis-a-vis those identified above by administrators. The question was asked specifically about the religion teacher because the Christian service requirement is formally overseen by Campus Ministry and is part of the Religious Studies department’s curriculum. Furthermore, as described above, STACHS has made recent efforts to hire religion teachers, specifically those who possess the professional and theological background to help realize the program goals. With this in mind, students identified four roles that teachers played in their service experiences: 1) manager, 2) reminder-“motivator, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 6 3) resource person, and 4) hands-off hypocrites. The first three parallel the aforementioned approving, mentoring/motivating, evaluative roles identified by administrators. The fourth role was unique to the students and offers a critique of some of the teachers’ current roles, and suggests that students desire a more direct role from their teachers. Each of these four roles is further explored below. Manager The most common characteristic attributed to the religion teachers by students was that of a manager. Teachers acted like managers by providing parameters under which the service must be carried out, at times providing an orientation to that year’s service requirement, explaining what activities are permissible for credit, and by handling both informational documents and paperwork used to document students’ completed service hours (e.g., reflection papers). Paralleling the first role identified by administrators, teachers approved students’ service sites prior to their engagement by signing a form. Overall, students’ comments categorized here suggested a peripheral level of involvement of their teachers. Claire, for example, shared: “All they did w as.. .approve o f our places. But besides that, the teacher don’t (sic) play that much of a role during my service experiences.” Reminder- “Motivator” In relation to their managerial duties, teachers also reminded students throughout the academic year to complete their service hours. Students’ comments Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 7 do show, however, that the majority of teachers’ motivational techniques were more threatening/intimidating than motivating. This type of reverse psychological motivation contrasts to that described in educational best practices literature. Tara and Stephanie recounted when teachers shrewdly told the class “to get it done” or “you have to do the work, or you’ll get a zero.. .or fail.” Barbara, in contrast, did comment that although one of her teachers also said that students “should get them done,” the teacher qualified her statement by explaining how service “was good for [students] to do,” how “it helps to make a better person,” “it’s nice to explore different ways of doing things,” and “it’s nice to help out.” In contrast, Monica commented that her senior religion teacher inspired and motivated her by acting as a model; she is “actually up and doing it.” Most striking from her comment, particularly with STACHS’s recent hiring practices in mind, is that she did not feel that “any of the teachers before have done service hours.” Most central to instances like Monica’s, students’ comments suggested that mandatory service is “just more acceptable if [students] feel that they (the teachers) do it too.” Monica provided a non-service metaphor to clarify the seeming hypocrisy: “Like when your parents tell you ‘to go clean your room’ and their room is all messy.” These findings evidence that STACHS’s efforts to hire competent religion teachers with previous service experiences and current interests have not been made in vain. It should be noted, however, that the only teacher that students described as motivating was Sr. Margaret, who is a nun. This variable unique to only two teachers at STACHS questions whether the service interests of its students, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 8 arguably the meaning they make from them, would benefit from a larger religious faculty, given that service might be required of Sr. Margaret and therefore constantly on her mind to mention and discuss. Teachers who are unable to empathize arguably can not support service participants or effectively integrate their experiences into the classroom (Kendall, 1991a). Resource Person Students also saw their religion teachers as resource persons. In these cases, teachers provided students with information to help them connect with a service site. First, teachers provided information through “a list o f certain places that [students] could volunteer” (Claire) or pre-approved sites. Students commented that their senior religion teacher, in particular, was resourceful in this way. Given that the senior religion teacher was also the only former religion teacher identified by student participants as actively engaged in service activities, it is unsurprising that she had contacts and shared them with students. Students also suggested that access to such lists and resource people might facilitate their connecting to service sites and becoming more aware of opportunities. Some teachers also worked with students to help them find service sites. This relationship proved helpful in some cases when students needed an adult reference in order to serve at a particular site. Benjamin commented specifically to this account, indicating society’s consternation with adolescents as highlighted in chapter 2: “There is only so much that you can do as a kid, and the people just don’t Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 9 take you seriously.” Furthermore, his quote reveals a lack of self-efficacy, common to this stage of psychosocial development. Lastly, teachers acted as resource persons by announcing upcoming opportunities during class. Johann’s freshman teacher, for example, received a “letter and read it aloud and said that the church was looking for people to help parking for [Easter] church services” (Johann). Guillermo also learned of his freshman service project via a teacher’s in-class announcement o f an opportunity available at the adjacent parish. Hands-Off Hypocrites The perception of teachers as resource persons is not universally held by all of the students, however. All 18 students interviewed felt that overall their religion teachers did not have a significant role in their Christian service experiences. Nahid, Tara, and Kelly, in contrast to their peers’ previous comments, claimed that teachers did not discuss the service, outside o f mentioning the due dates and what was/was not permissible in terms o f service activities. Dennis even felt that his teachers had misdirected the class and could not empathize with their experiences. In fact, like Monica, he characterized his religion teachers as hypocritical vis-a-vis what they taught as religious doctrine in class and how they lived their secular lives - a surprising finding given the faculty’s supposed high level of civic engagement. The following quote clearly evidences his point of view: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 0 They try to show you that God is around every corner and everything, but then working with the elderly and the homeless it didn’t seem that way. Because like, you just, like when I was working with the elderly, you can just hear their bones cracking when you try to help them out of the chair. It just didn’t feel like they should be going through this. Some had deformed feet, and the homeless people just, some o f them were crazy, some of them just didn’t know where they were. You couldn’t really see God then. I felt like the religion teachers didn’t know what they were talking about; it just looked like they had never done service hours before. (Dennis) Nahid felt that besides her senior religion teacher, “the other [teachers] don’t seem to care.” She drew this conclusion because “they didn’t put any effort into helping [students] find [service sites].” Kelly’s frustration did not concern the seeming lack o f connection to service sites. In contrast, her interview indicated that students might also expect/want teachers to be involved beyond the periphery of service - in other words, be “working with that group” of students. This point clearly reiterates students’ frustration with the seeming hypocritical behaviors by teachers in regards to advocating for and actually participating in service. Furthermore, and perhaps most significant, the noted roles o f religion faculty do not suggest that they help students to make meaning o f their services, as espoused in the best practices literature. For this reason, teachers’ roles will be shown to negatively affect student outcomes. SUMMARY The “preparation” section presented the findings from the study of the Christian service program at STACHS vis-a-vis the first category o f processes of effective service-learning programs identified in Chapter 2. The first preparatory Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 1 element compared the students’ and religious studies faculty’s understandings of the purposes of the Christian service programs to the goals stated in STACHS documents. Participants’ understandings paralleled the civic, religious, and social awareness goals, but did not mention the critical consciousness/social justice purpose of the last goal - “to transform the world.” This was posited to affect how students would, therefore, approach their service projects and the meanings that they would be able to make from them. The training or orientation that students received prior to their engagement in service tasks is also a part of preparation. Analyses showed that whether students receive training informs how they approach service and their intention to be engaged in the future. Although most students did not receive training, they did not feel that they needed any due to their charitable conceptualization o f the service act. In contrast, other students did want training; analyses indicated that their likelihood to complete similar tasks in the future was due to their discomfort and anxiety of being ill-prepared. Community collaboration is the third preparatory element of an effective service-learning program. The high school’s Key Club and Campus Ministry both have designed and implemented service projects with local non-profit organizations and/or the adjacent parish. Analyses did point out a tension between these projects and the service program’s structure of having students arrange their own service and the purported goal of increasing social awareness. The significance o f these findings Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 2 was furthered by the fact that the majority of students choose to complete their service hours through prearranged projects when available. Finally, the roles of the religion teachers from the point of view of both the administration and students were presented. Students identified teachers having the same roles mentioned by administration, except that they felt that their religion teachers took a hands-off, hypocritical approach to their service experiences. This finding questions whether the learning component in “service-learning” can be addressed if this is the case. In addition, it seems that students crave active models/mentors that can identify with their experiences and demonstrate that their efforts are worthwhile by engaging in similar action. ARRANGING SERVICE When designing the Christian service program at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School, the planning committee made a conscious decision not to mimic the structures o f the service programs of other local high schools in numerous ways. Already it has been noted that STACHS requires its students to complete more service hours. Another area in which STACHS differs is that students arrange their own service projects. In other words, STACHS does not arrange projects for which students must then serve as a class or grade level, does not require that students pick a project from a prearranged service site list, nor does it make placement calls to service organizations for students. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 3 The uniqueness of having students arrange their service projects extends beyond the effective service-learning program model as described in chapter 2. For this reason, it is necessary and logical to place an additional procedural step between the preparatory and engagement components of the model so that these phenomena can be analyzed in the present study. Advantages and disadvantages to having students arrange their own projects are offered. The connections between this unique process and outcomes to students’ overall engagement in mandatory community service will be discussed in Chapter 6. Advantages to Arranging Service Self-Efficacy The first advantage of having students arrange their own service projects is a development of self-efficacy. As mentioned above, Principal June believes that one rationale to this process is the development of responsibility in students. To her, an important “part o f [this] learning experience is finding out who does service, where it’s needed, [and] what you have to do to participate.” In contrast, setting up all service projects for students would disconnect them from this responsibility. In addition to the more direct advantageous elements, self-efficacy is also of considerable importance in regards to the psychosocial development of adolescents. To reiterate, adolescence is a developmental period characterized by the egocentric behaviors of its members. Erikson (1959, 1968) however, purports that this egocentricity is caused not by overconfidence, but rather is a mechanism of self Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 4 protection used by adolescents to veil their fear of alienation. This fear stems from adolescents’ existence within a “twilight zone” of “compulsory youth” (Carnegie Council on Policy Studies in Higher Education, 1980, p. 14) created by society, where they are no longer considered children/dependents, yet are not quite adults/independents. With this in mind, and based on the rationale provided by Principal June, the unique process of having students arrange their own service can be considered an attempt to stimulate the development of an identity, particularly a civic and religious identity based on the previous discussions of the stakeholders’ understandings of program goals, by presenting students with roles in the larger social order. This opportunity is significant beyond the inferred psychological outcomes, given that there is legitimate concern that contemporary education is not adequately providing teenagers with the means for a healthy transition to adulthood (Boyer, 1983; Dotts, 1980; Conrad and Hedin, 1977; Erikson, 1968). Convenience Another advantage to having students arrange their own service projects is that it allows those students who live outside o f the immediate environs of the high school, or lack transportation to and from service sites, to seek opportunities closer to home and/or that are accessible through normal travels, provided transportation, public transportation, on bike, or on foot. These issues, as mentioned in chapter 4, were taken into consideration purposefully when the planning committee chose to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 5 require students to seek out their own service opportunities, and represented the high school’s understanding that problems may arise in cases where service opportunities are few and transportation to and from service sites is problematic (Schine, 1997). Some students shared that the service sites were convenient in terms of transportation because their parents or friends were already scheduled to go there. In this way, students could simply ride to those sites rather than having to figure out how to get to another site that was not so easily accessible. Claire and James both volunteered at their mothers’ site of employment. Claire’s mother is a special education teacher, and James’ mother teaches religious education fulltime at his church. They simply traveled to the service sites with their mothers. During his sophomore year, Elliot found it “easier to just go after school with [his classmate who drove him to school].. .instead of trying to find a new ride.” Others reported that they chose service sites because it was convenient to their busy schedules. Students at STACHS participate heavily in extracurricular activities. Many are involved with class council activities, are members o f sports teams, and participate in the dramatic or vocal arts programs. It is not uncommon for an individual student to be involved simultaneously in more than one of the aforementioned activities and/or hold a part-time job. Claire and Elliot commented that their activities during their junior and senior years, in particular, reduced the free hours when they could complete required service hours. For this reason, the ability to arrange their own service projects around their schedules was vital. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 6 Area o f Interest Not all students’ rationale for site selection was based on ease and convenience. Some selected sites because they were interested in a particular site/task. The opportunity to serve in areas that were of interest to them is the last noted advantage to having students secure their own service projects. Helen volunteered to tutor a middle school female for her sophomore service project. Helen shared during the interview that she intends on studying foreign languages and education in college in preparation for a career as a high school Spanish teacher. For this reason, she accepted an invitation to tutor because of its practicality toward her future profession. Guillermo also chose two of his service projects with his future career in mind. Unlike Helen, who matched her service and career during her sophomore year only, Guillermo volunteered both his sophomore and junior years for projects related to music and the performing arts. Guillermo planned to study music and engineering in college in hopes of working in acoustics and music recording. So, he was pleased to be able to volunteer at the spring musical for the performing arts department at the high school during his sophomore year, and to serenade elderly luncheon attendees at Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish as a junior. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 7 Disadvantages to Arranging Service Prior Familiarity with Sites Several disadvantages were attributed to requiring students to select their own service projects. The first disadvantage, previously mentioned in the community collaboration section, is that students might not actually seek out or arrange their own projects, thus negating all rationale on which this particular program structure was based and limiting the aforementioned advantages. This is most notable during the junior and senior years when the majority o f students choose to serve their hours in pre-arranged Key Club projects. As stated by Principal June, this disengages the students, and arguably affects their ownership in the service activities. Guillermo and Benjamin, for example, shared that engaging in the Key Club’s prearranged service projects during their junior and senior years was easy because they did not have to seek a service site, get the service pre-approved, nor keep track o f their service hours. Although prearranged projects seem to disengage students from the programmatic processes and reduce any benefits associated with them, the same students also identified, ironically, the convenience of prearranged projects as a motivational factor in their future civic participation. Another disadvantage indicates a potential tension between students’ own arrangement of service projects, their reconnection to community, and a development of critical consciousness. The disadvantage was that students commonly did not seek opportunities outside of their comfort zones, contradicting one of the goals o f the service program, as well as reducing the opportunities for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 8 increasing social awareness and related levels of critical consciousness. As will be presented in Chapter 6, however, students’ interaction within settings with which they had a priori familiarity does allow for a (re)connection to community, and an increase in social capital. The most illustrative of these cases involves those students who took advantage o f being able to volunteer at sites at which they were already involved. Stephanie, for example, worked part-time at Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish and asked her supervisor to sign her field log. Tara, like Stephanie, used her job as a service site. She worked as a YMCA camp counselor for one week during the summer prior to her sophomore year. She had also used the time spent in her confirmation classes during her freshmen year to count for her service hours within an institution of faith. Interestingly, the Christian service policy clearly forbids students to be paid for earning service hours. This finding questions the effectiveness of STACHS’s approval and evaluation processes, and also reiterates the religion teachers’ hands-off approach and lack of attentiveness to students’ service experiences. These points will be further elucidated in the remaining sections of this chapter. Other students, however, chose service sites because they were already familiar with them, enabling them to more easily inquire as to Christian Service opportunities. Students returned to known sites most often during their freshmen and sophomore years. For their service hours with youth, students typically returned to their churches once again and worked in confirmation classes, or returned to their former middle and elementary schools. Monica, for example, explained that one Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 3 9 reason that she returned to her former middle school to complete her service hours was because she had seen alumni return to volunteer when she was still a student. Like Monica, Dennis and Elliot also returned to their alma maters. Elliot shared that he chose to work at where he “went to middle school and elementary school” because “it was just the easiest to contact.” In addition to their homecomings, students also volunteered at their own institutions of faith during their freshmen and sophomore years. Barbara shared that she decided to complete her freshmen service hours at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic Church, which is also her home parish, because she would otherwise feel like a defector: “I felt weird going to another place.” Unlike Barbara, who endeavored to preserve her association with Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish, Sonya volunteered at her own church in an attempt to reestablish ties with the institution. She said: “I thought that it would be a good way to get involved in our church since I was kind o f attending off and on due to the activities that I was involved in at school, so I thought it would be a good excuse to go back or try to get back on the ball and do something good.” Only a few students returned to familiar sites during their junior and senior years; this is attributed to the majority of students fulfilling their senior service hours through the Key Club’s prearranged projects. Sonya strove to continue familial connections during her junior year when she volunteered at the same convalescent center where her aunts volunteer and to which several family members had been admitted. Elliot also mentioned returning to the center where his great-grandmother Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 0 once lived. Elliott commented, in fact, that he did not even arrange his own service projects during that year; his grandmother was friends with the woman in charge of volunteering at the service site. This example demonstrates clearly the potential negative relationship between students arranging their own service and prior familiarity with service sites. In contrast, both Elliot’s and Sonya’s case indicates that this unique process allows students to reconnect to community. Friends and Negative Social Capital The last disadvantage confirms a negative feature of social capital discussed in Chapter 2 (Portes and Landholt, 1996). In the process of arranging service projects, students seek information from diverse social networks, including their peers. Although students share information about which sites are interesting, fun to work at, or have numerous positions available, they also reveal how to evade completing service hours, by connecting each other with those supervisors who would falsify field experience records. This finding is notable given that adolescents are most likely to follow advice provided to them through “in-group” members (Abrams et al., 1990). Two students had connections to sites where they knew that certain supervisors would sign off on all their hours although they had not completed them all. For example, Tara chose her junior year service site after a friend notified her that a particular supervisor would attest that she had completed more hours that she had. Tara later admitted that she submitted to fabrication because she had Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 1 procrastinated until the very end o f the academic year when it would have been impossible to fulfill the service requirement. Johann also cheated hours during his junior year due to procrastination. He claimed that he had been willing to complete the service hours because he had failed to do so the previous year. However, once the supervisor at the service site offered to sign off on more hours than he had actually performed, Johann did not object. SUMMARY This section discussed STACHS’s unique program element of having students arrange their own service projects. This process was not previously identified in the effective practices literature in Chapter 2 and, therefore, might inform a more complete model of an effective service-learning program. Three advantages were noted: 1) self-efficacy, 2) convenience, and 3) area of interest. STACHS viewed the arrangement process as a learning component and as a means to develop an identity as a responsible individual. Arrangement also addressed logistic, transportation, and geographic issues that might impede students’ engagement in service. Lastly, arrangement allowed students to choose service projects that corresponded to their own areas of interest, and which might inform their later professions. Disadvantages were also noted and qualified the possibility of the aforementioned advantages. Having students arrange their own service projects allowed them to return to sites with which they had prior familiarity. Although, at Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 2 first glance, this seems to develop social capital, such practices negate the purported social awareness and critical consciousness goals of the service program by sanctioning students’ interaction within their comfort zones. Similarly, arranging also allowed students to seek information about service projects from dishonest friends who shared with them how to avoid service requirements. This supported previous research findings on the negative aspects of social capital development. ENGAGEMENT IN SERVICE Action/Monitoring is the second element of effective service-learning programs previously identified in the literature. This section will highlight the types of duties/tasks that students completed for their service projects, whether they had a choice in these duties, the role of site supervisors, and the number o f hours that students completed, including their reasons for doing those amounts. Unlike previous studies which have reported a relationship between the level of choice (Snyder and Omoto, 1992) and/or the number o f hours (Giles and Eyler, 1994b), and students’ propensity to engage in future service, analyses revealed no comprehensive patterns among students, on the whole or by gender, ethnic, or religious groups, between these engagement elements and students’ intention to participate in similar activities in the future. Analyses, however, did discern patterns between the type of service tasks, the roles and characteristics of site supervisors, and student participants’ likelihood to engage in similar service tasks in the fixture. First, the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 3 common categories of service tasks with examples are offered. Then, analyses of those service projects to which students would/would not return are presented. Types o f Service Tasks Students engaged in a diverse array of activities for their Christian Service hours. The most common tasks delineated from the student interviews were: 1) maintenance, 2) service sector associated tasks, 3) social interaction, 4) clerical help, and 5) assistance to supervisors. Because the types of duties were strongly associated with the designated populations each year, they will be discussed chronologically rather than strictly by type. At STACHS, freshmen are required to complete their Christian Service hours in an institution of faith. During their freshmen year, students reported that they completed various activities for their service hours. Most common were teaching, clerical duties, and maintenance tasks. For example, both female and male students reported acting as paraprofessionals in Confraternity of Christian Doctrine (CCD; i.e., catechism) classes. As an assistant to the teacher, students would prepare for upcoming lessons, assist in classroom management, and sometimes independently teach a lesson. Monica also helped employees at her own church by completing clerical duties. She printed baptismal documents, copied birth certificates, and answered phones. Other students reported that they engaged in maintenance activities for their service projects. Guillermo helped to prepare for an upcoming dinner at Saint Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 4 Thomas Aquinas Parish. He mentioned that he “just literally set [the luncheon materials] u p .. .manual labor type stuff.” In fact, he did not “remember actually working [directly] with people” as prescribed by STACHS’s service policy. Leanne volunteered to clean up after church services by collecting trash and replacing mistlelettes. Stephanie also cleaned as part of her freshmen service project: “They had us cleaning up chairs, pulling out tables, sweeping the floors. I mean just stuff like that—maintenance basically.” Ahmed helped to repair his own church after a fire. He “moved religious books into the storage area [and] cleaned around the church.” Sophomores at STACHS are required to work directly with youth. Unlike their freshmen year duties, the tasks during their second year were more interactive. First, students reported that they were often directly and/or actively involved with the youth at the service sites (e.g., playing). Numerous students (i.e., Dennis, Ahmed, Nahid, Helen) also reported that, in addition to the games and sports, they assisted youth with their academic assignments. Kelly commented that she purposefully engaged students in play to ensure “that there’s no fighting, and to make sure that no other kid was being picked on.” She mentioned that play was used to “keep [the children’s] attention so they wouldn't go wandering off.” Nahid volunteered at a local Boys & Girls Club which had been divided into play and homework areas. She could decide whether to spend her time helping the youth “with their homework or play[ing] with the games.