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"From where are you back home?": Ethnography of Filipina domestic workers spending Sundays at Statue Square

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"From where are you back home?": Ethnography of Filipina domestic workers spending Sundays at Statue Square

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Content “FROM WHERE ARE YOU BACK HOME?” ETHNOGRAPHY OF FILIPINA
DOMESTIC WORKERS SPENDING SUNDAYS AT STATUE SQUARE
by
Maria Theresa S. Peralta
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(OCCUPATIONAL SCIENCE)
August 2004
Copyright 2004 Maria Theresa Peralta
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UM I Number: 3145265
Copyright 2004 by
Peralta, Maria Theresa S.
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DEDICATION
To Caroline
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iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to extend my deepest appreciation to members o f my dissertation
com m ittee. My chairperson, Dr. Ann Neville-Jan, provided me with encouragement
and guidance throughout this research study. Dr. Polkinghome guided me in
developing my research procedure. Dr. Florence Clark, Dr. Jeanne Jackson, and Dr.
Mary Lawlor provided me with suggestions that enabled me to develop my analysis.
I would like to thank my parents, brothers, and sister for the love and support. A very
special thanks to my husband, Sonny, for all the assistance and understanding, and to
my one-month-old daughter, Caroline, for the inspiration to finish. Finally, I wish to
thank the Filipina workers for graciously sharing their lives and welcoming me in
Hong Kong.
I also wish to acknowledge AOTF for the Student Research Grant they
provided.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION.................................................................................................................... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................................................................................iii
ABSTRACT................................ viii
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. ....... 1
Conceptual Framework..........................................................................................2
Research Objectives and Guiding Questions......................................................5
Form............................................................................................................5
Functions.................................................................................................... 5
Meanings.................................................................................................... 6
Significance of the Study...................................................................................... 7
Overview o f Succeeding Chapters....................................................................... 9
CHAPTER II. PILOT STUDY........................................................................................11
My Entry into the Filipino Domestic Community in Hong Kong................. 11
Familiarizing Myself with the Study Setting....................................................15
Preliminary Data Collection................................................................................ 16
Pilot Study Preliminary Outcome...................................................................... 18
Chapter Summary.................................................................................................21
CHAPTER HI. REFINING THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVES..................................23
Previous Research................................ 24
Adjustment Process Amid Stressful Situations................... 24
Accommodation vs. Resistance ........................................................... 27
Assimilation vs. Segregation: Issues of Belonging.............................32
Summary.................................................................................................. 34
Additional Guiding Questions.............................................................................35
Regarding the Environmental Context................................................. 36
Regarding Adjustment Process.................................... 37
Regarding Power. ...... 37
Regarding Issues of Belonging........................ 37
Chapter Summary ..................... 38
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V
CHAPTER IV. RESEARCH PROCEDURES ....... 40
Methodological Approach ..... 40
Data Collection ............................. 42
Participant Observation ................ 43
Interviews ...... 49
Saturation ........ 53
Data Management...................... 54
Translation .......................................................................... 54
Housekeeping...........................................................................................54
Data Analysis ...... 56
Ethical Responsibilities to Participants ........ 56
Trustworthiness............................................. 58
Researcher’s Experiences.................................................... 60
The Researcher................................................................................................ 67
Background ..... 67
Selecting the Research Topic ....... 70
CHAPTER V. DATA ANALYSIS................................................................................. 72
The Process......................................................................... 72
Research Objectives and Guiding Questions...................................... 72
Categorization and Development of Them es..................................... 74
Creating Inferences ..... 77
Occupational Perspective of Health. ..... 80
Occupational Nature o f Humans............... 80
Defining Health and W ell-Being..................................................... 81
The Underlying Influences on Health Through Occupation............. 83
Chapter Summary ....... 87
CHAPTER VI. OCCUPATIONAL FORM ................. 88
Statue Square ..... 88
Meeting Place................. 91
Tambayans................ 92
Barkadas .......................................................................................... 94
Center of Commerce ..... 95
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CHAPTER VII. COMPLEX ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT: IDENTIFYING
OCCUPATIONAL RISK FACTORS................................................................98
Living and Working Arrangements ...... 99
Space.............................................................. 102
T im e........................................................................................................104
Rules........................................................................................................ 105
Employer Relations................................................................................107
Disempowerment .................................................. I l l
Exploitation...........................................................................................I l l
Fear ................................................. 113
Fatalism................................................................................................. 115
Diaspora: Displacement and Non-Assimilation ........................ 116
Conflicts in Meanings ............................................. 121
Annie: Self-Identity vs. Image of a Filipina at the Square...............122
Sally: Self-Identity vs. “DH” ...............................................................124
Josie: Hero vs. Maid.............................................................................. 126
Linda: Breadwinner vs. Mother ..................................... 129
Chapter Summary................................................................ 131
CHAPTER VIII. HOLIDAYS................................................................................... 134
Sunday.................................................................... 134
Motivations for Going to the Square. ....................................................... 137
Personal Errands and Obligations....................................................... 138
Claiming Spaces................................................................. 139
Socialization and Peer Support........................................................... 142
Freedom of Choice ................................................... 144
A Center for Activities... ................................... 145
Routine................................................................................................................. 148
Alleviating Occupational Deprivation and Imbalance...................................151
Alleviating Occupational Deprivation ........................ 151
Alleviating Occupational Imbalance.............................................. 152
Chapter Summary................................................................................................155
CHAPTER IX. HOME AWAY FROM HOME ......................... 157
The Philippine Islands........................................................................................157
Regions and Provinces................................................. 158
Landmarks and Services............................................................. 159
Family .................................. 159
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Emergent Subculture.. ....... 162
Icons ................. 163
DH Lingo.................................. 164
Cultural Meanings........................................................ 165
Alleviating Occupational Alienation.. ..... 172
Chapter Summary........................................................................... 174
CHAPTER X. LIMINALITY........................................................................................175
Provisional Society as a Liminal Sphere ...... 176
Self-Transformations ...... 178
From an Individual to a Member of a Collective.............................. 178
From DH to A te.............................. 180
From Servant to Decision-Maker ...... 184
Alleviating Occupational Problems.................................................................186
Chapter Summary........................................................................... 190
CHAPTER XI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ...... 192
Summary o f Outcome........................................................................................192
Implications for Occupational Therapy ......................................................... 194
Future Research...................................................................................................195
REFERENCES................... 196
APPENDICES................................................................................................................. 204
Appendix A. Adult Informed Consent Form for Pilot Study... ..... 205
Appendix B. Adult Information Sheet for the Main Study......................... 209
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ABSTRACT
Every Sunday, tens of thousands of Filipina domestic workers gathered
together at Statue Square in Hong Kong. This study asked the question, What is the
significance of gathering at Statue Square to the Filipina domestics in Hong Kong?
The objective was to define the form, function, and meaning o f the weekly
assemblage. After a pilot study, I found that while working in Hong Kong, my
Filipina domestic worker participants lived and worked amid a complex environment
with multiple disruptions, which presented potential risks for occupational problems
of occupational deprivation, occupational imbalance, and occupational alienation.
Thus, this study further asked the question, How does gathering at the square
influence the workers’ lives amid multiple social, cultural, and occupational
disruptions? This ethnography found Sunday at Statue Square to have a potential for
alleviating occupational problems among workers. The square is described in this
study as a liminal sphere that transformed the place into a provisional society
characterized by a special camaraderie of sisterhood. This detachment from the
social structures in Hong Kong society alleviated occupational alienation brought
about by class discrimination and non-assimilation. Further, during Sundays, a
typical day off from work, my participants displayed an enhanced sense of agency at
the square for engaging in activities of choice that alleviated occupational
deprivation. As such, my participants were able to alleviate occupational imbalance
by choosing activities that were of non-work and discretionary as well as acquired
various roles that delineated different identities. These chosen activities
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counterbalanced a week of work and obligatory tasks as well as being only defined
as a foreign “maid.” This study has implications for occupational therapists to work
in public health arenas to assist in alleviating occupational problems. Further
research should aim toward understanding the health promoting aspects o f
occupation.
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Through the eyes of passersby, Hong Kong’s Central District undergoes a
weekly transformation, when tens of thousands o f Filipinas occupy Statue Square
and several blocks around its vicinity. Every Sunday, the women meet at “hang out
spots” that they have designated for their small group of friends. Throughout the day,
they can be seen engaging in various leisure activities such as sharing food, reading
each others’ letters from home, playing cards, or talking about their past week’s
work experiences.
This weekly event serves as a constant reminder of the drastic influx of
foreign domestics into Hong Kong over the past two decades. However, although the
Sunday assemblage has been described as a colorful and cheerful sight (Donnithome,
1992; Flage, 1987), protests against the workers’ perceived weekly “takeover” o f the
posh financial district has caused controversy in the past few years (Constable,
1997). The huge crowds have dismayed the area’s owner, the Hong Kong Land
Company, who would rather see a more affluent crowd around the designer shops
and five-star hotels surrounding the square. Meanwhile, the Philippine and Chinese
governments, as well as local organizations, have proposed various ways to alleviate
the perceived problem. Places for these get-togethers, such as a “Bayanihan Center,”
which provide needed services, have been established. Despite these centers for
migrant workers, women gathering at Central District still persist in the thousands,
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even in the scorching heat or pouring rain, especially at Statue Square. Why? What
is the significance to Filipina domestics of gathering at Statue Square?
Conceptual Framework
Occupational science is an academic discipline founded in 1989 at the
University of Southern California. As the name implies, the science is focused on the
study o f “occupations.” Typically, the word “occupation” denotes “work” or “ job” in
Western society. Within the discipline, however, occupations refer to a broader range
of human endeavors. In occupational science, “occupation” has been defined in
various ways. (Clark, 2000; Clark, Parham, Carlson, Frank, Jackson, Pierce, Stein, &
Zemke, 1991; Clark, Sato, & Iwama, 2000; Fisher, 1998; Gray, 1997; Hocking,
2000; Kielhofner, 1993; Nelson, 1988; Pierce, 2001; Wilcock, 1998; Zemke &
Clark, 1996). For instance, at the University of Southern California, proponents of
Occupational Science defined “occupation” as “chunks of culturally and personally
meaningful activity, within a stream o f human experience, named in the lexicon of a
culture” (Clark, et al., 1991). In this definition, occupations pertain to all human
activities that are actively chosen that are considered personally meaningful.
Kielhofner (1993), on the other hand, does not consider all activities as occupations.
He defines occupation as activities that are serious and productive, or playful,
creative, and festive. He excludes activities that are social and spiritual, as well as
those that are biological such as activities for survival and reproduction.
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In 2001, Carlson and Clark presented a synthesis of the existing definitions of
occupation. They proposed five criteria to identify whether an activity is an
“occupation” as follows:
(1) Occupations are activities that have a beginning and an end wherein the
performer is able to start and stop the activity.
(2) Occupations are activities that are repeatable, intentional, and consciously
performed.
(3) Occupations tend to be personally meaningful, which can contribute to
identity and are executed with a sense of purpose. The authors also specified that
meaningfulness may be of varying degrees and may not necessarily be healthful.
(4) Occupations fall between simple actions to complex activities.
(5) Occupations are named within a culture.
In Hong Kong, the Sunday assemblages at Statue Square have been closely
identified with the Filipino domestics in Hong Kong, both among the locals and
within the Filipina community (Constable, 1997; Escoda, 1994). Further, the workers
display active participation, as evidenced by the thousands who partake o f their own
accord. The Filipina domestics also engage in activities within specifiable times at
Statue Square with full consciousness and intent. Based on these descriptions,
gathering at the Statue Square appeared to exemplify what the science of occupation
refers to as an “occupation” within the Filipina domestic subculture and its study is
congruent with the interests of the discipline.
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With the assumption that the gathering is an “occupation,” my dissertation
aimed to generate knowledge about the social phenomenon using occupational
science as a lens. Occupational science specifically focuses on the form, function,
and meaning of human occupation (Clark & Carlson, 2003; Nelson, 1988). The form
of occupation refers to aspects of occupations that are directly observable. The
function o f occupation refers to the ways occupation influences development,
adaptation, health, and quality of life. Finally, the meaning of occupation refers to
the subjective experience of engagement in occupations, which constitute cultural
symbolisms and interpreted in individuals’ life stories.
In summary, within the science of occupation, occupations are activities that
are repeatable, intentional, consciously performed within specifiable times, hold
personal meaning, can contribute to identity, and are executed with a sense of
purpose. With the assumption that the Sunday gathering at the square is an
“occupation” within the Filipina domestic community in Hong Kong, my dissertation
aimed to generate knowledge about the social phenomenon using lenses of
occupational science. An inquiry into this weekly social occupation specifically
focused on defining its form, functions, and meanings generated data that elucidated
its significance to the workers’ everyday lives. It is within this conceptual
framework that I pursued this research endeavor.
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Research Objectives and Guiding Questions
With the assumption that “gathering at the square” is an occupation within
the Filipina domestic subculture in Hong Kong, the objective of this study was to
present an ethnographic account of the weekly event. Specifically, I attempted to
define the form, functions, and meanings of the gathering every Sunday at Statue
Square to the Filipina domestics in Hong Kong through guiding questions stated
below.
Form
I generated data that defined the Sunday assemblage as a form of occupation.
I attempted to answer several questions. What are the social structures and social
processes at the square? What are the physical structures influencing the gatherings?
What are the activities occurring during the weekly get-togethers? These types of
data were mostly observable descriptions of the weekly event (Carlson and Clark,
2001).
Functions
I also elicited participants’ perceptions o f the functions the Statue Square
assemblage served to them as individuals as well as a community. In general,
occupations address needs, from the level of basic survival to the quest for a
meaningful existence. Depending on the circumstances, engagement in occupations
leads to multiple consequences, whether or not consciously achieved. For instance,
from an evolutionary standpoint, humans have an innate propensity for occupations
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as their means of survival and proliferation (Wilcock, 1998). Eating, work, sex, and
other tasks serve to address some of these biological needs. Further, since
occupations are consciously performed, choices and engagement are also based on
individual motivation and purposes. Thus, I asked whether the participants perceived
the gathering at the square as a benefit or disadvantage to them as individuals as well
as a community. In this regard, I asked several questions. What do the participants
describe as their individual motivations and purposes for partaking in the event?
How does participation at the weekly gatherings influence their working and living
conditions? In turn, how do their working and living conditions influence their
participation at the square?
Meanings
In addition, through accounts of feelings and stories of experiences, I
explored the various levels of meanings for participants’ involvement in the weekly
get-togethers. Occupations are laden with multiple meanings, as experienced and
perceived by their doers (Carlson & Clark, 2001). Thus, in analyzing the
participants’ accounts, I was guided by the questions: What meanings do participants
have of their experiences at the weekly assemblage? What are the symbolism and
significance of Statue Square as perceived by the participants?
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Significance of the Study
Brewer (2000) enumerated three particular usages of ethnographic data
namely, (1) knowledge generation, (2) theory-building, and (3) application to policy.
My ethnographic study is significant in accordance with these three categories.
First, the primary purpose of this study was to add to the body of knowledge
of occupational science. In the early development stages o f the science of
occupation, in-depth exploration of a variety of occupations was done to increase the
knowledge and understanding of the complex phenomenon of occupation and its
importance in human life. For instance, Primeau (1996) used different frames of
reference to view running as an occupation. Primeau (1996) described running as a
leisure occupation among people of industrialized nations wherein its meaning and
purposes varied within the individual and across individuals. Primeau also showed
how running is a form o f nonwork and physically active occupation, but can also be
a vocation, as in the case of professional athletes or racers. Another example is
Pendleton’s (1996) discussion of needlework. Pendleton (1996) defined needlework
as “the occupation of sewing with a hand-held needle” (p.287). Such sewing, she
said, had practical as well as artistic applications. She traced the development of the
occupation of needlework historically, ontogenically, and from a motor learning
perspective. Together, the papers of Primeau and Pendleton exemplify works that
focused on defining activities as occupations. Similar to Primeau’s and Pendleton’s
exploration o f occupation, my dissertation aimed to define the weekly gathering at
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the square as an occupation. More specifically this study presents the form,
functions, and meanings of the occupation of “gathering at the square” o f the Filipina
domestic subculture in Hong Kong.
Secondly, beyond descriptive statements regarding the Sunday Statue Square
assemblage, this study also presents theoretical statements that were brought forth by
the ethnographic data. These abstract propositions attempt to explain meanings
embedded in this weekly social phenomenon. Specifically, one outcome of this
ethnography is a theoretical proposition on the role of the weekly social phenomenon
to the adjustment process o f foreign domestics into Hong Kong. Previous research
(Bagley, Madrid, & Bolitho, 1997; Constable, 1997; Simpson & Ng, 1992) has
shown that the Filipina workers face harsh working and living conditions in Hong
Kong and has suggested their public get-togethers have facilitated the successful
long-term psychological adjustment of the majority. However, an in-depth study, to
fully explore the significance o f the weekly assemblage to the Filipina domestic
community’s process of adjustment into Hong Kong has hitherto not been done. My
dissertation explored how spending Sundays at Statue Square alleviated many o f the
challenges brought about by their foreign employment.
Third, in Hong Kong, some local residents and business establishments have
protested against the massive crowds of foreign domestics in the areas around Statue
Square. Their get-togethers have been perceived as a weekly “takeover” o f the posh
financial district (Constable, 1997). To me, the lack of tolerance o f another
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subcultural practice is a form of social injustice. Nonetheless, given the multiple
disruptions Filipina domestics experience, the ethnographic results of this study
elicited an understanding of the workers’ efforts toward adaptation and survival. An
enhanced public awareness may then influence policy-making at varying levels that
could uplift the workers’ quality of life in Hong Kong.
Overview o f Succeeding Chapters
In this first chapter, I presented an introduction to the research study. I also
discussed the significance of the study to the science of occupation. Chapter II is a
discussion o f the pilot study. In Chapter III, I discuss how preliminary information
from my pilot study and review of previous research regarding Filipina domestics in
Hong Kong allowed me to further refine my dissertation objectives. Chapter IV
presents the research procedures for the main study, which include the collection,
management, and analysis of the data, and a presentation of my personal standpoint
as the primary investigator.
In Chapter V, I present an overview of the ethnographic results. I describe the
process by which themes and categories emerged from the data. I also present
occupational science literature that helped me focus the discussion o f the results. In
Chapter VI, I present a description of the social processes and social structures that
define the gatherings every Sundays at Statue Square as a form of occupation. In
Chapter VII, I discuss how workers are at risk for negative influences on their health
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and w ell being while working in Hong Kong as foreign domestics. Chapter VIII
focuses on how the workers used their weekly holidays as their day to cope with the
stressors presented by the environment. In Chapter IX, I describe how Statue Square
served as a “home away from home” for the Filipina domestics in Hong Kong. The
chapter includes a discussion on the emergence of their own unique subculture
wherein the Sunday assemblage facilitated a transcendental link to their homeland.
Chapter X describes the square as a liminal sphere wherein workers engaged in
transformative experiences. Chapter XI presents the summary and conclusion of the
study. I discuss the implications of the study outcome to the practice of occupational
therapy and future occupational science research.
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CHAPTER II
PILOT STUDY
This chapter is a discussion of the pilot study. In September 2000,1
conducted a pilot study and spent 15 days in Hong Kong. The pilot study was my
initial exposure to the study setting and population. During the trip, I was able to
establish connections with potential research participants by gaining entry into the
Filipino domestic worker community. I also gained familiarity with the study setting
as well as logistical know-how that enabled me to conduct the main research at a
later time. In addition, I was able to acquire preliminary data that were later analyzed
for the main dissertation. Details of the pilot study are discussed below.
My Entry into the Filipino Domestic Community in Hong Kong
My being Filipina allowed me immediate access to some of the workers in
Hong Kong. For instance, in my field notes during the pilot study I wrote,
Upon arrival for my pilot study, I rode a train from the airport to Central and
then took a taxi towards Statue Square. The cab driver dropped me off at a
comer, one block away. It was raining, and I took shelter under a canopy.
Holding my suitcase in one hand and my backpack in the other, barely five
minutes in Central District, a Filipina worker asked me, “Taga saan ka sa
atin?” [From where are you back home (Philippines)?] (Field notes,
September 2000, Hong Kong).
Throughout my 15-day pilot study in Hong Kong, especially in Central, I was
asked many times while riding the bus or simply walking along the sidewalk, “Taga
saan ka sa atin?,” [From where are you back home?] “Baguhan ka ba dito?” [Are you
new here?], or “Day-off mo rin?” [Is it your day-off too?]. These questions became
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my cue to initiate a conversation and develop new acquaintances. Further, during my
visits at Statue Square, many o f the women answered my inquiries and
accommodated me even though they were very much involved in their get-togethers
with friends.
In addition to meeting workers at Statue Square and in the streets of Hong
Kong, I obtained the help o f Sally (all names have been changed for confidentiality),
a person I had befriended during my previous visits. I had previously been in Hong
Kong several times as a tourist, a common travel destination for Filipinos, being less
than a two-hour flight from the Philippines. I met Sally through my brother during
my previous visits because of her connection with a travel agency. For the past three
years, every time I traveled to Hong Kong, Sally took care of my accommodations
and other travel needs, as well as showed me around several times, including
pointing out good shopping areas. For the past four years, she had been working for a
Filipino company. Four years prior, however, Sally was a domestic worker in Hong
Kong. I made contact with Sally due to her insight and affiliation with the Filipino
domestic worker community.
Sally was instrumental in getting me acquainted with many other workers as
well as Filipinos who were non-domestics. Sally had friends and family in Hong
Kong, including her two sisters, mother-in-law, and cousin, who all worked as
domestics. She also had affiliations with businesses that cater to the domestic helper
community. At the time of my visit, her place of employment was a 1/2 block away
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from Statue Square, where many Philippine-based companies (e.g., banks, stores,
social clubs) were located. Many o f the workers go to her workplace and she
introduced me to most of them. During the course of my 15-day pilot study, I also
lived with three Filipino women domestics, renting a room in their 3-bedroom flat. I
met one o f the women in Sally’s office. On several occasions, they gave me tours of
the various locations in and around the areas of Statue Square and also introduced
me to other Filipina workers.
Having been introduced by a member of their community, I felt that the
workers I met through Sally and my flat-mates were more comfortable interacting
with me compared to some acquaintances I developed on my own in the streets of
Hong Kong. For instance, there were a couple of occasions wherein disclosing that I
was a non-domestic worker to women I randomly met at the square indicated that I
was an outsider and not a potential companion, thus, did not result in prolonged
conversations or subsequent meetings. On another occasion, one worker I met
seemed apprehensive to participate in a study with a person she barely knew. When I
stated to the worker that I was a student researcher from the United States, the
Filipina said “Oh, if you need to interview a Filipina worker, maybe you could ask
someone else...”. Also, during one Sunday at the square, I experienced a sense of
aloofness when a Filipina terminated our conversation when she found out that I was
a non-domestic worker and recognized my last name as associated with family
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members who were known to conduct business in Hong Kong related to sales and
distribution o f encyclopedias. Therefore, while Sally and her flatmates were very
forthcoming in their conversations, there was a group of women whose experiences I
did not obtain.
Sally and some of her Filipina worker friends suggested that some workers
might be embarrassed or shy, which may be a source of apprehension for some
workers when associating with me. According to Sally, there is a class demarcation
between Filipino domestic workers and Filipino office “executives.” Sally said that
there are Filipinos who usually avoid the Filipino domestic helper community, which
hinders some workers’ openness to communicate. Another Filipina also suggested
that some workers were simply careful because they might say something that may
jeopardize their employment. Thus, because o f the potential for participants to
hesitate partaking in my study, I realized that, as much as possible, I needed to
establish trust and a comfort level with the workers. I seized every opportunity of
being introduced by members of their own close-knit community.
Consequently, all the workers I met through Sally and her friends also
introduced me to their friends and families, which had a “snowball effect” for
establishing further connections. Overall, my study participants eagerly answered my
inquiries and immediately shared their experiences. Some even invited me to join
their group get-togethers at Statue Square, which I eventually did during my
subsequent visits to Hong Kong. In general, throughout my research study, I felt
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accepted in the community but, at the same time, I also pondered whether they had
other agendas for letting me in. For example, during the first Sunday of my pilot
study, I walked across the street with Sally towards Chater road where four of her
friends were waiting. When we got there, Aida, the most gregarious member o f the
group, went straight to me, grabbed my arm, and wrapped it around hers. The rest of
the group looked as Aida, pulled me ahead o f everyone else saying to me, “I heard
about you from Sally. I’ll take care o f you. Just let me know where you want to go
and what you need to do...” At first, I did not know what to make of Aida’s actions,
which also made me feel awkward and embarrassed. Later that day Sally told me,
“Don’t mind Aida... you don’t have to spend too much time with her.” When I asked
what she meant, Sally simply said “Nothing really.. .Aida is a good person, but she is
just like that. She is just ...I don’t know how to say it... she’s just like that...” I did
not pursue the topic anymore when I sensed Sally getting uncomfortable and trying
to end the conversation. Nonetheless, that experience made me constantly reflect on
my actions towards the workers I met in Hong Kong as well as their reactions
towards me as I tried to always keep a comfortable level of relationship between us.
Familiarizing Myself with the Study Setting
As a tourist, during my previous visits to Hong Kong, I was often within the
company of a tour group or friends and family, which did not allow me to gain
enough familiarity with the local setting. Further, travel agents constantly advised
tourists such as myself to stay away from Statue Square, especially on Sundays.
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Nonetheless, during my pilot study, Sally helped me get acquainted with the
everyday life in Hong Kong by showing me around, teaching me how to ride the bus
and the Mass Transit Railway (MTR), suggesting places where I could eat, and
giving me tips on how to address my everyday tasks. She was especially helpful in
walking me through the areas around Statue Square and guiding me every night to
catch my 25-minute bus ride back to my flat. My three flat-mates were helpful in
teaching me to get to my daily destinations. Every day, while we had breakfast
together at around 7:00 a.m., they gave me directions to places, such as the
University of Hong Kong, the Philippine consulate and, most importantly, to Central
District and Statue Square. They all left for work at around 8:00 a.m., and I headed
for my destination for the day.
Preliminary Data Collection
During the pilot study, in addition to getting acquainted with the setting and
gaining entry into the Filipina domestic worker community, I was able to generate
preliminary data. I spent 4 to 5 hours each day at Statue Square and logged my
observations, insights, and excerpts o f my conversations with many of the workers in
a journal. I conversed with at least 200 participants, approximately 30 of whom I had
repeated encounters, such as Sally’s friends and family, my flatmates’ friends and
family, and other Filipina workers who were regularly at the Square. Aside from
participant observation, I also conducted several preliminary interviews. Initially, my
goal for the pilot study was to explore the meanings Filipina domestics’ had for
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gathering at Statue Square by interviewing three participants, for three interviews
each. However, during my first few days in Hong Kong, having met and conversed
with some of the workers, I found that conducting a series of three interviews per
participant was not possible, given their work hours and my short visit. Instead, I
enlisted five Filipino women domestics, obtained their informed consent (Appendix
A), and conducted one 2- to 3-hour interview each. The interviews were audio taped
and semi-structured, guided by open-ended questions such as the following:
A. Questions that reveal background information, such as demographics, life
circumstances, concerns, families, and friends. Examples are:
How did you end up being here in Hong Kong?
Tell me about yourself before coming to Hong Kong.
Tell me a story about your work and life here in Hong Kong.
Tell me about your family and friends.
B. Questions about their participation at Statue Square and reflections on
their experiences at the gatherings. Examples are:
Tell me about an experience you had at Statue Square.
How did you begin to participate in these gatherings and with whom? What
were your motivations for participation?
Tell me what your day is like when you are at the Square.
How does it start and end?
What happens during these gatherings?
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How do you feel when you are at these gatherings?
C. Insights regarding the events at Statue Square and their choice to
participate. Examples are:
How do you perceive participating in the gatherings at Statue Square affect
the Filipino domestic helper community?
How do you see participating in this gathering benefit or disadvantage you?
What does Statue Square mean to you?
How does your participation influence your working and living conditions?
In turn, how does your working and living conditions influence your
participation?