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 5 Three students also earned all or part of their sophomore year service hours by providing childcare. The Christian Service policy at STACHS states explicitly that babysitting activities are neither appropriate nor permissible for service hours. However, these activities were couched within other activities, in contrast to the common one-on-one babysitting that is held in the home of the child to be supervised. Furthermore, in each of the following cases, the student volunteer was monitoring numerous students simultaneously. Nonetheless, and echoing the previous discussion of students getting paid and earning service hours simultaneously, this finding is concerning in regards to the approval, in-class, and evaluation processes of the Christian service program at STACHS. Leanne, for example, mentioned that after she had earned several service hours by tutoring a local middle school student, she completed her remaining hours by volunteering at a respite care for parents of children with Down Syndrome. Sonya helped to keep preschool-aged children quiet at her church so that they “wouldn’t interrupt the Sunday service.” Similar to Sonya’s experience, Guillermo was also charged with noise control during the high school’s spring musical. The following quote clarifies the setting and duties: It was ‘Oliver;’ it was a musical and I had to baby-sit the kids during while the show was going on. I helped them get ready, actually I kept them quiet, and then when people came in I helped them get ready to go on stage. I also just took care of kids and popped in a movie they watched it. I just made sure that I kept them quiet, essentially. [The director would] say keep these kids quiet and just make sure they’re cooperative when people come in. (Guillermo) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 6 During their junior year o f service, students most often fulfilled their service requirements by socializing with the elderly residents in local convalescent centers and by acting as orderlies to the nursing staff. Overall, students appeared to have enjoyed the social interaction that they had with the elderly residents. Several students wound up forming solid relationships with the individuals there because they found their life experiences “fascinating.” Leanne, for example, met a sight- and hearing-impaired woman with whom she communicated via an “Etch-A-Sketch” toy. Greg indicated that his service was enjoyable because he befriended an elderly gentleman who, like him, was a musician. His interactions provided him with advice: He told me ‘oh, you’ve got to sing scales and you’ve got to train your voice because you could have a really good voice if you could just train it.’ So through my studies he came back with more studies and taught me things, not just tried to teach me, he actually taught me many things. (Greg) Student volunteers also accepted duties typically assigned to staff orderlies. These duties allowed students not only to socialize with the elderly, but also to ease the work burden on the staff at the convalescent center. They felt that otherwise, the elderly would not have opportunities for such interaction. Most common among these tasks were transporting wheelchair bound residents to “wherever they need to go, then take them from there back to their rooms” (Elliot), and “let them spend time outside because there was really no one else there to do it, because the nurses are so busy” (Greg). The following quote from Kelly further evidences these tasks. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 7 We would help move the patients from their rooms. We'd vacuum their rooms. We helped them do exercises. We played games with them. We like helped them eat. Like meal time we like set the tables and just like talked to them you know. Senior service hours were spent doing service sector activities, in this case, those typically performed by food service professionals (e.g., cooks, servers). Such a discernible pattern from the senior year data set was expected, given that all but two of the student participants had chosen to complete their service hours by working at the local homeless shelter with which the high school’s Key Club chapter has a well- established project. Dennis also completed his senior service hours by working to provide meals for the local homeless population. However, because Dennis sought to begin his service project the summer before his senior year, he was obliged to seek a different project; STACHS’s Key Club project does not run during the summer since it relies on student workers to prepare and serve the meals. His experience proved to be much more monotonous than his peers. In further contrast, and in violation of the STACHS Christian Service policy, Dennis never directly served homeless individuals. He would “load everything and take it to a small room, put one o f each type of food in a bag, and then set them in [a box].” Other students received service hours for their involvement in the Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish annual Thanksgiving dinner and clothing drive. Students had a choice as to whether help prepare and serve the meals to the homeless patrons or to staff a “clothing boutique” where clients would be escorted through the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 8 boutique to pick out one article from each of the different sections of apparel (e.g., pants, shoes). This service paralleled service sector jobs in clothing retail. Although students had a choice as to whether to be involved with the food service or clothing dissemination side of the Thanksgiving event, only female students chose to be involved with the boutique operations. Service Tasks and Motivation to Engage in Future Service Analyses showed that students who mentioned that they would not be willing to return to or recommend a particular service project provided common reasons. At the freshman level, students most often engaged in manual labor or maintenance duties. They found these tasks boring and not personally fulfilling. Moreover, they felt that there were more worthy, needed service projects in which they could be involved. Leanne would not return or recommend the service because she did not feel as though she “really gained a lot from it,” that “it’s not like a life-changing experience,” or that it would affect the church members. She explained that it was unlikely that parishioners would arrive and take notice that “somebody actually took the time out to throw that trash away.” Similarly, Guillermo said that he would recommend his maintenance tasks if someone is a “slacker,” but not if they are “interested in service;” plus, it “wasn’t entertaining.” The two students who would not return to sophomore service projects explained that they personally did not work well with kids, or because they were not sure that their tutoring efforts made a difference. Per previous discussions vis-a-vis Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 9 students’ preparation for service activities, neither of these students received training to prepare them for their service activities with youth. Leanne would not choose to tutor an elementary student again because she was anxious about whether she was helping or confusing the student. Guillermo had a difficult time caring for a large group o f young children because he had not been taught how to do so. In the end, Guillermo said that he would not complete similar service in the future for that reason. This finding indicates that it is not the type of task per se, but rather their sense o f a lack of self-efficacy. In the latter case, an improvement in the preparation processes might increase students’ intention to return to this kind o f activity. The three students who were not interested in future service projects with the elderly cited their discomfort as the main factor. Like their peers, they too received no training. Dennis, for example, felt uncomfortable around residents who were mentally debilitated. He “felt weird talking to [the elderly residents], because some thought [he] was their friend from like back in the twenties or something like that. Some [had] dementia, and some were just very irritable, and it just didn’t feel right.” James shared similar feelings of discomfort. Although the following quote reveals his uneasiness might be due in part to his shy personality, it also indicates the potential benefit o f training in communication skills prior to engagement. I really just wasn’t comfortable doing those. Because I’m just not comfortable around old people. Especially if I don’t know them. I don’t tell them I’m shy [and] I’m not good with starting conversations with people. I’m the other kind of person that joins in conversations. I don’t start them. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 0 Lastly, one female student said that she would not return to her homeless project. Interestingly, she was one o f two students interviewed that did not choose to serve her hours in the Key Club project. Claire commented that working at a local Salvation Army store sorting and hanging clothes, and directing patrons to the appropriate racks was “not very fun,” “a mindless task,” and “stressful.” She mentioned, in fact, that she agreed to sit for the interview because she needed a break for her project. Although it might be inferred from the above comments that students would not be likely to serve again in those projects which required that they complete similar duties, findings showed that this depended on the student. Ahmed, for example, served his freshman hours by moving books around and cleaning his church after a fire. However, he mentioned that he would complete these tasks again out of a feeling of duty and because it was good to give something back to his religious community. For this reason, additional coding was completed to determine those service characteristics that would serve to catalyze students’ future civic participation. Analyses revealed that students were most likely to engage in the same service again or recommend it to others if they thought that: 1) service was easy and fun; 2) their efforts were appreciated and recognized; and/or, 3) they met an immediate effect from their service involvement. Each of these will be discussed below. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 1 Easy and Fun Both female and male students mentioned that they would complete additional service tasks in the future if they were easy. Monica, for example, found completing secretarial tasks at her own church during her freshman year easy, although she did not consider it very important: “It wasn’t really like big work.” Dennis, similarly, found folding Bingo cards at his church during his freshman year easy and would return, even though he thought it was boring. Fun seemed to be a motivational factor for students as well. They seemed to identify a service experience as fun when they were working with peers, as well as having the opportunity to interact or talk with others volunteering at the site. Female students cited this factor more often than male students, especially when discussing the service projects completed during their freshmen and sophomore years; however, two female students (i.e., Barbara, Tara) also mentioned the same reason for their senior service project. Claire enjoyed her freshman service project because “there was (sic) a couple of [her] friends to do it with, so it was kind o f fun.” She mentioned more specifically that she “figured it would be like boring and the hours be long, [but] the 10 hours went by like kind of quick.” Similarly, Elliot relied on one o f his friend’s to transport him to his sophomore service project and that they also volunteered together. He thought that this “was the most fun year” for that reason. Interestingly, school administrators differed in their opinions of students completing service projects together. Vice Principal Richard felt that students failed Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 2 to interact as much with the service populations if their peers were present and that “they don’t get the same learning lesson.” Principal June concluded that one could easily offer pros and cons for both service models. She shared that “sometimes shared experiences give opportunity for dialogue,” but students might need to go alone “because maybe then they're not distracted by, you know, the people that they already know there.” Appreciation/Recognition Male students did report factors distinct to those offered by all but one of their female peers. Three male students (i.e., James, Dennis, Johann) commented that they would return to complete service hours because they felt that they were looked up to, got to share knowledge, and were recognized for their effort. Dennis mentioned that it was fun to play sports with the youth, and to teach them different things and watch them practice. He shared that “it felt kind of good because it’s like they’d look up to [him] and they’d try to be like [him].” James echoed Dennis’ feelings: “It’s a good experience you get to work with little kids and help teach them, share your knowledge.” Stephanie, the only female student to cite this as a reason to return to do additional sophomore hours, added: “I like to share my talents and gifts and hobbies to little kids so that they can develop.” These affective elements will be highlighted further in Chapter 6. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 3 Meeting Immediate Needs The pattern most common to students’ expressions of their likelihood to engage in similar service tasks was noted during their discussions of the junior and senior year service projects. Both female and male student participants shared that they are most likely to return to projects where they have seen that their service makes an impact, or they see the immediate effect. These findings echo previous research concerning the willingness of students to engage in future service and whether they felt the service was meaningful to the service recipients or to themselves (Raskoff and Sundeen, 1999). Students mentioned specifically their elderly service projects because they could see how the residents were lonely or depressed and their faces lit up when they visited. Likewise, almost half of the student participants commented that they met an immediate need by feeding the hungry. This finding supports self-efficacy findings related to the “arranging” process. In contrast, student comments cited a lack of intrinsic value, insignificance of duties performed, and deficient occasions to interact directly with service recipient populations as reasons to not engage in similar service in the future. Nahid, for example, served her freshmen hours by serving lunch to parishioners at Saint Thomas Aquinas Parish. She shared, however, that “unless you want to be like a waiter” that she would not return to or recommend the service. Nahid felt that “Church already has enough help” and that she did not think that she “made a difference to those [parishioners] by serving them food.” She explained that “if you Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254 were like with homeless people, it would be different.” On the whole, she felt that “it wasn’t that big of a deal.” Choice of Tasks/Duties A review o f the literature in chapter 2 hinted that the ability of students to choose their service tasks/duties could be related to enjoyment of service, number of hours completed, and propensity to engage in future civic service. For this reason, student participants were asked, after they shared what they did for their service projects each year, whether they had had a choice in the activities in which they engaged and how many hours they had completed in their service projects. Data revealed that there were no connections between choice and their likelihood to engage in future service, primarily because almost all student participants did not have a choice in the tasks that they completed during their service tenure. However, analyses did reveal a relationship between students’ choice and earlier analyses that students see their service activities primarily as charity. Benjamin, in reference to his junior year of service, explained that mandates were given more often than opportunities for choice. He provided an example of when nurses at the convalescent center would say “go do this” or “why don’t you talk to him.” Students’ comments, however, indicated that they had also never considered asking to work on certain tasks when not given a choice. They assumed that the organization had agreed to let them complete their Christian Service hours in exchange for the students completing a set o f predetermined duties. This guilt was Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 5 evident in Greg’s comment about his junior service experience: “You couldn’t really say ‘no’ to the nurses if they asked you to please spend time with this person ‘cause they are lonely when you [agreed to volunteer there].” Moreover, some students seemed apathetic to the lack of choice, as evidenced by comments like “I didn’t really care” (Nahid). As stated above, these findings suggest that students see their service engagement as charity and their personal needs as secondary to those of the organizations. Role of Site Supervisors in Students’ Service Experiences Because it is related to both the training/preparation that students receive for their actual service activities, and the guidance that they receive from school-based adults, the role of the site supervisors is also an important aspect o f the service processes to examine. Principal June revealed that the high school expects that site supervisors will take on the same, or similar, roles as teachers, but that she is unaware o f their exact role. Student interviews revealed that supervisors at their service sites were as varied and diverse as the populations with which the students worked over the four years. Supervisors could be classified into three main groups: 1) employees, 2) volunteers, and 3) teachers. First, the largest cohort o f site supervisors were full-time employees of the host organization. Youth ministers, secretaries, and nurses are examples of some of the employees that supervised students over their four years. These individuals Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 6 would welcome students to the organization and then delegate tasks to them. Some employee supervisors would then return to complete those duties that were assigned to them as part of their job. Students typically had little interaction with these individuals, who took a “hands off.” When they did, it was usually in respect to receiving directions, signing in and out, and being assigned a new task to complete: “She just gave us work and then went and did her own thing” (Dennis). Some employee supervisors, though, did interact with or more proactively supervise and mentor students during their service activities. Some of these individuals even worked along with the student volunteers. Kelly discussed how her site supervisor during her sophomore year of service supervised her and her peers to make sure that they were conducting service rather than interacting solely with one another. Claire felt that she had a direct relationship with her supervisor at a local thrift shop during her junior year because she was a full-time employee and conducting the same tasks as Claire. The second group of supervisors was comprised o f volunteers. Unlike their colleagues, who were full-time employees, these individuals were not preoccupied by other duties and were, therefore, more often able to interact with students while completing the same or similar tasks. During his freshmen year, Elliot volunteered to work at a yard sale to benefit his church. He found, however, that his supervisor was also new to the duties charged to her. He commented that he had to help her at times, in fact. Helen also Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 7 shared that she conducted the same tasks as supervising volunteers as a freshman. She volunteered to help serve a Lenten dinner at her church. The last cohort o f site supervisors was comprised of teachers from STACHS. Typically, these service activities had been arranged through either Campus Ministry, or the Key Club, and the respective service site. In the former case, the teachers were also volunteers who were completing the same tasks as the student volunteers. The Key Club moderator, in contrast, provided transportation to the service site and then left. There were instances, however, when this individual checked in on students during their meetings with elderly patients, or helped to prepare the food for the homeless dinners. Other students also shared that once they arrived at the service site, teachers left them unsupervised to complete the assigned service tasks. As mentioned previously, Guillermo volunteered to baby sit/entertain children during the high school’s spring musical during his sophomore year. The music teacher, who directed the musical score during the performance, left Guillermo to watch over the children and to “keep them quiet” even though he had no knowledge o f how to accomplish these tasks. Motivational Characteristics of Site Supervisors Overall, students found their supervisors to be pleasant and welcoming. Students indicated that they appreciated when their site supervisors were working with them, and even completing the same or similar tasks rather than delegating Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 8 duties to the student volunteers. Ahmed, for example, noted that the supervisor of events during his freshman year o f service at his own church “was like right next to [him] doing everything. He was pretty involved. The priest was in his office when everyone else was [working as a team].” He commented and summarized peers’ feelings that the site employees doing the same work made the service easier. In fact, working collaboratively with his supervisors “made it easier, just knowing that [he] wasn’t just a slave.” The most unique and common pattern to emerge from students’ responses regarding their service supervisors was the excitement and admiration evident when describing their experiences in projects where their supervisors were only slightly older than they. Monica explained that she would not have done as many service hours during her freshman year if her supervisor had not been as hip and fun. Elliot explained that having a supervisor closer to his own age, made him more comfortable while completing his junior year’s service hours with the elderly. Like Elliot, Greg shared that his supervisor for his sophomore service project was the primary reason that he enjoyed his experience so much. Unlike Elliot, however, Greg revealed that his comfort came from his supervisor treating the volunteers as peers. He was so comfortable that he felt like he “wasn’t doing service at all, just living [his] life, and hanging out with family almost.” He commented, like his peers, that age was a main factor: “I think it was [the closeness in age, the fact that he was open with us], because he just seemed so much like us, he even seemed closer to our age than he was.” In fact, Greg commented that he would only return to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 9 do the same service if the same supervisor was there, evidencing a correlation between on site supervisors and student future civic engagement. Supervisor-student relations were not limited to male students only. The following passage from the interview with Kelly, who befriended a young male supervisor during her junior year, demonstrates how her relationship with her supervisor made her return to the service site even after her hours had been completed. Well I became friends not only with like the people there but with there's this guy... .He's somewhere around our age and he works there.... And I really became friends with him and I liked to see the way that he like interacts with just all the elderly people there and it just really made me like seeing them. Like even after our service hours we do, like in the summer time, I remember I would go back and I'd visit with him and with like all the friends that I made there. It made me made like want to stay there with him like all the time and now I want to come back and see him. (Kelly) The above findings about service site supervisors and their relationships to students contrast to the hands-off role o f the religion teachers. Data suggest that students overall appreciated direct interaction with site supervisors. They, in particular, were motivated by those supervisors who were completing the same tasks. This finding again draws attention to the need of student service providers to feel that the service tasks that they are completing are worthwhile and not just tedious, busy work that regular employees do not want to complete. This analysis is supported by the finding that students shared the warmest feelings for those site supervisors who were close to their age. In these cases, students felt not only like their engagement must matter since a peer was so engaged fulltime, but also that they Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 0 were not subordinate and were considered important. In other words, the type of interaction that students have with site supervisors serves as intrinsic motivation for future service engagement and echoes previous discussions of the psychological needs of adolescents to feel like a respected adult: “The adolescent.. .thanks to his budding personality, sees himself as equal to his elders, yet different from them, different because of the new life stirring within him” (Piaget, 1968, p. 66). In addition, these findings also hint at the ability of faculty to be simultaneously engaged in the same service tasks with their students. It is unfortunate in these cases, however, that site supervision by high school faculty was limited to the directors of Campus Ministry, who only teach approximately 15 students per year, and the director of Key Club who, as noted, did not engage in service with the students, but took a more top-down position. This finding clearly relates to the previous discussion of students not wanting to engage in service when they consider it unimportant, a message relayed to them via the limited participation of their teachers. Numbers of Service Hours Completed Giles and Eyler (1994b) assert that the number of service hours in which service providers engage directly correlates to the effectiveness o f the service program. For this reason, a question was included in the student interview protocol to determine the number of hours students completed and their reasons for completing them. As mentioned in the introduction to this section, however, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 1 analyses did not find any relationship between the number o f hours completed and outcomes as posited by previous research. Interviews revealed that the students varied in the final number of hours that they completed each year. In fact, an overwhelming majority of the participants completed either the required service hours, or more hours than were required. More precisely, 8 female students reported having completed more than the required number of service hours; 5 male students completed more. A few students (1 female and 2 males) admitted to having completed less than the required hours. These individuals had received the necessary signatures from site supervisors denoting that they had engaged in the prescribed number o f hours for that respective year. The following section offers explanations as to why students completed more or less than, or the exact number of required service hours, and how these findings relate to previous discussions and purported outcomes. Specifically, the number of hours students completed will be shown to relate to the arrangement of their own service projects, and to support the aforementioned characteristics of service programs that would motivate students to return. More Hours than Required & Why The first reason why students completed more than the required minimum of service hours was because they had either unintentionally exceeded the minimum or unknowingly were scheduled by site supervisors to serve past their service requirement quota. Kelly exceeded the minimum number of 20 hours during her Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 2 sophomore year due to scheduling logistics, rather than by conscious decision. Like Kelly, Claire also exceeded the required hours. She explained that during her freshman year, she completed more than the required 10 hours with an institution of faith because the length o f each visit was for three and a half hours and, in the end, ..that’s just the way it wound u p ....” Once these students had served the scheduled hours, however, they stopped volunteering at that particular project. Second, some students commented that they completed additional hours for ethical reasons. Most often, they were involved with projects which extended past the completion of their service hours. Unlike the above examples from Kelly and Claire, these individuals were aware o f the additional hours, but chose to stay and complete the project out of a feeling o f duty to their service hosts. These feelings of duty support earlier analyses that students see