The five Filipina domestics I interviewed were: Josie, Annie, Mila, Susan,
and Rita. I transcribed my interviews verbatim. The data generated during the pilot
study, which included my interview transcripts and logged observations, were kept
and analyzed later during the main dissertation. In addition, I had the opportunity to
gather literature at the University of Hong Kong. I also collected magazines, fliers,
and gazettes, circulating within the domestic helper community.
Pilot Study Preliminary Outcome
Initially, my objective for conducting a pilot study was to explore the
meanings Statue Square had to three Filipina domestics. However, because of the
overwhelming experience o f having initial exposure to the setting and population, I
instead focused the pilot study on gaining entry into the study population and
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familiarization with the study setting. In addition, I also gained logistical know-how
that helped me conduct the main dissertation at a later time.
Nonetheless, since I conducted participant observation and interviewed
several workers, I had exposure to the complex environmental context my
participants were faced with in Hong Kong. During the pilot study, my conversations
with Filipino migrant workers were filled with various stories of problems and
grievances regarding loneliness as well as issues regarding their work, such as
unsatisfactory living and working conditions, incidents of maltreatment and abuse,
and long and grueling work hours. Homesickness, rigors of domestic work, problems
with employers, strained relationships, loneliness, and social isolation were among
what my pilot study participants stated as the various causes of their difficulties.
Despite the difficulties, my worker participants also admitted that even though
foreign employment entailed a lot of sacrifices, they still felt that it was a better
option than staying back home in the Philippines where work was scarce and salary
was not sufficient to support their families. These displays of conflicting emotions
regarding their chosen foreign employment define the complexity of my participants’
situation in Hong Kong.
According to my study participants during the pilot study, spending their
Sundays at Statue Square were their means of countering the difficulties they
experienced while working as domestics. When I was in Hong Kong, I read a
Filipino newspaper giving advice to domestic workers who felt lonely to “simply go
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to the square.” Similarly, according to many workers, prior to their deployment, they
were instructed at the POEA (Philippine Overseas Employment Agency) orientation
seminar to look for Statue Square if they get lost in Hong Kong, with the assurance
that there would be Filipinos there to help them. Most domestics I met in Hong Kong
said, “You are not a Filipina in Hong Kong if you do not know of Statue Square.”
The square serves as a sanctuary for many workers, either as a place to meet with
friends amid an unfamiliar bustling metropolis or to find services and items that
meet their needs.
At the square, I also observed how workers’ interactions exuded cheerfulness
and jubilance. My conversations with my participants were also filled with laughter
wherein stories about their work, even though described as grueling, were presented
in funny tales. Also, jokes regarding their employers or even about their own acts of
foolishness abounded. Many times during the pilot study, I found myself wondering
how and why my participants laughed about many o f their experiences that, in my
view, were supposed to be sad and upsetting. For instance, Aida in talking about the
time when she was thrown out of her employer’s house told her story in such
amusing manner that everyone laughed while she stated,
Oh it was like the movies... of course I’m (playing the part of) Sharon
Cuneta (a popular actress in the Philippines) (laughter). After yelling at me
the entire night, she (my employer) threw out my belongings outside... I did
not know what to do and where to go... I hailed a taxi... but I did not have
money because my employer did not pay me. I asked the taxi driver to help
m e... luckily, he did. He drove me to the police station where I was able to
file a complaint, (pause) But I was so pathetic (laughter) Oh Hong Kong!
Like the movies (laughter) (Aida, Hong Kong, 2000).
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In support of this observation, some of my participants also presented this
view as exemplified by an entry in my field notes,
After a two-hour interview with Lisa, we started walking to the bus stop to
get home before her 8:00 p.m. curfew. It was her day-off, like many other
Filipino domestics at the park that day. As we were waiting to cross the
street, she noticed me watching a group of workers laughing and joking with
each other. She said, “They look happy, don’t they?” I simply smiled as she
added, “you can’t really tell, but each and every one of them has problems,
personal tragedies, personal struggles, here [Hong Kong] and at home
[Philippines]. That’s the DH (domestic helper) life here in Hong Kong”
(Field notes, September 25,2000, Hong Kong).
Even though these displays of conflicting emotion puzzled me, I found this
preliminary knowledge an important aspect to consider in understanding my
participants’ meanings for gathering at the square. In the next chapter, I discuss how
I refined my research objectives after the pilot study.
Chapter Summary
In sum, the pilot study allowed me to establish connections with many
Filipinos in Hong Kong and gain familiarity with the study setting, Statue Square. I
was able to conduct preliminary interviews, which I transcribed verbatim. I also
logged all my observations at Statue Square and conversations with individuals I met
in Hong Kong. The preliminary data I generated through observations and
interviews became part of the data that were analyzed in the later stages of the
research. I also had the opportunity to gather literature at the University o f Hong
Kong and collect magazines, fliers, and gazettes circulating within the domestic
helper community. Consequently, the information I gathered during my pilot study
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provided me with initial knowledge that helped me focus the objectives of my main
dissertation. In the next chapter, I discuss how the pilot study, together with a review
of previous research, shaped my dissertation.
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CHAPTER III
REFINING THE RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
My initial exposure to the Filipina domestic worker population during the
pilot study provided me with an initial awareness of my participants’ environmental
context in Hong Kong. My pilot study participants talked about varied difficulties,
but all described their plight as complex. Severe homesickness, being away from
friends and families, grueling work and difficult employers, and even harsh living
and employment conditions were examples of grievances told to me by workers I
met. Yet, the same workers who had these complaints also said that despite the
difficulties, they still preferred working in Hong Kong because o f the financial gain.
As a result, my participants said that they maintained their employment in Hong
Kong and just tried to cope with the struggles they were faced with. In addition,
according to the workers I interviewed during the pilot study, the Sunday
assemblages at Statue Square alleviated many of these difficulties. Because of this
preliminary knowledge of the study population, I considered refining my research
objectives before heading back to Hong Kong for the main dissertation project. Also,
to further inform the direction of my study, I reviewed previous research that focused
on the Filipina domestics in Hong Kong. In this chapter, I discuss my review of
previous research. Then, I present the refined objectives of my main dissertation
project.
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Previous Research
My participants’ accounts during the pilot study that presented conflicting
emotions between the satisfaction of having a high paying job against the sadness of
being away from family and at times having abusive employers paralleled what I
found in previous research. I found three studies that specifically focused on the
Filipina domestic helper population and all three studies exemplify the complexities
of their condition. These studies (Bagley, Madrid, & Bolitho, 1997; Constable, 1997;
Simpson & Ng, 1992) center on issues about the harsh environmental context they
faced in Hong Kong, yet also showed how the workers were able to cope with their
experiences of difficulties. In addition, similar to what the workers told me, all three
studies also suggested that the public gatherings among the workers were their
means of coping with the various stress factors they faced in Hong Kong.
Adjustment Process Amid Stressful Situations
Bagley et al. (1997) identified the long-term psychological adjustment of the
Filipina domestics in Hong Kong. Bagley et al. (1997) conducted a quasi-random
sampling with 600 enlisted participants. According to Bagley et al. two groups had
particularly good mental health adjustment: The first group, which represented 14%
of 600 participants, were women who were single, without dependent children;
college or professional education prior to emigration; no major debts in the
Philippines or Hong Kong; and emigrated in a spirit o f adventure, rather than
through economic necessity. The second group, which represented 17% of the 600
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participants, were women aged over 30, in their third or subsequent contracts as a
foreign domestic helper; firm ties in Filipino social organizations including many
personal friends in Hong Kong; acquisition o f local language (Cantonese) through
contact with Chinese employers; higher than average earnings; regular, satisfactory
return visits to the Philippines.
On the other hand, two groups had particularly poor mental health: The first
group, which represented 7% of the 600 participants, were women experiencing
conflict with employers over alleged inefficiency or carelessness; experiencing
verbal, physical or sexual abuse by employer or member of his/her household; unfair
denial o f statutory day’s leave in recent weeks. The second group found to have poor
mental health, which represented 5% of the 600 participants, were women with high
debt burdens in Hong Kong or the Philippines (including having surrendered
passport to a money lender); health problems of parents or relative who remained in
the Philippines; worry over husband’s supposed infidelity. In addition, four other
clearly defined cluster of groups emerged but these groups did not classify as either
particularly high or low depression.
Results also showed that potential stress factors Filipino domestic helpers
faced in Hong Kong fell into three categories: (1) Employment-related issues in
Hong Kong; (2) Issued related to debt problems in the Philippines; and (3) Domestic
problems concerning husband, children or extended family. Specifically, the top
major stress factors Filipina domestics were faced with included unsatisfactory
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working conditions, false accusations of theft and carelessness, as well as being
asked to work on their normal rest day. Some also reported physical abuse, undue
verbal chastisement, or sexual harassment or assault. In addition, while employer-
related issues were identified as the top major stress factors, the biggest source of
sadness was separation from friends and family in the Philippines. The workers also
reported being frequently fearful or worried about the possibility of having their
contracts terminated because of accumulated debt.
Despite employer-related issues, homesickness, heavy financial obligations,
and domestic problems concerning husbands, children, or extended family in the
Philippines, Bagley et al. reported that the overall long-term adjustment o f the
Filipino domestic helpers had been successful. In addition, since their sampling was
conducted in sites where Filipinas gathered during the weekends, such as Central,
churches, and social centers, Bagley et al. also proposed that the social gatherings of
Filipina workers in public locations might have contributed to the workers successful
adjustment to Hong Kong. However, for the same reason that their sampling was
conducted in public venues, those workers who are more prone to psychiatric
problems, such as those who were socially isolated and abused or terminated workers
as well as those deported or voluntarily chose to go back home, may have been
undersampled.
Bagley et al.’s study supports my impression from the pilot study that the
Filipina domestic in Hong Kong are faced with multiple types of difficulties. In
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addition, similar to my participants’ accounts, Bagley et al. also proposed that the
public gatherings, such as the one at Statue Square, were the workers’ means to cope
with the stressors of working as foreign domestics in Hong Kong. On the other hand,
however, since Bagley et al.’s study used quantitative measures, the authors may
have categorically identified the sources o f stress and calculated the rate of
successful adjustment based on numerical data but were not able to provide a
descriptive picture o f the workers’ adaptive responses and the level of complexity of
their situation. Thus, my dissertation sought to further describe the complexity o f the
workers’ environmental context and investigate the relevance o f the weekly
assemblage to my participants’ adjustment process and coping strategies while
working as a foreign domestic in Hong Kong.
Accommodation vs. Resistance
Constable (1997) defined the complex power structures Filipina domestics
experience in Hong Kong. Constable’s study used qualitative methods, specifically
ethnography to understand how Filipina domestic workers are controlled and become
subservient workers while working in Hong Kong. Constable’s interest in Filipina
domestic workers began in 1987 when she was conducting research on Hakka
Chinese identity (Constable, 1994). For several weeks during the summer of 1993,
Constable conducted informal interviews and conversations with Filipina domestics
and was a participant observer at various locations in Hong Kong. In her book “Maid
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to Order in Hong Kong: Stories of Filipina Workers” Constable described a
conversation with an employer o f a domestic worker,
Su-lin, a friend who lived in the village where I was working, took me to visit
her elder sister, Su-lan, who lived and worked on Hong Kong island. As our
double-decker bus wound its way along the hilly slopes, Su-lin explained to
me that Su-lan and her husband employed a banmui ‘Philippine girl’ to take
care of their son and clean their flat while they both worked full time.
“Filipinas,” Su-lin stated bluntly and categorically, “are very stupid.” She
saw my shock but did not retract her statement. Instead, she defended it. Su-
lin said these “maids” understood little Chinese, could not follow the simplest
instructions, and were “dirty and lazy.” She believed, moreover, that
Filipinas’ morals were questionable. “Why else,” she asked rhetorically,
“would they willingly leave children and husbands behind in the
Philippines?” (p.vii)
Constable later found out that the Filipina domestic worker who worked for
Su-lan had a master’s degree, had once worked as a schoolteacher, and had three
small children cared for by relatives and by the young “helper” she employed back in
the Philippines. Based on the conversation that displayed a blatant and
unselfconscious expression o f superiority and racism, Constable became interested in
the attitudes of the Chinese toward foreign domestic workers and in the contrast that
they so often evoke between the ‘superior’ Chinese domestic worker of the past and
the ‘inferior’ foreign domestic helpers o f today.
According to Constable (1997), the attitudes, treatment, and standard of
expectations observed in Chinese employers towards their Filipina servants were
reflective of the Chinese cultural history o f master-servant relationships.
Specifically, Constable described two types of past servants similar to modem day
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foreign domestics: the “amah” and “muijai.” Constable described amahs as a special
type o f Chinese household worker, who traditionally lived with their employers.
According to Constable, the traditional amah exemplified the classical
standards of the master-servant relationship, in which the amah unquestioningly
dedicated her life to the master’s family in return for expected, but not always
received, respect and care in sickness and old age.
Constable (1997) described the muijai as the lowest status servant in a
Chinese household. Constable defined the muijai as a young girl, around eight or ten
years old, who was purchased from her parents, with or without her consent, and
who could be sold again any number of times or loaned to friends. The author noted
that there were similarities between muijai and foreign domestic workers in that both
resembled “commodities” in the way they were inspected, bought, traded, owned,
generally objectified, and treated as economic investments. Another striking parallel
is found in the extremely harsh forms of discipline that both types of domestic
workers experience. Filipina workers frequently reported beatings, sexual abuse, or
unfair dismissal. The abuse of workers has included being burned with an iron,
having boiling water poured over them, and being hit or verbally chastised. Further,
at times, unscrupulous employers withheld wages and passports to keep workers
under control. According to Constable, amahs on the whole were better off than the
muijai in that they earned a wage and were, at least in theory, free to leave their
employers and negotiate their work conditions.
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Constable (1997) noted how Cantonese amahs served as a metaphor for being
controlled and dominated, and their position was used as a means to subdue and put
them “in their proper place.” Unlike the good servants of the past, who were
remembered as quietly performing their duties and remaining outside the public eye,
employers saw Filipina workers as loud, aggressive, boisterous, and brash. Present
day domestic workers are expected to be subservient, docile, loyal, and humble, as
well as to passively acquiesced to their master’s every wish. Many o f the Filipinas
were found to live up to their employer’s ideals and frequently strove to resemble the
image o f the Chinese amah as a “superior servant.”
In her ethnographic account, Constable described how Filipina workers faced
harsh, and at times abusive, conditions with their employers in Hong Kong. Filipina
workers accommodated to these conditions because of their need to maintain their
employment. Instead of focusing on activities that promoted change, Constable
found that workers opted to engage in diversional activities. According to Constable
(1997), Filipinas vent frustrations, share problems, and escape the negative aspects
o f their work during their public gatherings. Based on this observation, Constable
proposed that Filipinas were interested in spending their free time participating in
entertaining activities to help them “forget” that they were maids.
But, Constable also noted that the Filipina workers had forms of resistance
that were implicit, which included making jokes about their employers, using secret
languages that employers do not understand, circumventing employer’s rules, and
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practicing subtle forms of “sabotage” of their work. Also Constable (1997) noted that
Filipinas’ activities during their gatherings served as a means to counter certain
negative stereotypes and convey an image of Filipinas that is the antithesis of poor,
backward, uncultured, promiscuous, and immoral maids. Although Constable found
that these acts provided a domestic with at least a temporary sense of satisfaction,
pleasure, or empowerment, it also remained unrecognized and, as such, did not
promote change. Thus, Constable concluded that Filipina domestic workers in Hong
Kong, beyond being subjected to institutionalized power, were implicated in a field
o f discursive power in which they both chose to counter as well as to contribute to.
Based on Constable’s findings together with my preliminary data I gathered
during the pilot study, issues of power appear to be a major contributing factor to the
workers’ complex environmental context in Hong Kong. According to my pilot
study participants, they try to withstand hardships, which include demands of
employers and unsatisfactory living and working conditions, to keep them employed.
Thus, in determining the focused aim of my study, I took into consideration the
aspects o f control employers had over my participants, which perhaps present
various types of influences to my participants’ motivations for participating as well
as choices of activities in the gatherings at the square. I also pondered whether the
gatherings at the square were forms of resistance to the workers’ possible feelings of
disempowerment.
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Assimilation vs. Segregation: Issues o f Belonging
Simpson and Ng (1992) identified social and psychiatric problems specific to
Filipina immigrants in Hong Kong and attempted to determine their cause. Simpson
and N g’s (1992) study was different from Constable and Bagley et al. because it
focused more on Filipinos who were found to have psychiatric problems. The
researchers conducted a retrospective analysis of patients at Queen Mary Hospital,
which was the primary medical service provider for migrant workers in Hong Kong.
The researchers reviewed cases of Filipino immigrants who had attempted suicide or
committed self-poisoning or self-mutilation within the time period of June 1,1990 to
May 31, 1991. The objective of the study was to identify whether there were social
or psychiatric problems specific to Filipino immigrants or a special demand for
psychiatric services and, if so, to determine the reasons for such demand.
Simpson and Ng’s study showed that the calculated rate of deliberate self-
harm among the Filipinos was relatively low, at 0.4/1000 per year. The authors
found that adjustment to immigration, as evidenced by “the very short stay in Hong
Kong of the Filipino subjects prior to their attempted suicide” (pp. 119-120) was the
major cause of their problems. According to Simpson and Ng (1992), the workers
primarily relied on their own ethnic group as their source for emotional, spiritual,
and material support and rarely joined the local social organizations, labor unions, or
any other public activities outside their community, which made them strong
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internally as a group, but also difficult for them to integrate into society. Further, the
researchers suggested that alienation made the Filipina domestics more vulnerable
when they encountered difficulties, especially in the early part of their stay in Hong
Kong, when they were homeless or had legal problems with their employers. Finally,
the authors concluded that there was a need for special social services and a stronger
initiative from welfare agencies to orient and help new Filipinos in Hong Kong and
enhance mutual acceptance and integration between the Filipinos and the host
community.
The postulation of Simpson and Ng that alienation o f workers in Hong Kong
result in “adjustment to immigration” as a major problem among Filipina domestics
presented an important implication to my study. The possible sense of isolation,
powerlessness, frustration, loss of control, and estrangement that characterize
alienation from a society are factors that I took into consideration when deciphering
the meanings of the weekly assemblage to my study participants. Further, I pondered
about the significance of Simpson and Ng’s proposition that the workers in Hong
Kong depend on their own community for various types of support, which may relate
to the persistent gatherings of thousands of workers at the square every Sunday.
Thus, in my study, I considered their level of assimilation into Hong Kong as a
significant factor in delineating potential sources of problems in their environment. I
also explored the possible contribution of the assemblage at Statue Square in
alleviating problems my participants faced.
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Summary
In sum, all three studies (Bagley et al.l 997, Simpson and Ng 1992,
Constable’s 1997) present aspects that render the workers’ working and living
conditions in Hong Kong complex and in certain aspects harsh. Bagley et al. (1997)
enumerated several major stress factors Filipinas faced as reported by the workers
themselves, including employer-related issues and debts. Constable (1997) identified
the historical basis of the complex power structures between employers and their
domestic helpers and Simpson and Ng (1992) described how the workers, as a
community, were alienated from Hong Kong’s mainstream society with the lack of
needed special social services. Yet, all authors also suggested that the workers have
adjusted well in Hong Kong. Bagley et al. found that workers have a successful
adjustment rate into Hong Kong through statistical data using 600 participants.
Constable identified how the women are not as disempowered as they appear,
wherein certain acts of resistance, although implicit, exist. And Simpson and Ng
calculated a low rate of psychiatric problems that are evidenced by self-harm.
All three authors suggest that the public get-togethers, such as the one at
Statue Square, appear to help facilitate the workers’ adjustment process. Constable
concluded that gathering in public places, such as at Statue Square, allowed workers
to “forget” that they were “maids.” Bagley et al., on the other hand, proposed that the
social gatherings o f Filipina workers in public locations might have contributed to
the workers successful adjustment to Hong Kong because their sampling was
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conducted in sites where Filipinas gathered during the weekends, such as Central
Hong Kong, churches, and social centers. Finally, Simpson and Ng suggest that the
Filipina domestic worker community provides a source for emotional, spiritual, and
material support, which workers primarily relied on.
In sum, based on my initial exposure to the foreign workers during my pilot
study as well as previous research reviewed above, the Filipina domestic community
seemed to exist within a complex environmental context in Hong Kong. The workers
faced multiple stress factors amid complex power structures and were unassimilated
in their host country. These appeared to be defining factors that led participants to
engage in the gatherings at Statue Square. As a result, my preliminary knowledge
about the study population led me to underscore their complex working and living
conditions in Hong Kong and shaped my research objectives.
Additional Guiding Questions
One assumption in the science of occupation is that occupations happen
within environments that affect occupational choices and engagement and which, in
turn, influence and transform the environment (Clark et al., 1991; Clark et al., 2000;
Wilcock, 1998). Based on this assumption, I recognized that the weekly gatherings
were performed within discursive, physical, social, political, economic, and cultural
environments, which affected my participants’ choices and engagement as well as
influenced the meanings of my participants’ experiences in the gatherings at Statue
Square. In turn, the weekly event may also have influenced these underlying
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contexts. Thus, after my initial exposure to Statue Square during the pilot study, I
began to understand that Statue Square could only be understood within the Filipino
domestic workers’ environmental context in Hong Kong. Since I became cognizant
o f their working and living conditions, I acknowledged these contexts as affecting
their choices and engagement at Statue Square and, at the same time, recognized
possible efforts from my participants in transforming their environment to better suit
their needs. As a result, I developed additional guiding questions that further focused
my research objectives.
My research objective, before the pilot study, was to present an ethnographic
account o f the weekly gathering at Statue Square. I planned to accomplish this by
gathering data that defined its form, function, and meanings. After the pilot study
wherein I had an initial exposure to the workers’ complex environmental context in
Hong Kong beyond Statue Square, I refined my research objectives by adding the
following guiding questions based on issues raised in the previous discussion:
Regarding the Environmental Context
What are the political, socio-economic, and cultural discourses surrounding
the weekly event? What are the environmental factors that influence my
participants’ participation at the gatherings? In turn, how does participation affect
my participants’ living and working condition? What is the significance of Statue
Square as a venue for these get-togethers to my study participants?
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Regarding Adjustment Process
How does the Sunday Statue Square assemblage contribute or counter my
participants’ adjustment process? What role does the weekly assemblage at the
square play in my participants’ process of adjustment towards the multiple stress
factors they face as foreign domestics in Hong Kong? What is the significance of the
Sunday assemblages at the square to my participants’ as foreign workers coping with
living away from their friends and family?
Regarding Power
What are the structures of power influencing my participants’ employment
conditions? How does my participants’ relationship with their employers influence
their decision to participate in the weekly gathering at Statue Square? How does the
gathering at the square influence my participants’ decisions to accommodate to or
resist against unsatisfactory employment conditions?
Regarding Issues o f Belonging
How do my participants perceive the weekly event related to their level of
assimilation into Hong Kong’s mainstream society? How does the Sunday gatherings
at Statue Square contribute to my participants’ issues of belonging while away from
their homeland?
The objective o f this study was to present an ethnographic account of the
weekly gathering o f Filipina foreign domestics at Statue Square by defining its form,
functions, and meanings. The questions stated above further refined my ethnographic
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focus to underscore the complex working and living environment of the women
related to their experiences at Statue Square. Occupational science provided a lens
through which to examine the complexity inherent in the occupation of gathering
every Sunday at Statue Square. This will be discussed in later chapters.
Chapter Summary
My initial goal for this dissertation was to describe spending Sundays at
Statue Square as an occupation named within the Filipina domestic worker
community in Hong Kong. I initially focused on the discrete occupations performed
at the square such as playing cards, eating, telling stories, engaging in crafts, and etc.
I planned to accomplish this by gathering data that defined the social event’s form,
function, and meanings. However, during the pilot study, my interviews and
conversations with workers in Hong Kong were filled with stories about negative
employment conditions and the difficulties of migration. Yet, despite these
descriptions of difficulties, the workers also displayed a cheerful demeanor,
especially during the gatherings at the square. In addition, prior research emphasized
the negative working and living conditions but also postulated that the workers were
effective at coping with these difficulties. Because of my pilot study, as well as
previous research, additional questions emerged, which focused my ethnography of
the Sunday assemblage at Statue Square in accordance to the complexity of their
working and living conditions in Hong Kong. Thus, my previous research objective
of performing an ethnography o f the Sunday assemblage and gather data that define
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its form, function, and meaning, became focused on the weekly gatherings and the
activities the workers engaged during the event as they relate to the workers’
adjustment process in Hong Kong.
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CHAPTER IV
RESEARCH PROCEDURES
Upon approval of the proposal, the logistical know-how I gained through the
pilot study guided my subsequent visits for the main data collection. This chapter
presents the methods used in the main study. The chapter begins with an overview of
the methodological approach. Next, I present the details of the main data collection,
followed by the procedures for the management and analysis of the data. I then
describe my efforts to assume my ethical responsibilities as a researcher and uphold
the trustworthiness of the study. Finally, I present my personal experiences during
various stages of this research project and define my standpoint as the primary
investigator, situating myself within the context o f my study topic and population.
Methodological Approach
Methodology is the broad theoretical and philosophical framework, which
determines the data collection procedural rules. For this research, at the center o f my
inquiry was the occupation engaged in by Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong
of spending Sundays at Statue Square. Since the focus of study was a type of human
action, which occurred at a particular place and time and was generally performed by
a subcultural group, it was context-dependent, laden with meanings based on
participants’ experiences, life circumstances, and other environmental components
(Clark et a l, 1991; Wilcock, 1998). To provide the richest data possible, producing
full descriptions o f the complexities of the social phenomenon under investigation,
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ethnography was chosen as a method for this study. Ethnography refers to the study
of a phenomenon in its natural setting, using a diverse range of sources over a
relatively prolonged period of time, during which the researcher typically engages in
face-to-face interactions with participants and produces a multi-faceted description
o f the complexities of a social phenomenon (Hammersley, 1990; Lofland & Lofland,
1995; Polit & Hungler, 1987).
“Ethnography” has been equated to mean either qualitative research as a
whole or as field research (Brewer, 2000). I use the term “ethnography” more to
refer to the latter. Using Brewer’s (2000) definition, ethnography is
The study of people in naturally occurring settings or ‘fields’ by means of
methods which capture their social meanings and ordinary activities,
involving the researcher participating directly in the setting, if not also the
activities, in order to collect data in a systematic manner but without meaning
being imposed on them externally, (p. 10)
In general, ethnography is a study conducted in its natural setting and uses a
diverse range of sources over a relatively prolonged period of time. Ethnographers
get involved in face-to-face interactions with participants (Hammersley, 1990;
Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Lofland & Lofland, 1995; Polit & Hungler, 1987). For my
research, I conducted interviews and participant observation during several visits to
Hong Kong focused on studying the complex nature of “the gathering at the Square
every Sunday.” I proposed that Sundays at Statue Square is an occupation of the
Filipina domestic subculture in Hong Kong and defined its form, functions, and
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meanings (Clark & Larson, 1993). Further discussion and details o f my ethnographic
methods are presented throughout this chapter.
Data Collection
After the 15-day pilot study, I was in Hong Kong for an additional 56 days
during four subsequent visits in June 2001, August 2001, November 2001, and
January 2002. Each visit lasted 15 days, and each visit was arranged so that I was in
Hong Kong for three Sundays. Overall, my 15-day pilot study and 56-day
subsequent visits totaled 75 days o f data collection in Hong Kong, 15 days o f which
were Sundays. Within these 75 days, 243 hours were spent at Statue Square
observing and conversing with the workers, 98 hours were spent with individual or
group interviews at various community locations, and the rest of the time was spent
conversing with individuals in other places where Filipinos were located in Hong
Kong. I also wrote extensive field notes, reflecting on my observations, and
conducted library research at the University of Hong Kong.
I did not schedule all my trips ahead o f time. Instead, after each trip, I
returned to the US to transcribe my data and review my notes. Once I was ready to
gather more data, only then did I make arrangement for the next visit. As a
consequence, having four separate visits, I was able to transcribe and read through
my data after each visit before heading back to Hong Kong for further data
collection.