themselves as humble providers of charity, more than active citizens/learners with voice. Barbara chose to work over the required number of hours during their freshmen and sophomore years, respectively. Barbara commented: “what kind of person is that who would sit there and do something half way through the year.” Like his Catholic peers, Ahmed, who is Coptic Orthodox, also completed additional service hours for ethical reasons. Ahmed’s interview, however, indicated that his previous connection to the service site played a role in the final number o f hours that he completed. He “felt it more [his] duty to help out [his church].” Some students completed additional hours because they were asked directly by service recipients to continue. Helen, for example, volunteered to tutor a female Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 3 middle school student during her sophomore year. Required only to complete 20 hours, Helen explained that she completed extra hours because it would be better to provide her tutee with the needed additional help that she needed than just to leave because the service hours were done. Dennis also completed additional hours packing meals for the homeless at a local food bank. Again, he stayed because the organization needed his help. The third reason why students completed additional service hours was due to personal motive. One unique reason given by Monica, a Hispanic female student, of why she chose to do additional hours during her freshmen year was because she was looking for a way to avoid her overprotective mother and submissive father. Although Raskoff and Sundeen (1999) found similar themes among Asian-American females, this was the only account voiced during the present study of completing extra service as an escape mechanism. This divergence may be due, in part, to the absence of that particular ethnic group from the current study’s participant sample. In direct contrast to Monica, who completed additional hours to avoid her parents, Benjamin exceeded the required 20 hours o f service during his sophomore year out of concern for strengthened familial ties. In the following quote, Benjamin reveals that due to his busy schedule from academics, extracurricular activities, and a part-time job, he became aware that he held a peripheral role in his younger sister’s life. This concern was exacerbated by his realization that in the near future he would be completely absent for long periods o f time while attending college. He, therefore, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 4 saw his service role as his sister’s CCD teacher’s assistant as time to bond with his sibling. Exactly Required Number of Hours & Why Students had diverse reasons why they completed only the required number of service hours: 1) inconvenience, 2) unjustified need, 3) procrastination, and 4) ennui/annoyance. This finding is not surprising as these reasons directly contrast to the service task characteristics that students said would motivate them to participate in the future. First, several students reported that service was inconvenient vis-a-vis securing transportation and scheduling service around extracurricular activities. Nahid, for example, shared that she completed only the required amount of hours during her junior year o f service because “it was hard to go out there [to the service site] cause it’s far away from [her] home.” Greg also revealed that a lack of transportation to his junior year service site functioned to make completing additional hours inconvenient. Greg’s comment also indicates that his preoccupation with his traditional class assignments played a role in his completion o f only the minimal number o f required hours. It was just about the end o f the year and more people needed to go to finish their hours, so there were less rides over there and I could not drive myself by then so I couldn’t go over there. I was getting really busy with schoolwork at the time. I think I needed to just sit back. Other students also shared that completing additional service hours was inconvenient due to their active schedules. In contrast, however, their schedules Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 5 were filled by extracurricular activities. Ahmed commented that he was only able to complete the required number of hours during his junior year “because [he] joined the basketball team, so it was hard to managed the time when [he] had to do the service.” James also was restricted in his service activities by his involvement in sports, but did comment that he enjoyed his senior year service project and would have completed additional hours if his schedule had allowed: “I would [have] definitely [done] more than 40 [but I had track]. I enjoy[ed] doing it; I like to cook, and we get to serve. I don’t know, I found it fun.” The second reason that students gave for not completing more than the required number o f service hours was because they felt that there was not a justified need for their continuing to serve at a particular site. Nahid felt that “the Church already has enough help anyways (sic).” Stephanie found that there was insufficient need for her and her friends’ services at the convalescent center during her junior year. Third, students reported that their own procrastination prevented them from completing more than the required number o f service hours. Monica commented that she might have done more hours during her junior year if she had not run out of time. In his account o f his junior service, Benjamin also “made it just like the day before the deadline, in fact.” The fourth reason given by students for their completion of only the required number of service hours, and echoing previous discussions of the connection between the type of task and future civic participation, was boredom with the tasks Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 6 assigned and/or annoyance with the service recipient population(s). Nahid, for example, grew bored while waiting for the elderly convalescent home residents to finish their lunches so that she could talk to them. She “would have to wait like a whole hour just waiting around, just walking around.” Tara, Dennis, and Guillermo did have constant duties to complete. However, they were bored with them as well. About her freshman year of service at her church, Tara thought: “it was just boring.. .answering phone or cleaning up or going into different religious education conferences.” Tara qualified her comments somewhat by explaining that she realized “that Christian service isn’t supposed to be fun, but [that] it just wasn’t enjoyable.” Dennis also commented that his completion of only the required hours was due to his annoyance with the youth and elderly during his sophomore and junior years, respectively: “Children are not my strong point. They just annoy me, and I don’t get along with them very well.” His comments also suggested that the dementia of the elderly residents at the convalescent center played a role in his completion of only the required service hours. He recounted a time when a resident told him “to walk off the ledge, and if God loves [him] he’ll catch [him]. It made [him] feel weird and sorry for her.” Dennis also received no orientation to this population. He, therefore, was not aware o f what to expect or how to handle such situations. Because of this incident, Dennis expressed his unlikelihood to volunteer with youth again. The above accounts offer yet another example of the importance of the preparation that a service provider receives to his/her subsequent experiences, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 7 particularly in regards to his/her enjoyment and understanding of the service experience and his/her future civic engagement. Tara’s comments that service activities should be completed out of humility, rather than enjoyment, also support analyses that students conceptualize their service requirement as charity. Less than the Required Number o f Hours & Why I was astonished to learn during my interviews that some of the student participants had not actually completed all of their service hours. My surprise was due in part to having specified that the students must have completed all Christian service hours in order to participate in the study. I was even more bewildered, however, that these students had internalized that they had actually completed the required service hours even though they had not. Their internalization is evidenced by the completion, submittal, and approval of the required field experience forms. The students that completed less than the required number service hours did offer reasons for not having completed their service hours. Tara, the only female student in the study who did not complete the required hours during one year of service, echoed her fellow classmates’ comments when she explained that her procrastination and involvement in extracurricular activities were the reasons why she completed only 5 out of the 30 required hours with the elderly. Johann, the student most deficient in total hours, explained that he “fudged” some service hours because “the deadline [for completion] was coming close,” and “cause [he] got away with [the dishonesty].” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 8 The ability and willingness of students to lie about having completed their service hours echoes several previously discussed findings, both intrinsic to the program and to the students themselves. First, the school takes only a product approach in that it considers students to have met the curricular requirement if their field log has been signed by a site supervisor. This evidences the lack of attention placed on service during the year, specifically in regards to students’ personal experiences and how they connect to class topics. Second, these cases question the ability of STACHS to achieve its program goals, and form a citizenry concerned with issues beyond those of personal concern. Third, this finding does imply that since teenagers will be self-centered, they may be motivated to cheat on their hours if their participation would interfere with those activities that they deem to have greater importance. For this reason, service-learning programs should include structural and procedural measures designed to prevent adolescents from falsifying their hours. SUMMARY This section presented the processes associated with students’ actual engagement in their service projects. First, the types of duties/tasks in which students engaged were discussed. Findings demonstrated that students completed a diverse array of activities for their Christian service hours and were associated with the designated populations each year. Analyses showed that students reacted to these tasks differently, however. Overall, students would return to projects which were Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 9 easy, allowed them to interact with peers and have fun, from which they’d receive recognition or appreciated, and allowed them to meet an immediate need. Second, data were presented about whether students had a choice in their service tasks/duties. Although most students did not have a choice, this had no relation to future service intentions. However, analyses did show the majority of students were apathetic to opportunities for choice because they viewed their service as a charitable activity, which had no connection to their personal lives outside of evidencing and developing their faith. Third, students were supervised by organization employees, other volunteers, and teachers from the high school, but did not prefer one of these individuals over the others. Analyses showed that students were motivated most by the traits of site supervisors, including participating along the side of the students and who were only slightly their elder. These findings contrast to the uninspiring, hypocritical roles assumed by religion teachers, and provide students with proof that what they are doing has worth to their own generation. Feeling needed and also accepted by one’s peer group are central elements to the psychological development of adolescents. A discussion o f the number o f service hours completed by student participants, and the reasons for having completed that particular number, ended the section. There was no relationship between the number of hours and students’ propensity to engage in future civic activities. Most important from this discussion, however, was that those reasons provided by students who reported only having completed the minimum number of hours for one or more of their service years (i.e., Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 0 inconvenience, unjustified need, procrastination, ennui/annoyance) directly contrasted to the characteristics o f service tasks that would motivate them to do additional service in the future. Interviews did reveal that some students had not completed all the required service hours. This finding not only reiterates previous disadvantages to having students arrange their own service, but also indicates that the program’s purported goals will be affected. DECONSTRUCTING SERVICE Reflection is a key element in effective service-learning programs. In fact, reflection is considered by some (Honnet and Poulson, 1989) to be the vital link between service and learning, as it creates an opportunity for students to scaffold their new experiences with previously learned academic knowledge and personal experiences to make new meanings (Kendall, 1988; Brooks and Brooks, 1993). Within critical consciousness and social justice models, reflection serves a similar purpose, but includes a subsequent action component oriented toward creating change for a more equitable, less hegemonic society. Without this step, therefore, it is impossible for a service provider to achieve critical consciousness or ascribe to an epistemology of social justice. At Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School, opportunities for reflection are formally interwoven into the religious studies curriculum. The scope and sequence o f religious studies courses for the students participating in this study were: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 9th grade - Relating & Believing; 10th grade - Hebrew Scripture & World Religions; 11th grade - Christian Scripture & Christian Morality; and, 12th grade - Christian Social Justice & Christian Lifestyles. These reflective opportunities typically take the form of informal presentations by students of their most recent year’s service experiences, a reflective paper, and dialogue during class. These reflective activities and how they correspond to the aforementioned purposes and models will be discussed below. Types and Prevalence of Reflection To determine the extent to which reflection activities are incorporated into classes, students were asked what types of activities that they had experienced and at what point during the academic year. Analyses concluded that students do reflect on their service experiences. However, what role the students saw the reflection as having, what form the reflection took, and what the students acquired from this reflection differed according to those with whom they reflected. Patterns in the data revealed that students reflected most recurrently with friends, family, by themselves, and in school. Several students commented that their interview for this study served as a type o f reflective activity as well. With friends, students’ reflective activities took the form of spontaneous dialogues either immediately after completing a service project or on reminiscing about a mutual experience. This reflection was facilitated by the fact that many students volunteered with their peers, as has been mentioned previously. Guillermo, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 for example, shared that he and his friends talk quite often about their senior service hours because they have taken leadership roles in securing a more consistent volunteer cohort for the weekly trips to the local homeless shelter. In addition to the organizational side of their service experiences, they also talk about their own experiences, particularly about the individuals with whom they work most often at the local homeless shelter. Helen and Barbara commented that they discussed their experiences immediately after the service project was over. These discussions seemed to be used to process the experiences that the group just had. In particular, topics that they would discuss have included “who they met there, and what they talked about” (Helen). Unlike their peers, some participants did not see their service experiences as particularly meaningful topics o f conversations with their friends. In fact, student responses indicated apathy over discussing their service experiences. Dennis, for example, commented that “some o f [his] friends really don’t care what happened; there was no point really telling them.” Some students also reflected on/discussed service experiences with their family members. Like reflection time with their friends, reflection of service experiences with their families was spontaneous and was discussed usually immediately after the service experience. Students reported that they did so in order to tell their family about what they experienced. Dennis referred to his discussions with his family as a sort of debriefing from the emotionally-trying service that he did during his junior year at a local convalescent center. He explained that sharing with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 273 family makes it easier “to get the load off what happened.” Nahid explained that one outcome to her sharing her own service experience with family members is an increase in her mother’s desire to become involved in volunteering. Consider the following quote: Like when I’d come home, I would tell [my mom] about what we did and then she always thinks about it. And my mom, like she never did [service] before, and [now] she’s out, like whenever I go do it, she like wants to go do it too, like it makes her want to do it. Cause she’s never really done it, and so it makes her think about ‘oh, maybe I should go serve the homeless.’ (Nahid) Students reflected introspectively as well. Students reported making connections between service experiences and their own lives during these moments. Although past research has shown evidence that some students write in diaries or journals as a reflective activity (Witmer and Anderson, 1994; Proctor, 1992), no student in this study mentioned any reflection of this type. Several students commented that their personal reflections on their service experiences reminded them o f feelings that they had during the service. Also, these students added that their reflections made them want to return to do service, or made them realize that the required service hours had not been as much of a hassle as they thought while actually completing them. Sonya, for example, commented that she thinks about her service experiences “all the time, not just in school, but on a day-to- day basis.” More specifically, she reflects on the activities in which she was involved, and the people she met. She added that these reflections made her wish that she was still a part of these projects, and that they make her “want to start being a part o f [service], even if [she doesn’t] do it for [earning credit for her] hours” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 4 (Sonya). Likewise, Kelly commented that her personal reflection reminded her of how her “service hours weren't like a hassle” and that mandating service as a graduation requirement is a good idea. Students also revealed that they engaged in reflection at school. Unlike the aforementioned examples of reflection, however, these activities were mandatory and counted toward the students’ religion grades. Service experiences are never addressed in non-religious classes. Kelly stated succinctly:: “In my other classes we don't really talk about our service hours. It doesn't seem like it comes up in any other class environment.” From student interviews, a single, clearly discernible pattern o f reflective activities was noted: reflective activities in school are limited to the reflection paper that everyone is required to write at the end of the academic year. Two students noted that they felt that the reflection papers helped them to grasp the holistic importance of the past year’s experiences. Sonya felt that by doing the papers, she was able to look into how she felt during these periods and that this introspection helps the experiences to “kind o f sink in.” Related to critical consciousness, she also commented that it “makes [her] pick broader subjects [when writing her papers] than [she] wouldn’t [otherwise] go into.” Some students did mention that during their junior year, their religion teacher extended the reflective activity beyond the printed word and asked students to share their experiences with the rest of the class. Students indicated that this activity consisted o f reading their papers aloud. Some students enjoyed hearing about their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 5 peers’ experiences, which provided them with a case against which to compare their own service experiences. Students commented that their sharing resembled a factory line where students systematically read their papers and then returned to their seats. James explained this process. He shared that students “basically just read their paper and told what they did, why they did it, the experiences that they did and what they learned. [We didn’t have any discussion], that’s it.” Other students remembered that instead o f presenting their reflection papers during their freshman year, the teacher had them create a quilt patch to represent their most poignant memory from the past year’s service project(s). Nonetheless, there was no discussion or reflection on what had just been presented. Interviews with administrators revealed that, aside from the reflection paper, the types and numbers of reflective activities that are incorporated into the curriculum remain at the discretion of the individual teacher religion teachers. This arrangement is intentional as some classes, even religious studies courses, do not allow for a fluid integration of service-learning into the curriculum. Vice Principal Richard explained that for faculty members “teaching social justice to the seniors, Christian service hours are probably getting referenced every week and using kids reactions to their own interactions that they did that week.” He contrasted this likelihood with an example of a Japanese teacher’s inclusion of service into his/her class; Vice Principal Richard has taught Japanese at STACHS previously. He explained that a Japanese teacher could incorporate service, but it is not “the first thing that’s staring [him/her] in the face when covering the present Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 6 tense of [a verb].” He further commented that there is “in every grade level.. .an opportunity for it, but [that] it would depend upon how versed or valued it is to the structure [of the class by the teacher]. His comments indicate that teachers outside of those in the religious studies department are not requested to integrate students’ service experiences in their classes. Even more problematic is that even though Principal June could see a connection between three out o f the four years of religious studies at STACHS, she remained unsure as to whether teachers were actually taking advantage o f these connections. To highlight the lack of coverage o f students’ service experiences in the school, Benjamin added that the time that he had spent reflecting on his experiences during his interview was the most “in-depth [he’s] ever gone into [his] service” because service experiences are brought up “just only when [the] paper is due.” Greg echoed Benjamin’s feelings about the interview as being a reflective tool. However, his comments also indicate the role that reflection can have in helping students to “understand [their service experiences] better by “rememberfing] what [they] did it for and how much it meant to [them] and how [better they are] because of it.” Administrators and faculty also made reference our interview being a type of self-reflection on the past and future direction of the service program at the high school. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 Reflection and Student Outcomes With the above in mind, analyses evidence that reflective activities serve to inform students in several ways. First, from their reflection conducted during the interview and introspectively, students realized the importance of civic engagement and that volunteering was not as difficult as they had originally thought it would be. Given the civic goal intrinsic to the Christian service program, and the aim of this study to determine those factors that facilitate the creation of a more civic-minded citizenry, this relationship is noteworthy. The finding supports the central role of reflection in developing a sense o f social responsibility and active citizenship as previously noted in the literature (Kendall, 1991b). Second, reflection with friends and family helped to increase social capital by connecting students to current social networks under different circumstances. These interactions were also shown to have a potential positive effect on their family members vis-a-vis their interest in civic participation, as evidenced by Nahid and her mother. This finding is important in terms of the problematic discussed in Chapter 1, suggesting that a relationship between service providers’ reflection with already existing social networks might increase the civism of the members of these social networks indirectly. Lastly, students were informed religiously by reflection activities in school. This finding can be attributed to the relegation of reflective activities to the religious studies faculty and is manifest most explicitly in the required reflection papers. This religious element, however, does seem to narrow students’ perceptions and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 8 understandings of their service experiences. As has already been mentioned, preparatory elements of the Christian service program at STACHS stimulates students’ conceptualization of their service activities as charity. In the mandated reflection paper, it is clear that this charity perspective is upheld, evidencing that students’ service experiences are not pedagogically linked, evidenced by the lack of connection to academic curriculum, nor discussed in regards to themes pertaining to social justice or critical consciousness. In this sense, the reflective activities could only conform to the “contextualized” element of effective reflection (Eyler et al., 1996, cited in Howard, 2001). The reflection activities are not “continuous” throughout the course, “connected” to learning objectives, “challenging” to students, nor “coach[edj” throughout their experiences. In “contextualized” reflection, activities are appropriate to the particular course. However, to declare that these activities meet this requirement would be to overlook that the reflection paper guidelines are generic to all religion classes, not matched to each grade level topic. ASSESSMENT & EVALUATION The next element of an effective service-learning program is evaluation. To reiterate, Fertman et al. (1993) present three key elements to the evaluation process: 1) evaluative tasks delivered close to the operational level, 2) utilization o f both quantitative and qualitative measures, and 3) role of consultants in service program evaluations. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 7 9 Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School utilizes programmatic and student-centered evaluative measures. As has been noted earlier, STACHS has begun to employ a team-centered reflection of its service program. Primarily though, STACHS’s evaluative measures o f its service program fall to individual religion teachers and the students. Up until the year o f data collection (2001-2002), all evaluative components of students’ Christian Service projects were summative in nature. In other words, students were evaluated only at the end o f the school year, after all service hours were to have been completed. There were no formative assessment measures (e.g., mid-semester due dates) and students were evaluated primarily on a credit/no credit grading scale. One exception is that teachers graded student reflection papers on a 50-point scale. Students were provided an instruction sheet with guiding questions that had to be addressed as they reflected on the past year’s service experiences. Some teachers also chose to evaluate students using reflective assignments beyond those of the required reflection paper and service hour log sheet. Once log sheets have been collected, students either receive credit for their service, or they receive no credit and have to enroll in the subsequent summer school service course. After teachers have documented the completion of service, the forms are then forwarded to the directors of Campus Ministry who then randomly select student forms to call and verify the validity o f the service that has been listed. At this point, the evaluative component of the Christian service program at STACHS is Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 280 expanded beyond the borders o f the school to involve those individuals who supervised students in their field sites. Beginning with the 2001-2002 academic year, when the data for this study were being collected, STACHS required that students find and secure approval at two potential service sites for that year. Although students were not held to serving at those sites, the Religious Studies department felt that this formative assessment measure was needed in order to curb procrastination by students. The upper-class students (i.e., juniors and seniors) were the primary target for this new measure as they had the most immediate risk of not graduating due to unfulfilled service hours. During the interview, a question was posed to administrators as to whether they also evaluated the organizations where students had been completing their service. Responses indicated that there are neither formative assessment measures, nor a more summative evaluation o f sites by the high school after students’ service hours have been completed. Informal feedback from students is the only means that sites are assessed for appropriateness. It seems appropriate to mention that although the aforementioned practices comprise STACHS’s formal evaluation and assessment measures vis-a-vis the Christian Service program, interviews with administrators and teachers indicated that STACHS also engages in informal organizational reflection by soliciting feedback from students and including it in their decision-making processes. This is most evident in the formation of the service committee, which redesigned the service program’s distribution of service hours and created a policy which permitted students Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 1 to serve up to 10 hours each year with any of the four designated service recipient populations (i.e., institutions of faith, youth, elderly, and homeless). In contrast to the best practices literature, the STACHS assessment and evaluation measures center on a quantity/quality outcome rather than on what has been learned. The assessment is product-oriented, with students receiving credit simply if they have completed the required hours with the required population. They are not judged by whether they acquired new knowledge from their experiences or could make connections from their experiences to formal classroom curriculum topics. This finding supports previous analyses that the structure and implementation o f the Christian service program at STACHS promotes a perception by students and faculty that these activities are more charitable than liberational, and more sustaining o f the status quo than critical of it. SUMMARY Concluding Chapter 5 was a discussion of the processes that manifest after students had completed their service projects. First, the frequency and forms of reflection identified by student participants were presented. Data revealed that reflective activities were completed with friends, with family, by students introspectively, and in their religion classes. Particular attention was placed on in- class reflection activities. Students primarily wrote reflection papers at the end of their service years, which comprised part of their final religion grade, and/or read Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 2 their papers aloud. Analyses showed that the diverse reflective activities informed students civically and religiously, and also affected social capital development. A discussion of the evaluative measures used by the school, and in particular by the religious studies faculty, concluded this section. Related to the in-class reflective activities, analyses showed that STACHS evaluated students’ service experiences through summative, product-oriented measures. More specifically, students were only evaluated on whether they completed the required number of hours and completed the reflection paper. This approach did not aim to assess what students learned and framed reflections within a purely religious context given that in-class reflections take place only in religious studies classes. These actions add to previous analyses that the Christian service program seems to be approached, implemented, and assessed on Christian ideas of charity. This, o f course, is likely to affect negatively the purported critical consciousness/social justice goal of the program. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 3 CHAPTER 6 OUTCOMES FROM STUDENT ENGAGEMENT IN CHRISTIAN SERVICE AT SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS CATHOLIC HIGH SCHOOL Overview In logical sequence to the preceding discussion of the structure and processes of the Christian service program at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School, this chapter presents the principal outcomes from students’ fulfillment of the curricular requirement. In addition to these elements’ direct role in helping to achieve the program’s stated goals, a relationship between the structures and processes and additional outcomes was noted. These additional outcomes will be discussed along with those structures and processes affecting them. First, however, those outcomes which correspond to the purported goals of the Christian service program at STACHS will be examined. Outcomes Stated in Program Documents Civic Outcomes Service-learning has been associated with the reinforcement of participatory altruism and the building of civic responsibility (Niemi and Chapman, 1999; Raskoff and Sundeen, 1999). The first goal of the Christian service program at STACHS (i.e., “to encourage responsible participation in the world community”) aimed to build such civism in its students. Related more explicitly to the problematic discussed in Chapter 1, this research sought determine whether the service program Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 4 can develop a sense o f civic duty in students to counteract the growing civic apathy in the United States. Data from student interviews and reflection papers indicate a causal relationship between the mandatory characteristic of service and a developed interest in volunteerism. Interviews with students suggested an increase in feelings of civic obligation and the possibility for engagement in future service activities. Their reasons for planning to continue varied, however. "It's not half as bad”: Civism through Mandatory Service The above quote from Kelly succinctly summarizes the first civic outcome to students’ engagement in mandatory volunteering. Numerous students shared that one o f the outcomes from their engagement in the required program at STACHS was that they were exposed to the concept o f community service. Nahid’s comments, in fact, demonstrate a causal relationship between students’ exposure to the practice of service and their future engagement. She commented: “Well I’ve learned how to like to do.. .service. I’m probably more interested in doing it and doing some services, cause like I don’t think I would have thought about it before.” Logically, this outcome can be contributed to the mandatory nature of the Christian service program at STACHS. Without this requirement, students would not otherwise engage in community service. Faculty and student comments evidencing this improbability were offered in Chapter 5. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 5 Claire shared how during every year of her service at STACHS she was surprised. She initially went into the service project not looking forward to it, but found when actually doing it that it was not that bad. She admitted that she had actually made out the service experience “to be worse that it actually is.” In fact, several students commented that they were glad that the service hours are mandated. Leanne at first thought that the high school should not mandate the hours, but after serving for four years, she now sees why it is a requirement. Ahmed, Elliot, and Kelly echoed Leanne’s comments, explaining that if they had not been required to serve then they would have never thought “of working with the homeless or working with the elderly, and working with younger children for no reason” (Ahmed). In other words, they would have only considered serving within their immediate comfort zones - antithetical to one o f the goals o f STACHS’s service program. From their required engagement in service, students were also exposed to different service recipient populations and engaged in different service activities as required by the program’s structure. Students, like Barbara, commented that through her service experiences she “learned which [types o f tasks she] likes and which ones [she doesn’t] like,” as well as those she would possibly want to engage in later on. Her comments echoed the common adage that “you should try everything once.” Her discussion, however, centered on having to experience diverse things in life in order “to find out what you want to do in your life, and what you don’t want to do.” For her, she found that she most enjoyed working with the homeless out of all of her service experiences and that this required exposure to the population is what made Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 6 her realize that she would like to work with them again in the future: “It was a project that I really enjoyed doing and I hope that I will be able to continue doing it once I get into college and when I get out.” This exposure to a wide variety of tasks and populations ignited students’ sens civique. The aforementioned causal relationship between mandating service hours and the propensity o f students to want to engage in future projects is further supported by students’ comments o f the increased feeling o f ease to engage in service activities once they had become acclimated to the site and duties. Kelly’s comment, in particular, highlights this adaptation; “[the convalescent center is] “kind of just depressing when you go in there at first but you get used to like, the surroundings and then it gets a lot easier as time goes on because you get to know all the patients.” In fact, by the time o f their interviews, a few students had already requested information about community service opportunities from the universities to which they were applying: “[I’ve] already checked out service programs.. .at the college that I’m going to” (Leanne). "What Do I Get Out o f It? Interest in Future Service In addition to learning about service and advocating for its requirement, students also communicated their plans to engage in community service activities in the future. However, their reasons for planning to volunteer, under what circumstances, and with which populations differed. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 Students’ future likelihood to become involved in similar community service projects hinged on a type of internalized cost-benefit ratio. In other words, students were more likely to volunteer in the future if the service did not affect their personal lives adversely. In terms of the Christian service program at STACHS, it is clear that the program can decrease feelings o f civic apathy, but that the program was unable to offer a fail-safe solution to the individualist mentality that served as a problematic in Chapter 1. Students explained that the likelihood of later engaging in community service would depend on whether time existed within their personal schedules. Few students, even those who admitted that they felt that they should engage in service, mentioned actually making time for service. Nahid’s comments revealed that those factors that would impede her future engagement in service are also the most likely to manifest: “being busy in college or having a job or a family.” Dennis and Greg also mentioned impediments to future volunteer activities. Interestingly, only these students, both male, mentioned that their preparation for a career would get in the way: “after college it really depends on where I take myself career-wise, if I have time or not” (Greg) and “I’ll probably be busy.. .trying to prepare for the Air Force.” Barbara’s comment, however, best exemplified the meanings derived from students’ self-centered approach to future service. Her comment that she is “always so busy with everything that [she] never ha[s] time to do [service]” recalls previous analyses that students see civic engagement as secondary to other, more personal phenomena. This finding also suggests that even if students are presented with service tasks that Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 8 are easy, fun, convenient, and met immediate needs, their self-centeredness would outweigh any willingness to become involved. Some students did share that they would volunteer in the future for less selfish reasons. For example, several participants noted that they are planning on doing service later “just because [they] love helping people” (James). Tara’s comments suggested that this “love” corresponds to the Divine virtue from which the expectation o f service (i.e., charity) in Christianity originates. She mentioned during her discussion of loving to help others, that she “can’t just waste [her] life and not help anybody else or either do something more because [she feels] that God has put [her] on this planet to make a difference.” Religious Outcomes The second goal of the Christian service program (i.e., “to form loving disciples”) is religiously oriented. Per the discussion in Chapter 4, faculty and students understood that the service requirements were a means by which students were to put their religion into practice, and contextualize their in-class religion lessons to strengthen and understand their faith. For this reason, further analyses were completed to determine whether this goal had been achieved and to what extent students ascribed only a religious meaning to their community service. This theme was central to the present study because Christian religions advocate charitable activities by their members. Catholicism, however, uniquely purports to extend beyond these temporal solutions to the needs of the disenfranchised, by directly Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 9 addressing the systemic and social inequities that serve to perpetuate them. Therefore, in line with this study’s research question surrounding critical consciousness and the last of the high school’s purported goals, this inquiry was included. It is important to note that when referring to the service recipient populations, students’ comments focused primarily on their experiences with the homeless, although some students also made reference to their junior and sophomore service activities with the elderly and youth, respectively. Service as Charity and Its Spiritual Roots Most often, students indicated that they ascribed a meaning of charity to the service in which they were engaged. Students used the verbs “help” and “take care o f ’ when describing their roles vis-a-vis service recipient populations. These comments indicate that students often saw the service recipients as helpless objects, dependent on the good nature of service providers. Further analyses suggested that, for some o f the students, their conceptualization of community service as charity is directly tied to their Christian beliefs. Sonya learned through her service experiences that “it is our job to embark on [life] with high hopes and help pick up those who fall along the way.” This effort is related to Jesus Christ’s call, according to Sonya. She believes: “He (God) truly chose us to do deeds for others [in order to] create a more caring/loving world.” Ahmed added to this sense of charity: “Homelessness is a huge problem, and we need to try to help those who are less fortunate than us. We should try to help them Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 0 because they are humans too.” Nahid offered an explanation indicative of a parent- dependent relationship: “I help take care of [the service recipients] and that is one of the greatest feelings a person can have.” After his experiences with the homeless, Dennis feels that he “must help them in any way I can to make their lives better. It’s shown me more of what needs to be done in a community. It shows that there is work that needs to be done, and I can help others by doing the job.” Guillermo evidenced the conceptualization of service as charity in his reference to “follow Christ’s calling to love and serve others.” This point of view was echoed by other students as well. Greg realized that by “working for the homeless is working for him (Jesus Christ)” and that “it brings us to a stronger faith.” James believes that he was giving homeless clients “a glimpse o f God by performing the services.” He “learned that God touches and calls people in different ways” and that he believes that Christ was calling him because he “enjoyed the cooking and the serving and [he] looked forward to going down and being able to spend some time doing it.” Evidence supporting the finding that students viewed their Christian service hours as charity was also found in their discussion of whether they thought that their activities had made a difference in the lives of the members of the service recipient populations or to the organizations for which they volunteered. Students believed that their engagement in the required service activities did a make a difference, albeit a small one. Students also commented that meeting immediate needs, and relieving the stress typically shouldered by the organization and its workers, were how these Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 291 differences manifested. Dennis was told by one of the convalescent center workers that he had “helped her out a lot and made it easier for all the nurses to go the different patients.” In fact, students were often affected by the immediacy of the effects of their altruism. Interviews with other students revealed that this realization plays a role in their plans to volunteer again. Sonya, for example, noted that on her way to work she would pass by some of the same homeless individuals which she had helped to feed earlier that afternoon and she realized the impact that she had made beyond the temporal shelter activities. Similarly, Leanne noticed the difference that she helped to make by the gratitude expressed by the parents of the Down Syndrome children for whom she provided respite care. There is also evidence that students’ realization that their duties actually do make a difference plays a role in their returning to do future service. Leanne commented that she “would definitely return to respite care because.. .you could tell you were really helping somebody out in taking care of those kids.” Additional examples were discussed vis-a-vis students’ intentions to participate in future service projects in Chapter 5. In contrast, not all students agreed that they had made a difference to the lives of the service recipients or to the organizations for which they volunteered. They commented that longitudinal participation is crucial to making a difference. None of these students, however, showed a strong intention of developing a longitudinal plan of service in the future. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 2 Ahmed, for example, offered the opinion that a volunteer has “to be more committed, and be more involved than just a certain amount of hours to make a difference.” This viewpoint was reiterated by Monica and Benjamin. Monica noted that she, as one person, only made a small difference, but that “if you get like many people to do it, it would make a big difference.” On the same note, Benjamin indicated that impact comes from the collective effort of the students involved in the program: “I think it’s the program itself that I think probably make the difference. But as an individual, you are just part of a bigger picture.” From these anecdotes, it is evident that students are aware that their help is needed, and also that students only see their service activities as immediate solutions to immediate needs. Students’ conceptualization of service is skewed toward a charitable orientation by several factors. O f course, the fact that students are completing service within a religious institution is one of these factors. However, the fact that service is not discussed outside of, and only mentioned peripherally in, students’ religion courses indicates another factor. The religious orientation of the service is further upheld in this setting by the lack o f connection between the service acts and formal school content lessons. This is most evident in the senior year when the religious studies curriculum centers on “social justice.” Vice Principal Richard mentioned that service activities should be a daily topic in this class, however, this research has shown such dialogue to be absent. There was no evidence that service was discussed in non-religion classes either. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 3 In addition to the centralization o f the service program components in the religious studies department and the lack o f in-class reflection, there are other factors that can be connected to this outcome. Just as there is little reflection after the fact, there is no preparatory dialogue either. Therefore, there is a missed opportunity to frame the service as anything more than charity. This lack of dialogue can be related to the relative lack of awareness by faculty of the rationale behind the choices of the service recipient populations, as mentioned in Chapter 5, and/or to their relatively greater concern with meeting curriculum requirements given the average STACHS’s teacher’s inexperience in the classroom, as detailed in Chapter 4. The mandatory reflective paper component of the service program also is religiously bound. In addition to being required to compose opening and closing prayers, students must also explicitly address the following questions: “What did you learn from your experience in relation to Christ’s call and acting as a light for others” and “What did you learn about God, reality, human nature, suffering, happiness, and life?” These questions are certainly relevant topics for a religion paper, and indeed the reflection paper comprises a portion of the religion class final grade. As a measure of the service-learning program, however, these guidelines also reveal that students are not pushed to relate their understanding o f their own service experiences into the topics that have been discussed over the year - an element many would argue is central to reflection papers in academic courses. This element again evidences a charitable, product approach to the structure of the service program in that the reflection does not challenge the students to frame their service in terms of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 4 social justice, and therefore limits the program’s ability to foster critical consciousness. This is further exacerbated by the previously noted failure of stakeholders to mention the social justice goal of the program, the teachers’ top- down roles, and a lack o f a feeling by students and faculty for the need for training. Social Awareness Outcomes The third objective of the Christian service program is to “expose students to different communities o f need and to serve others outside of their comfort zones.” This program tenet, as stated in the 2001-2002 Parent-Student Handbook, was supported by interviews with faculty and students. Analysis of student interviews and reflection papers evidenced that they experienced a heightened sense of social awareness of those populations with which they worked. Students noted, for example, that through their interactions with diverse populations, and in settings different from those with which they were already familiar, they became exposed to the “real world” and its complexities. Through their engagement in service activities, and intensified by those that manifest outside o f their social and geographical comfort zones, students were introduced to a more comprehensive image o f reality. These views most often manifest from students’ junior and senior years of service, as intended by the program’s design. Johann, for example, commented that his junior service project, in particular, provided him with “a very real view o f reality.” He stated that his “former view seems to be so distorted and untrue; seeing the position that these people (elderly) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 5 were in showed [him] a very sad side of human existence.” His comments on an individual’s perception o f reality were echoed by three of his female peers. Stephanie saw volunteering as an “opportunity to see things as they actually are.” Barbara’s comments revealed that she made meaning of her experiences, in particular the theme of perceived reality, through a religious lens. She explained that “this project helped [her] to see a part of God and reality [she] never knew before.” Her comments also did reveal that perhaps she had known about this reality previously, but had refused to believe/accept its existence. In contrast to the charitable meanings ascribed to service by most students, the following quote from Greg captures an alternative philosophy of their involvement: “I think there should be a difference between humanism and Christianity.” Female students, most often, communicated that through their service activities they had come to realize that not only did they share similarities with the service recipients, but also that these individuals deserved the same treatment and opportunities as those not in their particular situation. In other words, student comments suggested that worth and dignity exist for all individuals, no matter their current or past circumstances. This differentiation is important to note as humanism approximates a higher level of critical consciousness according to Freire’s (1973) developmental model, presented in Chapter 2. In direct contrast to the aforementioned examples of charity, humanism is not theistic, but affirms that human beings have the right to give meaning and shape to their own lives, rather than wait passively on the altruism o f strangers. Sonya, although mentioning how Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 6 “God made everyone of us very special and important despite our situations” commented that “human nature is the same for all people and that we should acknowledge we are all equal in God’s eyes.” Kelly, likewise, shared that “every life has a purpose, and that no life should be taken for granted or looked down upon.” Greg, noting the humanistic bases o f service, commented that although the service recipients “may have less.. .we forget that they are human as well.” The outcome of an increase of social awareness can be attributed to the structural design of the Christian service program at STACHS. The planning committee purposefully chose four diverse populations so that students would be exposed to realities outside of those that they know. The committee, in addition, required students to conduct more hours with those populations with which they had less familiarity. In short, they would be spending almost three-quarters of their service experiences with two populations with which they have had the least previous interaction, and arguably the least understanding. STACHS’s programmatic design, however, does serve to impede the achievement of another of its own goals. As discussed previously, the planning committee decided to assign students to work with religious institutions and youth during their first two years of service in order to provide a psychological cushion while they transitioned into high school and service activities and expectations. This design element reduces the amount o f exposure to social phenomena outside of students’ comfort zones. As was seen in the previous chapter, students do frequently seek activities during their first Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 7 and second years that are familiar to them. This in turn can be attributed in part to the structural element o f having students arrange their own sites. Another structural element is also of concern vis-a-vis the social awareness goal of the service program at STACHS. In chapter 5, it was mentioned that the most common service projects in which students engage during their junior and senior years are those that have been prearranged by the Key Club. Although students do have exposure to both elderly and homeless populations, respectively, students also spend a lot o f time, particularly during the senior year, surrounded by their peers from the high school. Senior year activities at the local homeless shelter, for example, require that students actually spend the majority of their service day with other students, and a minimal amount of time actually serving and interacting with homeless service recipients. For this reason, service projects like these could be understood by students to be an extension of their school-related social activities. An additional concern here is that because students overall have neither the preparation before service, nor the reflective debriefing after it has been completed, they might continue to see their newly gained social awareness as simply an exposure to diversity, rather than as an element to be understood in concert with the service tasks, settings, and populations. In other words, increasing students’ social awareness may be considered an end in itself rather than a piece of a larger social puzzle that needs to be solved. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 8 Critical Consciousness/Social Justice Outcomes As mentioned previously, one tenet of the Christian Service policy at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School expresses a liberational tone, and arguably stems from the Catholic Church’s social justice foundations: "To form loving disciples who will transform the world" (emphasis added). Unique to its predecessors, the critical consciousness/social justice oriented goal was the only one not mentioned by faculty and students. However, student outcomes in regard to an increase in critical consciousness were a primary question of this study. So, the following section will examine this outcome more closely vis-a-vis the programmatic structures and processes. To determine whether student participation in mandatory service hours resulted in an increased level o f critical consciousness, data were analyzed within Freire’s (1973) three levels of critical consciousness as presented in Chapter 2. D on’ t Judge a Book by Its Cover: Breakdown o f Stereotypes Students most commonly reported that they entered into their service experiences with preconceived notions about the particular groups to be served. However, from their engagement in direct service, they found that these stereotypes had been disproved. The majority of students’ change of opinion took place during their junior and senior years, although they also mentioned instances from their freshmen and sophomore years. This finding further supports previous analyses that allowing students to arrange their own service projects through existing social Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 9 9 networks will decrease their opportunities to experience heightened social awareness and, arguably, reach higher critical consciousness. In fact, student comments suggested that their involvement in community service, and subsequent acknowledgement of the realities of the “Other,” changed how they would interact with and view members o f those service recipient populations in the future. Monica, for example, entered into her senior service project thinking that the homeless clientele with which she was soon to interact would smell so badly that she would get nauseous, or that they would be infected with lice that would jump on her. Her preconceived notions and feelings o f fear transcended the homeless population to include the organization that was there to serve them. She described how when she first arrived that she “didn’t want to touch anything without gloves for the fear of contacting some sort of uncleanness.” In the end, however, she “realized how wrong [she] was and how awful it was for [her] to anticipate everything to be the way that [she] had thought.” The homeless “were clean and did not stink at all” and “were intelligent and able to carry on interesting conversations.” Barbara had similar preconceived notions about the homeless. She was concerned about having to “go from table to table giving psychopathic, homeless drunkards food and have them screaming at [her] saying ‘Jesus is coming’ and ‘we will all bum in hell.’” Once she finally experienced serving, however, she “realized these people were the exact opposite.” These reactions were not only shared by female students. Speaking about his experiences with the homeless, Elliot shared that prior to working with these Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 0 individuals his interactions with them would be limited to comments like “oh they smell,” “oh, get away,” and “don’t ask me for money.” After working with these individuals for whom he previously had had so much disdain, he realized that “they are people too” and that “they need food just as much as [we] do [and] they need shelter as much as [we] do.” He concluded that due to his service experience he had gained “a new attitude and a new way o f looking at things.” He learned “not to judge so m uch.. .based on appearance, [but] like base them on a person’s character and how they are as a person rather than how they look on the outside.” His feelings were supported by Claire who also realized through her service experiences that “it is part of human nature to only see the superficial side of people.” She concluded that we, therefore, need to “get to know those who are less fortunate than us; we must see the good in people.” Students did provide examples that preconceived notions were destroyed during their freshmen and sophomore years as well. Reflecting on her freshman year of service, Barbara commented that even though she is a parishioner o f Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic Church, she was unaware of the social groups and outreach services that the institution offered. Her perception of the Church’s stance on issues like homosexuality and divorce were transformed after she found that the parish “had a gay and lesbian outreach program” and “ stuff for divorced people” especially because “they usually don’t like talk about divorce [because it’s] like a big thing.” In the end, she concluded that her increased awareness o f the Church’s roles led her to think that the “Church is kind o f cool.” Similarly, Stephanie commented Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 301 that her interactions while tutoring and reading to youth as a sophomore showed her that her categorization o f all youth as “mean” and “annoying,” based on her experiences with her younger brother, was reductionist. At the time of her sophomore service project, Stephanie’s relationship with her younger brother “wasn’t really doing very well.” She explained that “he was going through this phase where he would tell [her] about everything, and it was just like the most annoying stage.” However, “when [she] got around those kids - kids that [weren’t her] brother - [her perceptions changed].” In contrast, two male students did not experience a similar change in worldview; their previously held deficit-oriented stereotypes were supported by their service experiences. Although he admits that his eyes were opened to the realities of the homeless, Dennis felt that the greed demonstrated by homeless patrons receiving a bagged lunch evidenced ingratitude. He described how if some individuals felt that they did not get enough food in their bags that they would complain. He felt, however, that because “they were homeless and had no money that they should feel grateful for whatever they could receive in their bags.” Ahmed also concluded that the homeless were taking advantage of the generosity of others, instead of trying to ameliorate their own lives. He “felt that the homeless people were not so grateful, and they really did not try to help themselves... to get off the streets, or get ajob.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 2 Eyes Wide Shut: Perpetuating a Culture o f Helplessness Although analyses indicated that students experienced an increased awareness of social realities, and had learned that their preconceived notions about certain groups were frequently apocryphal, numerous students remained naive in their understanding of the experiences o f the populations and the root causes of the noted inequalities. Comments grouped into this category evidenced students’ awareness that inequalities persist and that these disparities are not “right” (Stephanie). These examples also moved beyond a charity viewpoint of service recipients as helpless objects that needed to be cared for. In these cases, student comments paralleled a more postmodern point of view, referencing the need to protect the individual voice and humanity of these service recipients. Guillermo commented that he “learned that God has provided [him with] a way to help others, and [he needs] to take that opportunity through [the local homeless shelter], as well as other possibilities, to help the world become a better place.” In terms of protecting individual voice, Sonya explained that she “learned that every person [that she] helped has dignity and a name and story behind their face and should not be ignored.” Although the above comments seem to indicate a propensity of some students to take action against the injustices to which they made reference, the majority of the students that participated in this study remained naive in their analysis and critique of societal inequalities, and failed to take any immediate action to combat the “wrongs” that they witnessed. This was most commonly noted when students indirectly Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 303 attributed the culpability of being homeless on the individuals who live that existence. More specifically, students espoused a disempowerment of the individual to make change in his/her life (i.e., intransitive consciousness; Freire, 1973). Students who communicated this point of view interestingly always coupled this helplessness with a dependence on a benevolent, divine force (i.e., God or faith). For these students, the disenfranchised would be cared for by God, eliminating a need for the students to examine the cause of problem themselves. Johann described the homeless as individuals who “do not like the position that they are in, but they are helpless to change it.” He offered that “the way to overcome this burden was to work very hard and have faith” (emphasis added). Claire “learned that God is there for everyone and that He helps everyone in His own way.” Speaking about the youth for whom she volunteered as a senior, Kelly realized that reality is not always perfect and that her young service recipients might sometimes go to bed hungry. However, she stated that “God would be with them and take care o f them in some way or another.” Lastly, James explained that “suffering is needed in order to have happiness and that.. .when you experience pain and disappointment, but are also able to experience joy and happiness then you are living and God is there with you.” Extending beyond this point of view, other comments evidenced a semi transitive consciousness (Freire, 1973), in which the students acknowledge, to some degree, the power of human agency in the making of personal change. However, their viewpoints were limited to the causal relationships between the individual’s case and his/her efforts; no broader societal or political causes to the phenomenon of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 4 homelessness were discussed. By serving these individuals, they were helping them until they could “get back up on their feet” (Monica). Monica was sad because she “was surprised how people could mess up their lives that badly.” Claire explained that reality is sometimes “what you make of it., .but it is how we handle these challenges that make us who we are.” Sonya evidenced our role in aiding those described by Claire and Monica by stating that “it is our job to embark on [life] with high hopes and help pick up those who fall along the way.” Johann, for example, commented on the abrasive personalities of some of the caretakers at the convalescent home where he volunteered during his junior year. He explained that there was once instance when a male patient tried to escape the facility and that “they yelled at him like he was a little kid.” Although critical of these instances, he never spoke to the individuals on behalf o f the elderly patients. Leanne, an African-American student, related two separate incidents when she actively addressed issues of inequity during her sophomore and junior service experiences. For her sophomore year o f service, Leanne served at a respite care for Down Syndrome youth. During one visit, Leanne noticed that two of her peers were treating the children inappropriately. She explained that one of her peers was making the “kid bang his head against the wall.” When asked whether she intervened, Leanne said that she had told her two classmates, who exclaimed “it’s funny, it’s funny,” that, in fact, “it’s not” and that “the kids are going to hurt themselves.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 During her junior year, Leanne experienced another incident during which she became actively involved. This incident, however, did not involve a conflict with her peers, but rather with a site supervisor. She explained that during every visit to the convalescent center, she would spend time with one elderly woman. She noted that her service recipient always wore a set of pearls given to her by her father when she was 12 years old. One afternoon when Leanne came to visit, she noticed that her friend was not wearing her pearls. Leanne asked her what happened to the necklace and the elderly woman answered that she thought “somebody stole them” because every night she removed her necklace and left it on her nightstand. The elderly patient did not report the missing necklace though; she did not “want to accuse anybody.” After her visit, Leanne approached the teacher in charge of the service project “because [she] didn’t want to go straight directly to the [director], since [she doesn’t] have that kind of authority.” Leanne related the incident as explained to her by the elderly patient and asked whether there was anything that could be done. The teacher promised that he would speak to the director. After some time had passed, Leanne asked whether he had any information and he explained that he had not yet said anything about it. Leanne did not seek other help beyond that o f the teacher, but explained that she “was totally pissed off, kind of like disappointed that he didn’t really do anything about it.” Although Leanne, an African-American female, is the only student who began to act on a problem, it is nevertheless noteworthy given that Boyle-Baise (2002) has found that ethnic minorities more frequently exhibit justice-oriented Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 6 insight during service. She espouses that this is due to these individuals’ experiences in inequitable realities. Her theory, however, was not wholly supported by this study, as other minorities did not report the same interest in social justice as Leanne. Unlike the previous three goals, the failure o f the students to achieve a critical consciousness/social justice outcome cannot be so quickly attributed to the structure of the service program. In this case, the weakness in the program can be found in its process. In Freire’s (1973) critical consciousness development model, and in comparable liberation theology/social justice models, the process to achieve a critical consciousness must include opportunities for students to see, reflect on what they have experienced, and then act on whatever meaning they make from these reflective tasks. This conceptualization becomes of central issue in the analysis of this program, and in the identification o f those processes which may limit the realization o f this final program goal. The first step of this model has been discussed, although it is somewhat intrinsic to all service-learning programs. To reiterate, although students do “see” because they are engaging in service, it does not mean that they see with a critical lens. In fact, previous evidence of the lack o f preparation hints at the fact that students enter service activities with expectations congruent with charity (i.e., they employ a narrow, religious lens). The second step is reflection. STACHS does have a reflective element to its program design. However, this reflective element again is framed within a religious understanding and falls at the end of the students’ service year. For this reason, it is not surprising that students did not report any critical Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 7 understanding beyond what they once thought was true, and what was later deemed false; they were not provided with opportunities during the school year to create meaning from their experiences. Lastly, students should act. Some students did mention that they planned to engage in service activities in the future. However, these activities were secondary to their own personal agendas. Even if students did continue to do service after graduating, it is questionable that they would be acting in Freirean terms - acting to address sociopolitical inequities at their core. Students see these actions as meeting an immediate need, and have not identified or dialogued with service recipients about a particular problem. Outcomes not Stated in Program Documents Thus far, the stated goals and objectives o f the Christian service program at STACHS, how faculty and students understood them, and whether they were realized after students completed their four years of engagement in required community service have been presented. These outcomes were also associated with the structural and procedural benchmarks set by effective service-learning programs in chapter 2, and how they manifest specifically in the case o f Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. As mentioned briefly at the beginning of this chapter, other outcomes not implied by formal STACHS documents were also identified through data analyses. These outcomes will be discussed below in similar fashion to their antecedents. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 8 Cognitive Outcomes Effective service-learning programs integrate formal academic content with community service activities. This distinction functions to redirect the emphasis of schooling from teaching to learning by making the relevance o f the class content more evident through contextualization. In fact, previous service-learning research has linked participation in service activities with an increased knowledge o f subject matter and increased levels of career awareness (Shumer and Belbas, 1996). From interviews with student participants, some evidence of reinforcement and extension of the formal school curriculum, as well as the learning and development of career- related skills were noted outcomes from their engagement in the required Christian service program. These cognitive outcomes can be attributed to the structure of the Christian service program and STACHS, as well as to the individual insight by those students who reported them. Per service-learning’s goal of cognitive development, implicit even in its name, the Christian service program at STACHS can be considered extremely weak. Although students did report gaining knowledge that supported or negated their in- class lessons or that informed them as to their future professional careers, these instances were few. With reference to Sigmon’s (1996) typology of service-learning, it seems that STACHS places more emphasis on the service outcomes rather than the learning ones. For this reason, STACHS’ program approximates the “SERVICE- leaming” typology. The hyphen denoting a connection between the two terms and their outcomes remains, due solely to students’ own abilities to make connections Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 0 9 between their service experiences and academic content, and because STACHS does see its service program as an experiential, informal means to support the religious studies curriculum. First, student interviews showed that their service experiences occasionally enhanced their knowledge previously acquired through non-religious school lessons. Most often, students commented that these opportunities manifest during their junior year when they were working directly with the elderly. From their direct interactions, a program element mandated by STACHS, students had received a more comprehensive view of history, rather than the limited point of view offered in their history texts. The most poignant example of this cognitive outcome was provided by Barbara. She explained how she realized that her family “came from Germany and Switzerland” and that she “would always hear their side of World War II.” This was especially notable given that “in her family there were Nazis.” So, when Barbara began her service hours and talked to elderly veterans, she was able to see another viewpoint of World War II. She found it interesting “to hear like what it was like to be an American and actually in these wars because nobody in [her] family was in Vietnam or [World War II].” She referenced differences such as the abundance o f work during World War II and the common use of Victory Gardens. Furthermore, she added that “it was really interesting.. .to hear people who actually experienced it.” Other students did demonstrate their ability to associate their service experiences with topics that they had covered in certain content courses, but they did Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 0 so during the interview rather than having recounted a particular occasion during one of their classes. Although interviews with students revealed that their knowledge gained through prior academic lessons were supported/extended by their service experiences, only one student was able to share an instance when explicit ties were made during class between academic topics and service. Johann provided an example o f how in his religion class, the topic centered on the importance of jobs in a civil society. This discussion included the role that volunteering also plays, and how “society doesn’t work without volunteering.” He noted, however, that the teacher did not reference the students’ own service experiences during this lesson. The second cognitive outcome identified from students’ reflections suggested that their service experiences served as informal education. Several students made reference to their acquisition o f skills and/or knowledge that had immediate or future practical application. As previously noted, Helen’s experiences during her sophomore year provided preparation for possible future employment; she planned to study education and become a teacher. She thought that “because [she] love[s] working with kids, and [she] want[s] to teach, so [she] figured it would be a good experience” tutoring a middle school girl during her sophomore year. James commented that his senior service activities at the local homeless shelter provided him with the opportunity to learn how “to cook some new foods.” Other students, like Nahid, Monica, and Barbara, developed the skills needed to interact with youth and elderly populations. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 311 These findings are unsurprising, however, given the procedural elements of the STACHS program mentioned in the previous chapter. In fact, teachers and students did not approach the service program with a particular pedagogical outcome in mind, except for those associated with the religious studies courses. In addition, student reports o f religion teachers’ roles in the classroom and the reflection activities post-service show that teachers are more concerned with the smooth implementation of the program and with framing the service within a religious doctrinal context. Furthermore, although students can make connections, they seem to do so only when prompted, which can be due to the fact that they take a product approach to the service. In other words, students see it purely as a task to complete, as an end in itself. They are not to learn from it, except that they are living out the will of Jesus Christ. It is important to note, however, that Barbara’s critical insight into the history of World War II does support the potential of service activities to increase critical thinking about prescribed lessons. However, the fact that she was the only student to note such a critical viewpoint suggests that this was unique to this individual rather than an outcome attributable to program design and implementation. In fact, Barbara was a conscientious student, ranking in the top five of her class, and admitted to one of the most selective public universities in the United States. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 2 Psychological Outcomes Another outcome delineated from students’ service experiences, but not included in STACHS’s goals, refers to the psychological effects of participating in service. Previous service-learning research has found that students who volunteer commonly report increased levels o f personal and social responsibility, self-esteem, and moral and identity development (Conrad and Hedin, 1991; Kraft, 1996; Shumer and Belbas, 1996; Yates and Youniss, 1996). Three psychological/affective outcomes to students’ engagement in required service activities were noted: 1) “I am making a difference,” 2) “It made me feel good,” and, 3) “It makes me sad.” Given that adolescence is a principal period of personal identity development, an examination o f the psychological outcomes of student volunteerism is necessary to identify additional retrospective motivational elements to those noted during the discussion of “engagement” processes o f Chapter 5. "I Am Making a Difference Recognition o f Personal Agency & Self-Efficacy The first psychological outcome was that students realized their own abilities to complete service and to make a difference in the lives of those that they served. Students reported that they became cognizant that they were making a difference in the lives of the service recipients because they noticed a change in their demeanor or actions. Helen and Ahmed saw physical changes in the elderly. Helen recounted an instance when visiting with the residents of a convalescent center when she could tell that she was making a difference because originally “they were really lonely and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 313 [upon her visit], their faces just lit up because someone was actually [paying attention to them], other than the nurses.” Similarly, Ahmed described when he noticed how happy his elderly residents were when he beat the staffing assistant who typically won the card game. Students did not only notice their personal efficacy in the junior year service activities; Leanne’s proof came through the improving assessments of the middle school student that she had tutored sophomore year. She explained: “when [the student] showed me the test, she was improving over time, so it kind of showed like ‘wow, I am making a difference.’” This findings provide yet another example of students’ preference for immediacy in their service experiences. Monica, Benjamin, and Guillermo also reported an increased sense of self- efficacy. However, unlike the other student participants in this study, they realized their importance through unique experiences. All three learned that sometimes just one person can determine the success of a project, and make a difference to the lives of many. Monica shared that there was one incident when if she and one of her friends had not served at the local homeless shelter, then the other volunteers “probably wouldn’t have gotten the food [to the cafeteria] on time, and they wouldn’t have had [enough people to serve it].” In short, she learned that she had responsibilities and “if [she and her friend] didn’t go, nothing was going to get done.” The most telling example of this psychological outcome was provided by a male Latino student. Guillermo recounted that the high school’s Key Club moderator was threatening to discontinue the service project with the local homeless Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 4 shelter because o f a lack o f attendance by student members. Guillermo explained that he was personally affected by this possibility o f discontinuation because he felt that he was doing “something good,” “was getting really involved with [the service project], and felt that “this is one of the best things that [he’s ever] done.” For this reason, Guillermo “decided to take charge o f [the Key Club’s service program at the local homeless shelter.” His duties included accounting for other volunteers, and getting “people to sign up to come to the shelter.” By helping to ensure the future of the service project, Guillermo shared that he experienced a heightened sense of happiness and self-worth. He realized that he “actually mean[s] something.. .and can actually prove [his] work by helping other people out.” He internalized feelings were later supported by an external motivational tool when he received the “Volunteer o f the Year” award. He explained that at that time he realized that he had “actually made an impact on people.” This outcome is particularly important given that Guillermo, from his own point of view, had a negative self-image. He used to think that he was not that important, and that people did not know him. After his acceptance o f the leadership position, people recognized him as the “community service guy,” from which he felt a similar emotional gratification to that experienced by the homeless service recipients. "It Made Me Feel Good”: Selfish vs. Selfless Another psychological outcome noted from analyses of the data was that students, both male and female, acquired a heightened sense of personal happiness Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 315 by engaging in service activities. This theme was most notable from students’ accounts of their junior and senior experiences. Some students’ sense o f happiness came from the internal satisfaction o f seeing the impact that they made in the lives of the service recipients. James, for example, shared that he makes service recipients “happy by helping them out, and then that’s when [he’s] happy.” Likewise, Claire explained that “it was really uplifting to see [the homebound senior citizens whom she served as a junior] sheer up.” These reactions “made [her] feel good..., like [she] was doing something good - making a difference.” Some students indicated that their happiness, however, was not altruistically, but rather selfishly motivated. Helen revealed that she felt good because she “was doing something good and people were recognizing that [she] was doing something productive.” Further analysis demarcated a pattern that students’ recognition of agency overlapped with a heightened sense of self-worth or value to their communities. Student comments indicated that these feelings of usefulness stemmed from the recognition or feedback that they received while doing service. For example, students often cited instances of service recipients asking them to visit again, or thanking them for their efforts. Stephanie’s experiences serving the homeless during her senior year demonstrated this point. She commented that the homeless service recipients were respectful and “were just so grateful that [she] took the time to help them.” Greg had a similar experience, but his remarks demonstrate a relationship between this noted feeling o f appreciation and a service provider’s likelihood to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 6 continue service in the future: “I’m going to return. These people they applaud you for showing up and giving them dinner, serving them. It’s good to have that recognition, to just help them out like that.” The aforementioned dichotomy was not a pattern solely delineated from the data by the researcher. Two students also expressed concerns or opinions over the seemingly contrasting psychological outcomes. Barbara revealed that a tension exists between experiencing personal feelings of happiness and engaging in truly altruistic tasks. She noted that although volunteering makes her feed good, she felt that one should not “only do [service] because it makes [them] feel good that [they’re] doing good.” Separately, Elliot explained why feeling good is not contrary to the meaning of service. He felt that “everyone involved benefits [and] by making other people feel better, by helping other people, you’re going to make yourself feel better too, cause that’s just a natural think to happen.” He provided an example to show the ease o f this causal relationship: “if you put a smile on someone’s face, you’re going to want to smile back to them.” "It Makes Me Sad”: Indication o f Sorrow & Remorse In addition to positive psychological outcomes, analyses o f interview data and students’ reflection papers revealed that they endured negative affective outcomes as well. Most common among these outcomes were feelings of sadness and sympathy for the situations of the service recipient populations whom they were serving. Like the majority of previously mentioned instances, students most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 7 commonly cited examples from their junior and senior years o f service. In particular, students’ sad experiences typically centered on their realization that homelessness does not discriminate based on sex and age. Leanne explained that “there is a sad side to [the Thanksgiving homeless dinner] because there were women there with little children needing clothes.” Tara echoed these sentiments when discussing how during her senior year of service, she became sad seeing “kids