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A major difference between each visit was primarily characterized by my
varying living arrangements. On my first and second visits, as in my pilot study, I
lived with domestic workers, renting a room in their flats, but with different sets of
women. On both occasions, I met the women at Statue Square. During the third and
fourth trips, I stayed in a hotel, which gave me more time to work with my data,
transcribing, reading, and performing preliminary analyses. Different housing
arrangements led to a varied exposure to study participants, especially with regard to
my flatmates.
The methods for collecting data were participant observation and
interviewing, which generated field notes and interview transcripts, respectively. The
details are discussed below.
Participant Observation
Participant observation refers to the process in which an investigator
establishes and sustains a many-sided and a relatively long-term relationship with the
participants within the setting and their association with the phenomenon under
study. Participant observation is conducted in various ways, depending on the
researcher’s goals and within ethical limitations of conducting a research study.
Some researchers merely observe their subjects from a distance, while other
investigators actively participate, overtly disclosing their intentions as researchers
(Lofland & Lofland, 1995). In this study, I developed close ties with my study
participants, observing, interacting, participating in activities, and conversing with
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them, while eliciting their accounts of and insights about the weekly gatherings at
Statue Square.
Throughout my fieldwork in Hong Kong, I spent approximately 2 to 3 hours
during weekdays and 4 to 5 hours during weekend days observing and conversing
with various individuals in and around the areas of Statue Square in Central District,
totaling 243 hours. Overall, I conversed with approximately 1200 individuals; of
these, I had recurrent and prolonged meetings with 200.
During participant observation, I considered my task o f recording
observations and conversations a crucial aspect o f my data collection process. My
field notes were more or less a chronological log of occurrences while I was in the
field, which contained descriptions of events, people, things heard and overheard,
conversations among people, and conversations with people. It also included my
experiences, insights, and interpretations of my observations throughout the data
gathering process. I generated notes of varying types, consisting of mental notes,
jotted notes, and full field notes (Lofland & Lofland, 1990). Mental notes were
conscious reminders or memory markers of observations to be noted down on paper
at a later time, jotted notes were actual phrases, key words, quotes written down on a
piece of paper, small journal, or notepad, and full field notes were the actual running
log of observations converted from the mental notes and jotted notes. I used mental
notes during instances in which it felt awkward to write down my observations and
conversations in front of my study participants. Most often, however, in the field,
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during my day-to-day participant observation, I kept a small “Participant
Observation Journal” and, whenever possible, continuously j otted notes about my
observations and insights. I then expanded on these jotted notes at moments of
withdrawal, and I attempted to minimize the time period between observation and
writing. At the end of the day, I cloistered myself for the purpose of making full field
notes, using all my jotted notes until I converted them into a running log of
observations for the day. At times, whenever possible and for convenience, I also
used a tape recorder to record my observations and transcribed them as soon as
possible.
My participant observations were o f three types: (a) observing in various
locations in and around the areas at the Square and engaging in casual conversations
at random; (b) actively participating in get-togethers at the Square of specific groups
of workers who I befriended and gained close acquaintance; and (c) observing and
interacting with workers outside Statue Square. I present examples of various types
of participant observation below.
Observations and casual conversations at Statue Square. After becoming
acquainted with workers and familiar with the areas within the vicinity of Statue
Square, I began to situate myself in various places where the workers gathered, such
as the MTR (Mass Transit Railway) station entrance at Statue Square, the lobby of
Hong Kong Shanghai Bank, behind the post office, and the covered overpass, where
I observed the various interactions and activities within the get-togethers.
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Intermittently, I engaged in conversations with various individuals eliciting
descriptions of the events’ social structures and social processes, insights about the
participants’ experiences, as well as other information that defined the
multidimensional contexts of the events. On several occasions, I deliberately placed
m yself in situations in which I would have an opportunity for prolonged
conversations with individuals who were frequently at the Square. For instance,
when I hired them for their services, I had the chance to converse with a woman who
offered manicures and another individual who gave haircuts. I also had the
opportunities to converse with vendors selling food or watches, renting out novels,
and taking pictures as souvenirs. In addition, I conversed with a journalist whom I
met while she was taking pictures of the gatherings, as well as several tourists,
Chinese residents, and British, American, and other foreign office workers while
they observed the assemblage from the sidewalk.
In all my conversations, I revealed my role as a researcher conducting a study
about the gatherings of Filipinas in and around the areas at Statue Square. In general,
all the migrant workers as well as the non-domestics I met and conversed with were
accommodating. They welcomed me into their group activities and volunteered their
assistance by participating in interviews and sharing stories of their experiences in
Hong Kong. However, some workers had apprehensions about being audio taped,
stating that they were shy or embarrassed about it. Thus, on those occasions, I took
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field notes in a small notebook and eventually expanded on these notes at a coffee
shop or restaurant.
Active participation in specific group get-togethers. Throughout the study
period, I developed close ties with many of the workers, which allowed me entry into
several groups who had designated meeting places in various areas at Central
District. I focused my observations on three of these groups.
1. The first group regularly met at the park benches within Statue Square.
Even though they were known more for engaging in card games than belonging to a
certain regional area in the Philippines, most members came from the northern part
and spoke Ilocano. The group was rather big, numbering approximately 50 to 60
members at a time, and readily welcomed newcomers who were seeking people with
whom to play cards.
2. The second group was situated in the lobby of the Hong Kong Shanghai
Bank. This group had about 9 to 12 members at a time, who came from the southern
part of the Philippines. Most o f the members were related to each other, including
sisters or cousins, which made this group more close-knit and not very open to new
members.
3. The third group, which was the one with which I had the closest
connections, had their get-togethers along the covered overpass between the post
office and star ferry. Most o f their members came from Quezon province, the same
town as Sally, my initial informant. Sometimes they merged with the group adjacent
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to them, whose members came from another town in Quezon province. They
numbered approximately 15 individuals, while the group next to them had about 10
to 12 members. Even though their group was not formally organized, they welcomed
members who were “Tagalog” speaking, especially those coming from their region.
Conversations and interaction outside Statue Square. In addition to my
observations, participation, and conversations at Statue Square, my interactions with
workers as well as other individuals at other locations, such as in Filipino offices at
the World-Wide and Wing-On Buildings, located half a block from the square,
restaurant chains near the area, such as Kentucky Fried Chicken, Jollibee, and
Maxim’s, also generated information about the events at the Statue Square
gatherings. Further, my frequent flights to and from Hong Kong to the Philippines
gave me many hours o f conversations with workers at airports and on the plane. In
Hong Kong, I was invited to attend several parties and outings in boarding houses,
restaurants, beaches, churches, and other religious organizations, where I had the
opportunity to gather insights from different individuals, both domestic workers and
non-domestics.
In the Philippines, where I stayed for several days before and after each of
my trips to Hong Kong, en route to the United States, I spoke with workers who
were on vacation, with whom I gained contact through their family members in
Hong Kong. I also had opportunities to meet workers during my visits to POEA, the
government organization that deploys migrant workers to various host countries.
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Additionally, I met one Filipina in the United States, who worked in Hong Kong for
eight years before migrating to America.
Interviews
Interviewing is a guided conversation whose goal is to elicit detailed and rich
materials from the interviewee (Lofland & Lofland, 1995; Polit & Hungler, 1987;
Seidman, 1998). In occupational science, humans are believed to orchestrate
activities with a pursuit to create meaningful lives (Yerxa, Clark, Frank, Jackson,
Parham, Pierce, Stein, and Zemke, 1990). It is within the discipline’s tradition to
acknowledge that individuals involve themselves in activities as an orchestration of
their daily acts of meaning (Yerxa et al., 1990). However, these meanings may be
masked in everyday interactions within social situations and social processes. Thus,
through their stories and reflections during interviews, my participants presented the
symbolic aspects of their social life and the meanings they have of their everyday
activities (Brunner, 1990; Ginsburg, 1989; Polkinghome, 1988).
My interviews were semi-structured and audiotaped. I was able to conduct 23
interviews with 39 individuals over my five two-week trips to Hong Kong, including
the pilot study.
Selection and accrual o f participants. For each of my five 15-day visits to
Hong Kong, I followed a pattern for selecting and accruing participants for
interviews. During the first few days of my stay, I made a list o f potential interview
participants among the workers I met. I selected participants based on their
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availability and level of involvement at Statue Square, and I paid special attention to
selecting individuals who frequently partook in the event. To explore the
significance o f the gatherings at Statue Square to the workers’ lives and subculture, I
primarily sought individuals who were Filipino domestic workers and participated in
the Sunday events at the square. I took the opportunity to interview vendors,
employers, and other non-domestics who had knowledge and insight about the
events at the square.
Since the majority o f workers were women (approximately 95%), I sought
out every opportunity for recruiting a male participant for the unique perspective he
would be able to contribute to the study. Further, since I am a Filipino and am fluent
in both Filipino and English, I selected participants who spoke either language. I also
was open to the idea of having an interpreter if a participant spoke a dialect or a
different language. Another major consideration in my participant selection was
availability. Prolonged exposure to my participants and lengthy interviews allowed
me to acquire richer data.
Upon selection, I related my objectives o f studying the Filipino gatherings at
Statue Square and provided participants with a written information sheet about the
details o f my study. The information sheet, written in both English and Filipino, was
approved by the IRB (Appendix B).
Interview participants in Hong Kong. All my interview participants were
either involved with or had knowledge about the gatherings at Statue Square in Hong
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Kong. The majority were domestic workers. In terms of education, 75% had partial
university, professional, or college education, and 37% had a university degree. In
terms o f residence, 39% had lived in Hong Kong for more than five years, 68% sent
more than half of their monthly earnings to dependents in the Philippines, and only
3% made no remittances.
O f the 39 interview participants, 33 were women, 14 o f whom were single
and, o f those who were married, 15 had two or more children. All the women were
Filipina, 22 were domestic workers living in their employers’ homes, 4 also worked
as domestics, but were able to manage to have living arrangements on their own for
at least a year, and the other 7 women used to be domestic workers living in their
employers’ homes, but had changed their status for at least a year for various reasons
and had been working in offices or stores in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, all 7 non
domestic women still maintained close contact with the domestic helper community.
Out of the 6 men, 4 were Filipino, 1 was American, and 1 was Chinese. One
Filipino worked as a driver, while one worked as a construction worker; both had
visas falling under the category “migrant workers.” One other Filipino was a lawyer
who belonged to a prestigious law firm. He had been in Hong Kong for five years.
The other Filipino male was an entrepreneur who was frequently in Hong Kong,
specifically in the Central District and at Statue Square, having the domestic worker
community as his main clientele for selling encyclopedias from the Philippines. He
also had been active in the domestic worker events, serving as a judge in a beauty
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pageant conducted within the Filipina community. The other two men, Chinese and
American, were both employers o f Filipina domestics.
My Filipino participants spoke Filipino and the dialect of their own ethno-
linguistic region in the Philippines. All participants also had at least a fair ability to
speak and read in English because it is the medium o f instruction in the Philippine
school system. Further, some workers also spoke some Chinese, which they learned
to better communicate with their employers. In general, all the participants selected
and enlisted in this study had at least a fair ability to speak English, including the
Chinese employer, which assured their understanding of all the details o f the study.
Interview process. Each interview lasted approximately 2 to 3 hours. Of the
interviews, 15 were conducted on a one-on-one basis, and 8 were done in groups. All
group interviews were with domestic workers. Six of the eight group interviews,
which were with live-in domestics, and 11 o f the individual interviews, were
conducted in various community settings that were mutually agreed upon. The other
two group and four one-on-one interviews were with stay-out domestics, who
preferred to have their interviews in their rented flats.
In total, I generated 83 hours of audiotaped interviews. All interviews with
participants were conducted outside Statue Square. This allowed for their comfort
and undivided attention, as compared to conducting the interviews at the Square,
during which they were involved in the activities of their gatherings. It also was
difficult to conduct prolonged and audio taped interviews at Statue Square because
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of the presence of numerous people, which made the surroundings constantly noisy. I
utilized open-ended questions, and all workers chose to be interviewed in Filipino.
My interviews with the Chinese and American employers were in English.
Interview structure. The interviews that I conducted were aimed to elicit data
relating to the informant’s experiences at the gatherings at Statue Square and
significant details related to their choices, perceptions, and insights regarding these
events. The interviews were semi-structured, with questions based on the same
interview guide as used during the pilot study (see pages 15-16).
Interview notes. Notes were written right after each interview to capture
descriptions of the interview context, impressions, and other nuances that became
part of the analysis o f the interview data. These notes were included in the
documentation o f each interview.
Follow-up interviews and clarifications. Having transcribed, read, and reread
the interviews; there were several occasions during which I needed some
clarification or elaboration of the participants’ accounts. In all such instances, I was
able to meet with the interviewees again, during which, they were able to elaborate
on issues or themes revealed during our previous interviews.
Saturation
In ethnographic research, the process of collecting data continues until
saturation had been reached. During the data collection process, my aim was to
acquire rich and full data, given my limited resources as well as time constraints
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connected with conducting a dissertation project. Wile I noticed a redundancy of
information in my data, wherein I was not producing any new information and
determined that saturation was reached, it may be that more prolonged involvement
may have opened up new avenues to pursue (Strauss & Corbin, 1998).
Data Management
One aspect that made this study a challenging task was the formidable
amount o f data that I collected. Further, most of my interview transcripts were in
Filipino, which included words and concepts that, at times, could not be directly
translated to English. As such, it was labor intensive to organize (Polit & Hungler,
1987). This section describes how I managed my data.
Translation
I kept my data in their verbatim form, which was mostly in Filipino. I
translated some o f my data to English when I quoted part of the interview text in my
dissertation and provided data samples to my dissertation chair. I performed all
translations guided by a Filipino-English dictionary.
Housekeeping
All material relating to the data were properly and safely stored in
preparation for data analysis. Because of the considerable amount of data that were
generated, I employed housekeeping procedures on all my data materials. Prior to the
data analysis, all data materials were labeled accordingly with pertinent information
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such as the date, places of occurrence, and names (pseudonyms) of individuals
involved.
Interview transcripts. Interviews were transcribed verbatim from the
audiotapes of the interviews. I developed a transcription system to keep track of
pauses, changes of intonations, laughter, and other nuances to preserve the
contextual authenticity of their narratives. I also developed a protocol aimed to
preserve the anonymity of my participants. Transcriptions were done either in the
Philippines or in the United States after each visit to Hong Kong. I hired a
professional transcriber, who transcribed 14 of the 39 interviews. I disclosed and
oriented the professional transcriber to the system I developed for transcription and
the protocol for confidentiality. I read through the transcription done by the
professional transcriber, while listening to the audiotapes, to ensure accuracy. I
transcribed the other 25 interviews. Each interview generated 15 to 30 pages of
single-spaced transcripts. In total, I had 859 pages of interview transcripts.
Field Notes. The field notes were part of the raw data that were analyzed for
the research study. Field notes also were typed, organized, and stored in a similar
manner as the interview transcripts. I generated approximately 4 to 8 pages of single
spaced field notes per day during my visit to Hong Kong. In total, I had 336 pages of
field notes.
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Data Analysis
Data analysis is the process o f making sense of the data and creating logic
from the large body of collected narrative material. In the data analysis o f this study,
themes emerged throughout the research process, from data collection to writing the
outcome. Overall, analysis proceeded as a back-and-forth or cyclic process because
of the open-ended characteristics of this research. My research study initially started
out broad, with the forming of general impressions and intuitions and became
progressively focused as themes were discovered. Since qualitative analysis is an
iterative process, which uses a succession o f question-and-answer cycles with
continuous refinement and modification, it involved analytic steps that were done in
a spiral back and forth manner, rather than in a simple forward progression (Dey,
1993; Strauss & Corbin, 1998; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). I used categorization as the
process o f developing themes, which are primarily generated from the data itself
(Boyatzis, 1998). Details of my process of categorization and the development of
themes are discussed in the next chapter.
Ethical Responsibilities to Participants
Enrolled participants were protected from any potential risks that may have
arisen relating to their participation. No topics of a sensitive nature that were aspects
of the participant’s own behavior, such as illegal conduct, drug use, sexual behavior,
or use of alcohol were focused on or elicited. Circumstances that may have
endangered any participants in any way, such as instances that could present legal or
employment problems were avoided.
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The possibility o f being emotionally upset, resulting from the interview
questions, also was addressed by informing the participants that they had the right
not to answer any questions posed to them and could refrain from discussing topics
that they found uncomfortable. Instead, I encouraged my participants to tell stories
and discuss issues that they found relevant. To ensure issues surrounding
confidentiality, no interview transcripts were publicly accessible. I made sure that all
individuals who had access to any data, such as the hired professional transcriber,
followed the protocol in keeping the participants anonymous. Pseudonyms were used
in all transcriptions and written reports. In addition, the names of agencies,
companies, or other titles that could be linked with the identity o f participants were
stricken. Audiotapes were destroyed upon transcription. Further, I explained the
purpose and provided written documents of the details of the research, in both
Filipino and English, to all the individuals before I elicited any information or
enlisted participants for interviews. I clarified all details as needed. No information
was purposely withheld from any participant. I also provided the participants with a
24-hour telephone number so that I could personally address all questions and
concerns regarding the study. In addition, the participants had the right to withdraw
from the study at any time.
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Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness refers to authenticity in the collection and interpretation of
the data and is vital to a study (Krefting, 1991). The various strategies that I
employed to enhance authenticity o f my data included making interview notes and
having prolonged engagement with the participants. By noting down nuances about
the interview process, I took into consideration the context o f my participants’
narratives (Kondo, 1990; Polkinghome, 1988). By prolonged engagement, I was able
to establish a good rapport and gain the trust of the participants. I also had
opportunities to clarify and elaborate on participants, accounts, when necessary.
The criteria for assessing the validity of an ethnographic study depend on the
claims that are put forth in the presentation o f the outcomes or report of the field
study, be it descriptive, predictive, or containing generalizations to a broader set of
phenomena (Hammersley, 1990). The basic aim of this study was to present rich
descriptions of the weekly gathering of Filipina domestics at the Statue Square in
Hong Kong. The two sources o f evidence presented in the outcome are the
informants’ accounts and the researcher’s observations. In the presentation of my
outcomes, I provided evidential explanations of my claims and clearly delineated the
procedures used during the study that may have affected the data, such as methods of
enlisting participants, contexts surrounding my observations and interviews, and my
relationship with study participants.
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Further, “at the heart of the inquiry is the researcher’s capacity for
encountering, listening, understanding, and thus ‘experiencing’ the phenomenon
under investigation” (Piantanida & Garman, 1999, p. 140). This is the case because,
as the primary researcher, I was part of the setting, context, and social phenomenon
under study (Schwandt, 1997). Thus, it also was important for me to undergo a
process o f critical self-reflection on my biases, theoretical predisposition, and
preferences. As the primary investigator, my perspectives and sources of possible
biases have the potential to affect the outcome of the gathering and analysis of data.
To address this, I regularly kept a “Researcher’s Journal” and noted down my
reactions, thoughts, and feelings during the entire research process. I examined this
journal regularly to reflect on preconceived notions that could have hindered me
from hearing and understanding my participants’ accounts. I also immersed myself
in the culture o f the Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong by participating in
their activities and researching information that allowed me to maintain an informed
yet open mind.
In the next section, I present some of my experiences in the field, which have
affected the manner by which I conducted my ethnography, defining the context of
my data collection. This is followed by my personal background and affiliation with
the research topic, which serve to describe my view based on my personal
standpoint.
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Researcher’s Experiences
From the first day to the various stages o f my data collection, my experiences
in the field influenced my impressions, relationship with participants, and the manner
I carried out my ethnography. During my first visit to the Central District, I felt
overwhelmed as I watched the massive crowds of women sitting nonchalantly on the
pavements of the metropolis. I felt as if I had stepped into a world suspended from
the goings on from the rest of Hong Kong, where almost everyone else was hustling
to specific destinations. The assemblage was definitely outside the ordinary, I
thought. At the end of my first Sunday at Statue Square, I was in awe and, more than
ever, eager to investigate what the event was all about.
Prior to conducting this research, I had read reports and heard stories of
various problems that Filipino migrant workers experienced, especially foreign
domestics, in their host countries. Reports of abuse were common topics in
Philippine TV documentaries and news. Since most, if not all, reported incidents
regarding their plight centered on hardships, discrimination, abuse, and exploitation,
I had expectations of being confronted by workers having problems and grievances.
However, during my pilot study, even though the women I conversed with revealed
the difficulties o f foreign employment, I was amazed at how most o f my
conversations with them were also filled with laughter, which made me realize that I
had a predisposition of looking at the workers as a generally passive and subservient
to what I had already assumed as completely disenfranchised position. Perhaps I
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underestimated the workers’ ability to adapt or have control over their situation.
Perhaps I generalized the news of abuse and reports of harsh conditions to all
Filipinas working as domestics in Hong Kong. Thus, I reflected on these reactions as
possible biases and predispositions in dealing with my study participants. During the
course o f my field study, I continuously attempted to truly hear the stories and
accounts o f my participants.
At the square, there was a constant sound of cheer and laughter. Every time I
went through the crowds of workers meeting at the square, especially on a Sunday,
the air was always filled with a constantly loud noise. Further, despite the publicized
negative conditions of domestics in Hong Kong, many of my study participants also
expressed satisfaction with their work. Workers talked about amusing stories o f their
everyday triumphs such as learning to use the washing machine or coming up with
creative ways to finish multiple chores. The most common were learning the ropes in
Hong Kong such as how to use the Mass Transit Railway (MTR) and improving
their ability to speak in the Chinese language. Many workers also give examples of
how they circumvent immigration rules and employers’ demands. For example,
living as a stay-out domestic, then renting out rooms to pay for rent or juggling
multiple tasks in several of their employers’ homes.
My being Filipina influenced my study in that participants were able to tell
their stories of experiences, thoughts, and feeling using their native language, which
included themes that were otherwise difficult to express in English. Nevertheless,
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during instances in which I felt that they were assuming that I knew what they were
saying without further elaboration, stating, “you know what I mean,” I encouraged
them to clarify what they were trying to say.
On several occasions, however, even though I am a Filipina, being a non
domestic worker also indicated that I was an outsider. As an example, I experienced
a sense o f aloofness when a worker terminated our conversation once she found out
that I was a non-domestic worker and recognized my last name as associated with
family members who were known to conduct business in Hong Kong related to sales,
distribution, and publication o f encyclopedias and coffee table books. Sally had
previously talked to me about the class demarcation between Filipino domestic
workers and Filipino office “executives.” Sally and some workers told me that there
are Filipinos who usually avoid the Filipino domestic helper community, which
hinders some workers’ openness to communicate. Others suggested that the workers
might only be embarrassed or shy, which may be a source of apprehension for some
workers when associating with me.
Because of such experiences, I made an effort to “blend into” the various
contexts of my interactions with the workers who I eventually met. For instance, I
took advantage of the opportunities to meet people in the company o f Sally and the
other workers I already knew. I also constantly attempted to maintain a “low key”
demeanor and manner o f dress so that the workers did not associate me with the
other Filipinos who they had described as “snobbish.” For example, I wore casual
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clothing such as jeans, shirt, and sneakers instead of the business suits that I am more
used to wearing. I tried to greet the women and address them with sisterly respect
such as “Ate” (respectful address to an older sister, which workers use to call each
other). Further, I tried to develop a comfort level in my relationships with workers
that I had just met by engaging in casual conversations that allowed us to get to
know them before delving into the details and inquiries of my study. Having done
this, I felt that the majority of my acquaintances were comfortable and open in
interacting with me. Overall, I felt that my affinity with the culture allowed my
participants a level o f comfort in expressing themselves and telling their stories of
experiences.
In addition, the opportunity to live with some of the women allowed me to
gain a more in-depth insight into the lives of Filipina domestics in Hong Kong.
Consequently, the experience also enhanced my ability to develop strategies when
attempting to connect with the other workers. For example, at the flat, knowing the
customs o f the culture, I was aware that “Filipino hospitality” might focus the
women’s attention on taking care of me instead of keeping their own daily routines.
Because of this, I continued to maintain a low-key demeanor careful in not making
myself the center of attraction. During group interactions, I simply sat quietly and
listened instead of initiating activities. At the flat, I always made an effort to situate
myself as part o f the household, rather than as a guest. For instance, I participated in
the women’s daily chores and ran errands, e.g., paying the water bill in the Central
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District. I made sure to promptly take care of all my personal tasks, such as ironing
my clothes and washing my plates, to avoid the chance of their doing it for me. I also
participated in their leisure activities, such as “karaoke” (sing-a-long) sessions,
watching videotapes, and reading and discussing Filipino novels. On the first night
of my stay with some workers, we watched a video entitled “Anak” (child), which is
a Filipino movie that depicted the lives of Filipino women domestics in Hong Kong.
Before the movie started, they were all betting that the movie will surely make me
cry as it had made them even after having watched it for several times. According to
my flatmates, the movie captured their overall plight. After the movie, I listened to
their insights about how the portrayal of abuse and hardships were true examples of
stories that had happened to them or to their other Filipina domestic worker friends.
For instance, when the lead actress was locked in the house for several days while
her employers went on a vacation, I listened as they tell their stories of similar
incidents. Another issue depicted in the movie was the difficulty adjusting back
when and if they do decide to go back home to the Philippines. When the three
Filipina workers in the movie decided to finally go back to the Philippines and stay
home after having worked in Hong Kong for many years, each experienced
difficulties both financial and with their familial relations. My flatmates expressed
their fears for the same thing to happen to them in the future. Overall, by taking part
in their daily activities and avoiding being taken care o f by the women, I was able to
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sustain a comfortable relationship with them, which facilitated many opportunities
for prolonged and insightful conversations.
My own experiences as a Filipina researcher in Hong Kong also influenced
my perspective of the study setting. Despite Sally’s tips and guidelines, my initial
venture as a researcher in Hong Kong presented the challenges of living in a new
environment. For instance, a simple task of crossing the street became a challenge
because the flow of right-hand driven traffic is opposite to what I had been used to in
the Philippines and the United States, which required me to first look to the right,
then to the left, instead of the other way around. My first few days in trying to get to
places around Hong Kong also proved to be overwhelming. With Hong Kong being
a relatively small metropolis, I needed to get used to walking at a faster pace and
often times amid a crowd of people, bumping me every now and then. In some
instances, I was annoyed during times when I felt that I was being discriminated
against by some local merchants, however, identifying myself as a U.S. student
resulted in changed behaviors toward me. For example, one night, I entered a
restaurant and ordered some food to take back to my flat. Having just come from my
data collection, I was casually dressed in jeans and shirt. At first, the waiters directed
me to the manager who seemed apprehensive in allowing me to sit while waiting for
my order. However, when I paid with my American Express and showed a California
license to confirm my identity, the manager then asked if I were a student at the
University and eventually led me to a seat.
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Thus, at times, similar to the accounts of Filipino workers, I found myself
taking refuge at Statue Square, where I did not have to prove my identity and was
able to speak my native language and be surrounded by familiar things. I also relied
on the Central District as the place where I could find all my needed Filipino
products and services, such as banks, restaurants, stores, and the like. In retrospect, I
experienced first-hand some of the societal pressures and environmental challenges
of living as a Filipina in Hong Kong. Nevertheless, I kept myself aware that the
context o f being a student researcher is a considerable contrast to being a domestic
worker, when making meaning of experiences in Hong Kong.
Finally, by participating in the workers’ gatherings and activities, which got
me involved in their lives, I became part of the social structures and social processes
that I was investigating. Throughout the data gathering process, I have carried out
various roles at Statue Square. For instance, while the workers showed me the “ins
and outs” of the Statue Square gatherings, I took on the status o f a novice being
mentored to “Hong Kong life” as a Filipina, similar to how old-timer workers would
act toward newcomers. Thus, I detached myself every now and then during times
when I needed to be an observer. Although my objectives did not involve putting
attention on me as a focus of this study, my being Filipina in Hong Kong also
defined me as part of the context o f my own study.
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The Researcher
Throughout the entire research process, as the primary investigator, my own
life experiences, circumstances, and personal perspectives were critical aspects of
this study’s final outcome. In this section, I present my cultural background,
upbringing, work, philosophical convictions, experiences as an immigrant, and
inexperience as a researcher as major factors that influenced this study. Following
this, I delineate my personal interests in selecting this research topic.
Background
I am a Filipino female in my mid-thirties. Being the youngest and most frail
child of four siblings, as well studying in an all-girls Catholic school, I had a
relatively sheltered childhood. My father was a lawyer and successful businessman,
while my mother was a housewife. Most of my life, I lived with my family in
Manila, the capital of the Philippines. My family consistently employed nannies,
gardeners, housekeepers, and family drivers, who, for the most part, lived in our
home. This is a common situation in the Philippines, and I never really thought much
about the value of having their services until I began living in the United Stated. In
1995,1 pursued graduate studies in the U.S. and was suddenly in a situation in which
I needed to cook, clean, do the laundry, and iron my clothes, which are tasks that I
still dread. After living outside the country for over eight years, I have grown more
cognizant of the various aspects of Philippine life that I had habituated to, especially
the overt distinction between different social classes, which included that o f “maids.”
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These experiences have defined my lens in studying Filipinas who have taken on
domestic work.
Having lived a life in which I was provided with all necessities within a
simple, yet comfortable, upbringing, I slowly began to realize how I had overlooked
these necessities as luxuries, when I compared myself to the majority of Filipinos
who were concerned with obtaining their next meal. Now, I often feel “blessed” and
“lucky,” thinking that it could just as well have been me bom into harsher
circumstances, and I feel sympathy towards other Filipinos of meager means. During
my frequent visits to the Philippines, I often found myself in uncomfortable
situations with many individuals waiting on me for my various needs, such as having
a “ball girl” place a ball at my tee every time I make a practice swing at the golf
range. On several occasions, I asked or even begged my driver to join me in a
restaurant to ease my feeling of guilt for having him wait for me outside. Thus, I
bring with me the propensity for feeling sympathy towards Filipinos who are forced
to leave behind their families to be domestic workers, especially having to acquire a
demoted status, when they were professionals or skilled workers in the Philippines.
As a foreign student in the U.S., similar to the foreign domestics, I also was
faced with the straggles of living away from home. During my first few years in the
U.S., I found myself alone most of the time, and even among others, I often felt
misunderstood, not only because o f language barriers, but also because of cultural
differences. Most o f the time, I would find myself having to explain myself or
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simp ly keep quiet in social situations to avoid the hassle of further clarifications. At
times, I found my personal feelings of missing home similar to those of other
Filipinos scattered around the world.
After living in the U.S. for two years, in 1998,1 acquired my Master’s degree
in Occupational Therapy. Since then, I have been working as an occupational
therapist in various settings in Los Angeles. My practice has exposed me to a wider
Filipino population by working in home health agencies and adult day facilities
owned by Filipinos and which have a predominantly Filipino clientele. It has been a
comfort for me to speak in my native language and engage in conversations knowing
that they “get it,” without further elaboration or fear of misinterpretation. Compared
to the workplaces that have primarily non-Filipino clients and colleagues, I felt a
sense of comfort within work places that were more "Filipino." In retrospect, I see
that there are some similarities between my Filipino clients in the U.S., meeting in
adult day facilities, and the women gathering every Sunday at the park in Hong
Kong. The sense o f community, the comfort level of speaking their own language,
the exchange o f stories and experiences, the sharing o f native food, and the act of
assisting each other with problems made me wonder whether the Filipino health care
facilities exemplified what Statue Square was to the domestic workers.
Finally, another factor that influenced my study was my inexperience as a
researcher. Overall, this study was an ethnographic account of a social phenomenon
within a subcultural migrant population, through the reflections o f a novice
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researcher. Having embarked on an ethnographic study that involved a formidable
amount o f complex data, I often felt overwhelmed. Specifically, my dilemma
involved the multiple themes embedded in my participants’ accounts, which required
me to frequently take time away from my study. Thus, to regroup, I opted to
schedule my data collection, staggered over more than a year, for two weeks at a
time.
Selecting the Research Topic
My decision to select the research topic did not stem from a particular interest
in studying the Filipino culture, immigrants, or domestic work. In 1997, my father
established a publishing company that printed a coffee table book. The book featured
the Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (Nery, 1997). What captured my
attention were pictures of the women eating, praying, and engaging in various
activities in groups, which displayed an evident sense o f cheer. Although I have been
in Hong Kong many times, I was never really acquainted with these get-togethers. I
was even frequently told by my travel agent to stay away from the Central District,
especially on Sundays. Her warning reflected the common annoyance o f tourists
over the crowds of domestic workers in public places and the negative image of
Filipinos generated by such gatherings. Nevertheless, as a student in occupational
science and a practicing occupational therapist, I was eager to create a link between
the theoretical perspectives of the discipline and real life circumstances. Is gathering
at the square considered an “occupation” o f Filipina domestics based on an
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occupational science lens? How does the weekly event influence their lives as
foreign workers? Are these weekly gatherings a form o f adaptive response given the
difficulties they faced as migrant workers? My questions were limitless. Specifically,
having a general knowledge of the large increase of Filipinos embarking on foreign
employment, wherein news of hardships was frequently reported, I was amazed at
the cheerful demeanor they displayed in the photographs. Thus, amid their harsh
circumstances, I was intrigued by the relevance of these gatherings to their survival.
As a result, being a doctoral student in occupational science, I considered the weekly
gathering a topic for an ethnographic dissertation project.
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CHAPTER V
DATA ANALYSIS
Since my data gathering was staggered over a period of two years, from 2000
to 2002, themes from my data emerged throughout the two-year time span.
Nonetheless, I did not begin to examine patterns across the data until after I
completed data collection. In this chapter, I discuss the process of categorization and
development of themes. Next, I discuss concepts from occupational science
literature, specifically Wilcock’s (1998) occupational perspective o f health, which
helped me focus the discussion of the results. And last, I discuss how Wilcock’s
(1998) occupational perspective of health guided the analysis and presentation o f my
ethnographic results and present an overview of subsequent chapters.
The Process
This section describes the details of my data analysis. I begin this section by
reiterating my research objectives and guiding questions. Then, I describe the
emergent themes and categories from the data.
Research Objectives and Guiding Questions
Initially, my objective for this dissertation was to present an ethnography o f
the Sunday assemblage of Filipina domestic workers at Statue Square in Hong Kong
by generating data regarding its forms, function, and meanings. I was guided by the
following questions:
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Regarding Form. What are the social structures and social processes at the
square? What are the political, socio-economic, and cultural discourses surrounding
the weekly event? What are the physical structures influencing the gatherings? What
are the activities occurring during the weekly get-togethers?
Regarding Functions. What do the participants describe as their individual
motivations and purposes for partaking in the event? How does participation at the
weekly gatherings influence their working and living conditions? In turn, how do
their working and living conditions influence their participation at the square?
Regarding Meanings. What meanings do participants have of their
experiences at the weekly assemblage? What are the symbolism and significance of
Statue Square as perceived by the participants?
In addition, as I discussed in Chapter 3, after becoming aware of the complex
environmental contexts my participants were faced with in Hong Kong during the
pilot study, I refined my dissertation aim to ethnographic account of the Sunday
assemblages at Statue Square in relation to how the weekly event influenced the
Filipina workers’ process of adjustment. To address this focus, I developed
additional guiding questions as follows:
Regarding the environmental context. What are the political, socio-economic,
and cultural discourses surrounding the weekly event? What are the environmental
factors that influence my participants’ participation at the gatherings? In turn, how
does participation affect my participants’ living and working condition? What is the
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significance of Statue Square as a venue for these get-togethers to my study
participants?
Regarding adjustment process. How does the Sunday Statue Square
assemblage contribute or counter my participants’ adjustment process? What role
does the weekly assemblage at the square play in my participants’ process of
adjustment and adaptive responses towards the multiple stress factors they face as
foreign domestics in Hong Kong? What is the significance o f the Sunday
assemblages at the square to my participants as foreign workers coping with living
away from their friends and family?
Regarding power. What are the structures of power influencing my
participants’ employment conditions? How does my participants’ relationship with
their employers influence their decision to participate in the weekly gathering at
Statue Square? How does the gathering at the square influence my participants’
decisions to accommodate to or resist against unsatisfactory employment conditions?
Regarding issues o f belonging. How do my participants perceive the weekly
event related to their level of assimilation into Hong Kong’s mainstream society?
How does the Sunday gatherings at Statue Square contribute to my participants’
issues of belonging while away from their homeland?
Categorization and Development o f Themes
Since I was the sole researcher, wherein I wrote all the fieldnotes, performed
all the interviews, transcribed the majority of the interview transcripts, and read
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through the interviews that were transcribed by the professional transcriber, I had a
general overview of the contents of my collected data. Nonetheless, my formal data
analysis was conducted when I had gathered all my data. Upon completion of data
collection, I began re-reading all my data transcripts, which allowed me to have a
general feel for pertinent themes. I then developed my initial categories. I found that
my data had some units of information that were fairly objective, which could
readily be understood or were self-explanatory, while there were data that were
abstract, subjective, and fairly complex that needed further analysis. Thus, I decided
to put my data into two general categories:
(1) The first category included data that was primarily descriptive and self-
explanatory. I named this category “occupational form.” I marked the data by
highlighting the first category in red directly on the hardcopies of transcripts and
field notes. These data were my actual observations at the square or descriptions of
the social structures and social processes at the assemblage that were observable. For
example, activities that were occurring at the assemblage, descriptions of women
gathered in various locations, and description of Statue Square and surrounding
areas.
The first category of descriptions of occurrences and the setting or
surroundings, generated several themes such as social circles, barkadas, space,
meeting place, territories, tambayans, worker activities (such as eating, paper
folding, soap carving, concerts, talking, reading, sleeping), vendors, Filipino items,
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center o f commerce, and provisional society. Some of these themes were terms taken
from the data itself, such as barkada, which is the term my participants used to refer
to their close circle of friends, and tambayan, which is the term my participants used
to refer to the place where their barkada usually meet and spend their leisure time.
(2) The second category was data that came from participants as well as
myself, such as insights, feelings, meanings, and stories of experiences. I named this
second category “occupational meanings.” During the early stages o f my data
analysis, I felt that data in the second category were units of information that needed
more exploration and analysis. I marked the second category in blue directly on
hardcopies of the transcripts and field notes. The majority o f my data fell into the
second category. This was probably because during times when I was not sure which
category an item of data fell into; I considered it part of the second category.
In the second category, which represented stories, experiences, insights, and
feelings, generated several themes such as cultural performance, self-identities,
community identities, abuse, exploitation, homesickness, roles, status, class, patterns
of activities, lack o f space, lack of time, work vs. non-work, power, sense o f agency,
lingo, and “holiday” (the term used by my participants to define their one-day off
from work every week). I then re-read my data with themes and I developed higher-
level categories, which represented concepts that encompassed several themes, such
as harsh living and working conditions, imbalance, liminality, negative sense of
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agency, positive sense of agency, multiple identities, power, alienation, home,
belonging, and diaspora.
In the process of writing my dissertation, I went back to my data as I
developed higher-level themes that became recurrent until I came up with the final
presentation o f my ethnographic results. This iterative process led me to create
inferences through elaboration of concepts and began to create propositions that
presented the ethnographic results. The stage of creating inferences is discussed in
more detail in the next section.
Creating Inferences
Initially, the many themes generated from the data overwhelmed me and
made it a challenge to develop focused propositions. I began focusing the analysis by
selecting themes within the data, as well as the themes that came up more frequently
than others. I selected conceptual tools that best represented the themes generated
from the data.
Since I felt that my entries in the first category were more objective and
manageable, I worked with these data first. Also, since this category represented
descriptions of the setting and occurrences during the event, the data defined the
Sunday assemblage at Statue Square as an “occupational form” (Clark & Carlson,
2003; Nelson, 1988). As a form of occupation, I used the data to describe the Sunday
assemblage and defined the social structures and social processes within the event.
The themes from the first category, which were “social circles,” “barkadas,” “space,”
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“meeting place,” “territories,” “tambayans,” “worker activities” (such as eating,
paper folding, soap carving, concerts, talking, reading, sleeping), “vendors,”
“Filipino items,” all presented descriptions of the “goings on” at the square while the
themes “center of commerce” and “provisional society” further pulled the previously
mentioned themes together to represent how the square has evolved to become a
weekly transitory society to the Filipina domestics characterized by the social circles,
spatial demarcations, and activities within the event. My initial result, which is a
description o f Sundays at the Square as a form of occupation, is presented in the next
chapter, Chapter 6.
But even though the data from the first category defined Sundays at Statue
Square as an occupational form, I soon realized that some data in the second
category were also applicable and may fit within themes in the first category,
wherein units of data in the second category were used in supporting the themes and
propositions that were put forth regarding Statue Square as an occupational form. In
turn, as will be discussed in the next section, some data in the first category also fit in
themes in the second category. Thus, I used data excerpts from both the first and
second categories in reinforcing or supporting all my propositions put forth in this
study.
Subsequent propositions came from themes that emerged from the second
category of data. To me, the data in the second category were more complex. At the
early stages o f my data analysis, I felt that the units of information in the second
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category appeared to represent the “occupational functions” and “occupational
meanings” (Clark & Carlson, 2003; Nelson, 1988) of the weekly event. However, I
was also puzzled by many aspects of the data and was not sure how to pull them
together into cohesive themes. Further, the data seemed to have many ambiguities.
Specifically, I struggled with attempting to understand my participants’ conflicting
accounts o f satisfaction with their lives and acts of jubilance at the square while the
same people, at different times, also attested to being sad, lonely, socially isolated,
discontented, and experience extreme difficulties in Hong Kong.
The dichotomy of negative and positive accounts from my participants
appeared to represent issues brought forth when I refined the research focus after the
pilot study. The conflicting accounts appear to represent aspects of my participants’
adjustment process into Hong Kong. Specifically, the negative aspects appear to
represent some of the underlying factors that render my participants’ working and
living conditions complex and at times harsh, while the positive aspects seem to
represent coping and adjustment. As such, my ethnography o f the Sunday
assemblage at Statue Square highlighted issues regarding the Filipina workers’
complex environmental context and the adjustment responses of the women
domestics to the challenges in their environment. Specifically, since majority of my
participants stated that motivations for going to the square were to counter the
difficulties brought about by their complex environment, the discussion of the
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remaining results focused towards defining the weekly event’s role in the workers’
adjustment process, which is discussed in the next section.
Occupational Perspective of Health
Adjustment to life disruptions is an area of concern in occupational science
(Frank, 1990). Based on a philosophical conviction that daily activities are basic
components of a meaningful life, occupational therapy is aimed at promoting clients’
continued engagement in valued occupations, despite onset o f illness or disability.
As a result, one of the goals of occupational science during its inception was to
support the practice of occupational therapy by studying the impact o f occupations
on adaptation, health, and daily living (Clark & Larson, 1993).
In this section, I discuss concepts within occupational science literature,
specifically Wilcock’s (1998) theory on the occupational perspective of health that I
used to focus the discussion o f my results. First, I discuss her perspective regarding
the occupational nature of humans. Second, I present how she defines health and
well-being. Third, I discuss her theory about how occupation influences health and
well-being. Fourth, I discuss how components of occupation may also lead to risk
factors and subsequent illness and disability. And finally, I discuss the implications
of Wilcock’s theory to my data analysis.
Occupational Nature o f Humans
In 1998, Wilcock developed a theory about the occupational nature of human
beings. According to Wilcock (1998), healthy living involves engagement in
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activities wherein individuals enhances and maximizes their capabilities and are in
harmony with nature and the environment. Drawing on her clinical and educational
experiences over the past 30 years, she frames her argument around the central idea
that humans have an innate need to engage in occupations for survival and health.
According to Wilcock, occupations function to
(1) provide for immediate needs such as self-care and shelter;
(2) develop skill, social structures, and technology aimed at safety and
superiority over predators and the environment;
(3) maintain health by balanced exercise of personal capacities; and
(4) enable individual and social development so that each person and the
species will flourish (p.89)
However, Wilcock (1998) believes that if humans are not able to meet these
occupational needs, problems may result, such as an imbalance, alienation,
deprivation, and stress, which are detrimental to survival and can lead to disease,
disability, and death.
Defining Health and Well-Being
Wilcock (1998) defines health in accordance with the World Health
Organization’s (WHO) definition as a state of complete physical, mental, and social
well-being not merely the absence of disease or infirmity (WHO, 1946). Wilcock
argues that a definition of health should also incorporate the biological drive for
survival, sociocultural aspects that enable individuals and communities to flourish,
and the ability to adapt accordingly to various changes. She defines health as:
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• the absence of illness, but not necessarily disability
• a balance of physical, mental, and social well-being attained through
socially valued and individual meaningful occupation
• enhancement of capacities and opportunity to strive for individual
potential
• community cohesion and opportunity
• social integration, support, and justice, all within and as part of a
sustainable ecology (p. 110)
Wilcock (1998) argues that positive health is linked to a state of well-being.
Well-being is the subjective assessment of health that is less concerned with
biological function than with feelings such as self-esteem and a sense of belonging
through social integration. To include a separation o f well-being into components
physical well-being, mental well-being, and social well-being, she uniquely links
these to occupation.
Physical Well-being. Physical well-being concerns that aspect of health that
pertains to body functions. Wilcock (1998) proposes that humans need to maximize
their capabilities to attain physical well-being. She gives the example of the relaxing
effects o f exercise wherein the body is challenged to perform. She maintains that
self-directed and regular engagement in a range of occupations that provide balance
between exertion and rest can lead to physical well-being. Based on considerable
research, she underscores the importance of physical well-being to the effective use
of mental and social capacities.
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Mental Well-being. According to Wilcock (1998), mental well-being includes
the realm o f spiritual, cognitive, and emotional aspects of human life. Additionally,
mental well-being pertains to maximizing capabilities through occupations that
enhance creativity, adventure, and emotional experiences. Wilcock stated that “for
mental well-being to be attained, occupations need to provide self-esteem,
motivation, socialization, meaning, and purpose as well as sufficient intellectual
challenge to stimulate neuronal physiology and encourage efficient or enhanced
problem-solving, sensory integration, perception, attention, concentration, reflection,
language, and memory” (p. 103).
Social Well-being. From Wilcock’s (1998) occupational perspective, social
well-being encompass occupations and roles that influence social relationships
between family members, with associates, and within the community in which they
live. Social well-being is achieved when social relations are satisfying and
stimulating and when engagement in occupation is balanced between social
situations and time for quiet and reflection. Wilcock perceives occupations that are
socially sanctioned, approved, and valued, by a culture or subculture one belongs to,
will have most obvious effects on health because it enables one to acquire social
status.
The Underlying Influences on Health Through Occupation
Wilcock (1998) delineated three distinct categories of underlying factors that
can positively influence health and well-being.
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1. The type of economy, such a nomadic, agrarian, industrial, post-industrial,
capitalist, or socialist.
2. National policies and priorities, such as toward war or peace, economic
growth, sustainable ecology, wealth and power o f multinational
organizations, or self-generated community development.
3. Dominant cultural values about such ideas as social justice and equity as they
relate to occupation, how different aspects o f occupation are perceived, the
work ethic, individualistic or communal conventions, and respect for health
or healing (p. 121).
These underlying factors give rise to particular institutions and activities in
any given society. For example: (1) the type of economy influences technology in
daily living, division of labor, and employment opportunities; (2) national priorities
influence legislations that control commercial and various environmental aspects by
which people live; and (3) cultural values influence institutions such as the media,
local regulations, social services, job creation schemes, education, and health care
systems.
Institutions as well as activities can have positive influences on individuals,
families, and communities. According to Wilcock (1998), the economy, national
policies, and cultural values cam support opportunities for engagement in activities
that provide satisfaction, meaning, purpose, stability, support, belonging, sharing,
and being socially valued. On the other hand, Wilcock also states how these factors
can also create occupational institutions and activities that may not promote health
and well-being and instead lead to negative influences. Examples of possible
negative effects include overcrowding, loneliness, substance abuse, lack of
opportunity to develop potential, imbalance between diet and activity, and ecological
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breakdown. Further, Wilcock adds that these negative effects could lead to
unresolved stress. Specifically, Wilcock defined three risk factors related to an
occupational perspective that occur (1) occupational imbalance, (2) occupational
deprivation, and (3) occupational alienation.
Occupational Imbalance. Wilcock (1998) proposes that occupational
imbalance involves engagement in occupations that fail to meet individual physical,
social, mental, or rest needs. Imbalance, in Wilcock’s belief, also pertains to
insufficient time for individual occupational interests and growth as well as for the
occupations undertaken in order to meet family, social, and community
commitments.
Wilcock (1998) uses prior literature in occupational therapy to discuss the
concept of balance, a central idea in the occupational therapy literature from its
inception. For example, the concept of the balance of occupations has most often
been viewed from a time budget perspective (Christiansen, 1996). The concept of
balance, based on a time-use perspective, sprang from an early belief in occupational
therapy that health and well-being are related to a lifestyle in which a relatively
equivalent amount of time is spent in productive, recreational, and rest activities
(Meyer, 1922). Specifically, the beneficial aspects of occupation were considered
related to recurring patterns of time use or rhythms. According to Meyer (1922), a
physician and founder of occupational therapy,
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The whole of human organization has its shape in a kind of rhythm. It is not
enough that our hearts should beat in a usual rhythm, always kept up to a
standard at which it can meet rest as well as wholesome strain without upset.
There are many other rhythms which we must be attuned to: the larger
rhythms of night and day, o f sleep and waking hours, o f hunger and its
gratification, and finally the big four—work and rest and play and sleep,
which our organism must be able to balance even under difficulty, (p.l)
Occupational Deprivation. According to Wilcock (1998), occupational
deprivation implies to a situation wherein an individual is prevented to acquire, use,
or enjoy something. The examples given by Wilcock as causes for deprivation may
be “technology, the division of labor, lack of employment opportunities, poverty of
affluence, cultural values, local regulations, and limitations imposed by social
services and education systems, as well as ill health and disability.” (p. 145)
Occupational Alienation. Wilcock’s (1998) view of occupational alienation
refers to occurrences when people’s life activities fail to be in harmony with one
another. Occupational alienation refers to a sense of estrangement. Any productive,
economic, social, or spiritual activity, as well as the products o f activity such as
philosophies, morals, money, commodities, laws, or social institutions are potentially
alienating to either individuals or groups. Institutional or societal activity can also
result in alienation when it is not in accordance with other members of the institution
or society.
In sum, Wilcock (1998) believes that occupational imbalance, occupational
deprivation, and occupational alienation have a potential to lead to stress. Further, if
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stress is prolonged or at an unacceptable level, susceptibility to illness is
increased. Long-term chronic stress can result in an earlier demise or long-term
disability.
Chapter Summary
I chose to use Wilcock’s (1998) occupational perspective of health to guide
the discussion of my results in the subsequent chapters because the themes from my
data fit within this occupational perspective. Specifically, the themes in my data
regarding my participants environmental context appear to pertain to the underlying
influences of economic, political, sociocultural factors to health and well-being. As
will be discussed in more detail in later chapters, it appears that my participants in
Hong Kong live and work within environmental factors that negatively influence
their well-being. Nonetheless, every Sunday at the Square, the Filipina domestic
community was able to create a transitory society that positively promote health and
counter their experiences of imbalance, alienation, deprivation, and stress.
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CHAPTER VI
OCCUPATIONAL FORM
In this chapter, I present the themes that emerged from my first category,
which I named occupational form. Also, even though other chapters will describe the
social structures and social process occurring at the weekly Statue Square event, a
general description is provided in this chapter as an initial introduction to what
happens during the weekly social phenomenon. First, I describe Statue Square and its
neighboring vicinity. Second, I describe how my participants viewed the Square.
Third, I define a “tambayan,” or spatial demarcations where my participants and
their friends stayed during Sundays. Fourth, I define “barkadas,” which are social
groups my participants considered as their primary support. And fifth, I describe how
Statue Square served as the center o f commerce for the Filipino domestic worker
community in Hong Kong every Sunday.
Statue Square
Statue Square is a landmark of the Central District, which was once part of a
much larger central plaza extending all the way down to the harbor. It used to have a
collection o f fountains, benches, and figures of British monarchs that gave the park
its former name “Royal Square.” However, during WWII the statues were shipped
off to Japan and the elegant whitewashed colonial buildings with their columned
verandahs were pulled down. While the statues were later retrieved, they were not
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reinstated, except for Queen Victoria, who now reigns over Victoria Park (Moran,
2000).
At the time of my study, the square was a small concrete-laden park in the
middle o f the metropolis and only featured a bronze statue of Thomas Jackson, a
former manager o f the Hong Kong Bank, two water fountains, and concrete benches
that formed two large squares, which served as perfect places to sit, while partially
protected from the heat of the sun or frequent bouts of pouring rain. Additionally,
elegant designer shops were situated around Statue Square. To one side was an
entrance to the MTR (Mass Transit Railway), while the Mandarin Hotel was on the
other side.
Filipinas are spread out in Hong Kong. There are so many of us here . .. but
Statue Square is the most popular place where Filipinas usually meet because
it is the most “central” place among most us. Eighty percent of the domestic
helpers have Sundays as their days off from work. During ordinary days, only
a few have their holidays, approximately 20%. So the Filipinas that you
would see during weekdays are just a fraction of what you see on Sundays ..
. but even though there are so many people at the square, it is really just made
up o f many small groups. Of course not everyone [Filipina workers] is in the
square, but it has become known to represent Filipinas here in Hong Kong
already (Janet, Hong Kong, 2000).
Janet was among the many workers I met at Statue Square. Her descriptions
of how the square represents the Filipina domestic population in Hong Kong
supported my observations, as did the comments of my other participants. Although
the Filipina assemblage was known to primarily occur on Sundays, Filipina
domestics were present at Statue Square every day of the week. On weekdays,
however, there was less going on in the square, and only approximately 300
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domestics occupied the park. According to my participants, the workers who spend
time at the square on weekdays were the ones who were allowed to go out and run
errands, those who stopped by the square on their way to or from an outing with the
child they were taking care of, or those who were assigned a day other than Sunday
as their rest day. Because of their relatively small number during weekdays, the local
Chinese residents, office workers, tourists, and other Westerners walking through to
shops and restaurants usually outnumbered the women.
During Sundays, however, when many o f the women were having their
weekly day off from work, tens o f thousands of workers filled the Square and its
neighboring areas. Because o f this large number, the assemblage encompassed
approximately eight blocks of the park’s vicinity, occupying curbsides and sidewalks
of the surrounding 5-star hotels, government buildings, designer shops, banking
institutions, and glamorous high-rise structures. Specifically, they occupied Statue
Square and the surrounding areas such as Chater Road and Chater Garden, the
parking lots, and Battery Path and roads leading up toward St. John’s Cathedral,
Hong Kong Park, and Government House, as well as the tunnels going towards the
MTR entrance and the covered elevated walkways and waterfront parks towards the
Central Post Office, Star Ferry, and Blake’s Pier. Across the street, they also
gathered in the huge covered lobby o f the Hong Kong Shanghai Bank.
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Meeting Place
In Hong Kong, I asked my study participants why they go to Statue Square.
“It is a meeting place” was the common answer I got from many o f the Filipina
workers. Answered as if it was seemingly mundane, establishing a meeting place
held an important significance to a worker’s weekly routine. According to my
participants, meeting up with friends was not that simple and required special
consideration, especially for the newcomers. Many women I met were not allowed
by their employer to use the phone and, since many o f them do not leave their
employer’s house, they were unfamiliar with other places other than the locality of
their work place. Thus, designated meeting places were important especially for the
crowds every Sunday.
My participants, in general, met at various public places, depending on their
plans for the day and the convenience of their friends. Newcomers to Hong Kong
were relatively unfamiliar with the means of transportation and the areas in Hong
Kong, thus, were fetched by family or friends and then brought along to wherever
they usually stayed during their holiday. Others who already knew their way around
Hong Kong said that they simply met up in subway stations, parks, malls, and other
community locations before they proceeded to their planned destinations.