without a home, having to live in the street.” Female students were not the only ones to experience this sorrow. James “felt bad for [elderly residents] because most of them had no choice to be [in the convalescent home].” Furthermore, “they don’t get a lot o f people to come and visit them.” These findings could inform students’ critical consciousness, but, as mentioned above, did not manifest in the meanings they made from their experiences. Student interviews also evidenced that they experienced feelings of guilt related to their service activities. Most often, these feelings of remorse were based in the students’ promises to service recipients that they would return, but subsequently did not. Nonetheless, these students’ remorse shows that they had made personal and emotional connections through mandated service experiences, most often with individuals with whom they otherwise would have little contact. Nahid “felt bad because [she] didn’t go back” to visit the youth that she served as a sophomore. This was clarified by her comments that she had “made friends with the little kids, and they looked up to [her], and [she guessed] they assumed that [she] was going to come back, and [she] didn’t.” Barbara also felt Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 8 guilty because she did not “get to return [to visit the convalescent center residents] because.. .these people shared time with [her] and [she didn’t end up] going back to share time with them because [she’s] so busy.” Elliot similarly revealed that he experienced feelings of guilt when his frequency o f visits to a dying convalescent center resident was limited by his involvement in extracurricular activities. His description does indicate, however, that his uneasiness with the setting, due in part to past personal experiences, also could have played a role in his visitation schedule. As discussed in chapter 2, retrospective motivation refers to those elements that incite a desire to continue participation in future service activities. As was mentioned in this discussion, and has been supported through this research, proof that their efforts are not made in vain is a critical factor for teenagers. This is unsurprising given that adolescence is a period of identity development and an establishment of self-purpose. In the case of STACHS, students saw from service recipients that their service was appreciated. Waterman (1997) and Snyder and Omoto (1992) noted that intrinsic motivation, in particular, has a significant role in the intentions o f service providers to continue in the future. The students’ perceptions of the quality of the experience also matters (Conrad and Hedin, 1980), and students’ feelings that they are appreciated and can see an immediate reaction evidences this motivational element. Because this period is associated with a development of a personal identity, it is important, in order to break the overly individualistic nature of American society, that young adults see their worth and that they associate happiness with helping Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1 9 others and not only how it affects them. Although this was seen in this study, however, the self-centeredness of adolescence is also noted here in that some students felt happy not simply out of doing good, but because they received recognition for it. This point evidences the need for a system of recognition in order to maintain engagement by these students at this level. In terms of the remorse and sorrow that students felt, there are both negative and positive explanations. First, to say that students were negatively affected shows that they were personally connected to the service tasks in which they were involved. Likewise, they felt guilty when not returning for the same reason. However, student seldom returned which reflects back on the need to motivate students for future service work. Social Capital Outcomes As discussed in chapter 1, America’s individualistic behavior has been shown to coincide with an increase in civic apathy. For this reason, one aim of this study was to determine whether the Christian service program at STACHS could (re)connect its students to their communities, and subsequently identify those program elements which allow this outcome to manifest. Analyses revealed that students’ service engagement allowed them to reconnect to former, develop existing, and establish new social networks. Most interestingly, a causal relationship between the structural and procedural elements o f the Christian service at STACHS and each of these social capital outcomes was noted and was not, unlike many of the previous outcomes, attributable solely to the religious character of the high school. Hence, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 0 these elements could be generalizable across both religious and secular service programs which have a goal of increased social capital. In terms o f structural elements, STACHS purposefully designed its program so that students could easily transition into service activities by choosing populations for their first two years with which they have current connections. In addition, the planning committee expected students to seek opportunities from these sources by requiring them to arrange their own service projects due mainly to geographic variance in the student population. In other words, students who lived far from STACHS, and had no transportation, would be forced to serve within those locales already familiar to them as they would be within the immediate environs of their residences. This finding is dually important because the arrangement process is unique to the service program under study and thus could serve to extend the existing effective service-learning program model in the K-12 setting. With this said, students experienced a (re)connection to community in the ways they sought opportunities for service from their social networks and in the ways that they subsequently served. This increase in social capital is not solely due to students returning to existing or former relationships, but because they also established new ones, specifically during their last two years of service. For their freshmen and sophomores service activities, students commonly sought opportunities from their current or past institutions o f faith. Although this is expected, considering students must volunteer with an institution of faith during their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 321 freshmen, almost half o f students also chose to serve their sophomore hours by volunteering at their own churches. This serves to keep students within settings and interacting with people with whom they are already familiar and reiterates Vice Principal Richard’s concern that students might just engage in activities that they would do nonetheless. Helen and Ahmed, for example, simply approached their church clergy when present for church services. Tara and Stephanie commented that they were constantly at their church attending confirmation classes, so they asked their supervisors whether they could count the hours for their service requirements too. Tara mentioned that she “just helped around the church during that time while [she] was there.” Similarly, Greg learned of his sophomore service opportunity while attending Youth Ministry meetings at his parish. This aside, students seeking opportunities from their institutions of faith has a significance beyond the increase in social capital. As was mentioned by Vice Principal Richard, and discussed in chapter 2, adolescence is a period when youth begin to question their religious beliefs, and replace them those accepted by their peer groups. For example, Sonya also sought opportunities at her church, asking her former Sunday school teacher if she needed assistance before church services. Sonya’s explanation of her reasoning reveals that her choice might have been because she already knew the people and environment: “She was my Sunday school teacher so she really knew me. I think I went before then, when I was about eleven, I used to go there and help her out with them” (Sonya). However, Sonya later Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 2 explained that, since in the last few years she had become a stranger to the church, this provided a way for her to reconnect. The processes of the students’ service experiences also provided an opportunity for the continuation and development of existing social networks. Most commonly, this came through students seeking service opportunity ideas and/or placements through family and friends. Students also frequently served with friends and reflected informally with them immediately after completing service visits. In addition to locating service projects via their existing social networks, students also reported that they reflected on their service experiences with these individuals as well. Students also returned to their own religious institutions, and former elementary and middle schools to do service. Students also learned o f service opportunities from their community of family members. Sonya knew of opportunities at the convalescent center where she completed her junior service hours because her grandmother and several elderly members of her church had lived there. Elliot also served his junior hours at a convalescent center where family members were once clients. M onica’s cousin, who had attended STACHS, shared with her the name of the elementary school where she had completed her sophomore service hours and recommended that Monica contact them as well. Two students made connections for their sophomore service projects while signing up family members for catechism classes at their parishes. Barbara was signing up her cousin and was asked if she wanted to volunteer because they Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 323 currently had a need for volunteers. She saw the opportunity as a way to work with children and fulfill her service hours. Benjamin, unlike Barbara, actively approached the church directors himself while accompanying his younger sister for catechism classes Some students learned o f opportunities from family members who worked at sites that would qualify as acceptable service organizations. These sites were already related to either childcare or education. Kelly, for example, chose to serve her sophomore hours at the pre-school where her mother has worked for years. She even invited several friends who still needed service hours to join her. Claire also took advantage o f her mother’s work. Her mother, a special education teacher in a local school district, invited Claire to seek service opportunities at her school. The use of family members’ work to find placement was not limited to female students, however. Both Dennis and James attended after school care and CCD classes with their younger sister and mother, respectively. James worked in the CCD with his mother and other teachers for both his freshmen and sophomore service projects as it counted as both an institution of faith and youth-centered activity. Students remarked that although they enjoyed working with their friends and became reconnected to neglected social networks, they also were able to meet new people and become involved in a more diverse system of networks. In particular, students enjoyed experiencing personalities with which they would have otherwise never interacted. Helen and Monica, for example, shared that they “get to know a lot more classmates” and “made a lot of good friends through [service projects],” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 4 respectively. Stephanie and Claire, in particular, added that it was satisfying to escape the status cliques of high school and focus on helping others. Barbara echoed their points, explaining that she had originally wanted to complete her service hours “with friends because it would have made [the experience] a little better.” In the end, however, she was glad that this opportunity did not present itself because she got “to meet some people that [she] didn’t really know really before.” Most notable was that students established both intergenerational and intragenerational social networks by serving the elderly and youth, respectively, as well when meeting peers that they had not previously known. It can be argued, however, that even though students returned to previous or current social networks during their first two years, new social networks were also established given the novel interactions in which they engaged in these former settings. In addition to the service opportunities that students found through their varied social networks, they occasionally sought opportunities at sites to which they had had no previous connection or contact information. Several students contacted service sites that they frequently noticed during their commute. In the case of Kelly and Ahmed, they decided to stop to inquire in person about volunteer possibilities one day. Monica, in contrast, took note of the name o f the organization, and then “[looked up the phone number and] called and asked them if they wanted any help, and they said ‘yes, come on in.’ (Monica) Like Monica, Claire also telephoned to inquire about volunteer possibilities during her junior and senior years. However, she noticed a possible service Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 opportunity during her junior year while browsing the advertisement section of “in the local [Sun City] newspaper, the ads. Then, [she] just called the numbers and asked if they needed any volunteers and they said ‘yes.’” SUMMARY Chapter 6 presents the principal outcomes from students’ fulfillment of the Christian service requirement at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School: 1) civic, 2) religious, 3) social awareness, 4) critical consciousness/social justice, 5) cognitive, 6) psychological, and 7) social capital. One o f the outcomes from student engagement was that a mandatory service program can decrease civic apathy. Students realized through their exposure that service was worthwhile. From their required engagement in service, students learned what types of tasks that they like and in which they would possible want to engage in later on. In addition to learning about service and advocating for its requirement, students also communicated their plans to engage in community service activities in the future. However, their future likelihood to become involved in similar community service projects hinged on a type of internalized cost-benefit ratio. In other words, students were more likely to volunteer in the future if the service did not affect their personal lives adversely. The second outcome was religiously oriented. Students indicated that they ascribed a meaning of charity to the service in which they were engaged. Students’ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 326 conceptualization o f service is skewed toward a charitable orientation by both programmatic structures and processes. Students most commonly reported that they entered into their service experiences with preconceived notions about the particular groups to be served. However, from their engagement in direct service, they found that these stereotypes had been disproved. Although analyses indicated that students experienced an increased awareness of social realities, and had learned that their preconceived notions about certain groups were frequently apocryphal, numerous students remained naive in their understanding of the experiences o f the populations and the causes o f the noted inequalities. The majority o f the students that participated in this study remained naive in their analysis and critique of societal inequalities, and failed to take immediate action to combat the wrongs that they witnessed. This was posited to be due to their narrow conceptualization of the service requirement, their weak preparation for service experiences beyond what was necessary for task completion, the hands-off role of their religion teachers, and the religious-focus to and limited number o f required reflection activities. Students’ engagement in community service evidenced a reinforcement and extension of the formal school curriculum, albeit a weak one. These cognitive outcomes can be attributed primarily to individual insight by those students who reported them. A secondary cognitive outcome was the development o f practical skills. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 7 Three psychological/affective outcomes to students’ engagement in required service activities were noted. The first psychological outcome was that students realized their own abilities to complete service and to make a difference in the lives of those that they served. Another psychological outcome noted from analyses of the data was that students, both male and female, acquired a heightened sense of personal happiness by engaging in service activities. Some students indicated that their happiness, however, was not altruistically, but rather selfishly motivated. Further analysis demarcated a pattern that students’ recognition of agency overlapped with a heightened sense o f self-worth or value to their communities. Students endured negative affective outcomes as well. Most common among these outcomes were feelings o f sadness and sympathy for the situations o f the service recipient populations whom they were serving. They also experienced feelings of guilt related to their service activities. Often, these feelings of remorse were based students’ unfilled promises to service recipients that they would return. Finally, students’ service engagement allowed them to reconnect to former, develop existing, and establish new social networks. Most interestingly, a causal relationship between the structural and procedural elements of the Christian service at STACHS and each o f these social capital outcomes was noted and was not, unlike many o f the previous outcomes, attributable solely to the religious character of the high school. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 8 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS, IMPLICATIONS, & RECOMMENDATIONS Overview This research examined the effects that eighteen students’ participation in a mandatory Christian service program at an urban, Catholic high school had on their development o f social capital and critical consciousness. To accomplish this task, analyses of archival school records, student and faculty interviews, and student reflection papers were guided by social capital theory, and framed within Paulo Freire’s (1970) developmental model of consciousness-raising. This mixed-method approach targeted the experiences of the student participants, the structure and processes o f the service program, and the outcomes from students’ required participation. The current chapter draws four conclusions from the findings and presents the implications for these conclusions. Recommendations for future research will conclude the dissertation. CONCLUSIONS FROM THE STUDY Community and Social Capital The primary purpose o f this study was to determine whether service-learning can (re)connect high school students to their communities. The Christian service program at STACHS enables students to reconnect to former, to establish new, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 9 to develop existing social networks. Reasons were attributed to the structures and processes o f the service program at STACHS. One structural element that allows students to connect with their community and develop social capital is that it is mandated. Without service as a requirement, the majority of students would not engage in volunteer activities. This is attributable, in part, to the developmental stage of the adolescents, whose self- centered personalities deter them from engaging in activities that do not promise a favorable rate of return to their time investment. Another structural element that facilitated service providers’ connection to community is the assigning of specific service recipient populations to each year of service. Specifically, schools can select a combination of service sites and populations that are both familiar and unknown to the students. The former allows students to reconnect with and/or develop existing social networks. The latter encourages students to establish new social relationships. STACHS, for example, selected service populations familiar to students at the freshmen and sophomore levels, and two service recipient groups during the junior and senior years pushed students to establish new social ties outside of their comfort zones. Processes were also connected with this development of social capital. In the process of arranging their own service projects, students often seek information and opportunities from a diverse array o f social networks, including family, friends, and strangers. Students also connected to community by volunteering with friends. Lastly, social capital was enhanced through the ways in which students Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 0 deconstructed their service experiences. Again, students discussed their experiences with family, friends, teachers, and in class. Enhancement o f Critical Consciousness and Manifestation of Social Justice Another purpose to this study was to discover whether the students’ involvement in mandatory service activities empower and motivate them to think critically about their world and to work for social change. Framed by a lens of critical theory, this study held that the outcomes attributed to service are not sufficient if they do not address the inequitable power relationships which brought students to conduct service initially. For this reason, service should not only provide opportunities to serve the disenfranchised, but to become aware of the systemic issues that perpetuate their disenfranchisement and marginalization, and to ignite their sense of duty to create a more equitable world. The above conceptualization o f service fits within the model o f social justice posited by liberation theology and Freirean critical consciousness. Freirean critical pedagogy and Catholic liberation theology frame critical consciousness and social justice within a tripartite model. The models include a combination of active observation, reflect on those observations, and action to address the meanings that were made from the reflection. This model is not a simple three-step process, but should be considered iterative with each step informing the others. With this in mind, this study concluded that the Christian service program at STACHS enhanced Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 331 students’ social awareness, but did not result in students’ achievement o f critical consciousness, or understanding of the potential o f service as social justice. In terms of providing opportunities for students to observe social phenomena, the Christian service program at STACHS can be considered effective. This is due again primarily to the mandatory nature o f the program, which alone exposes students by pushing them outside of their comfort zones. This exposure is further influenced by students having to engage in direct service with recipient populations. In contrast, to indirect service activities (e.g., environmental trash collection), direct service forces students to interact and engage in dialogue with those to whom they are providing service. As was seen in the case of STACHS, direct service exposed students to a broader reality, and subsequently served to destroy preconceived notions held by students about their service recipient populations. Lastly, STACHS has students serve four different service populations which again increases their exposure to different realities and allows them to observe more than a student who conducted the same service over all four years would. The second element of Freire’s critical consciousness development model is reflection. Reflection plays a central role in the meaning that students make from their service-learning experiences. Reflective activity entails the ability to stand back from an experience, in this instance from the experiences o f providing service to the community, to discover the connections between actions and their effects (Silcox, 1993). In contrast, the absence of reflection limits students’ perception of the service phenomena to what they can describe. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 2 Unlike the “see” element, opportunities for reflection are lacking in the STACHS Christian service program. STACHS only offers one structured reflection opportunity each year. This limited number of reflective opportunities is exacerbated by its inclusion within the last month o f school because it limits the likelihood of students to critique effectively their observations and design a plan of action to address them. STACHS’s reflective activities are also structured incorrectly for students to achieve critical understanding of their experiences. The service program reflection activity is always held in religion classes and entails a portion of the students’ final exam grades. By formally incorporating service and associated reflective activities within one required class narrows the lens through which students may examine their service experiences. This was noted explicitly in the outcomes from students’ service participation, and highlighted most directly by the overwhelming religious tone to the prescribed reflection paper guidelines. The lack o f required reflection activities cannot be fully blamed for the program’s outcomes vis-a-vis critical consciousness. The processes are also a factor, especially those carried out or influenced by classroom teachers. This study found that when high schools do not adequately articulate the goals of its Christian service program and establish a set of instructional and implementation standards, teachers are left to make their own understanding of the service requirement and how to address it within their classes. This problem becomes aggravated within high schools that have a high rate o f teacher attrition because inexperienced teachers must Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 333 find some way to address service in their classes while also covering mandated curricular topics. Their personal understanding of the purpose o f the service requirement frames how they approach service, and in turn will inform the approach that students take. As seen in the STACHS example, teachers who do not understand the Christian service requirement to have a transformative or social justice purpose cannot offer that lens to their students. Praxis, the key to critical consciousness, is equally informed by reflection and action. When there is an arrested development of critical consciousness at the reflective stage, there is little hope for change-oriented action to manifest. In fact, due to its minimal reflective opportunities, no instances of action were noted by student participants in this study. Civic Apathy and Individualism Mandatory service programs can decrease students’ civic apathy by exposing them to the phenomena of community service and to the roles that are available to them. From this exposure and new knowledge, students can visualize themselves participating in the future service projects and even mentioned their intention to do so. However, students qualified their future engagement by numerous personal variables, evidencing that they remained foremost concerned with those phenomena that affect them directly. For this reason, this study cannot conclude definitively that service can decrease the individualism that plagues America’s citizenry, and is compounded in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 334 its adolescent population by developmental factors. This conclusion still offers hope however for the role of service-learning programs in decreasing individualist mentalities. One possibility is that those service experiences from one of the most impressionable periods o f identity development will incite their interest in becoming once again involved in service or other civic activities as adults. One important finding in regards to the relationship between positive service experiences and future engagement are the characteristics o f service programs that would motivate adolescents to engage in other service projects. For adolescents, service projects should be easy and fun, allow them to see immediate effects from their service efforts, and should provide opportunities for them to be recognized or appreciate for their efforts. The inclusion of projects with these characteristics will improve adolescents’ experiences in any service-learning program, and might positively inform students’ future intentions to participate. Adolescent Identity Development Adolescence is characterized by the construction of a permanent self-identity. In order for adolescents to develop a healthy sense o f identity they must have opportunities to grow in confidence, self-reliance, and self-understanding (Gross, 1991; Erikson, 1968; DiCaprio, 1983; Mitchell, 1986; Harrington and Schine, 1989). Activities which provide teenagers opportunities to explore and demonstrate their abilities, and receive supportive feedback and rewards for their actions, will foster a healthy sense of identity. The problem lies, however, in the disconnectedness of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 335 adolescents from adult, civic life. Being denied the opportunity to be engaged in activities that are important to others, and therefore denied the rewards such work produces, leads to an insensitivity to the immediate problems affecting American society (Barber, 1992; Howe, 1986). This study found that service-learning programs offer a viable and enjoyable means to integrate adolescents into civic life, as well as provide them with opportunities that will build healthy identities. STACHS, for example, ensures that students are engaged in service projects which ask them to engage in authentic adult roles and where they can see that they are positive contributors of meaningful achievements and worthwhile effects. Students understand authentic tasks to include those service duties that their supervisors also complete. The proximity in age of site supervisors to adolescent service providers also helps them to understand their duties as important, and an opportunity for them to increase self-efficacy in service roles. As adults articulating the value of service and asking or requiring students to participate in service