Sometimes, aside from going to the square, my participants met and stayed at
employers’ houses or friends’ flats, while there were also those who belonged to
religious or civic organizations and met in churches or office spaces. For example,
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Rita, one o f my flatmates was a member of “Iglesia ni Kristo” (Church o f Christ).
According to Rita, she spends most of her weekends at their church.
Since my data collection was done at the square, this was the most common
meeting place for observing and interviewing my participants. The square was within
walking distance of several Catholic churches and Filipino establishments, which
allowed my participants to manage all their personal errands and religious
obligations with time to spare for their rest and socialization. In addition, workers I
conversed with, who came from varying locations, considered the Central District a
place where they could easily meet halfway. Further, they said it was accessible to
various modes o f transport, such as the ferry, MTR, tram, buses, and taxis. That
explains why I observed that on Sundays, all forms of public transportation heading
toward the area were filled with passengers who were predominantly Filipino
females.
Tambayans
According to my participants, during their days off from work, they
established a specific place within or in close proximity to the square where they
regularly met with their close friends, called their “tambayan.” Tambayan is Filipino
slang from the root word “tambay,” which means “to hang out” or kill time. For the
workers I met, a tambayan signifies a designated place to spend leisure or non-work
time. Landmarks, structures, or materials demarcated many o f their tambayans. I
observed how my participants used newspapers, cardboards, or picnic mats to
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specify the boundaries of their tambayans. Amy, the domestic worker with whom I
had close affiliation, had her tambayan located at the huge open lobby of the Hong
Kong Shanghai bank. During Sundays, members of Amy’s barkada, or group of
friends, sat on the ground and used cardboard boxes as markers for their spot.
According to Amy, they regularly paid a lady, who rented out Filipino novels in the
area, to place the cardboard boxes on their designated spot. When they arrived, they
simply placed a plastic tablecloth on top of the cardboard boxes and sat on it like a
picnic mat.
Similarly, Lea’s group, along with many other groups, sat closely together on
the pavement along the overhead walkway going towards the post office. Lea’s
barkada also had a “space caretaker.” Lea told me about a Chinese vagrant, who
lived on the sidewalks around the area, earned his income from monthly fees,
collected from workers, to place newspapers over their demarcated tambayans.
Further, they also gave him extra money for services such as guarding their things
when they needed to leave and go somewhere to purchase items or walk around for a
stroll. At times, Lea and her friends would even pay him extra money for overnight
safekeeping of belongings that they could not take back to their employers' homes.
Statue Square and its neighboring areas may not seem to be the most practical
place to spend time because of the inconvenience of being constantly exposed to the
hot sun or frequent heavy downfall of rain. Nevertheless, many workers I talked with
still prefer spending time in their tambayans, despite the availability of other
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established Filipino clubs in covered buildings or restaurants. Overall, my
participants claimed that they have become familiar with the square and have
developed a routine or habit of spending time in the area to stay connected with their
friends or social circles.
Further, a tambayan was a place where my participants went and were
assured o f seeing someone familiar. Since many of my participants did not have the
means o f calling each other before their day off, they simply proceeded to their
tambayan and found their friends, even without prior arrangement or confirmation.
Thus, tambayans served as a dependable and spatially demarcated refuge for peers
and social support that countered feelings o f loneliness. Recently, the advent of cell
phones further strengthened the closeness of the small groups of friends because they
could meet at other locations outside the tambayan. Nevertheless, many of my
participants still said that, no matter what happened, even if barkadas meet in other
community locations, they still visited their tambayan and simply came and went as
they pleased.
Barkadas
“Barkada,” is a Filipino term that means a peer group whose members have
deep ties of friendship with one another. Many of my participants expressed that
their get-togethers at Statue Square were about “barkadahan” or building and
maintaining barkadas. In Hong Kong, some barkadas are intimately small while
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others are large and open to new “members”. Some barkadas form associations while
others remain limited to only a few members.
“Taga saan ka sa atin?” [From where are you back home (Philippines)?], was
one o f my participants’ most popular introductory means of building a social
connection. Most o f the time, my participants preferred individuals coming from
their own ethno-linguistic region in the Philippines, who spoke the same dialect, and
most often were familiar with individuals back home. According to many workers I
met, meeting peers was not difficult since Filipinas were found everywhere in Hong
Kong, especially at the Central District. However, aside from companionship, most
o f the women said that they sought someone with whom they felt comfortable
enough to trust their secrets and life stories, as well as rely on in times o f need. Once
they established a level of rapport with a new acquaintance, they would plan to meet
again during their next day off. Through time, they were introduced to each other’s
friends and became a barkada.
Center of Commerce
As the Central District is the administrative “capital” of Hong Kong and the
symbolic center of the business and financial axis for much of Asia, Statue Square
has become the “center o f commerce” for the Filipino domestic community in Hong
Kong. The arrangements of businesses are important resource points for the migrant
community. Services within the area primarily cater to the needs o f Filipinas.
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It was a Sunday during my first visit to Statue Square in the Central District.
Sally, my first informant, accompanied me as we walked through dense crowds of
women, predominantly Filipinas. Walking through the areas filled with thousands of
women, Sally eagerly showed me the “ins and outs” of the assemblage. She pointed
out how the arrangement of services has become familiar to most Filipina domestics.
“This is where we get our manicures done,” she pointed to a lady sitting at a comer
serving a client. Barely three feet away, two other ladies were giving haircuts to
clients. Many employers demanded proper grooming from their domestic workers.
Aside from services, in and around the areas o f Statue Square, various illegal
vendors or hawkers were selling Philippine indigenous foods, such as “halo-halo”
(preserved beans and fruits with crashed ice), adobo, pinapaitan, dinakdakan,
paksiw, ginataan, and other Filipino food and delicacies. I observed various
merchants who were offering specially discounted shirts, watches, bags, novelty
items, and souvenirs. At several locations, some women, who were also domestic
workers, were trying to make extra income by renting out Filipino novels, comic
books, and magazines that was the latest fad within the domestic community.
According to Sally, reading romance novels from the Philippines had become a
popular leisure activity among the workers to counter lonely and sleepless nights.
There was soap carving lessons offered at several locations, which is a skill that
enhances workers’ chances for employment. Other vendors sell phone cards that
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enable workers to make their regular calls to their families in the Philippines at a
reduced rate.
In close proximity to World-Wide Building, Wing-On Building, and other
buildings located half a block away from the square, are establishments that
primarily served the Filipino community, such as friendship clubs and movie clubs,
as well as centers that offer computer courses for the women. Various Philippine
banks, money remittance offices, Filipino restaurants, and stores selling Filipino
food, cosmetics, CDs, newspapers, phone cards, and other Filipino products also are
conveniently located near the square. As such, many of the women’s personal
errands could be accomplished within close walking distances. Even Chinese owned
stores and other local entrepreneurs have their salespersons call out in Tagalog,
“mura lang, mura lang!” (cheap items for sale) to the Filipinas walking by.
Aside from businesses, my participants told me that Filipino politicians who
visited Hong Kong also took the opportunity to campaign at the Square while
Philippine companies sponsor concerts, pageants, and other advertising gimmicks
that brought in artists and celebrities from the Philippines. Rallies and protests of
activist groups for migrant workers were also conducted within the area. Thus, the
Square had become the center o f activities for the Filipino domestic worker
community.
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CHAPTER VII
COMPLEX ENVIRONMENTAL CONTEXT:
IDENTIFYING OCCUPATIONAL RISK FACTORS
At the square, my conversations with workers were filled with laughter and
amusing stories of their everyday triumphs. At the same time, however, in spite of
the display of joy and jubilance, the same workers who were laughing with me at the
square also reported dissatisfaction regarding their plight, sadness and homesickness,
expressions o f hardships with their work and employment, and stories that presented
issues o f discrimination, abuse, and exploitation. My study participants withstood
these hardships in Hong Kong to keep their much-needed foreign employment.
Further, my participants attested that their jolly demeanor was mostly expressed
during their time spent every Sundays at Statue Square or other community
locations. Thus, most of their week was filled with struggles and experiences of
hardships while working as domestics in Hong Kong.
In this chapter, I present the environmental context surrounding Statue
Square, that includes the Philippine and Hong Kong economies, recruitment and
employment policies, and Filipino cultural values influenced my participants’
working conditions. First, I describe my participants’ living and working
arrangements that deprived them of personal space and time. Second, I describe how
my participants displayed disempowerment as evidenced by their stories of
accommodating to many unsatisfactory conditions. Third, I describe how, according
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to my participants, the Filipina domestic community experienced alienation in Hong
Kong. Fourth, I describe how my participants displayed conflicts in making meaning
of their experiences in Hong Kong. Overall, because of the underlying factors raised
in this chapter, I show how my participants were at risk for occupational problems
identified by Wilcock (1998) namely occupational imbalance, occupational
deprivation, and occupational alienation.
Living and Working Arrangements
In this section, I discuss how many of my Filipina worker study participants
experienced deprivation of personal occupations because of their working and living
conditions. Many of my participants lived in their employers’ homes under
substandard conditions and strict guidelines, which diminish their control over the
orchestration of their daily occupations, especially those of personal tasks, such as
calling friends and family, writing letters, washing and ironing own clothes, etc.
In general, there were two types o f living arrangements among domestic
workers in Hong Kong, namely stay-out and live-in. “Stay-out” domestics were
those workers who rented a room or flat (apartment) outside their employer’s home.
The women I lived with during my several visits to Hong Kong exemplified this
stay-out arrangement. According to my flatmates, a stay-out living arrangement was
not typical because foreign domestics were required to live with their employers
according to their contracts. However, my flatmates, because they had been
employed in Hong Kong for a number o f years, had found ways to circumvent this
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requirement. For instance, Rita, one of my flatmates, had several part-time
assignments with several employers and managed to have living arrangements on her
own because one of her employers vouched that she was a full-time live-in worker to
keep her in Hong Kong legally.
However, since Rita had three employers, she stated that her work was more
tiring because she had to complete a list of chores in each house within a limited
amount o f time. After a couple of hours in one house, she then rushed to “scrub and
kiss another toilet bowl” as she jokingly described. Nevertheless, since Rita’s jobs
had a specified number of hours, mostly during times when her employers were not
present, she was free to accomplish her responsibilities in the manner she chose.
Sometimes she even created ways to simplify her work routine and was able to finish
before her established paid hours were up. For example, Rita told me how she was
being paid by one of her employers for three hours worth of work everyday, but at
times, she stays for only two hours then rushes to the house of another employer. She
said,
I wipe everything first... really fast! Then I let the laundry run, that way
while I am doing the laundry, I can clean the toilet... that’s why sometimes I
can leave early. But, all my employers are happy with my work, no
complaints! I really clean well, that’s why sometimes, if I am really in a
hurry, I will not wipe the tables, but it will still be okay because I just cleaned
it really well the day before (Rita, Hong Kong, 2000)
Overall, despite the intensity of her work routine, Rita appreciated the trade -off of
having control over her use of time, especially after her job responsibilities had been
accomplished.
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Rita had more flexibility than did the other workers regarding her daily
activities, especially those of non-work. For instance, since I lived with Rita for two
weeks, I witnessed how Rita was free to communicate with her friends and families
back home at any time and had regular social interaction with her peers in Hong
Kong. Rita also liked to keep her place open to other workers. Workers frequently
visited Rita’s flat, where they had karaoke sessions, watched videos together, chatted
about their work and families, and ate various kinds o f Filipino food. At times, Rita
also was able to accommodate other workers, who had problems with their
employers, to sleep over for several nights until their problems were resolved. Thus,
based on my observations and interviews with Rita it appeared that, since stay-out
domestics had their own rented apartments, once they were home, they could do
anything they pleased. Stay-out domestics were able to manage their personal
errands and spend some leisure time on a daily basis, going grocery shopping,
watching television, or talking for long hours on the phone with family members
back home.
Unlike Rita, however, most o f the workers I interviewed lived in their
employer’s home for the 2-year span o f every contract because it was a requirement
to attain and maintain a legal working status in Hong Kong. Several factors emerged
from the data that seemed to affect live-in conditions. These factors were space,
time, house rules, and employer relation.
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Space
Unfortunately, since Hong Kong is a small place with relatively small houses
or flats, especially within the metropolis, several of my participants described
sleeping in the room of the child they were taking care o f or placing makeshift
mattresses in the kitchen or living room. Even my own room during my stay with
stay-out domestics depicted a cramped living condition. On three occasions, once
during my pilot study and twice during the main study, I stayed with workers in
different flats at Central District. The flats that I stayed in were in a five or four-floor
buildings o f three to four flats per floor. All were similar in that the entire flat, even
if it had three bedrooms, would be approximately only be 400- 500 square feet. My
room ranged from 50-60 square feet, wherein, with my luggage and a full bed, there
was only a small space left to walk. Aside from the bedroom, the living room and
dining room combined were approximately 100 square feet, while the kitchen was
about 30 square feet.
Similar to my living conditions with stay-out domestics, my participants
described lack of personal space in their employer’s home for rest and other personal
tasks. For instance, to Maria, a live-in worker I met at the square one Sunday stated,
My employer loves to play mahjongg. They play until midnight or even later
than that sometimes. I have to wait for them to finish, which makes it
difficult because I have to wake up early the next morning for my chores. I
don’t really have a choice because they play in the living room and that is
where I sleep, in the sofa... look at my eyes, they are dark . . . oh! Like
Dracula! [laughingly pointing at the dark circles around her eyes]. They
finished playing really late last night, past 2:00 a.m. already! While waiting, I
tried to write letters to my family... I sat by the kitchen counter, but I fell
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asleep, I just got woken up because they asked for drinks, tea . . . and some
food . . . but I said to myself, “I’ll be off [from work] tomorrow anyway” . . .
so even though I barely had sleep, first thing this morning . . . it was still dark
... I prepared their breakfast, then finished up some of the chores so I could
catch the very first train to Central (Maria, Hong Kong, 2001)
Mila, another live-in domestic, in comparison, was provided with her own
room at her employer’s house but still experienced a lack o f personal space. Even
during her day off from work, her space presented vague demarcations between work
and non-work. She said,
I could stay in my room [to rest], but it is embarrassing not to do anything.
They [my employers] know that it is my day off, so I know that they are not
expecting me to work. But they are there just outside the door, so, I am sort
o f forced [to work] because I feel uncomfortable. It is embarrassing not to do
anything. So I go out and help . . . clean the kitchen after they eat. Because
my employers just like staying home . . . they are always there . . . Especially
when the child is crying, I have to attend to her. . . I can’t help it because the
child calls for me even if the mother is home. So during my day off, I need to
go somewhere else to rest (Mila, Hong Kong, 2001).
Thus, for Mila, even though she had her own small room, being under her
employer’s roof still resulted in a lack of personal space. Since the house itself
defined her “workplace,” being in it constantly deprived her of the sense o f reprieve
from her responsibilities.
In addition, instances of rage and abuse have been documented that relate to
tensions within the house aggravated by the limited space. When I was in Hong
Kong, I read a magazine circulating in the Filipino community that featured stories
of abuse, not just with Filipinas, but with other foreign domestics as well, such as
those coming from Indonesia and Sri Lanka. According to the article, incidents of
such types o f abuse have become rampant, which the author coined as “Kitchen
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Rage” or “Laundry Rage,” etc. As opposed to Road Rage, a common term in the
United States to refer to the behavioral phenomenon wherein motorists end up in
violence because of a squabble on the highway, kitchen rage has been erupting daily
in Hong Kong households characterized by outbursts of anger due to the pressure
escalating from cramped and confined living conditions.
Time
The live-in domestics I interviewed had long hours of work because of the
lack o f demarcation between working and non-working hours. My participants were
involved in cleaning, cooking, and caring for their employers’ children or elders six
days out o f every week, with limited time for rest and recreation. Some participants
reported that their employers asked them to work 12- to 16-hour days. Further, even
though their contracts were limited to only one household, at times, some o f my
participants were also asked to work illegally in other locations, such as stores,
relatives’ homes, factories, or restaurants that were not specified in their contracts,
doing double or triple duty for the same pay, to maximize the use o f their time. Aida
exemplified this situation. She said,
My papers (work contract and visa) is for domestic work. But my employer
has a factory. I work there during the day... they bring me. Then after that I
go back to my employer’s house, cook dinner then clean. After I wash the
dishes after dinner, that will be the only time I can do things... like take a
shower or wash my clothes. I actually wash my clothes while I take a
shower... that’s the only way I could have it done. When I came here to
Hong Kong, I did not know I was going to work at a factory. They just
brought me the very next day I arrived (Aida, Hong Kong 2001)
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Similarly, according to Lina, a live-in Filipina domestic, there was not much
room in her daily routine for other activities aside from housework. As she related,
My tasks start early in the day. Of course, I wake up before anyone else so
that breakfast is ready when they get up. Then, I fix their beds, then prepare
the eight-year-old for school. I have a list of things to do prepared by my
male employer because my female employer [his wife] does not speak
English. Doing the laundry, ironing, going to the market, cooking, cleaning,
and taking care of two children. . . the older one goes to school and the
younger one is still a baby, 4 months old. So I manage to do all the chores
while she is asleep. The hard part is when she wakes up or had been crying
the night before... [and] I did not get enough sleep (Lina, Hong Kong,
2001).
Rules
In addition to the lack of personal space and time for personal tasks, and as a
consequence o f having live-in conditions, these participants had decreased freedoms
wherein they were required to abide by certain “house rules.” Many of my
participants stated that their employers implemented strict guidelines that even
included personal matters, such as not wearing make-up or lipstick, needing to cut
one’s hair short, and wearing specific types of clothing or uniforms. For instance,
during a conversation with a group of workers at the square, a Filipina worker said,
Look at all of them (Filipinas), all dressed up! That is because they can’t
wear the clothes they want at their employers’ house. Like me, I had to cut
my hair. No manicure, no pedicure, no make-up... so, here they dress up and
feel pretty! (Filipina worker, Hong Kong, 2000)
Additionally, many of my participants were not able to eat their native food
in their employers’ home. A worker participant complained,
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They (employers) don’t like me eating Filipino food because they don’t like
the sm ell. . . it’s ironic because they don't take a bath every day and they
wonder why I do! (Filipina worker, Hong Kong, 2001)
Another worker said she was forbidden to cry because their employers
believed it brought bad luck. She said,
I learned how to cry quietly, even inside my own room, because I always feel
homesick, but one time my employer got so upset when she saw me crying...
she said she’d send me back home because it is bad luck if someone is crying
in her house (Vina, Hong Kong, 2001)
During days off, many o f my participants also needed to abide by their
employers’ curfews that further emphasized the employer’s control over their daily
activities. Every night, especially during Sundays, my participants would say
goodbye by saying, “Okay its my curfew already, time to go back....” During one
Sunday, another worker said,
My employers are very strict about going out of the house. If they
[employers] tell me to go to the market, when I return and I am a few minutes
late, they question me and reprimand me . . . why was I ten minutes late, they
say . . . because the market is just five blocks away. .. they time me . . . They
don’t like it when it is my day off too, but what can they do? I demand for it
because that is the only time I can remit money back home. So I really make
use o f every minute [of my day off]. I have a curfew, 7:00 p.m. I have to be
back. Otherwise, they reprimand me, even if I am just five minutes late. So I
try to be back early .. . but if it is only 6:50 p.m., I stay downstairs . . . I will
just go up [to the flat] at exactly 7:00 (Tina, Hong Kong, 2001).
In addition, most of my live-in participants were not allowed to use the phone
or leave the house except for specific household errands such as buying food in the
market or taking the children to and from school. Some of my participants were even
locked inside the house when their employers went away. Delia was a live-in
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domestic whose employer went for a vacation over one weekend. Delia described her
experience of being locked inside the house.
They [employers] locked the door because they thought I might steal and
leave while they were away. My friends were wondering why I did not show
up during our day off. I could not call them because the phone was
disconnected . . . So I was just there in the house for three days, but it felt
longer than that because I had no one to talk with (Delia, Hong Kong, 2001).
Employer Relations
In addition to the long hours o f work, lack o f personal space, and restrictions
within the house, the relationship established by my participants with employers
seemed to greatly influence the quality of living and working conditions.
According to my participants, their employers often required them to adjust
to the lifestyle set at the household. Daily expectations amid cultural differences
were sources of misunderstanding. Conflicts arose concerning behavior, demeanor,
values, and practices. For instance, Josie had been a domestic worker in Hong Kong
for seven years. According to Josie, it was difficult for her to adjust to the day-to-day
life as a foreign domestic, especially during her first few days in Hong Kong.
Back home . . . everyone eats together for dinner. But here, they’ll
[employers] say watch over the child first before you eat. Even if it is already
10:00. Of course, it takes some time to feed the child, that’s the only time you
can eat, after the child is done. In spite of that, they still reprimand me on
why the child is taking such a long time to eat. . . it is still my fault. But
whatever it may be, I was the one who still needed to adjust. In the
Philippines, by 7:30, we’U all eat together; you won’t go hungry. But here, by
10:00, I'm so hungry already until I just lose my appetite (Josie, Hong Kong,
2001).
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Aside from their employers immediate family, some of my participants said
that the households also included others such as the employer’s elders or parents.
These older family members were stricter in their delineated expectations for
subservience.
Other participants, like Josie, also reported having to adapt their manner of
accomplishing chores according to their employer’s demands. For instance, Minda
had to learn to wash clothes using a machine and acquired her employer’s cooking
style. Further, some of my participants had to learn Chinese superstitious beliefs to
avoid being reprimanded by employers when cleaning the house, such as keeping
lucky charms or ornaments in certain areas o f the house and facing in specific
directions. Nena said,
I was so proud of myself... I think it was my second day (in Hong Kong), I
cleaned the house because it was dirty. I did not just dust, instead I used
water and a rag to wipe all tables and shelves. I was so proud of myself; I
thought my employer would be pleased when they arrived home. But instead,
she got upset because the Buddha and other lucky charms,,, she also had a cat
with the paw, and the frog with the coin... they have to face the door. She
came home and they were facing straight... and that was the wall. I thought
that it was not arranged well, so when I cleaned, I straightened them. She said
it was bad luck... well, it was bad luck for me because I got scolded (Nena,
Hong Kong, 2001).
In addition, my participants told me many stories about their friends as well
as their own experiences of being slapped or scolded, being thrown out o f the house,
passports kept from them so that they cannot leave, and not being paid the agreed
upon salary. Further, many cases of abuse and maltreatment have also been reported
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in news and magazines. For instance, on the cover page of a magazine called “TNT”
(Tulay ng Tagumpay: Hong Kong [Bridge to Success: Hong Kong]) dated Aug-Sep
2000, a picture of a Filipina domestic worker with severe bum scars on both her
hands was featured. Her employer, with an iron, burned the worker after she
accidentally burned her employer’s camisole. On the Philippine Global News, dated
September 2000, a picture of a woman with multiple bruises was featured. The
caption said, “Battered Maid: Carmelita showing her bruises and discolored skin
after the attack. Her employer, Chu Sui-yee, 40, a nurse at Ruttonjee Hospital, was
found guilty of assault by the Hong Kong Court.”
On the other hand, even though many of my participants had many tragic
stories that pertain to abusive and harsh employers, not all were bad. There were
testimonies of good, caring, and doting employers. In Hong Kong, some of my study
participants also considered themselves fortunate for having “easy” employers. For
example, Annie always talked about her employers and how she felt that they were
her second family. Another worker, Nina, said that she took care o f an elderly
Chinese woman, wherein her job only entailed keeping her company while there
were other people cooking and cleaning in the house. But even those workers who
felt “lucky” to have “very good” employers, still had problems and experienced
sadness regarding missing families back home, loneliness, and other difficulties
related to migration and domestic work. Almost all my participants attested to being
homesick. As a result, many workers I met during their gatherings were giving each
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other advice on how to withstand the loneliness and difficulties of working as a
foreign domestic.
Conflicting values systems also became an issue in everyday tasks. For
instance, since most respondents in my study were primarily hired as nannies, many
workers often expressed frustrations over the differences in methods and beliefs of
how to care for children. Annie, for example, expressed how she felt that Filipina
nannies become closer to the children they take care of than do other nannies. Annie
said, “Maybe because of our culture, we care of children so much. We really love
and care for them, that’s why they end up loving us too.” Annie brings the 7-year-old
child she was taking care o f with her anywhere she goes. During her holiday, she
brings him to the square. She even brought him to the Philippines during her last
vacation. Annie stated that she did this because the child always looked for her
when she leaves, so the mother just let her son go with her.
Nonetheless, not all live-in participants complained of their living situation.
Some live-in workers identified more freedom and satisfaction with their living and
working conditions. For instance, Lisa worked for an affluent Chinese male who
allowed her to do whatever she wanted as long as her work obligations were
accomplished. She had her own room to rest and, at times, entertained friends who
came to visit. Further, whenever she took her employer’s children to and from
school, she made frequent stops at the Central District to attend to her personal
errands. However, unlike Lisa, majority o f my participants who had live-in
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conditions were often confined within the house and complained of grueling
workweeks.
Disempowerment
Based on my participants’ stories, their lives in Hong Kong were a daily
struggle o f pleasing their employers so they could keep their job. Also, many of the
Filipina domestic workers I met in Hong Kong were victims o f erring recruitment
agencies. Thus, they experienced exploitation by both employers and recruitment
agencies. But workers generally accommodated to these forms of exploitation
because o f fear of not being placed by the agency or getting fired by their employers.
In this section, I present how my participants display disempowerment based on
exploitation, fear, and reliance on fate.
Exploitation
According to my participants, the recruitment process did not give them
enough choices over their employment condition. Stories of my participants’
application process appeared to already place them in disempowered positions even
before their deployment to Hong Kong. My participants had no control over the
details of their employment. During application, my participants had to go through a
licensed recruitment agency. Most of my participants were not prepared for the
stringent application process, which entailed medical procedures and videotaped
interviews wearing a maid’s uniform. According to my participants, their employers
chose them from the videotapes and upon selection the agency deployed them. My
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participants had no knowledge of their future employers. Thus, their employers and
recruitment agencies were the only ones who had the power to place them in job
positions. According to Nina,
I did not know anything about my employers. I did not even know what they
looked like. But I think they had a picture of m e.... They were the ones who
found me at the airport. I was told that when you get there (Hong Kong), just
wait. So I just stood there at the airport then they found m e.. .(Nina, Hong
Kong, 2001)
Some participants were also victims o f Philippines recruitment agencies who
were violating labor codes. Gina, for example, was required by her recruitment
agency to pay a placement fee. When she arrived in Hong Kong, she found out from
women she met at the square that she paid almost double the regulated amount as a
placement fee. This was a common violation in the Philippines wherein employment
agencies charged exorbitant placement and processing fees. Gina, as well as other
participants, reported selling property, such as a piece o f land or a carabao, or they
went into debt just to obtain their foreign employment. Many o f my participants said
that during the first year of their employment, almost all their salaries went to paying
off their debts. “So we really need to work more... because we barely earned
anything after only one two-year contract,” said a worker.
Several participants were coerced into accepting arrangements that were not
part of their contracts. For example, Fely had to work in her employer’s restaurant.
She said, “my contract states that I should only work in the house. So, working at the
restaurant was illegal.” When I asked why she did it anyway she replied, “it is just
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like that here... ask anyone, you just do it. It is part of the job... the real part o f the
job. Just do what you are told.” Some of my participants were also asked to work in
restaurants, stores, or factories, even if these were not part o f their job descriptions.
In addition, some of my participants also had experienced their salary or
passports withheld by their employers without giving any justification. For me, these
examples appeared to be exploitation or even abuse. However, to the workers I
interviewed, these were just “part of the job.” Participants did not end up reporting
these incidents. Cases that only got reported were the ones that were extreme such as
rape, being burned or beaten up. In the news, many cases o f exploitation and illegal
recruitment have been reported. But these reported illegal acts are the types that put
the lives o f workers at risk or have resulted in extreme abuse. Examples were cases
of women ending up in brothels or placed in white slavery. Others were cases
wherein workers ended up imprisoned, hanged, or sent home dead without
justification for their deaths (Beltran et al., 1996; Gonzales, 1998; San Juan, 1998).
Fear
Violations have gone unnoticed, largely because of “willing victims” who
fear they will lose their much-needed employment. According to Lina, “it is hard if
you lose your job here in Hong Kong. What will we send home? How will we pay
our debts? Then if you don’t find a new employer within two weeks, you get
deported. Our eyes will all turn white with hunger... so, it is just a matter of
sacrifice...” Lina’s comment about needing to accept and bear the burden of their
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employers’ maltreatment was common among many o f my participants.
Unfortunately, laws that could protect Filipinas are also lacking, placing them in an
even more subordinate position (Beltran et al., 1996). Unlike factory workers and
other migrant workers, who have standard labor laws to protect them, domestic
helpers are more vulnerable also because the house in which they work is in a private
area and, as such, they depend on the mercy o f the employer. Support groups for
foreign servants report that the law is weighed in favor of the employer (Jones,
1996), and penalties in Hong Kong are not commensurate with the committed
offenses (Beltran et al., 1996). The Philippine overseas employment agency (POEA),
the government body overseeing foreign employment, has no jurisdiction over erring
foreign recruiters and employers (Beltran et al., 1996). Even if they decided to
complain, they have no access to legal assistance or do not possess the know-how to
process grievances.
Overall, based on my interviews and conversations with workers, most
incidents o f my participants’ being exploited and abused went unreported due to
their fear of having employment contracts terminated. My participants felt that they
had few alternatives but to accept the demands, restrictions, and even harsh treatment
of their employers. A terminated domestic helper only has two weeks to find a new
employer; otherwise, he or she is immediately deported (Asian Migrant Center,
1991). Aside from debts incurred, there is considerable pressure from dependent
family members, such as spouses, children, siblings, and parents, for monetary
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support. Because they needed to keep their jobs for economic survival, the workers
primarily accommodated to the demands of their employers. My participants’ efforts
to accommodate and maintain their employment was evident by many o f them
giving out tips and pointers on how to meet employer’s expectations and demands.
Fatalism
Although not all workers I spoke with reported incidents o f exploitation and
abuse, their stories shared a sense of helplessness. Many o f my participants
considered themselves “blessed” and “lucky” even with substandard living
conditions. They leave it all up to fate. Many of my participants simply said, “Bahala
na” (it is all up to fate) when I asked why they came to Hong Kong despite stories of
abuse and exploitation. They said that their venture into Hong Kong was like a
“gamble.” Adding, “swerte-swerte lang yan!” (it is all up to luck). Throughout my
data collection, I heard my participants rely on “good luck.” Celia, for instance said,
It is just a matter of luck. You don’t know what kind of life you’ll end up
with when you apply for domestic work in Hong Kong. There are many
(other workers) who get hurt... raped even. I have been lucky because my
employers have been good to me. The job is difficult, but they don’t hurt
m e... I’ve been lucky (Celia, Hong Kong, 2001).
Since most of my conversations with workers in Hong Kong often displayed
my participants’ reliance to luck or fate. I wondered whether it was mostly because
of their working conditions in Hong Kong or also had something to do with culture.
Culturally, Filipino tend to be fatalistic as represented by one o f the favorite pastimes
at the square, gambling. The propensity for gambling does not recognize class,
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economic status, or age. In the streets o f Manila, one finds school children playing
cara y cruz (street gambling of heads or tails), gambling their meager money from
alms or baon (daily allowance). At the square, several tambayans were known within
the community as spaces for games o f chance. According to a worker, “If you like to
gamble, this is your place... pusoy, shohan, blackjack, 41, Lucky 9, and jueteng
(types o f games of chance).” In addition, many o f my participants rely on faith. “We
leave it up to God. That is how you survive in Hong Kong. Just pray... He will not
give you what you can’t handle, right?” according to Rita, my flatmate.
Diaspora: Displacement and Non-Assimilation
In this section, I discuss how my participants experience displacement and
non-assimilation in Hong Kong. Due to transcultural displacement, the Filipina
domestic helper community was situated within two divergent worlds, the Philippine
homeland, to which they remained loyal and looked forward to an eventual return,
and the host country in which they experienced alienation and persecution. The term
“diaspora” was first used in the Bible to describe the exile o f Jews from Babylon,
when they were forced to live outside their own country. In Greek, the root meaning
of diaspora is “to wander” or “dispersion.” Aside from denoting transnationality and
movement, diaspora also includes the struggle to define the distinctive local
community within the context of displacement (Clifford, 1997). The model of
diaspora is that o f an expatriate minority community that is dispersed from an
original “center” to at least two “peripheral” places where members maintain a
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memory or vision of their original homeland. Further, they remain committed to the
homeland’s maintenance or restoration and see the ancestral home as a place of
eventual return (Clifford, 1997; Saffan, 1991). Based on these criteria, The Filipina
domestic community appears to be in diaspora.
With industrialization and globalization, immigration between nations has
become common place (Spretnack, 1999). Filipinos exemplify the ever-increasing
groups o f migrants dispersed in various countries all over the world. For my
participants in Hong Kong, their dispersion was due to economic struggle. The
Philippines is one of the most malnourished countries in the world. With a history of
multiple colonization, corrupt government, and an increasingly large foreign debt,
the local economy has been continuously failing (Lacsamana, 1998). Approximately
72% of the nation’s 70 million people are impoverished and 40% unemployed
(Lacsamana, 1998). Thus, for residents of a developing or “third world” country,
immigrating to a more industrialized country, such as Hong Kong, is driven by
economic promise.
The number o f Filipinos leaving the Philippines in search for work and
business opportunities in other countries has been rapidly increasing since the second
half of the 20th century (Giovani, 1999). The advancement and progress of
industrialized countries present increasing demands for labor from developing
countries. As a result, the Philippine government has created programs that facilitate
opportunities for overseas employment. Despite protests from feminist and
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nationalist organizations about the “exploitation” of Filipinos, especially women,
who are the nation’s leading export, the workers themselves insist on pursuing
foreign employment due to the financial benefits (Beltran, Samonte, & Walker,
1996). In turn, the perceived “warm body export” has become an industry in the
nation’s political economy.
Industrialized nations, like Hong Kong, also prefer foreign workers because
most Filipino workers have proved to be willing to do jobs that local employees are
unwilling to do (Gonzales, 1998). There have been several “waves” of mass
migration to various countries such as the United States, Japan, Saudi Arabia,
Singapore, Hong Kong and, more recently, other countries in Asia and Europe. The
most popular jobs of migrant workers are nurses, factory workers, construction
workers, entertainers, and domestic workers. Domestic work, in particular, is of great
demand in industrialized nations, including Hong Kong, because they enable prior
non-working men, but mostly women who had stayed at home taking care of their
children, to join the labor force.
Among the many countries domestic helpers are deployed to, the most
popular destination is Hong Kong. Employers in Hong Kong prefer Filipina foreign
domestics because they have been known to accept lower pay than do Chinese
workers, work on a fixed contract, often for 14-16 hours a day, six days a week, for
several years, and speak English (Gonzales, 1998). Thus, as old-style Chinese amahs
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have moved on to more lucrative work in factories, Filipina women have taken their
place.
Through the years, word has spread back to the Philippines of the lucrative
employment opportunities in Hong Kong. As background, the average income o f a
physician in Manila is just a little over what a foreign domestic worker makes
(Gonzales, 1998; Moran, 2000). The workers are 95% women (Giovani, 1999) and
many o f them have university degrees and were working as nurses, teachers, or
midwives in the Philippines. The standard contract salary of HK $3,600 a month plus
room and board (a low rate for domestics) is triple that of a schoolteacher in Manila.
With Hong Kong less than a two-hour plane ride away and the lure of financial
rewards, the number of Filipinos in the area has increased dramatically. As o f 2001,
there were approximately 200,000 Filipina domestic helpers in Hong Kong (Giovani,
1999), compared to 180,600 in 1999 and 130,000 in 1995 and 80,000 in 1992,
representing a rapid increase (Tefft, 1995). Further, according to analysts, these
numbers are regarded as underestimates (Tefft, 1995).
In a study by Bagley et al. (1997), while employer-related issues were
identified as stress factors, the authors also identified separation from friends and
family in the Philippines as the biggest source o f stress among the workers.
Accordingly, based on my conversations, many workers said homesickness was
more difficult to overcome compared to work and employer-related issues.
According to Marina,
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Even before we came here (Hong Kong), we already know that working here
is difficult. We have heard stories and people in the deployment office have
warned us. But we still decided to come - so, we were prepared to face the
grueling work and even employers who are not nice. The hardest part is
missing our family, especially the children... I thought I was also prepared
for that. But I guess not enough. I cry every night, especially the first few
days. Ask anyone here. I’m sure they also spend their nights crying...(Maria,
Hong Kong, 2001).
Further, as a migrant population, Filipina domestics maintain their full
affiliation to their homeland because o f their continued Philippine citizenship.
Filipina domestic workers are deployed to Hong Kong with a two-year contract,
which makes them temporary migrants. Although there are workers who have been
in Hong Kong for many years, some even beyond ten years, they only manage to do
so by renewing their contracts with previous or new employers for a two-year stay
each time. Some workers, however, have become permanent residents, exemplified
by two of my study participants, Elena, who married a British national, and Josie,
who married a Hong Kong resident o f Filipino descent. However, compared to
migrant workers in other countries such as the United States, Japan, and Europe,
only a few workers are able to change their status of residency to become permanent
residents in Hong Kong.
In addition, Filipina domestics are sent to work in Hong Kong alone and are
required to live in their employer’s home. Since their families are left behind in the
Philippines, most o f the women live frugally and send back most o f their salaries to
support their families. Some try to save enough money to start a business, build a
house, or hope for a time when they have fewer financial obligations and can
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permanently return home to the Philippines. Thus, the process of remitting all their
income in the Philippines, coupled with their lack of investments or other long-term
attachments in Hong Kong, also emphasizes their temporary stay.
While in Hong Kong, Filipino domestics exist on the lower rungs o f Hong
Kong society. They are categorized as “ just a notch above the Vietnamese refugees”
(Escoda, 1994, p. 58), and overt displays of racism can be observed in everyday life.
For example, they are ridiculed in comic strips (Escoda, 1994) and on television
(Escoda, 1994). Some exclusive clubs and restaurants do not welcome maids on their
premises and have a designated waiting area or entrance so that they are not that
visible (Escoda, 1994). My participants attested that Filipinos working in offices in
Hong Kong avoid getting affiliated with them. As a result, in addition to
homesickness, many Filipina foreign domestics also remain unassimilated into Hong
Kong’s mainstream society.
Conflicts in Meanings
In this section, I show how my participants displayed conflicts in making
meaning o f their experiences in Hong Kong. These conflicts were sources of
difficulties while they worked as foreign domestics.
It was a Sunday during my first visit to Central District. Walking through the
areas filled with thousands of women, Sally, my first informant, eagerly
showed me the “ins and outs” of the assemblage at Statue Square. From then
on, I met many workers who expressed their feelings and opinions about the
weekly event (field notes, Hong Kong, 2000).
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In general, my conversations with my participants presented stories filled
with issues regarding multiple disruptions in their familial and societal roles and
status brought about by their foreign employment. Because o f these disruptions, my
participants also experienced conflicts in making meaning o f their experiences in
Hong Kong, which appeared to have resulted in conflicted sense o f identities. In this
section, I present multiple forms of conflicts in various levels of the workers’
identities, both individual and collective. These conflicts are reflected in how they
viewed themselves in relation to their homeland and current trans-cultural setting. I
present individual cases to exemplify the types o f conflict displayed by my
participants. I present the cases of Annie, Sally, Josie, and Linda.
Annie: Self-identity vs. Image o f a Filipina at the Square
Annie was an informant I met through Sally. Annie had been working in
Hong Kong for nine years and had acquired a stay-out status. Previously, she worked
in a factory and was a political activist in the Philippines. The decision to work in
another country went against her political principles, but she had to give in for the
sake of her three children, parents, and seven siblings. According to Annie,
I never dreamed of working abroad. I always told myself that I would never
work for those capitalists! But that’s really how it is—poverty in our country.
Even if you have a job [in the Philippines], it is never enough (Annie, Hong
Kong, 2001).
A block away from the square, Annie walked me towards an overpass filled
with hundreds o f women with their groups lined at both sides. We walked through
the space allotted in the middle for passersby, and she led me to where her
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townmates were located. Everyone in the group greeted her with excitement as she
introduced me to each one. We spent the next couple of hours eating “puto and
sapin-sapin” (Filipino delicacies), while we told stories, joked with each other, and
laughed non-stop the entire time. After the day’s outing, Annie brought me to her
flat, where I began the interview.
At first, I was surprised to hear her negative comments o f the place, which
contradicted my observation of her overt delight from our recent excursion. “Those
gatherings are a waste of time . . . besides, hanging out at Statue Square present
many temptations . . . gambling, boyfriends, gossip,” she said. What was more
intriguing, however, was her constant changes in opinion throughout our three-hour
conversation. “Well, it is always fun there at the square. If you need someone to talk
with or if you have problems, the square is where you go.” Further, she displayed an
inconsistent sense o f belonging to the domestic helper community, constantly
shifting from the “we” or “us” to “them” or “they” in referring to the Filipina
domestic population.
Annie’s shifts in insights about the weekly event appeared to reflect her
reactions to the negative image Filipinas had acquired because of the gatherings at
the square. As the number and visibility of foreign workers increased, so did
complaints about their “takeover” of the Central District, which began to appear in
the local newspapers in the mid-1980s and early 1990s. A particularly loud public
debate, the explicit protests by Hong Kong residents and business owners against the
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perceived Sunday takeover of the downtown landmark and the undesired visibility of
the workers in the metropolis defined the status o f the DH community in Hong Kong
society. According to my participants, many o f their employers explicitly told them
that they do not approve of their domestics going to the square. Based on my
participants’ accounts, many Chinese residents and business owners considered the
gatherings at the square as a nuisance that affected their businesses as well as
jeopardized the maintenance of order within their own society. In addition, my
interviews and conversations with non-domestic workers in Hong Kong, such as
with an American and a Chinese employer, a Filipino lawyer from a prestigious firm
at Admiralty, and other Filipino tourists, also indicated a distinct annoyance with the
Filipina domestic assemblage at the square. These individuals appeared to agree with
the Chinese residents that it created disorder in the downtown area every Sunday.
Example — The women loitering nonchalantly on the pavement, exuding a constant
noisy chatter, with tons of trash left behind at the end of the day, represented
Filipinas as being “lazy, loud, and dirty.” However, this negative image of the
Filipina DH conflicted with many of worker participants’ sense of who they were
back home.
Sally: Self-Identity vs. “D H ”
In Philippine lingo, a foreign domestic worker is referred to as a “DH”
(domestic helper). Further, in Hong Kong, the largest foreign community was
Filipinos, the majority of which were the female domestic workers (Escoda, 1994).
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Because o f their great number, the assemblage at Statue Square, which has become a
defining feature o f the metropolis every Sunday, also has defined their identity as the
“DH Community.” The territorial demarcations set by the Filipina workers at the
square also denoted class delineations among Filipinos working in Hong Kong. The
square demarcated the DH territory and divided them from other Filipinos, who were
non-domestics. Filipina domestics do not represent the poorer sectors of the
Philippine society, as the majority have had at least some college education and
many had professions such as nurses or teachers or worked in offices, being
domestic helpers in Hong Kong placed them in a distinctly inferior social status.
In my pilot study, Sally and many o f my participants mentioned the class
distinction between the Filipino domestics and non-domestics. They said that
Filipino professionals, such as lawyers and flight attendants, were rarely found in the
Central District, especially at Statue Square. Instead, according to my participants,
Filipino professionals frequented places where Western and other foreign
professionals and diplomats conducted their community activities. In turn, my
participants said they rarely go to such locations as restaurants, clubs, and gyms
because they considered these places expensive. My participants opted to spend time
in various public places such as Statue Square because they did not want to spend
their much-needed money.
On my last day in Hong Kong, I witnessed the class separation first hand. To
thank my primary informants for their assistance during my study, I brought Sally,
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two o f her friends, and two o f my flatmates to a Filipino restaurant and sing-along
bar in Wan Chai, the nightlife district in Hong Kong. After a few minutes there, I
glanced upon a group o f Filipinos entering the restaurant. Since it was a chance to
meet more Filipinos before I left Hong Kong, I pointed them out to Sally. However,
Sally was quick to distinguish the group as non-domestics saying, “they are office
workers; don’t bother, they won’t even look or smile at us.”
Yet, while Sally seemed to accept her inferior status within Hong Kong
society and among non-domestic Filipinos, many of my participants also claimed
superiority over domestic workers o f other nationalities. Filipinas represent the
greatest number within the migrant domestic helper population in Hong Kong. Aside
from being generally known to have a better ability to speak English than their Asian
counterparts, which allows them to communicate better, my participants said many
employers also preferred them because o f their ability to tutor the children they are
caring for. Generally, my participants considered themselves as having a relatively
higher educational attainment than foreign domestics from other countries. Further,
they claimed that, compared to domestics of other nationalities, they were more able
to assert their rights from their employers, as well as to report abuse, exploitation,
and other improper treatments.
Josie: Hero vs. Maid
Josie was one of my flatmates who graduated from college and then started
working in Hong Kong. Josie stated that she decided to work in another land to seek
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“adventure.” Josie also told me that her college professor was grooming her to teach
in the university in her province. However, upon graduation, other university
professors perceived her as being too shy to teach, so she did not get hired.
Nevertheless, she thought her employment stint as a domestic worker in Hong Kong
had helped her with her shyness and improved her social skills.
During our conversation, Josie expressed how she struggled with the changes
when she became a live-in domestic worker in Hong Kong. Specifically, she felt that
not eating meals with her employers emphasized her status as a domestic worker.
Josie said,
Here, I do not eat with my employers. I eat after them . . . I realized then that
I was a maid. Back home everyone has to eat together. Here, I have to eat
their leftovers (Josie, Hong Kong, 2001).
Josie struggled with what her role signified, whether she had a noble job or
was “ just a maid.”
Well, here, even if your description is maid—the meaning is clean—I mean it
is a noble job to be a domestic helper. But it is really, if you think about it,
difficult. Well, it is all a matter of luck, depending on your employer. If you
end up with someone who is nice . . . During my first time [working in Hong
Kong]. . . I experienced [an interview] at the agency. I was dressed up in a
maid’s uniform, then videotaped. At first, I did not know how to feel... it
happened so fast. Looking back, I just remember. . . before I knew it, I was
already wearing a maid’s uniform! (Josie, Hong Kong, 2001).
On my way to the airport, after one of my data gathering visits to Hong
Kong, I passed by Sally’s office to thank her and her friends. Josie was there as well
as most of their friends. Since I was in a hurry to catch my flight, I did not get the
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chance to completely iron my shirt and was simply dressed casually in jeans. To my
surprise, the workers commented with sincere concern over my reputation “Oh my!
Let us iron your shirt, they might mistake you for a DH!” which displayed their
awareness o f the inferior status of being identified as a “DH.”
In Hong Kong, there are approximately 200,000 Filipina domestic workers.
Scattered all over the world, however, there are approximately 4 million Filipinos
employed as foreign workers, about 9% of the nation’s population, earning revenues
of $3 billion a year (Gonzales, 1998). As a result, for the past decade, the Philippine
government has hailed the Overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) as the “modem heroes
of the land.” During my data collection for this research project, I traveled between
Hong Kong and the Philippines several times. In Manila’s international airport, the
special treatments offered to overseas workers were quite evident. For instance, they
had an express line for OFWs at customs and immigration, banners welcomed their
arrival during Christmas season, and special discounts were given to them at the duty
free shops. Further, politicians, entertainers, and other celebrities publicly praised
overseas workers for their contributions to the country in television shows, concerts,
and other public events. Many Filipinas I met held on to this validation of status, as
one worker said, “as they say, we are modem heroes of the Philippines; even though
we are domestics, we are able to help the government.” However, despite the public
validation of their economic contribution, there still was the stigma of being a
“maid.” In the idiom of Hong Kong residents, the term “Filipina” or “banmui”
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(Philippine girl) was synonymous with the word “inferior maid.” Even in my tourist
handbook o f Hong Kong, the word “amah” was defined as “an all-purpose maid and
nanny, formerly a Chinese woman, probably a Filipina” (Moran, 2000, p. 333). In
the Philippines, domestic work was regarded as the job o f the poor or uneducated,
and having a “maid” was not just a privilege of the rich, but also of middle class
families. Even my participants themselves had household helpers back home. Since a
great number o f my participants have had at least some college education and some
held positions such as teachers, nurses, and office workers in the Philippines, being a
“DH” literally equated to a demotion in their social class. Because of this, deployed
foreign workers, regardless of job or destination, were officially called “OFWs”
(Overseas Filipino Workers) or “OCWs” (Overseas Contract Workers) by the
Philippine government, instead of the term “DH,” to de-emphasize the
disenfranchised status of being a “maid.”
Linda: Breadwinner vs. Mother
An elementary school teacher for ten years in her hometown prior to her
foreign employment, Linda had worked in Hong Kong for several years before we
met. I met Linda at the square, wherein she expressed how the disruptions of her
foreign employment to her family life had always been a continuous struggle through
the years. Linda related her frustrations with her growing children and said,
My children were growing up without me. The most hurtful time was when
my youngest did not want to come near me when I went home [Philippines]
to visit. He did not know me because I left when he was still a baby. It felt
like a knife was stabbing my heart (Linda, Hong Kong, 2001).
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Linda added,
Everything back home changed ever since I worked here in Hong Kong.
When our mother died, I became the “mother” role, even with my siblings.
So, all their decisions, they have to refer to me, if it is right or wrong. But, I
don’t know... all of them . . . even my father, says “Ask your Ate (term for
older sister)”; it’s like they depend on me. I don’t know why it became like
that. I always wonder why it is like that. Can’t I just have a normal life?
Sometimes I ask myself, why does everyone have to rely on “Ate.” Even
“tatay” (father) asks me what to do now. My sisters ask for guidance, two of
them I am helping to gain employment here. Even our youngest brother, he is
getting married and I am the one paying for his wedding (Linda, Hong Kong,
2001).
According to Linda, the reversal of gendered roles also affected the overall
familial interaction back home. Linda stated,
Sometimes I ask myself, “Why do I have to be here?” I am the woman. Isn’t
it the husband's duty to be the breadwinner of the family? I feel that is unfair,
but I guess that is how it is . . . I just have to accept it. My husband raises the
children while I earn the living (Linda, Hong Kong, 2001).
Aside from being a huge asset to the Philippine local economy and
experiencing changes in societal status, my participants also were experiencing
disruption in roles within the family unit, as well as challenging societal roles,
especially gendered roles within the traditional divisions of labor. My participants,
including Linda, experienced unmet expectations with regard to their roles as
mother. According to my participants, they usually just spend only a few weeks in
the Philippines every two years at the end of each contract. Children of migrant
workers ages between the ages of 10 to 15 were found to experience depression with
the absence of their mothers. Anxieties experienced by the children of migrant
workers have been noted in their school performance and health. Aside from the
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decline in school performance, some children acquired vices because o f the excess
financial support being sent to them by their overcompensating parents. Many
children also were the brunt of jokes from friends or felt a sense o f embarrassment
for having a “DH” mother (Beltran et al., 1996; Escoda, 1994).
In addition to unfulfilled maternal obligations, many of my participants also
experienced reversal of gendered and familial roles from being a wife, sister, or
daughter to the major decision-maker. The workers’ financial gains placed them in
the position of breadwinner within their families. In the Filipino value system, the
family unit holds great importance in which family members expect mutual
dependence and mutual sharing, especially o f material goods (Salcedo, Peralta,
Ronquillo, & Espiritu, 1999). Statistics indicate that most contract workers are
between the ages of 25 and 34 years, are married, and have an average o f three or
four dependents (Beltran et al., 1996). As a result, the perceived “success” of a
migrant worker denotes added financial obligations to a greater number o f people
back home. (Beltran et al., 1996; Salcedo et al., 1999).
Chapter Summary
In this chapter, I described the environmental context of my participants in
Hong Kong. Specifically, I discussed their living and working arrangements, display
of disempowerment, state of workers being unassimilated in Hong Kong society, and
workers having conflicts in making meaning of their experiences. Overall, I
presented data that showed how the type of economy, national policies and priorities,
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and cultural values, by which my participants exist while working in Hong Kong,
had negative influences on their overall environmental context. The Philippine and
Hong Kong capitalist economies as well as policies and priorities o f both countries
towards economic growth directly influence many aspects o f my participants’ plight
as domestics deployed to Hong Kong for foreign employment. Aspects regarding
cultural values influenced my participants’ lives because it led to uncontested
exploitation. As such, my participants appeared to be at risk for occupational
problems identified by Wilcock (1998) namely, occupational imbalance,
occupational deprivation, and occupational alienation. Occupational imbalance refers
to states in which people are unable to participate in occupations that allow them to
exercise their physical, social, and mental capacities. Occupational deprivation refers
to circumstances in which people are prevented from participating in health-
promoting occupations. Occupational alienation occurs when people’s life activities
fail to be in harmony. Specifically, the living and working conditions of many o f my
participants led to occupational deprivation because there was a lack of space and
time for personal activities or occupations. As a result many o f my participants were
mostly engaged in work and deprived of activities that are non-work. Thus, many of
my participants display occupational imbalance. Further, in Hong Kong society, as
described in quotes from my participants, many workers experience occupational
alienation because of the class separation brought about by their status as foreign
domestics in Hong Kong. In addition, many o f my participants also display
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conditions of internal conflicts, more related to making meaning o f their experiences.
Many o f my participants have stories that are similar with the cases of Annie, Sally,
Josie, and Linda wherein the underlying factors of national, economic,
and cultural aspects o f their environment bring forth their individual and personal
conflicts.
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CHAPTER VIII
HOLIDAYS
As specified in their contracts, foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong are
entitled to one day off from work every week, which my participants referred to as
their “holidays.” Since many of my participants were deprived o f space and time to
engage in everyday personal tasks during their Sunday holidays, they claimed public
spaces where they rested, socialized, and engaged in a variety of activities with other
Filipina domestics. Thus, holidays were used to counter both occupational
deprivation and an occupational balance. Holidays were a time for non-work
activities to counterbalance their week o f grueling work.
In this chapter, I discuss my participants’ weekly holidays. First, I present
Sundays as a preferred day for a holiday among the majority of my live-in
participants. Second, I discuss my participants’ motivations for going to the square
every Sunday. Third, I show how some of my participants had developed a weekly
routine to maximize the use of their time during holidays. Fourth, I discuss how a
weekly holiday alleviated my participants’ experiences of occupational deprivation
and occupational imbalance in Hong Kong.
Sunday
To many o f my participants, Sunday was the day of choice for a weekly
holiday, especially because the majority o f the women were of Catholic faith. This
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allowed them to hear Mass and participate in various activities. Many of my
participants got involved with migrant organizations, regional circles, clubs,
Philippine associations, or joined the occasional rallies, concerts, or other special
events organized by various groups, which usually occurred during Sundays. Thus,
many o f my participants found it unfortunate if they were not given Sunday as their
rest day. Lydia, a domestic worker I met at the square, said,
A different day off would mean that we could not attend church or meet with
most of our friends and relatives. Most o f them (relatives and friends) have
Sundays off. But we don’t have a choice. We have to accept whatever day
our employer assigns to us. Some employers don’t like their workers meeting
with other workers... to keep us away from news and gossip (Lydia, Hong
Kong, 2000).
Virgie, another woman I met, exemplified this unfortunate situation; she was
unable to see her two sisters for the first year o f her employment because her
assigned day off from work kept on changing every week. My participant referred to
herself as being an “international.” An international, according to Virgie, had a day-
off at varying days of the week but never on a Sunday. Virgie said,
I was an international. I get to find out which day [off from work] two days
beforehand. It was difficult. I could not regularly meet with anyone because
my day off kept on changing. I was on my own most of the time. My two
sisters [who also worked as domestics in Hong Kong] have Sundays off, so
they get together every week. But me, always solo flight! Imagine, Hong
Kong is so small and I can’t even see my sisters. Good thing I had a change
of employer, the previous one moved to Canada, and they referred me to
another family, who gave me Sundays off. I finally spent time with my sisters
and friends, but only after working in Hong Kong for a year already! Now
I’m not that pathetic anymore, I’m more involved with what is going o n . . . it
is definitely more fun (Virgie, Hong Kong, 2001).