activities, it is important that both classroom teachers and site supervisors assume an active and supportive role. Most importantly to students, adults need to affirm and model the fact that all people are members of the community and have a responsibility to be active in it. IMPLICATIONS TO THE STUDY A number of insights can be derived from the STACHS experience. To facilitate their conceptualization and how they relate to service-learning programs, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 6 implications can be categorized into whether they inform the social actors involved in service-learning program design and implementation or the service-learning modality itself. These are offered below and are followed by recommendations for future research. The Modality of Service-Learning Mandatory and Direct Service with Diverse Service Recipients Service-learning programs cannot achieve any of the previously noted outcomes, or affect students within the framework o f their programmatic goals if students are not engaged in service. More high schools, therefore, should consider service programs as curricular requirements. Although it cannot be concluded from this case study that mandatory structural element o f service-learning programs is the sine qua non of adolescents’ civic engagement, the student participants, in this study, did comment that they would have been unlikely to engage in community service on their own, and less likely to make connections to class topics, if they had not been required and guided, respectively. The irony of “forced volunteerism” has been criticized. However, high schools and school districts alike should feel less anxious prescribing service hours to their students knowing that, in retrospect, adolescents in this study were glad that the hours were required and amazed by the experiences. Furthermore, if America wishes to have an informed citizenry, interested in participating in civic activities, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 7 mandatory service might not be sufficient, but could act as the catalyst for the myriad desired outcomes. Although mandatory service is a prerequisite to achieving outcomes, there are arguments in favor o f service programs remaining optional. The most relevant aspect of this debate to the current study concerns the tensions that could develop by requiring unwilling students to participate in service projects. Witmer and Anderson (1994) have noted that some students might be more motivated to participate in the long-term, and will learn from their experiences if service opportunities are provided, but are optional. In addition, students who enter into service projects apathetic might not only provide inadequate service, and will be less likely to learn from their experiences. These latter examples echo social resistance theories which argue that ethnic, linguistic, and racial minority groups which have been oppressed by mainstream society exert less conscious effort to achieve in educational environments. To do so would be to sanction, support, and perpetuate the hegemonic systems which have marginalized them. Adolescents, who are marginalized by adult society, might share in this worldview, which could manifest negatively in programs in which they are mandated to serve those that discriminate against them. There are also myriad practical problems that could arise from all high school students engaging in required service projects within a defined period of time. For example, and has been highlighted by this case study’s comparatively small participant population, transportation can limit access to service opportunities for Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 8 teens. This limitation becomes aggravated for younger students who do not yet have a driver’s license and thus rely on family, friends, or public systems for transportation to service sites. These sources are beyond the control of the student and can reduce the window of service opportunity. Furthermore, such hurdles can frustrate a potential volunteer from serving at a site of interest, or for the entire require number o f hours. Related to transportation issues is the number of volunteer sites available to a large cohort o f adolescent service providers within a given geographic locale. Although larger, urban areas might enjoy a greater sample o f sites, programs that restrict students to serving a specific service recipient population risk the same reduced opportunities as smaller cities. Again, if students do not live within the immediate environs, and also do not freely have access to transportation, mandated volunteerism will be less likely to manifest smoothly. It is clear that additional practical variables compound the possible negative effects of mandating service to such a large number of individuals. Unfortunately, these variables also differ by site and population and therefore make it difficult to design a heuristic model on which to proceed. Another recommendation is that service-learning program designers should also strongly consider requiring students to complete their service hours in direct engagement with service recipients. Direct service provides adolescents with opportunities for immediate gratification that they desire from service projects. In addition, direct interaction with service recipients allows students to dialogue with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 3 9 unique and diverse individuals. This opportunity, logically, can increase students’ social awareness as well as provide more vivid phenomena on which to start their journey to critical consciousness. The service recipient populations with whom students serve play a similarly important role as direct service. Service-learning programs that require students to serve a different population for each year of high school can connect students to communities o f difference. This is not to say that students should not be allowed and encouraged to spend time within those communities that are familiar to them, but students are more likely to see need for change outside of their comfort zones. Reflection Opportunities Reflection is purported to be the link between service and learning. Furthermore, it is a central component to critical consciousness models. For this reason, service-learning programs should provide numerous opportunities for students to reflect on their service experiences. It is unwise, as been learned in the case of STACHS, to offer a single, summative reflective activity. Rather, high schools should stagger reflections throughout the school year so that students can make connections to different topics directly. These reflective periods would also allow teachers to monitor students’ learning and to facilitate a more critical insight into the phenomena. As all students learn in different ways, reflection opportunities should not take a single form, but rather be designed so that each student will be able to best express their understanding o f and learn from their service experiences. In Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 0 short, service-learning programs should be more process-oriented, rather than focused solely on the final number o f completed service hours (i.e., product), as was presented in the case o f STACHS. In addition to increasing the number of reflection opportunities, service- learning programs should also encourage students to reflect beyond those designed formally into the curriculum. Teachers are not the only individuals from whom students can gain new knowledge or a critical understanding. Parents, peers, and community members can open students’ eyes to new ways of looking at service experiences. From this study, it was also noted that students already engage in and enjoy these non-formal reflections. Extending the Program Model One purpose o f this study was to look at if service-leaming could reconnect students to their communities and if so how. This question was central to finding out whether service played a role in decreases the civic apathy of today’s citizenry. One process that was linked to a development of social capital was students’ arrangement of their own service projects. Although this is already considered under the effective service-leaming program structure typology, the majority of service-leaming projects do not require students to do so. Furthermore, this typology again stems from meta analyses of service-leaming programs at institutions of higher education. For this reason, the meaning o f arrangement as a process for adolescents engaged in service Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 has not been effectively considered. Service models should therefore reflect the effectiveness of the process of arrangement as a developer of social capital. Although this study did pinpoint the possible positive outcomes from having students arrange their own service projects, disadvantages to this process were also identified. In an effort to reduce the possible negative outcomes, high schools which choose to include students’ arrangement of service projects within their program designs should also consider having students work simultaneously with an adult who is knowledgeable o f the service program’s parameters and can, therefore, facilitate the students’ choice while indirectly protecting the students from the aforementioned disadvantages that have been associated with this process. This individual should have good knowledge of local institutions in order to provide the most accurate information to students. Community members and stakeholders from local organizations can also play a role. Social Actors in High School Service-Learning Pro exams Teachers Given the central role that teachers play in achieving the outcomes of the service programs, effective service-leaming programs need to take special care in their selection, hiring, and training o f those teachers charged with the implementation and management of service related activities and reflection. When possible, teachers who have impressive histories o f and current interests in service should be considered. In other instances, concerted efforts must be made to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 2 familiarize all teachers with the goals of the service-leaming program, the process that will facilitate the achievement o f those goals, including instructional techniques and reflective lessons, and the connection between service-leaming and social justice/critical consciousness. In-service trainings would provide a structured, well-attended opportunity for the dissemination of program information. However, to ensure faculty buy-in, high schools can design and implement a trainer-of-trainers (TOT) model. In the case of a high school like STACHS, religion teachers could be the first cohort of trainers to be trained, given the current centralization o f the service in their department. Then, these teachers would teach and mentor other teachers about the service program and how to implement effective strategies in their classrooms. This model would also maximize the contact effect and ensure dissemination to and understanding by each teacher. All teachers should be expected to discuss service in their classrooms and have students make connections between their experiences and the content topics. The presence o f service and demonstrated interest by every adult leader at the school would demonstrate the importance of the service requirement to students through normalization. Furthermore, the incorporation of service in every content class at the school would create a “service schema” on which teachers and students can scaffold future lessons. This possibility is particularly exciting for high schools as cross curricular opportunities are limited given the large enrollment o f students and content specializations of teachers. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 43 High schools should also create opportunities for younger teachers to engage in service with students as well. Although any teacher should be supported in his/her desire to become involved in the service endeavors of students, the proximity o f age of the adult role model to that of the student has been shown through this study to be motivating factor. In addition, teachers serving at the same sites as students can be used as opportunities to reflect concurrently with students, as well as pick up anecdotes, examples, and ideas for reflection in the class. Furthermore, the on-site presence of teachers again allows students to equate service with adulthood. Adolescent Students The majority o f service-leaming programs are implemented at the community college and four-year university levels. For this reason, effective service-leaming program models are derived from the structures, processes, and outcomes of these programs. Because an effective K-12 service-leaming program model has yet to be offered, high school program designers face unique challenges that college program administrators might not. The most explicit challenge to high school service-leaming programs geared toward adolescents is the developmental nature of the service providers themselves. Program designers should increase their understanding of how the psychology of the adolescent might inform service and vice versa. Biological, cognitive, and social phenomena influence teenagers (Santrock, 2003); the school and teacher are only one influence in the identity development of the adolescent. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 4 With myriad competing influences, there are advantages and disadvantages to promoting service during adolescence. The advantages are that teenagers are undergoing one o f the most intense periods of identity development during human development. Significant physiological changes leave adolescents unsure as to how they are to behave. Teenagers understand these changes, however, as a period of physical metamorphosis from child to adult and that they should begin to assume socially acceptable adult attitudes and behaviors. Like their initial periods of identity development during childhood, members of the adolescent’s social communities present “acceptable” social roles, although typically stereotypical and inequitable. This period o f role seeking provides a window of opportunity for service-leaming programs to influence a civic identity in adolescents by providing students with access to adult roles that are profess a culture of altruism instead of materialism, and solidarity instead o f individualism. This biological advantage is supported by cognitive influences as well. During adolescence, teenagers develop social cognitive skills, or the ability to conceptualize and reason about their social world. At this time, adolescents acquire the cognitive capacity to focus on lifestyle choices, or what they want their identity to be. There are limitations to the outcomes for service-leaming programs for adolescents as well. The primary limitation is that adolescents are influenced strongly by competing factors, many of which are promote beliefs and behaviors antithetical to a civically-oriented citizenry. Most notable among these influences are adolescents’ peer groups. During their teenage years, adolescents spend Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 45 increasing amounts of time with peers. Because they are no longer a child, and not yet an adult, peer groups provide a space of comfort for teenagers. Alienation from such groups would be devastating and, for this reason, peer approval and disapproval become paramount. Peers can socialize behavior partly by accepting or rejecting others based on whether they are engaged in service or not. If the peers o f an adolescent considering service are not interested, question the reasoning of their peer, or express negative views about service, then the student more than likely will not engage out o f a fear of alienation. Mass media also disadvantages the achievement of service-leaming programs by celebrating stereotypical social roles, and by presenting unrealistic depictions of wealth and power that were earned through self-aggrandizement and little concern for anyone else, especially strangers. In order to ensure a residual effect to students’ participation, it seems logical that service-leaming programs should actually be mandated prior to puberty so that students have exposure to these roles before the onslaught of other influences manifest. In addition, in an effort to keep adolescents interested in volunteering, service-leaming programs in high schools should offer opportunities to engage in tasks that are easy and fun, in which students can see an immediate need, and in which they feel appreciated/recognized. A related policy recommendation would be to match student interest to service projects. Such planning could serve as an intrinsic motivational tool, and demonstrates the value of the students’ own interests, experiences, and voices to the program and to society. Although matching each student with a project site might provide laborious and difficult for some high Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 6 schools, this step could play a role in the sustainability of students’ interest in civic engagement if they realize their connection to and role within civil society. Administrators High school students and their teachers are not the only actors that inform the success of a service-leaming program. In fact, neither of these groups commonly have significant roles in the conceptualization of such programs. They are, however, left to implement the program elements to achieve program goals, enhance student learning, and increase excitement about engaging in altruistic activities. Effective service-leaming programs must take into account the role of administrators that are charged with the design and evaluation o f service programs. Administrators should not only find mandatory service a necessity, but tout its advantages whenever possible. For this reason, they must be philosophically committed to the service-leaming program at their high school. A lack of buy-in at this level will manifest negatively in their approach to, design of, and dissemination of information about the service-leaming program. This apathy can trickle down to teachers and students, and will impede quality learning experiences. Administrators should also be familiar with the theoretical and practical foundations of this experiential modality and of the program characteristics that distinguish effective service-leaming programs for adolescents from others. Furthermore, and a central issue in the case o f STACHS, program designers should be well-versed in and promote a culture of social justice and conscientization. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 7 Beyond their theoretical understanding of these concepts and design of the program to facilitate their realization, administrators can also visualize the learning environment as extending beyond school walls, and engage along the side of students in required service activities. Lastly, administrators should implement a systematic means by which to evaluate community service sites to make sure that they not only provide appropriate means to achieve program goals, but also support the unique needs o f adolescent service providers. All of the above implications can be facilitated by a more inclusive system o f communication and information dissemination about the service program. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH Although this study offered additional insights into the service experiences of high school students, it has also raised additional questions which need to be considered. For this reason, the following recommendations for future research are offered. 1. This study is limited by its design to describing the participants’ perceptions o f their service experiences and their intentions to engage in future service immediately after completing a four year service-leaming program. It would be useful to examine this cohort longitudinally to determine which of the elements o f the program predict actual future engagement in service, how the participants’ past experiences played a role in motivating them to do so, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 8 whether these reasons and circumstances differed from those who did not engage. The study should gather data to identify the elements, factors, characteristics, and experiences unique to those individuals who did serve in their communities. 2. A similar study should be conducted that would follow students through their four years of high school, rather than examine their aggregate service experiences in retrospect. This would allow the researcher to elucidate more on the role that psychological development plays in the students’ experiences, as well as highlight specific teacher roles and processes as they manifest. This research could include ethnographic observations at students’ service sites. In this case, it would be advised that the number of student participants be reduced in order to ensure a more in depth account. 3. A study which compares the experiences o f student participants with other specific groups would offer additional insights regarding the value o f service activities for adolescents. This study examined the experiences o f students who are being educated in an institution which professes a culture of service. By examining the experiences of students who attend a non-religious private or a public high school would provide further insight into the role that religion plays in students’ service experiences. A study of this nature would offer stronger implications for the value o f service activities vis-a-vis civic participation and could be a component of the above research designs. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4 9 4. A study comparing two or more mandatory Christian service programs should be conducted to determine the extent to which the program’s structure and processes inform the outcomes, versus a shared commonality of religious beliefs and philosophy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 5 0 REFERENCES A vision o f youth ministry. (1976). W ashington, D . C.: United States Catholic Conference. Abrahamson, M. (1983). Social research methods. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Abrams, D., Wetherell, M., Cochrane, S., Hogg, M. A., and Turner, J. C. (1990). Knowing what to think by knowing who you are: Self-categorization and the nature of norm function, conformity and group polarization. British Journal o f Social Psychology, 29, 97-119. Adorno, T. (1973). Negative dialects. New York: Continuum Publishing Company. Alison, D. (1978). Weaving the web of community. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 7 7 Strauss, A., and Corbin, J. (1994). Grounded theory methodology: An overview. In N. K. Denzin and Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 273-85). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Strommen, M. P. (1974). Five cries o f youth. New York: Harper & Row. Stromquist, N. P. (1997). Literacy for citizenship: Gender and grassroots dynamics in Brazil. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Suelzle, M., and Borzak, L. (1981). Stages of fieldwork. In L. Borzak (Ed.), Field study. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Sugarman, A. W. (1967). A proposal for the organization, administration, and evaluation of a senior high school program of school and community service in Ramapo central school district number two, Spring Valley, New York, Dissertation Abstracts International, 28 (04), 1354A. (University Microfilms No. AAD67-12710) Tajfel, H. (1978). Differentiation between social groups. London: Academic Press. Tesch, R. (1990). 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An overview o f service-learning and the role o f research and evaluation in service-learning programs. In A. S. Waterman (Ed.), Service-learning: Applications from the research (pp. 1-12). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Waterman, A. S. (1997b). The role of student characteristics in service-learning. In A. S. Waterman (Ed.), Service-learning: Applications from the research (pp. 95-105). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 7 9 Welch, S. D. (1985). Communities of resistance and solidarity. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. Westheimer, J., and Kahne, J. (1993). Building school communities: An experience-based model. Phi Delta Kappan, 73 (4), 324-328. Whitehead, A. N. (1929). The aims o f education. Old Tappan, NJ: Macmillan. Winget, P. L. (Ed.). (1988). Integrating the core curriculum through cooperative learning. Sacramento, CA: Resources in Special Education. Witmer, J. T., and Anderson, C. S. (1994). How to establish a high school service learning program. Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development. Wolcott, H. F. (1990). Writing up qualitative research. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Wuthnow, R. (1991). Acts o f compassion: Caring for others and helping ourselves. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Wutzdorff, A. (1993). Moving in from the margins. Visions o f service: The future o f the National and Community Service Act. Washington, DC: American Youth Policy Center; Women’s Law Center. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 353 453) Yin, R. K. (1994). Case study research: Design and methods (2n d ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Young People for National Service. (1993). Our vision o f youth service. Visions of service: The future o f the National and Community Service Act. Washington, DC: American Youth Policy Forum; National Women’s Law Center. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 353 453) Young, I. (1990). The ideal of community and the politics of difference. In L. Nicholson (Ed.), Fern in ism/Postmodern ism (pp. 300-323). New York: Routledge. Youniss, J., and Yates, M. (1997). Community service and social responsibility. Chicago, IL: The University o f Chicago Press. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 0 APPENDIX A: INFORMATIONAL SHEET DISTRIBUTED TO STUDENTS An Exploration of Community Service in Catholic Schools What am I Studying and Why? As most of you know, I am completing my Ph.D. in Education at the University of Southern California. The last stage is to write a dissertation (a long research paper) in which I conduct a research project and discuss the findings. For my study, I have decided to examine the Christian Service experiences of the 2001-2002 senior class at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. Principal June has already given me permission to conduct the research at STACHS. What is Involved in your Participation? 1. Christian Service Reflection Paper: Each student participating in the project will provide a copy o f the final Christian Service Reflection Paper required by his/her religion teacher; 2. Interview: Each student participating in the project will be interviewed for approximately one-hour before or after school in Room 30, West Wing. The interview will be recorded on audiocassette, and later transcribed word-for-word. The purpose o f the interviews is to understand the students’ experiences and to identify relevant themes to be investigated. Questions will include student opinion about the service requirement, their various service projects, and the relationship between service and school; and, 3. Follow-up Questions: Sometimes new questions arise after the initial interview. For this reason, students who take part in the project must be willing to be contacted via e-mail after their interview to answer any further questions. How to Become Involved? If you are interested in being involved in this research project, you must take the attached informed consent forms home to be read and signed by your parent/guardian. You must also sign the forms, indicating that you are voluntarily taking part in the project and that you understand what will be required from your participation. There are two copies o f the informed consent form attached to this information sheet. The first copy is that which you and your parent/guardian must sign and return. The second copy is for your parent/guardian to keep at home in their personal files. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 381 To ensure that you will be able to take part in the project, please return the signed and completed informed consent form to Ms. Michelle, senior class counselor, by Wednesday. February 6.2002. There will be a folder on her door where you may leave the completed forms. Ms. Michelle will mail the completed forms to me, and I will begin to make appointments with each of the eligible students via e-mail. Please read the informed consent forms carefully. You will notice that although you complete and return the informed consent form, you are only expressing interest in participating in the project. Due to selection criteria relating to the study, you may not be eligible to take part in the project. Also, you have the right to withdraw from participation at any time without explanation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 2 APPENDIX B: PARENT/GUARDIAN & STUDENT INFORMED CONSENT FORM An Exploration of Community Service in Catholic Schools Federal law and University o f Southern California regulations require that a researcher obtain signed consent for participation in research involving human subjects. After reading the information below, please indicate your consent by signing and completing this form. I hereby authorize Trae Stewart to include my child/ward in his research investigation on the role of community service in Catholic education. I understand that although I am permitting my child/ward to participate in this research study, s/he may not be chosen from a final respondent sample. If chosen, I understand that my child/ward will be asked to participate in a closed-session, audio-taped interview during which the investigator will ask questions pertaining to my child’s past service experiences at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. The interview will last approximately one hour and will be held in room 30, West Wing of Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. Interviews will be scheduled in advanced and will take place before or after school. I understand that my child/ward will have the right to refuse to answer any question that s/he does not wish to answer. I understand that the investigator will ask my child/ward self-identification information such as gender, ethnic background, and religious heritage. I understand that this information will be used for teaching and/or research purposes only and that my child's/ward's identity will not be disclosed at any time. Any references to my child/ward or his/her written or oral comments will be made using a fictitious identity. I understand that this fictitious identity’s connection to my child’s/ward’s real identity will be documented on a code key found in a password protected file on Trae Stewart’s personal home computer. Additionally, any audiotapes used to record the interview session will be assigned a unique number and linked to the aforementioned code key. I understand that my child’s/ward’s name will not appear on the audiotape covers. After transcription, the audiotapes will be key locked in a fireproof safe at Trae Stewart’s home. The audiotapes will be retained for three years past the completion of the study. After the three-year period, the tapes will be erased. No one, except for Trae Stewart and his research study’s chair will have access to these data. Only Trae Stewart will know the real identity o f the participants, however. I understand that these steps have been taken to assure confidentiality and to protect my child/ward. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 383 I understand that in addition to interviews, I authorize Trae Stewart to obtain a copy o f my child's/ward's service reflection paper written for his/her 2001-2002 religion studies class. I understand that direct quotes may be used in a final report based on the study's findings, but will remain confidential. I understand that Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School is in no way using the data for its own purposes or directing the study, except in its role as the hosting institution for data collection. I understand that this study will, therefore, have no bearing on my child's/ward's academic or social standing at the high school. I understand that participation in this study involves no risk to my child/ward, and that Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School supports all endeavors described herein. I understand that Trae Stewart can be reached by e-mail at XXXX@XXX.XXX, or by phone at (XXX) XXX-XXXX, and will answer any questions that I may have at any time concerning the study's procedures. I understand that I may refuse to permit my child/ward to participate or may withdraw him/her from this study or any aspect of this study at any time without any negative consequences or explanations. I understand that circumstances may arise that may cause the investigator to terminate my child's participation before the completion of the study. If the study design or the use of the data is to be changed, I will be so informed and my consent re-obtained. In signing this consent form, I acknowledge that I have received a copy o f this form. I certify that I have read (or have been read) and fully understand the statement of procedure and agree to allow my child/ward to participate in this specific research. My child's/ward's participation in this research is voluntary. S/he may stop participating at any time without penalty or loss o f any benefits to which s/he may otherwise be entitled. My signature certifies that although I permit my child/ward to take part in this study, s/he may not be chosen to participate due to strict sampling procedures. Signature o f Parent/Guardian Name of Parent/Guardian (printed) Parent/Guardian E-mail Address Date Signature o f Child/Ward Name of Child/Ward (printed) Student E-mail Address Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 4 APPENDIX C: SENIOR DATA SHEET Name: Age: Gender: Male Female GPA: Extracurricular Activities: RACE/ETHNICITY: Please circle the term that best describes you, or complete the “Other” line. African-American Asian/Pacific Islander White, Non-Hispanic Biracial/Multiracial Hispanic/Latino Native American/Aboriginal Middle Eastern Other: RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION: Please circle the religious affiliation with which you most strongly identify, or complete the “Other” line. Catholic Christian, Non-Catholic Muslim (snecifv Hindu Buddhist Jewish Agnostic Other: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 385 Please answer each of the following four questions by circling. 1. Have you attended Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School for all YES four years of high school? NO 2. Have you completed all required Christian Service requirements for YES each of your previous years at Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High NO School? 3. Have you had to attend Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School’s YES Christian Service summer program in order to complete any of your NO Christian Service requirements? 4. Are you interested in being a participant in Mr. Stewart’s study on YES student service experiences? If “YES,” go to question #5. NO 5. If you answered “YES” to question #4, when would you be available and willing to be interviewed? Circle all that apply. Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Before School 7:00-8:00 am 7:00-8:00 am 7:00 - 8:00 am 7:00 - 8:00 am 7:00- 8:00 am £ S * m m m After School 3:00-4:00 pm 3:00-4:00 pm 3:00-4:00 pm 3:00-4:00 pm 3:00- 4:00 pm 4:15 - 5:15 pm 4:15-5:15 pm 4:15 - 5:15 pm 4:15 - 5:15 pm 4:15 - 5:15 pm 5:30-6:30 pm 5:30 - 6:30 pm 5:30-6:30 pm 5:30 - 6:30 pm 5:30- 6:30 pm Comments/Questions: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 6 APPENDIX D: STUDENT SURVEY: REASON(S) FOR NOT PARTICIPATING Student Name: ____________________ Gender: Male Female In my study I will have to explain why some students were willing to participate in the study and some were not. If you were not willing to participate, I ask that you place a checkmark in the box(es) that best explain(s) why you are not willing/able to participate (for example,0 ). Please remember that I am not employed by Saint Thomas Aquinas Catholic High School. All information that you are willing to share will be kept confidential. Please return your completed survey using the enclosed self-addressed stamped envelope. Thanks again for your help! I am not willing/able to participate in the Christian Service study because: □ I don’t have the time. Please explain w hy._______________________________ □ I don’t have transportation. □ la m not willing to help Mr. Stewart because o f past issues when he was my teacher. □ I am not willing to help Mr. Stewart for other reasons. Please explain: ______ □ I am not interested in the Christian Service Program at STACHS. □ I don’t feel that I have anything important/original to add to the study. □ la m not interested in taking part in research, □ I am not comfortable providing a copy of my Christian Service reflection paper. □ I want to participate, but my parents will not give their permission. □ I don’t feel comfortable being interviewed. □ I am concerned that my identity will not be kept confidential. □ I am on academic/disciplinary probation and cannot be on school grounds before/after school. □ I am not available to be interviewed at the times provided by the researcher. □ I would participate if there were some incentive (e.g., payment, gift) □ Other (please explain) ___________________________________________ Additional Comments: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 387 APPENDIX E: STUDENT PARTICIPANT MINI-BIOGRAPHIES BY GENDER Female Student Participants Barbara Barbara is an 18-year-old female who self-labels as biracial; her father is Latino and her mother is Caucasian. Barbara, like the majority of her classmates, is Catholic, but differs from them in that she is a member of Saint Thomas Aquinas parish. She attends mass every Sunday, and identifies as Catholic because she “... [has] been baptized and grown up and now .. .confirmed and went through the Catholic and...[goes] to church every Sunday.” Barbara is an excellent student, ranking in the top 5 o f her graduating class. At the time of interviewing, she had a 4.3 cumulative grade point average. After high school, Barbara will be attending the University o f California - Berkeley, from where she plans to graduate in three years so that she may fulfill her dream of earning a Ph.D. in Physics. She wants to work as a scientific advisor and “ .. .has always been into science.” Claire Claire is an 18-year-old biracial female. Her mother is Caucasian and her father is from Middle Eastern decent. Claire was raised and identifies as Catholic, although she does not agree with all of the Church’s teachings. She explained that she does not agree with the Church’s position on premarital sex. “Mainly the one I don’t believe in is maintaining abstinence before you marry.” Her faith has been tested which led to her questioning and reevaluation o f her beliefs. Her faith and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 88 accordance to the teachings were strong prior to this period of questioning. Her parents differ in their religiosity. Her father is not too religious, while her mother is a “strong” Catholic. Her family’s attendance at church services has died out over the past 2 years, although they still go for religious holidays. After graduating from STACHS, Claire plans on attending a four year university/college. She is not sure as to what she would like to study, nor is she drawn toward any professional occupation as o f yet. “I’ve changed my mind like a million times already, so I’m just going to do all the general classes for the first year.” She plans on working on her required course or general studies for the first two years and then declare a major afterwards. Taking a diverse course load will allow her to experience different subjects and make an informed decision. Claire had a 4.0 cumulative GPA at the time of interviewing. Claire’s after school activities have included sports as well as service oriented activities. She played volleyball for the high school’s team and has been heavily involved in the Girl Scouts o f America up in the past year; she earned the level of senior, third year in Girl Scouts. She decided not to play volleyball this year, however, in order to make her senior year as stress free as possible. She still plays with friends. She explained that she hasn’t gotten a part-time job because she had to complete her Christian Service hours. Helen Helen is an 18-year-old Caucasian female. She is Lutheran because “...[she] was raised a Lutheran.” Also, Helen doesn’t “ ...believe all the Catholic rules.... Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 9 They just put so many restrictions on worshipping God, and I have problems with that.” She attends church “as often as possible.” In terms of her academics, Helen is an average student, graduating with a 2.8 grade point average. She was accepted at several four-year and two-year colleges, but plans to attend the University of Arizona. She would like to study Spanish and Education because she aspires to be a high school teacher and soccer coach. “I don’t know what it is about teaching that appeals to me but it does. It just does, like I like working with kids. Because I enjoy it, and it comes fairly easy to me.” Kelly Kelly is an 18-year-old Caucasian female. Unlike, the majority of her classmates participating in the study, Kelly is Presbyterian. She explains that her religious affiliation is due to being raised in that belief system. “That's what I was brought up as and all my life.” She did explain that her parents decided to send her to Catholic school though for both scholastic and social reasons. “.. .they just thought it would be a better environment and I'd probably get to meet new people and have close relationships with them.” Kelly is a good student, having earned a cumulative 3.5 grade point average of her four years at STACHS. With her education, she is planning on attending college and studying English or Creative Writing because “it comes natural.” She is unsure, however, as to what career in which she would like to work after earning her degree. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 0 Learrne Leanne is a 17-year-old African-American female. She was baptized and confirmed Catholic and remains very involved in the Church, attending mass every Sunday as well as a Bible Study group on Tuesday evening with members of her immediate family. “I guess cause I am comfortable with it. I’ve just been Catholic all my life. .. .it’s like a part o f life for me, my life style. It’s in my life everyday— Catholicism, religion, and just being in this environment.” He grade point average was a 3.2 on a 4.0 scale at the time o f interviewing. She was planning on attending a four-year university in Ohio to study business or some field that is more “people- oriented.” .. I just don’t want to be like sitting behind a desk all day. I like interacting with people, and helping people. I like, most of all, I like getting satisfaction if I do a job, you know what I’m saying? It just can’t be like just doing the same habitual thing every day. Like something different, affecting people.” Monica Monica is a 17-year-old Latina. Monica self-identifies as Roman Catholic. She explained that her parents pounded religion into her head and that her family is very religious. They pray together every night and say the rosary. Monica explained that the sacraments and commandments are practiced faithfully and understood and taken into account in her daily life. “You can’t lie or else you know that it’s a sin. And you know that you are committing a sin and you know it at the time of confession.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 391 Monica plans on attending a local community college for 2 years and then transferring to a four-year college or university to complete her undergraduate degree; her GPA was a 2.9. She wasn’t sure as to what she would like to study, but noted that Biology was her favorite subject and that sciences came easy to her. Therefore, she is thinking about studying the life sciences and possibly train to be a teacher. Monica has interest in being a teacher because her friends have told her that she has the required patience to teach. Also, Monica explained that she has never had a bad experience with teachers while in school. However, she also finds fuel to become a teacher in order to teach or give her students experiences that are different from those which she had. She knows what didn’t work, and would, therefore, do what would help the students learn. Outside o f Monica’s academic studies, she enjoys volleyball, singing, and is also a member o f the STACHS’s Hispanic heritage club (“Nosotros”) and the school’s service club (“Key Club”) chapter. She explained that she isn’t involved in many extracurricular activities right now because it is too late in the school year to become involved (e.g., join sports) and she helps watch her younger brother and sister at home. She has no part time job because she doesn’t have the transportation; she doesn’t drive. Nahid Nahid is a biracial 17 year old. Her mother is African-American and her father is an Iranian emigre. Nahid self-labels as Christian but does not affiliate Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 2 herself with any organized religion. She explained that she identifies with her mother’s religion, which is Christian, more so than her father’s which is Islam. She thinks that the fact that she attends a Catholic school has played a role in her identity as a Christian. She no longer attends religious services, although she used to when she was younger with her aunt. After graduation, Nahid is planning on going to a 4 year college/university. Nahid would like to be a doctor. She became interested in medicine during her sophomore year when she studied biology. She found the human body interesting. “Well, when I was in biology class I found the human body interesting. I don’t get grossed out by cuts or blood or anything. I just thought it would be interesting.” She doesn’t know what she would like to study in college, but probably something related to science and that would prepare her for medicine. Nahid’s extracurricular activities included non-school sponsored sports (i.e., karate, tennis), play production, and participation in the school’s service oriented club (“Key Club”). She, however, has discontinued her participation in the sports activities and theatrical endeavors as her involvement was a conscious attempt to better her application for college admission. “I was doing it for college, I just can’t remember any of them.” She, however, is still involved in the Key Club. Sonya Sonya is 18 years old and self-identifies as biracial; her father is of Egyptian decent and her mother is Caucasian. Sonya reported her religious affiliation as being Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 93 Protestant “[bjecause I was brought up Protestant, because my mom is. We go to her church mostly because my grandfather was a reverend.” She used to attend church quite often, but no longer attends with regularity due to a busy schedule. Sonya is a good student, graduating with a 3.1 grade point average. She plans on attending a campus of the California State University system for two years and then transferring to the University of Southern California. She explained that she planned to do this, “OJust so that isn’t as expensive, and [she] can come home and see friends.” She aspires to be a T.V. Newscaster, and would, therefore, like to major in journalism or communications. Sonya has already begun a literary career, having won the Editor’s Choice award in a journal o f poetry. Stephanie Stephanie is an 18-year-old African-American female. She is Catholic and describes her involvement in the Church as “very active.” She even held a part-time job in one o f her parish’s office until she was recently laid off. Since the loss of her job, Stephanie doesn’t attend mass with regularity. Stephanie does plan on attending a four-year university that is founded in Christianfoundations. “[My plans are to] attend a college that has to deal with Christianity or something because it’s really important to keep that in your life. It’s just that it will help you....” She wants to study biochemistry or forensic science because she finds something “ .. .very interesting about the breakdown of the human body.” Stephanie, however, is an average student, having earned a 2.3 grade point average out o f 4.0 possible Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 4 points while at STACHS. In fact, at the time of interviewing, Stephanie was still attending night school to complete credits from a math course she had failed. Tara Tara is an 18-year-old African-American female. She is Catholic, but explained “My family has chosen my religion for me.” Tara has decided to remain a Catholic, and attends church services every Sunday. Tara is an average student, having earned a 2.7 grade point average. She plans to attend a small, four-year all female Catholic college in southern California where she intends to major in psychology. She aspires to be a child psychologist or psychotherapist. “.. .I’ve always been fascinated with the children’s minds, because I have like a little niece and she’s kind o f fascinating with the things that she comes up with and certain things that she says that I ’m always wondering “where do they get it from? I was thinking about doing what [school psychotherapists] do. .. .because [the psychotherapist at STACHS] touches so many lives and I want to be able in my future to touch lives like she does.” Male Student Participants Ahmed Ahmed is 17 years old and self-labels as African-American, although his parents are originally from Egypt, thus adding new voice to the commonly used racial descriptor for Black Americans. Ahmed is Coptic Orthodox and considers himself somewhat active (i.e., attending Sunday services), although he could be more Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 395 so. He explained that laziness was the only factor in his lack of participation in and attendance at church services/activities. After graduation Ahmed plans to attend a four-year college/university and study psychology. He finds psychology interesting because it involves listening to people and helping others. “Helping others with their problems, and like, listening to people problems.” He also is interested in how the mind works. Ahmed’s GPA is 3.1. Ahmed has played basketball for the high school’s team for all four years. He also plays on his church’s team. In addition to his involvement in sports, Ahmed helps out at his church. He has helped serve Thanksgiving dinner and collect toys for the less fortunate. Beniamin Benjamin is an 18-year-old self-described biracial male; his mother and father are o f Cuban and Scottish decent, respectively. He was baptized and confirmed Catholic, but does not currently practice religion. He began to explore and study different religions during his junior year of high school. He explains, “committing to just one religion was sort of keeping myself close-minded.” Benjamin also attributes some o f his retreat from the Church on the internal politics. His grade point average was a 3.0 on a 4.0 scale at the time of interviewing. He had been accepted at California State University - Northridge, approximately one hour from STACHS. He intends on studying music education and music recording. “I’ve been playing around with a band for four years now ..., with our music, we came to a point where we just started studying like these little theories in music theory, little Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 6 things that we had never known about, and started to learn a lot about music. .. .we started incorporating that with our music, listening to other artists that used similar techniques, and finding how interesting it was. It really got me interested. .. .then when we recorded our demo, the music recording was really awesome and like I learned a lot from recording that demo, so I think it’s something that I want to do.” Dennis Dennis is an 18-year-old Caucasian male. Dennis was raised Catholic by his parents’ choice. Although he still prays, Dennis explains that he and his family very minimally attend church services due to busy schedules and extracurricular activities. He doesn’t believe, however, that he would go more often if his extracurricular activities were reduced. After graduation Dennis will attend a local community college and then transfer to one of the campuses of the California State University. He is not sure what he would like to study in college, but plans on being career military. He is interested in flying and would like to be a pilot in the United States Air Force, and then be a test pilot for Boeing after retiring from the military. Dennis graduated with a 3.5 GPA. After school, Dennis enjoys outdoors activities. He plays baseball for the high school’s team, and likes to hunt, fish, and go camping. He also works from time to time as a deckhand on a fishing boat. His duties include gutting fish and throwing bait. Like all of the participants, Dennis lives with both of his biological parents. His mother is a retired firs grade teacher’s aide. She completed high school Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 7 with what Dennis believed were above average grades. Now, Dennis’s mother makes miniatures and is involved in craft shows. She also creates dolls out o f pins. His father attended college for one or two years, but never earned a post-secondary degree. Dennis explained that his father’s first language was French and had a difficult time in school. His father currently works as a Buyer/Supplier at Boeing. Outside o f work Dennis’s father enjoys hunting, fishing, wood carpentry, and playing catch with Dennis. Elliot Elliot is 18 years old and Caucasian. When asked what his religious affiliation is, Elliot answer that he was confirmed Lutheran and suppose that he would choose this identity if he had to. He originally wrote “I don’t know what I am” on the senior data sheet that students completed during my initial visit. “I was confirmed Lutheran, but I really haven’t been to church since then, so I’m kind of “nothing” He explained in the interview that he believes that religion’s message is good, but that it doesn’t really work out like the theology supposes. He said that he would personally take the best from every religion to make his own. His parents are not active in the church either. His mom attends services; his father does not. Elliot plans to attend a four-year college/university after graduation. In fact, while I was trying to set up an interview via e-mail with Elliot, he was spending the weekend at a potential college in competition for a scholarship. Although Elliot performed well in high school, graduating with a 4.1 GPA, he wasn’t sure as to field Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 8 of study he would like to join. He is interested in math, so we might declare majors in math, business, or accounting, or some combination thereof. Elliot is as serious after school as with his studies. He has played on both the football and baseball teams at the high school, and was nominated to a Associated Student Body officer’s position for his senior year. Aside from his school activities, Elliot also helps with his parents’ non-profit Bull Mastiff Rescue organization that is run out o f the house. He helps feed the dogs, clean up after them, and deter aggressive behaviors. Up until December 2001, Elliot also worked 25 hours/week as a server at Island’s, a local Hawaiian themed restaurant. “I worked as a host.. .four or five days [a week] and like five-hour shifts I quit that because o f school.” Greg Greg is a 17-year-old Caucasian male. He was baptized and confirmed Catholic, and has until the past two years been actively involved in youth ministry at his parish. He self-identifies as Roman Catholic “ .. .because my parents raised me as a catholic, and I’ve gone to a catholic school....” Greg is an above-average student, having earned a cumulative grade point average of 4.0 by the Greg o f interviewing. He was planning to attend a private four-year university in a nearby beach community, where he would major in music. “Because in the last two years I’ve picked up, discovered I have some musical talent and.. .that’s the one I picked up the most comfortably, and it’s really quite emotional for me to play music, listen to music; it just has grown on me.” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Guillermo Guillermo is 18 years old and self-defines as Latino. Guillermo self describes as Agnostic, although he was baptized and confirmed as Catholic. He feels that his religious identity was forced on him. “Roman Catholic confirmed but that’s really forced on me so.” I think the word is Agnostic, I believe in a God and I ’m spiritual, just not Catholic. .. .confirmed but that’s really forced on me. My mom threatened to take me out of [campus chorus] if I didn’t go to confirmation.” Guillermo was raised by his mother who he described as conservative an enthusiastically attends church services. Guillermo is an above-average student, having earned a 4.0 cumulative grade point average. His efforts paid off when he was accepted by the School o f Engineering at the University o f Southern California. Guillermo explained that he would like to study engineering and eventually work in the music industry. “I’m big on money, I like to have it and I like to spend it. That’s pretty much it; I also didn’t want to be a doctor [because I] couldn’t hack it. I couldn’t hack med school or having to cut people open or study. All that just freaks me out. So I’m comfortable with engineering.” James James is a 17-year-old Caucasian male. He self-describes as Catholic because he was “brought up as Catholic” and “it has a lot of good things to offer.” He added though “.. .it contradicts itself in a lot of ways. It’s not right.” He does attend church services every Sunday. In addition to his religious worship, James Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 0 0 finds sufficient time for his studies. He is good student; his grade point average at the time o f interviewing was a 3.5 on a 4.0 scale. James was undecided as to whether he would attend college to study computer engineering with the intent of becoming a computer technician, or would enlist in the United States Air Force. He had not yet “learned enough about the Air Force to make a decision.” Johann Johann is an 18-yeard-old Caucasian male. Johann is Catholic, although he does not actively practice a religion. “I don't practice any religion as much as I'd like. I don't go to church. ...But I mean I'm open to all the religions, but I don't know if I'd really choose one. Open to most others.” He only attend services a couple of times a year, outside of mandatory masses during school hours. Johann is an average student, having earned a 2.8 grade point average on the school’s 4.0 scale. He plans on attending the University of Idaho after he graduates. He wants to major in computer science, because he is good with computers and finds it interesting. He might continue other studies afterwards though like law or business school. I want to go to the law school or business schools. That's just like kind of like a major that might be helpful. I'm always looking for some way to make money now a days.. .. .so it probably looks like I might have my own business some day hopefully...” Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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Stewart, Paul Baron, III
(author)
Core Title
Catholic schools and civic engagement: A case study of community service -learning and its impact on critical consciousness and social capital
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Graduate School
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Doctor of Philosophy
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Education
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education, curriculum and instruction,Education, Secondary,education, sociology of,OAI-PMH Harvest
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Stromquist, Nelly (
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), Rideout, William M. (
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), Sundeen, Richard A. (
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), Sundt, Melora (
committee member
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education, curriculum and instruction
Education, Secondary
education, sociology of