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Similarly, Laura, another live-in worker, recounted her first year in Hong
Kong,
I was an international for one year, so I never really gained a barkada I can
regularly meet up with. I did not know anyone in Hong Kong. After one year,
I got Saturday as my day-off. I would hang out by the pier [two blocks from
the Square]. I did not really know the people there so I just walked around
with my walkman, dancing about. Looking back, I may have looked stupid,
but it was enough for me to see some other Filipinos around me (Laura, Hong
Kong, 2001).
Annie’s holiday, in comparison, alternated between Saturday and Sunday of
every week. She delineated the difference between the days.
If my holiday falls on a Saturday, I just take it easy. I don't have much
planned anyway. But when my holiday is a Sunday, I am really, really happy.
After spending the entire week carefully tiptoeing with my employers, during
my day o f rest, I let it all out! It does not matter if I am very tired, or had little
sleep, if my holiday is a Sunday, I really wake up early. I usually wake up at
5:30 a.m., but 4:00 a.m., if it is my Sunday off. I cannot even sleep the night
before. I take the first trip to Central and have a full day o f activities with my
friends. I also need to remit money. There are errands to run and things that
need to be done. Then we go to our tambayan—that is our meeting place, but
there is no specific time. We usually all gather up together by late afternoon.
Because sometimes in the morning, others need to “scrub” [slang for part-
time work], or se ll. . . sell food, do errands, like remit money home. In the
afternoon. . . when they are done with whatever they need to do, we meet at
the tambayan. At the end of the day, when we are about to go home, I am so,
so sad. You’ll see many workers crying (Annie, Hong Kong, 2001).
Even though many o f my live-in participants preferred Sundays as their
holidays, some did not like the crowd and noise at Central District every Sunday.
Among the participants who preferred not to join the Sunday assemblage were
workers who had been working in Hong Kong for a long time and may have perhaps
adjusted to a quiet lifestyle. For example, Mila, a live-in domestic, said,
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It is so disorganized and chaotic there at the square... every Sunday, it makes
me dizzy. The noise and the people are just too much ... I don’t go there
during Sundays unless I have to... like I have to meet someone or pick up
something... Before, during my first year, I’m always there, but not
anymore... I just either go on a different day or somewhere else. The crowd
makes me dizzy... it is like a wet market there every Sunday (Mila, Hong
Kong, 2001).
Also, almost all my participants who had stay-out status spent their non-work
time in their flats and tried to avoid the crowds at the square every Sunday.
Nonetheless, many stay-out participants occasionally visited Statue Square, and,
during my stay, were able to meet with me at the square on a Sunday and introduced
me to their friends.
Motivations for Going to the Square
My participants who spent their holidays at the square every Sunday had
several reasons for choosing to go to the square. Since many had live-in status and
were deprived o f space and time to perform personal tasks in their employers’
homes, taking care of personal errands, engaging in leisure activities, and finding
public spaces where they could socialize and rest were among their primary
motivations for spending their holidays at Statue Square. In this section, I discuss the
primary motivations of my participants to spend their holidays at the square. These
included one or more of the following: (1) personal errands and obligations, (2)
claiming spaces, (3) socialization and peer support, (4) freedom of choice, and (5) a
center for activities.
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Personal Errands and Obligations
Most of my participants started their holidays by doing personal errands such
as sending money back home, calling friends and families in the Philippines, and
shopping for their personal needs. Holidays were also opportunities to perform
obligations like going to church. Since my stay-out participants were able to perform
personal errands any day of the week, it was my live-in participants who mostly
considered holidays as their day to perform these tasks. According to Lydia,
I have to remit money, buy my food and things I need, like toothpaste. I don’t
have any chance to do any of them during the week. Even calling my
children, I can only call them on my holiday (Lydia, Hong Kong, 2001).
Central District, especially within the vicinity o f Statue Square, was a
practical place to run errands and hear Mass because almost all needed services and
stores as well as several churches were situated around the area. About one block
from the square, World-Wide Building housed many establishments that catered
primarily to the needs of the Filipino community, such as Philippine banks, money
remittance offices, and stores selling Filipino food, cosmetics, CDs, and newspapers.
Also at the square, manicure and haircut services were available as well as Filipino
products. For example, rentals of Filipino novels, videos, and magazines countered
the lonely and sleepless nights of many participants. Phone cards sold by vendors at
discounted rates allowed many of my participants to call the Philippines in phone
booths around the vicinity of the square. Also, St. John Catholic Church, popular
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among most of my participants, is only a block away. Such close proximity allowed
my participants’ to accomplish personal errands and religious obligations.
Claiming Spaces
Participants with live-in status needed a place to spend their holidays for rest
and other activities. Because of this need, participants established specific spaces,
which they called their “tambayans,” within the vicinity of the square, as regular
places to meet and spend time with friends. Since tambayans of various groups of
workers were primarily located in and around the square, Statue Square had become
identified with the Filipina domestic community. Although I found no documents to
verify their claim, many participants believed that the Hong Kong government
designated Statue Square specifically for their use during their days off from work.
For example, one worker stated, “Why else would they close the streets every
Sunday? Besides, they can’t just take us for granted. There are just too many o f us.
Where else would we go?” Aside from cordoned off areas, signs were written in
Filipino and large trash cans and portable toilets were placed around the area on
Sundays, all of which seemed to welcome their arrival.
Many of my participants felt a level of ownership or right over their
tambayans, as displayed in a conversation I had with Leila, a domestic worker whose
tambayan included several park benches located at Statue Square.
Leila: “The benches from that wall [pointing] to that fountain is our place
[tambayan]. We are a big group. There are a lot of workers here in Hong
Kong coming from our region [Northern part of the Philippines].”
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Terry: “So what happens when other people not belonging to your
barkada sit there before you come?”
Leila: “Well, that’s all right. We don’t really drive them away or anything
like that.”
Terry: “So you mean they can stay?”
Leila: “Well, yes . . . but once everyone from our barkada starts arriving, they
will feel uncomfortable. Since we all know each other, they will just feel left
out and will just eventually leave on their own accord.”
Further, claiming public spaces as their own at Statue Square has been a
crucial element in creating the Filipina workers’ niche within Hong Kong’s society.
It is a known act that foreign domestic workers, regardless of origin, to congregate in
various public locations in Hong Kong. For instance, Victoria Park at Causeway Bay
is where Indonesian domestic workers stay during their rest day. Women from
Thailand or Malaysia, in comparison, may gather in parks and gardens, across the
harbor from the Central District in Kowloon. In this region many other South Asian
employers are known to live and work. Since Filipinas cluster mostly in Statue
Square and its neighboring areas, the Square is considered the Filipina domestic
“territory.”
The square is a Filipina territory separating them from other foreign
domestics. Likewise, many Filipina workers also consider their “tambayans” as
“spatial territories” of their own small groups within the domestic community. Thus,
newcomers looking for peers who speak their dialect were easily directed to the
tambayan that represented it. For instance, Ilocanos congregated under the pavilion
behind the “black man.” Those from Nueva Viscaya met under the northeastern
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pavilion. Those who spoke or came from the Visayan region could be found by the
post office, while the Tagalog speaking workers gathered by the overpass.
In addition, to having tambayans at the square, some of my participants
collected monthly contributions among their friends and rented a room in a boarding
house to serve as an alternate tambayan. They used these boarding houses to store
their personal belongings or a place to stay if problems arose with their employers.
Many o f my stay-out participants, on the other hand, since they had their own
flats as places to hang out, had less motivation for spending time at the square.
Instead, many participants who had rented flats opened their doors to other workers.
For example, Rita, one of my flatmates invited her friends over on a regular basis.
She said,
I think it is better to just stay here at home, and for my friends to spend time
here rather than at the square. It is hot there, besides, if it rains, then you’ll
get wet. So, I think they just have to come here (Rita, Hong Kong, 2000)
Nonetheless, some of my stay-out participants still went to the square on occasion to
visit their friends’ tambayans or for their needed goods and services. Stay-out
participants helped other workers when they needed a place to stay when problems
arose with employers. For instance, Belia was a worker who stayed at Rita’s flat at
the same time I was there. According to Belia, she was driven away by her female
employer and thrown out of the house in the middle of the night. She said,
It was so humiliating... I pity myself every time I remember it. I did not have
anything with me... I was only wearing my house clothes and slippers. She
threw me out but my things were still inside. She just locked the door. I did
not know where to go... I thought maybe the shelter for domestic workers.
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But I decided to call my friend, Abby, then she said she had a friend who
could take me in, Rita. Rita took me in... that is why I am here... she even
had food ready when I arrived (Belia, Hong Kong, 2000).
Socialization and Peer Support
My participants had social groups in Hong Kong, which they called their
barkadas. Since most barkadas met at their tambayans, the Square became known to
almost all my participants as the place to go for social support. For instance, Betty
was a live-in worker who told me that she did not regularly spend her holidays at the
square. However, when she got in trouble with her employer, the first place she went
for help was the square. Betty said she went to the tambayan o f the workers coming
from her region in the Philippines. She said,
When I got there, they all listened to me. I was crying, I was hysterical,
because my employer slapped me. I ran away and went to the square. They
helped me and found a place for me to stay that night. They helped me...
called the police.. Gina and Dina accompanied me to get my clothes... Dina
was the one who referred me to my employer now. ..(Betty, Hong Kong,
2001).
Tambayans at the square served as the most reliable refuge for support
because they were assured o f finding a peer without the need for prior arrangements.
They just knew others would be there.
Also, participants reported becoming more empowered through peers’ words
of encouragement at the square. My participants gathered at their tambayan with
their barkadas vented and expressed grievances their regarding their employers.
Within these sessions, women taught each other tricks and ways to circumvent
employer rules. Workers also educated each other about their rights about reporting
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abuse and exploitation. At other times, their problems voiced were about
philandering husbands and other problems with families back home, wherein my
participants provided one another words o f encouragement.
A primary focus at the square was for socialization, especially within
spatially demarcated tambayans. In addition, nearby buildings from the square also
featured friendship clubs, movie clubs, or other social activities, which were other
options for socialization instead of hanging out in tambayans. Since my participants,
especially those with live-in status, were socially isolated for the entire work week,
social connections become a vital element in their time spent outside their
employers’ homes. The effort to build and maintain social connections with peers
was quite evident among the Filipina workers I met in Hong Kong. The manner by
which my participants established social connections varied, depending on their
individual circumstances. Those who already had family members or friends in Hong
Kong prior to their deployment simply became a new member o f their friends’ or
family member’s social circles and relied on them to learn the ropes of getting
around Hong Kong, especially on their day off. Other participants, however, came to
Hong Kong without knowing anyone. During the first few weeks of their stay, they
tried to manage spending their rest days alone, while they searched for and
befriended other Filipinas who had similar days off. Other Filipinas could be met in
the stairwells or elevators o f the same building as their employer’s flat. Or, workers
met on the playground, where they brought the child they were taking care of to play,
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or at restaurants, the market, and other community settings where they ran their
errands. According to one worker,
Filipinas here try to find a group they can hang out with. So when you find
someone you get along with, you try to keep her as your regular companions.
If they also come from your region or province [back in the Philippines]. . .
that is extra special! There are only a few individuals coming from my
region, so when I met them, I was very happy (Lina, Hong Kong, 2001).
In sum, the square was my participants’ most popular resource for barkadas
as their close friends and regular companions. My participants designated the square
as their “sanctuary.”
Freedom o f Choice
To many o f my participants, another important aspect of spending their
holidays at the square was for “freedom of choice.” At their tambayans, they felt the
freedom to engage in “whatever activities we want” and in “however we want to do
them,” according to one of my participants. To them, these were places that had no
restrictions. According to a participant,
After a week of being told what to do... following rules and restrictions, one
day a week we choose and decide what we want to do. Here we can be
ourselves (Minda, Hong Kong, 2001).
In Hong Kong, local merchants perceived these gatherings as a “takeover” of
the downtown metropolis, which hindered their accessibility to “more preferred”
tourists and customers (Constable, 1997). However, despite the scorn of local
merchants, my participants persisted in engaging in this festive social gathering and
some even joined protests against actions that attempted to curtail their rights to
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continue doing so. Most of my participants claimed that their public get-togethers
were not forms of overt protest against unfair treatments. Yet, through their get-
togethers, they continued to exercise their freedom to come and go as they pleased
and engaged in activities of non-work. The square had become the public venue that
embodied their power to choose. Further, since Statue Square was located at the
center o f Hong Kong’s posh financial district, amid protest from locals, my
participants’ gatherings appeared to provide women a source of power for their
ethnic community.
A Center for Activities
My participants also spent their time at the square engaged in various
activities. I classified types of activities my participants chose to undertake as (1) rest
and recreation, (2) self-enhancement, and (3) extra work.
Rest and Recreation Many o f my participants used their tambayans to rest. At
the square and neighboring areas where the tambayans were located, I regularly
observed many women sleeping, relaxing, or reading novels on benches, the
pavement, or in a comer. Also, many of my participants told me they preferred
spending their holidays at the square to participate in recreational activities with their
peers such as, picnicking, celebrating birthdays, catching up with news, praying
together, sharing food, facilitating bible studies, reading and writing letters, playing
cards and engaging in crafts such as soap carving and origami, taking pictures, and
singing. Many of my participants claimed that these recreational activities during
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their holidays enabled them to forget, at least temporarily, the scrubbing, cooking,
and ironing at their employer’s homes.
Aside from activities with peers, my participants also joined special events
that occasionally occurred at the square. For example, Filipino politicians who visit
Hong Kong took the opportunity to campaign at the Square while Philippine
companies sponsored concerts, special shows, pageants, and other advertising
gimmicks that brought in artists and celebrities from the Philippines. At times, rallies
and protests of activist groups were also conducted within the area. Thus, as a whole,
my participants considered the square as the center o f activities for the Filipino
domestic worker community.
Self-enhancement. Some of my participants also chose to engage in activities
that influenced and enhanced their life circumstances. Thus, aside from rest and
recreation, some of my participants engaged in skill-building activities that enhanced
their chances for employment. For example, several companies near the square
offered basic computer courses especially catering to Filipina domestics. Also, soap
and fruit carving and paper folding lessons were skills that employers appreciated,
thus, enhanced chances for employment.
Holidays were my participants’ opportunity to learn the ropes of living in
Hong Kong. Many participants slowly mastered their environment through a weekly
practice of novel tasks such as using the subway system. Veteran workers mentored
new comers. Mastery of tasks within the cosmopolitan metropolis provided some of
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my participants a feeling of pride and accomplishment. For instance, Amalia
recounted,
When I was new here (Hong Kong), I did not know anything, Oh! I was like
coming from the boondocks [laughter]! I did not know how to ride the MTR
(subway system), actually even the bus or tram... Where I came from
(province in the Philippines) we only had a carabao [laughter]! Now I can get
to any place in Hong Kong... because here if you are a slowpoke, they will
bump you in the streets, you need to be street smart! (Amalia, Hong Kong,
2001)
In addition, many participants learned how to please their employers as a
survival skill to keep their employment. My participants taught each other techniques
on how to cook, clean, and do the laundry in ways their employers would approve.
Emma demonstrated how learning to please employers was part o f her adjustment to
the demands of her day-to-day life. According to Emma,
In the morning I have to say “good morning ma’am, sir” and then “good
night ma’am, sir” before I go to bed... it is like being a child [laughter]... but
my employers like that, so I just do it. You won’t lose anything... you won’t
die doing it... if it makes them happy, why not? (Emma, Hong Kong, 2001)
Also, according to Josie, who had been in Hong Kong for seven years, “Here
in Hong Kong you must know how to fend for yourself at the same time get along
with other people.” Josie provided me with tips on how a newcomer could survive as
a domestic in Hong Kong. Lucy, an enterprising domestic worker, who sold various
items during her holidays, echoed Josie’s words. According to Lucy, “You have to
be a little savvy, a little wise. Look at me . . . I’m a survivor!”
Extra work. Some of my participants also considered time at the square as
opportunities for earning more money towards the hope of saving enough to
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eventually go back home “for good.” At Statue Square, some o f my participants
joined groups that taught them how to earn extra income, such as selling
encyclopedias, insurance, and Amway products. Others bought items on wholesale,
such as clothes, bags, jewelry, and the like, to sell within the Filipina community or
back in the Philippines. Several participants obtained part-time work referrals from
their friends at the square. As a result, many of my participants gathered together at
the square often talked about their financial planning. For example, some participants
had acquired properties back home or made investments in the Philippines, such as a
taxi, jeepney, or tricycle (Philippine public transport vehicles), which were being
operated by their sons or husbands. Others also discussed plans of starting various
small businesses such as backyard industries of tending pigs and poultry or putting
up a “sari-sari store” (small neighborhood store) back home.
Routine
According to my participants, a holiday served as a temporal demarcation to
engage in activities o f their choosing, which included activities, such as running
personal errands, going to church, shopping for personal needs, remitting money
back home, resting, engaging in recreational activities, attending skill development
programs that enhanced their chances for employment (e.g., computer courses and
carving lessons), and engaging in opportunities for extra income (e.g., selling
insurance, encyclopedias, engaging in part-time work, or “Amway” products). From
my observations, to maximize the use o f their day, my participants developed a
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149
weekly routine that appeared to display careful planning yet allow for flexibility.
Janet, a Filipina domestic I met, described her established routine of activities every
Sunday. She said,
Usually, we go to our tambayan, which is located at the overpass towards the
post office. By the time we get there, the old man who lives by that area had
placed a cover on the floor to mark our spot. We cover it with out plastic
picnic mat so that we could sit. We begin the day by talking about our
grievances about work. After we have already vented, then we start enjoying
the day. We start eating. Most o f the time we all have our own “baon” [food
brought along] and share it with each other. Then we shop around, sometimes
we have a boom box and go dancing . . . Anything goes . . . we just try to
have a good time (Janet, Hong Kong, 2001)
On another occasion, Amy, a consistent visitor to Statue Square, said “No
miss; every Sunday, you can bet that I'm there,” Amy is a live-in domestic worker
whose employer’s house was located in the New Territories, which is quite far from
the downtown area. Amy describes her day at the square,
When it is my holiday, I take the first trip to Central. I hear mass first; no one
can make an appointment to meet with me from 7:00 - 8:00 a.m. because I
will be at St John’s Church. If I have errands to run, like send money home,
buy phone cards, or make phone calls, I attend to them first. Then I go
directly to meet with my close friends. We begin the day by telling stories of
our experiences during the week and mostly vent our frustrations. After we
have aired our problems, we try to spend the rest of the day having fun. We
shouldn’t dwell on our miseries, right? We usually eat lunch right there at our
usual place. Most of the time we have a potluck. Everyone brings in food that
we all share amongst ourselves. After all that, anything goes— sometimes I
am like a ball, you can pass me around in any direction [laughter]. For me, I
just want to make the most of my day off. If there are special occasions like
birthdays, we have celebrations, like dancing and some drinking. If there are
new arrivals, like a sister or cousin of one of our close friends, we tour them
around and take pictures in popular locations of Hong Kong. Sometimes we
just hang around all day and tell stories or just rest. There are even instances
when celebrities visit the square and hold concerts. I am just very, very
happy! (Amy, Hong Kong, 2001)
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I spent one Sunday with Amy and tagged along with whatever she had
planned for the day. We spent the day much like how Amy related in her interview
the week before. After she heard mass, we met at the entrance of World Wide Plaza,
where I bought food, “adobo” (chicken dish) and “laing” (vegetable dish), and we
both proceeded to meet her friends near the square. By noon, Amy’s barakada were
already at the square for lunch.
It was interesting to observe that activity engaged in by groups at the square
seemed to flow in a smooth pattern. Members knew the routine without the need for
cuing or instruction for what needed to be done. For instance, as we began eating
lunch with six of Amy’s friends, Nita passed out disposable plates, Lina handed
everyone plastic utensils, while Minda, Jackie, Loma, and Gemma helped to clear
the area and arrange their belongings. We all opened our packed food and passed it
around to be shared by everyone, while we sat in a circle on top o f a picnic mat. It
was quite a sight when I leaned back to look at hundreds of other women
surrounding us in all directions, barely one foot away, doing the same thing. The
other groups beside us, which consisted o f about 8-15 members, were also having
their little “potluck” lunch of Filipino viands.
After lunch, since I was the “newcomer,” I was the recipient of the group’s
guided tour to scenic spots within the area. We took pictures at almost every
location, by the star ferry, by the fountain, under a tree, and so forth. At one point, I
accompanied Amy and Gemma as they sent money to their families and made calls
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in the nearby phone booth. By late afternoon, we were back with the rest o f the
group and continued the day exchanging stories and laughing, mostly about work
experiences during the past week. As 7:00 p.m. approached, Amy bade farewell to
get home before her 7:30 curfew.
In my observation and through my conversations with many participants,
Amy’s weekly Sunday routine was typical of the many domestic workers I met in
Hong Kong. It appeared to me that having a routine enabled my participants to
engage in as many activities of choice, compressed in one weekly holiday.
Alleviating Occupational Deprivation and Imbalance
Overall, holidays were my participants’ opportunities to rest and socialize
with friends, filling the square every week with relentless sounds of laughter and
chatter. In this section, I describe how my participants’ holidays potentially
alleviated some of their occupational problems. First, I discuss how my participants
in Hong Kong looked forward to engaging in activities of their choosing, which
alleviated their occupational deprivation. Second, during their holidays, I describe
how my participants orchestrated their weekly routine of innumerable leisure
activities that counterbalanced their grueling week o f work, alleviating their
occupational imbalance.
Alleviating Occupational Deprivation
According to Wilcock (1998), occupational deprivation implies to a situation
wherein an individual is prevented to acquire, use, or enjoy something. In Hong
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Kong, many of my participants suffered from occupational deprivation because of
the inability to freely engage in personal and non-work activities. The lack of
freedom to engage in discretionary activities were due to various underlying risk
factors such as lack o f space and time for personal tasks, restrictions by employers,
and disempowerment because of fear and exploitation.
Nonetheless, at the square, my participants empowered each other through
their group get-togethers every Sunday. They chose Sundays as a preferred day for a
holiday to enhance social contact with their peers and have more opportunities for
activities. My participants, especially those who have live-in status, established
tambayans as places where they could exercise their freedom to choose activities that
they could not engage in at their employers’ homes, predominantly non-work
activities such as personal errands, leisure activities, socialization, and rest. Further,
at the square, they experienced a sense of mastery over time environment, “learned
the ropes” as well as engaged in self- enhancing activities. Some even engaged in
more work through which they hoped to eventually have more income to leave Hong
Kong and finally go back home.
Alleviating Occupational Imbalance
Wilcock (1998) proposes that occupational imbalance involves engagement
in occupations that fail to meet individual physical, social, mental, or rest needs.
Imbalance, in Wilcock’s belief, also pertains to insufficient time for individual
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occupational interests and growth as well as for the occupations undertaken in order
to meet family, social, and community commitments.
Although the methods used in this study did not involve a systematic inquiry
into how my participants organized their time in Hong Kong, the manner by which
my participants used their holidays was a predominant theme in my ethnographic
results. To counter the difficulties of everyday life, my participants who had a
rigorous week of work and limited opportunities for rest and recreation used their
weekly holidays, usually on Sundays to counter the imbalance o f their work
activities.
Even though the primary purpose of my participants to be in Hong Kong was
to work, many of them were required by their employers to work 12-16 hours each
day, six days a week within strict delineated guidelines. Further, their living and
working conditions also further deprived them of engaging in non-work tasks during
the week. Discretionary tasks, which included leisure pursuits, tended to be
undertaken primarily during their holidays, compared with obligatory activities,
which primarily filled their entire workweek. To compensate for this imbalance, they
engaged in non-work activities during their holidays. They first took care o f personal
errands, such as sending money to their families, shopping for clothes and food,
calling family members back home, and then spent the rest of the day in rest and
leisure activities. Their weekly regular “routine” during holidays, including regularly
recurring patterns of time use may have healthful consequences (Kielhofner, 1977,
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154
1993; Kielhofher & Burke, 1985). According to Kielhofher and Burke (1985), a
structured routine, as a habit, may organize behavior to meet individual needs, such
as for rest, recreation, self-maintenance, and productivity, over time. Kielhofher and
Burke (1985) speculated that meeting needs over time was important in keeping a
proper balance o f activities that were satisfying and appropriate to an individual’s
life roles.
Kielhofher (1977), an occupational therapist, proposed a conceptual model
for practice, which he labeled “temporal adaptation.” The central premise of
temporal adaptation was that one’s use and organization of time was an indicator of
successful adjustment to the stressors of living and environmental demands.
Kielhofher asserted that there is a natural temporal order to daily living organized
around the life space activities of self-maintenance, work, and play. Routines are
about how people characteristically use time and how their perceptions o f the
structure and purpose of the use of time are related to well being. Kielhofher
suggests that there is great consistency and stability in patterned time use. It is not
just doing the same activity every day that reflects organization in habits, but rather
an individual’s ability to respond to a range of typical demands that might be
encountered during daily role performance. Thus, my participants’ imposition of an
orderly structure on their Sunday activities may have healthful consequences.
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Chapter Summary
In this chapter, I discussed my participants’ weekly holidays. First, I
presented Sundays as a preferred day for a holiday among the majority o f my live-in
participants. Second, I discussed my participants’ motivations for going to the square
every Sunday. Third, I showed how some of my participants had developed a weekly
routine to maximize the use of their time during their holidays. Fourth, I discussed
how a weekly holiday seemed to alleviate my participants’ experiences of
occupational deprivation and occupational imbalance in Hong Kong.
Since many of my participants were deprived o f personal space and time to
engage in personal tasks in their employers’ homes, during their Sunday holidays,
they claimed public spaces wherein they rested, socialized, and engaged in various
activities with other Filipina domestics. Thus, holidays were their temporal
demarcations for countering their occupational deprivation for non-work activities,
which counterbalance their week of grueling work. In sum, gathering at the square
was a form o f temporal adaptation for many of my participants in Hong Kong; it is a
means of maintaining a sense of balance in their daily occupational patterns. My
participants have varied ways of spending their rest day. Nonetheless, each had
established a routine for the multiple tasks they wanted to accomplish for the day.
Sundays at Statue Square became part o f my participants’ temporal rhythm, as a
means of establishing a sense of occupational balance. After working six long days a
week, the workers looked forward to their one day off, during which they could
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orchestrate activities that do not involve work. Compressed within a day was an
array of non-work activities of socialization, play, rest, and self-enriching activities
that counterbalanced their grueling work-week. Through self-orchestration of
activities one day a week, they were able to counterbalance work with activities of
non-work.
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CHAPTER IX
HOME AWAY FROM HOME
As I discussed in previous chapters, homesickness and missing friends and
families were major causes of sadness among many of my participants. In addition,
alienation in Hong Kong appeared to be another possible cause o f further stress for
many of my participants. Nonetheless, based on my participants’ accounts, the
gatherings at Statue Square served as a “home away from home.” In this chapter, I
describe how Statue Square had become a “home away from home” for many o f my
Filipina domestic participants in Hong Kong, which alleviated the occupational
alienation brought about by their foreign employment. First, I describe how Statue
Square mirrored Philippine life every Sunday. Second, I describe how barkadas
meeting in their tambayans served as participants’ surrogate families in Hong Kong.
Third, I present how the weekly event facilitated social practices and cultural
meanings that defined the emergence o f a unique subculture. Fourth, I discuss how
Statue Square as a “home away from home” alleviated participants’ occupational
alienation.
The Philippine Islands
To many of my participants, Statue Square was a venue for transcendental
moments and memories of being home in the Philippines. During my visits to the
square, I observed how the constant Filipino presence in the concrete-laden park in
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the middle of the bustling metropolis exuded a distinct Filipino atmosphere. In this
section, I describe how Sundays at Statue Square mirrored Philippine life through (1)
regional and provincial representations and (2) Philippine-based companies,
landmarks, and products.
Regions and Provinces
Since many of my participants’ barkadas or peer groups represented a
specific ethno-linguistic region, many o f my participants likened their tambayans to
their bayan, town, or province. At their tambayans, my participants spoke in their
regional dialects.
Overall, the arrangement o f various groups occupying specific spaces in the
Central District had become familiar to my participants. As a result, my participants
directed new workers to areas where other Filipinas coming from a particular region
were located. Many of the workers I talked with said that, initially, this was how they
became affiliated with most of their friends and barkadas. Newcomers looking for
peers who spoke their dialect were easily directed to the tambayan that was
represented. For instance, Ilocanos congregated under the pavilion behind the “black
man,” and those from Nueva Viscaya met under the northeastern pavilion. Those
who spoke or came from the Visayan region could be found by the post office, while
the Tagalog speaking workers gathered by the overpass. As a result, because the
assemblage as a whole was composed of many clustered tambayans of five to as
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many as 50 members, it resembled the Philippine archipelago, which is composed of
3,107 islands of more than 200 ethno-linguistic regions.
Landmarks and Services
Many of my participants also described the areas around the square as a
comer of the Philippines transplanted into Hong Kong. Some participants likened the
square as their “Luneta” (Philippines’ national park), “Makati” (the financial district
of the Philippines), or Quiapo and Divisoria (popular market areas in Manila). The
Statue Square vicinity was also the area where branches o f popular businesses in the
Philippines could be found, such as Jollibee (the most popular hamburger chain in
the Philippines), and banks such as Metrobank, Philippine National Bank (PNB), and
many Filipino-based money remittance offices. Participants told me that they
preferred doing business with familiar companies and enjoyed tasting food from
home. Further, many Philippine indigenous foods, such as “halo-halo” (preserved
beans and fruits with crashed ice), adobo, pinapaitan, dinakdakan, paksiw, ginataan,
and other Filipino food and delicacies were sold in the area. Newspapers, gossip
magazines, Filipino “komiks,” videotapes of Filipino celebrities were examples of
artifacts that represent Philippine life.
Family
My participants considered their barkadas as their surrogate “families” in
Hong Kong. Also, my participants likened other members of their tambayan, who
were typically peers coming from the same ethno-linguistic regional area, as
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extended family members or clan. For instance, Amy had been in Hong Kong for six
years. Amy’s barkada included selected individuals who she considered her closest
friends or part of her “inner circle,” resembling a family unit. According to Amy, her
“inner circle” group or barkada was a “bahay-bahayan” (make-believe house or play
house). Amy said, “ I remember when I was new [in Hong Kong], I met Lita who
told me, ‘come with me; let’s go to our house’. She brought me to their tambayan.
Since then, I became part o f their barkada.” Amy described her different levels of
affiliation between members of her inner circle barkada She said,
So every week, I spend time with the big group at the tambayan, then me and
my close barkada walk around and shop or run errands together. We’ll just go
back to the tambayan again and spend some time with the rest of the group
before heading home. There are times when we go to the beach, we all go, all
of us who belong in the tambayan. We also celebrate birthdays together. But
most of the time, my close barakadas have plans of our own. There are more
or less ten of us in the barkada. It won’t go beyond that number. It would be
difficult if there were too many members. It is like . . . it would be hard to get
along and please everyone. But it is also nice when you have a lot of other
friends . . . we probably have 25 to 30 people coming to the tambayan. When
we have parties or outings; we really have a good time because there are
many o f us. That is one advantage of being part of a tambayan—there is a
sort o f unity, especially our group because we are sort o f representing our
region/province [in the Philippines]. When we are there [at the tambayan]. . .
we become one. Not like when you don’t have a tambayan, then you are all
just spread o u t. . . ‘to each his own’ (Amy, Hong Kong, 2001).
Amy’s descriptions of how she delineated her level of affiliation with her
close barkada and her members o f her tambayan, exemplifies the Filipino culture’s
strong allegiance to the family as the basic unit of society. Domestic workers, similar
to Amy and her friends, typically called each other “sister” or “Ate,” which is a
Filipino term of respect for an older sister. In addition, Amy’s group displayed the
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Filipino characteristic of being “clannish,” wherein households included not just
immediate family members, but also extended family members, such as
grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, and others. Amy’s townmates, who were
members o f her tambayan, resembled that of extended family members or a clan,
while she considered her close barakada as family.
Some participants introduced their barkadas as cousins or sisters to potential
employers when they provided work referrals, with the belief that familial affiliation
indicated an enhanced chance of being accepted. According to Annie,
There were instances wherein I recommended my friends for jobs. My
employer trusts me and likes me. So when she [my employer] asked if I know
available workers, I introduced Lita [Annie’s friend]. . . it was perfect timing
because she [Lita] was about to end her contract. I told my employer that she
[Lita] was my cousin. . . since she is a relative, then they will trust her too
(Annie, Hong Kong, 2001).
In addition to having surrogate family members in Hong Kong, my
participants related how being members of a tambayans of the same regional areas,
was a means o f connecting with their actual families back home. At a tambayan, it
was a common occurrence for participants, who just met a person coming from her
region or town, to ask whether she knew of certain people back home. Most o f the
time, there were common acquaintances, no matter how distant the relation. These
established connections to hear news from home. Thus, my participants had
established an informal system of communication. As a result, those who preferred
to sit around all day in the tambayan, spent most of their time chatting with various
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individuals. Aside from airing out work grievances or sharing family problems, most
ended up talking about people back home.
Since members o f a tambayan often came from the same town, they
commonly updated each other about news from home, such as who recently got
married or had children, who was going out with whom, news about celebrities, or
other gossip about common acquaintances. Every time a worker returned from a visit
to the Philippines, friends would come to the tambayan to welcome her back and ask
about occurrences back home. However, the word of mouth system often presented
irregular and unreliable communication lines and “intrigues” from friends and in
laws, such as news of philandering husbands, which often resulted in strained
relationships.
Aside from news, barkadas also served as courier of goods to families and
friends to and from the Philippines and Hong Kong. My participants said that it was
especially important to go to the square when a barkada was about to leave for the
Philippines, or when one had just arrived. These were opportunities to ask that
something be brought back to her family back home or to receive something from
the Philippines.
Emergent Subculture
A community that existed outside Hong Kong mainstream society, the Filipina
domestics had developed a way of life, customs, and an understanding of things
familiar to their particular group. Thus, it appeared to me that, in Hong Kong, the
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Filipina domestic worker community displayed characteristics of a uniquely defined
subculture. In this section, I describe the Filipina domestic subculture in Hong Kong.
First, I identify several icons that have symbolisms unique to my participants.
Second, I describe my participants’ special lingo exclusively used by the workers.
Icons
Popular meeting places at the square had gained notoriety for being DH
(domestic helper) landmarks. Since most of these designated meeting spots often
had tremendously large and dense crowds of Filipinas, they had become icons within
the community. Two o f the most popular meeting spots, were the “black man” and
“dalawang leon” (two lions).
At Statue Square, the only remaining statue is a regal bronze of Thomas
Jackson, a former manager of the Hong Kong Bank, (Moran, 2000). The majority of
the Filipina domestics I interviewed referred to the statue as the “black man.” The
black man has become an icon for the Filipina domestics and its mere mention
brought smiles from my participants during my interviews and conversations. “Story
goes that the man at the square was so bored that he turned to stone,” stated Lina
seriously. I simply smiled after Lina’s remark about the statue in the middle of Statue
Square. Whether a joke or not, Lina’s story was representative o f the modem day
folklore of their emergent subculture.
The “black man” was the most popular meeting spot for Filipina domestics.
“You are not a Filipina if you do not know Statue Square, especially ‘the black
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man’.” “Either behind, in front, or by the side of “black man,” there’s no way you’ll
miss each other,” my participants explained. A mere mention of the black man
solicited smiles from almost all workers I conversed with in Hong Kong.
Another icon was a pair o f lions at the fa?ade of the Hong Kong Shanghai
Bank building, across the street from the square. The bank had a huge covered lobby
that was open to the public. In front o f the bank, two enormous lion sculptures were
situated at either side o f the entrance. My participants who met there referred to their
meeting place as “sa leon” (at the lion). Further, my participants would specify,
“yung nakangiti o nakasimangot?” (the smiling one or the frowning one?), as they
laughingly distinguished the growling figure from the other that is not.
DH Lingo
At the square, my participants also felt more comfortable because they were
able to speak in “Tagalog,” the Filipino national language, or their regional dialect.
My participants expressed frustrations with the language barrier with their Chinese
employers. Annie stated,
At the house, we communicate by ‘sign language,’ pointing here, pointing
there [laughing at her experiences of frustrations]! I think my saliva gets stale
[laughing]; that is why ,when I am on my holiday, I compensate by being
with a lot of people and talking a lot, like today [laughing] (Annie, Hong
Kong, 2000).
Aside from having the comfort of full expression, language served to unite
my participants with their peers. For instance, my participants introduced me to their
special lexicon, which appeared to be the DH lingo exclusively for their group. For
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instance, “Aerobics” or “Kuskos” (scrub) meant illegal part-time work. “Black man”
referred to the bronze statue in the middle of Statue Square, which was a common
meeting place during their day off from work. “International” referred to a domestic
worker whose days off from work fell on varying weekdays, but never on a Sunday.
“Hap-hap” referred to a Filipino meal that was half noodles and half salad, sold by
illegal hawkers at Statue Square. “For good” was a term that meant going back home
to the Philippines permanently.
The DH lingo was the workers’ means of using codes when talking about
people outside their community, as well as communicating their common plight. For
example, “aerobics” was a code for part-time work, which was illegal. A worker
explained, “if locals or even Filipinas who are non-domestics spend their extra-time
going to the gym for aerobics, we [foreign domestics] also have our own ‘aerobics’.”
Cultural Meanings
Based on my participants’ stories and accounts o f experiences, it appeared to
me that a set o f practices had been established within the Filipina domestic
community that guided the workers’ behavior. My participants knowledge of these
insider “rules” were sometimes implicit but appeared to be exemplified by their
ability to identify the “do’s and don’ts” at the Statue Square assemblage.
Based on my participants’ accounts, they appeared to have developed their
own set of expectations and cultural roles. Examples include (1) loaning money, (2)
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mentoring, (3) protecting peers, (4) venting grievances, (5) tending tambayans, (6)
food sharing, and (7) serving as courier.
Loaning Money. One aspect of peer support among many participants was
providing each other financial support through monetary loans. According to Sally
and my other informants, it had become customary to loan money to those in need,
especially when workers needed the money for an ailing family member back home
or when employers had not given them their salaries. However, Sally also said that,
at times, some workers needed the money because they lost at gambling or simply
overspent. However, Sally said, most often, they still gave the loan anyway.
Mentoring. A mentoring system exists such that veteran workers help
newcomers learn the ropes in living and working in Hong Kong. For example, a
first-time member of a barkada would be a recipient of a grand tour o f all the
attractions around the Central District during her first day off from work. On several
occasions, I was the recipient o f many tours by groups of workers I had just met.
During my first few days in Hong Kong, as I was introduced to many of the workers,
my new acquaintances were eager to show me around and provide tips on how I
could manage around Statue Square. One important aspect newcomers were taught
was how to use the various public transportation systems, such as the subways, the
ferry, tram, or bus. Further, veteran workers taught newcomers how to better get
along with employers. Many domestic workers provided each other with advice on
their work tasks, such as cooking styles, cleaning procedures, and other ways to
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please their employers. Overall, mentorship among the Filipinas was one way in
which they were able to create new forms of roles within their barakada.
Protecting peers. As a community, my participants also displayed a strong
sense of support for each other. Many women protected each other, including
warning and protecting illegal hawkers from patrolling police. For example, during
one o f my visits to the square, I was with Nida, Amelia, Delia, and Roily, who were
all close friends o f Sally. After walking around Statue Square with Nida, Amelia,
Delia, and Roily, I decided to rest and take a break by buying refreshing halo-halo
(sweetened fruits with crushed ice). At first, I did not notice Aling Maring (the halo-
halo vendor), as she was discreetly seated at one o f the benches among the many
other domestics. Amelia walked towards Aling Maring and stood in front of her and
said “lima po” (five please). As if choreographed, my three other companions stood
beside Amelia forming a human shield to cover Aling Maring from possible
patrolling police. Aling Maring swiftly opened her bag, which had a cooler inside,
and took out five plastic glasses containing the sweetened fruit ingredients. Like an
assembly line, Aling Maring, passed out the glasses to two other women beside her,
one scooped crushed ice, while the other poured in the milk and sugar. During the
entire process, my companions intermittently assured Aling Maring by saying “sige
ho, walang urban” (go ahead; there’s no police in sight).
Venting grievances. Further, barkadas supported and comforted each other by
allowing members to vent grievances and frustrations. Many women at the square
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talked about their problems with families in the Philippines and their difficulties with
employers. Almost every time I was at the square, stories of problems back home or
grievances about employers were topics of conversations. For instance, one Sunday
afternoon at the square, Filipina domestics, Lydia and Emmie, were giving Hanna, a
worker who just heard unpleasant news from home, some words of encouragement.
Hanna had been working in Hong Kong for almost four years. She had four children
back home, all of whom were being taken care of by her sister. Since Hanna’s
husband had been unemployed for several years, she continuously sent money to
support the entire family. Several months ago, Hanna sent a relatively large amount
o f money as a down payment for a tricycle [motorcycle with a passenger car that is
used for business] as an added means of income for the family. According to Hanna,
she and her husband agreed that he would use the tricycle for business and would
take care of its monthly amortization. However, two days prior, Hanna found out that
the tricycle got revoked because her husband had not been making the monthly
payments. She found out that, instead, he had been going out with a new group of
friends and got hooked on a street drug. Sitting in front o f Lydia, Emmie, and me,
Hanna shared her problems about her husband.
Hanna: “I don’t know what to do anymore [crying]. I was looking forward to
going home after my contract is up in December. . . I talked with my sister
yesterday and she said Noli [my husband] has not been giving them the
money that I was sending, which was intended for the children. . . So, they
borrowed money to pay for the bills and to buy food . . . m ilk. . . Now that
the tricycle is gone, I feel that all my hard work and sacrifices for the past
three and a half years were just wasted. . . I feel that I want to give up
already.”
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Lydia: “Be strong. God will not give you those trials if you cannot handle
them.”
Emmie: “Yes, don’t give up [stood up, sat beside Hanna, and held her by the
shoulder]. We all have problems . . . and we all overcome them.”
Tending the tamhayan. In addition, my participants demonstrated how their
belonging to barkadas and tambayans also delineated certain roles, rules, loyalties,
and obligations. Many of my participants had a sense of obligation to keep the
integrity o f the tambayan resembling that of family duties and responsibilities. They
felt compelled to visit the tambayan every week. For instance, many groups hired a
“space caretaker” to place newspapers over their demarcated tambayans. Some of
my participants regularly paid a lady, who rented out Filipino novels in the area, to
place the cardboard boxes on their designated spot. When they arrived, they simply
placed a plastic tablecloth on top o f the cardboard boxes and sat on them like a
picnic mat. Similarly, other participants paid a Chinese vagrant, who lived on the
sidewalks around the area to place newspapers over their demarcated tambayans.
Further, they also gave him extra money for services such as guarding their things
when they needed to leave and go somewhere to purchase items or walk around for a
stroll or for overnight safekeeping of belongings that they could not take back to
their employers' homes. Further, even if workers belonging to a barkada met
elsewhere outside the square, they still felt compelled to visit their tambayan and to
greet and see how their other friends are doing.
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Sharingfood. Also, during the gatherings it was customary as described
earlier for many participants to bring food to share. Individuals had been known to
have “specialty dishes” that were usually cooked according to their regional area. For
example, Lala, my participant coming from the Bicol province was popular among
her friends as someone who would bring “bicol express” (a spicy vegetable dish
popularly known in the Bicol region). Lala taught her friends how she prepared the
dish to other members o f her group. My other participants also brought various
dishes or sometimes brought utensils or cups to be used by all members o f a group.
That is why, every time I joined my participants’ gatherings, I learned to bring some
food items to share. When it was time to eat, every one would automatically start
passing on food and eating utensils, like a picnic in the middle of the metropolis.
Serving as courier. Filipina workers in Hong Kong have become accustomed
to acting as couriers for friends when a worker is traveling to or from the Philippines
to Hong Kong. Even though there are numerous remittance offices and shipping
companies that could send boxes of goods “door-to-door” to their families back
home, asking friends to serve as courier of their “pasalubong” (gifts) and “padala”
(items requested to be brought to friends and family) was a common practice. During
my many travels, I often chanced upon many of the workers in the airport having to
pay for extra baggage just to accommodate their friends’ requests. It is generally
known that Filipinas have a custom of sending gifts to friends and family.
Sometimes this has become problematic to their fiends who were scheduled to travel
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because they end up with overweight luggage at the airport. For instance, during my
travels to Hong Kong, I often brought just one carry-on bag and very seldom had any
luggage to check in. On several occasions, when I was in line to check in at the
airport, either in Hong Kong or Manila, several Filipinas in line behind me asked if I
could take on some o f their bags to save them from the extra charges for having
overweight luggage. Many times I agreed to accommodate their requests. It served as
an opportunity for me to talk to the women while waiting for our flight. For instance,
my conversation with Laura, a worker whom I met at the Hong Kong airport, was as
follows:
Terry: “So, how come you have so much baggage to check in?”
Laura: “Oh, they are mostly not mine. They are ‘pasalubong’ (gifts from
travel) and ‘padala’ (items requested to be brought to friends and family)
from my peers in Hong Kong. My gosh! Sometimes I don’t want to bring
them anymore because I end up paying ...”
Terry: “So why did you still bring them, knowing that you already have too
much?”
Laura: “Well, you know how it is; you can’t say ‘no’ to friends. They expect
you to bring their things and, when it is their turn to go home, they can bring
my pasalubong to my children also.”
In sum, at various levels of interactions at the Sunday assemblages, members
of the Filipina domestic community have developed a set o f expectations and roles
that defines their culture. For example, providing peers with monetary loans,
mentoring newcomers, protecting vendors from patrolling police, venting grievances,
tending their tambayans by hiring space caretakers, sharing food by passing it
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around, and many other customs have become expected behaviors that established
and continued to define the characteristics of their subculture. These expectations
served as a guide to act and react accordingly within the community. Rica, a worker
who had been in Hong Kong for six years, stated, “When you are at the square, you
can’t act “pa-social-social” (like a socialite). . . that is not appropriate at the square .
.. you need to fit in.”
Alleviating Occupational Alienation
Wilcock’s (1998) view of occupational alienation refers to occurrences when
people’s life activities fail to be in harmony with one another. Occupational
alienation refers to a sense of estrangement. According to Wilcock any productive,
economic, social, or spiritual activity, as well as the products o f activity such as
philosophies, morals, money, commodities, laws, or social institutions are potentially
alienating to either individuals or groups. Institutional or societal activities can result
in alienation when it is not in accordance with other members o f the institution or
society.
In Hong Kong, my participants displayed occupational alienation because of
their non-assimilation or segregation from Hong Kong society and class
discrimination with other Filipino non-domestic workers. Also, my participants’
conflicts in making meanings of their experiences against the image of a “DH” as a
“maid” and hero to the Philippine economy as well as the disruptions in their roles of
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being a mother, daughter, sister, wife, and breadwinner displayed signs o f
occupational alienation.
Nonetheless, many of my participants considered Statue Square as, in the
words o f a worker, “a place to be myself.” Amid protests o f how dirty and loud
Filipinas are, many of the workers displayed a nonchalant demeanor over the
negative comments and continued on with their weekly routine at the square. Virgie,
a worker who regularly spends her Sundays at the square, stated,
It is difficult to explain. No words can really describe how it feels like when I
am on my day-off at the Square. It’s just like - that’s me! Ya, that’s it! I feel
that that is who I am. I can be myself during my day-off (Virgie, Hong Kong,
2001).
During a group interview with four other women, everyone echoed in
agreement with Virgie at how Statue Square allowed them to be “themselves.”
Virgie added,
Whatever we do, however we want to do them . . . that is who we are. I
remember one time, I was wearing a nice dress because I came from an affair
at the Holiday Inn. Then I headed to the square, at our group’s regular
meeting place. When I got there . . . I did not care even though I was wearing
stockings and high heels. I just slouched back and sat on the pavement
without any care in the world. Who cares what they say! (Virgie, Hong Kong,
2001).
Many workers expressed that they felt “liberated” when they were at Statue
Square. Aside from being able to do whatever they wanted to do for the day, they
also felt that it was the time and place where they could be “themselves.”
At the square, barkadas and tambayans allowed my participants to become
integrated into a community. Further, the social affiliations within the DH
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community defined certain rules, roles, obligations, or expectations implicitly
learned through membership and social interactions.
For many o f my participants, belonging to a regional area in the Philippines
typically identified members of tambayans. However, other groups also were
identified by specific activities, such as those engaging in card games, soap carving,
or paper folding. And some also establish groups as a formal organization or
association, with by-laws, agendas, and scheduled activities or events. Whatever the
defining feature of a group, different members o f a group within their meeting place
or tambayan signified various degrees of social affiliation, which delineated certain
rules of engagement and aspects o f identity.
Chapter Summary
Homesickness and missing friends and families were major causes o f sadness
among many o f my participants. In addition, non-assimilation in Hong Kong
appeared to be another possible cause of further stress for many of my participants.
In this chapter, I described how Statue Square has become a “home away from
home” for many of my Filipina domestic participants, which alleviated the
occupational alienation brought about by their displacement from the Philippines and
non-assimilation in Hong Kong society.
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CHAPTER X
LIMINALITY
From the root word “limen,” meaning “threshold,” Van Gennep (1960)
defined liminality as a transformative experience. An individual undergoing a
transformative experience has the quality of being in a state that is not quite the same
as one in the past or in the anticipated future. Van Gennep studied a wide variety of
ritual forms and used the term liminality to denote three phases o f “rites o f passage.”
The first phase is separation from everyday life, signified by detachment from the
social structure and a set of social conditions. The second phase, liminality, is a state
o f limbo, generally characterized by involvement in a particular event or ceremony.
The third phase is returning to mundane life, but after having been changed in some
way.
Turner (1969,1974,1982,1987), an anthropologist, expanded on Van
Gennep’s theme of liminality during his studies of various phenomena such as
rituals, theater, and other social, cultural, and religious activities. Turner (1969)
emphasized that liminal phenomena are performed in delineated times and spaces.
For example, decorating a town square during festivals and transforming it into
something other than its daily function symbolizes a liminal sphere that momentarily
suspended daily life. Turner believed that the creation of liminal spaces was
necessary for transformative experiences to occur. In Hong Kong, within a specific
time and space, Statue Square every Sunday symbolized a liminal sphere that
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momentarily suspended my participants’ everyday and mundane life of being
Filipina domestics.
In this chapter, I describe Sundays at Statue Square as a liminal space, one
that served as an arena for transformative experiences among my Filipina worker
participants. First, I describe Statue Square as a spatially and temporally demarcated
liminal area that transformed into a provisional society. Second, I describe how my
participants experienced various types of transformations. These include (1) from an
individual to a member of a collective, (2) from “DH” to “Ate”, and (3) from Servant
to Decision-Maker. Third, I discuss the implications of transformative experiences
for alleviating occupational problems, such as occupational deprivation, occupational
imbalance, and occupational alienation.
Provisional Society as a Liminal Sphere
Spatially, Statue Square was a place Filipina domestics in Hong Kong used to
congregate as a community. Temporally, Sundays, which was predominantly my
participants’ holidays, was the demarcation to exist outside the context o f the
everyday and mundane life of being a Filipina domestic in Hong Kong. Every
Sunday, as early as 7:00 a.m., I observed the areas in and around the square already
bustling with activity. Various individuals prepared for the expected convergence of
domestic workers. Large trash cans were placed in various locations. Several streets
were cordoned off from traffic. Vendors set up merchandise. Cardboard boxes were
laid out on floors at specific locations where workers usually sat and spent time.
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Further, the influx of workers themselves, who stayed the entire days of Sundays,
completed the transformations of Statue Square into a place for “Filipinas.”
The square appeared to transform into a provisional society, in which social
circles signified varying levels o f affiliations that defined participants’ roles within
their own community. Barkadas were considered by my participants to be their basic
family unit, while other members of a tambayan, who were typically peers coming
from the same ethno-linguistic regional area, were considered extended family
members or clan. Further, since my participants who belonged to barkadas regularly
met and spent time in specific spaces at the square, called their tambayans, the
arrangement o f various groups occupying specific spaces in the Central District has
become familiar to them. Based on my observations, many new workers were
directed by my participants to the areas where other Filipinas coming from their
region were located. Many of the workers I talked with said that, initially, this was
how they became affiliated with most of their friends and barkadas. Thus,
newcomers could easily meet peers who spoke their dialect by finding tambayans
that represented it. For instance, Ilocanos congregated under the pavilion behind the
“black man,” and those from Nueva Viscaya met under the northeastern pavilion.
Those who spoke or come from the Visayan region could be found by the post
office, while the Tagalog speaking workers gathered by the overpass. As a result,
various locations of tambayans established a simulated social order that resembled
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that o f the Philippine archipelago’s arrangement of multiple islands with various
ethno-linguistic regions.
Self-Transformations
As the square transformed into a liminal sphere every Sundays, my
participants also displayed various types of transformative experiences. In this
section, I describe three types o f transformations among my participants namely (1)
from an individual to a member of a collective, (2) from “DH” to “Ate”, and (3)
from Servant to Decision-Maker
From an Individual to a Member o f a Collective
According to Turner (1969), the periods of separation from everyday life
during liminal experiences yielded opportunities for generating human bondedness,
which contributed to the growth o f society. At the square, as my participants were
separated from their everyday life as a foreign domestic, those partaking in the event
appeared to display camaraderie characterized by a special sisterhood. My
participants reported a feeling of closeness with other members o f their own
community, which appeared to have arisen because of their separation from the
social structures that categorized them as “DHs.” As DHs, my participants were
hierarchically kept apart from the rest of Hong Kong society. Nonetheless, as the
hierarchal social structure that distinguished my participants in relation to other
members of Hong Kong society was diminished at the square, new orders of
relationships within their own community seemed to have been established.
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A social modality that characterized my participants’ relationships at Statue
Square was “communitas.” Communitas, as defined by Turner (1969,1974); is
equality among individuals based on some spontaneous and immediate social bond
among one’s fellows. According to Turner, in communitas, status and social
evaluation are absent or markedly diminished, so that diversity can bind together and
overcome cleavages. Turner’s interest in the expression of communitas can be
understood from the perspective of structure. Turner believed that liminal
phenomena generate communitas because they are devoid of social structure and
markers. Turner (1969) further argued that the anti-structure of liminality and
communitas gave recognition to “an essential and generic human bond, without
which there could be no society” (p. 97). Whereas social structure relies on norm-
governed, institutionalized relationships, communitas emerges as a spontaneous
expression of sociability or at least a cultural form that stresses equality and
comradeship as norms.
In accordance with Turner’s propositions regarding communitas, at the
square, my participants, as liminal entities, were detached from the social markers in
Hong Kong that defined them as inferior “maids.” Instead, during their involvement
at the square, they became defined as members o f an ethnic community based on
commonalities among themselves, which include nationality, language,
ethnolinguistic dialect, religion, and common customs and traditions. At the square,
my participants developed a special sisterhood wherein the women called each other
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“sister” or “Ate” (an address of respect for an older sister), protected each other,
especially those selling items illegally, from the police, and trusted each other with
secrets and monetary loans. According to many of my participants, even when they
just met another Filipina worker, most of the time they felt as if they had known one
another for a long time, especially if they were from the same region or province in
the Philippines.
In addition, Turner (1969) identifies a form o f normative communitas that he
describes as a group or subculture that attempts to foster and maintain relationships
on a permanent basis. The Statue Square assemblage fits within this description
because among my participants, barkadas were special bonds that were created in the
hope of building long lasting relationships. For instance, having the same day o f rest
and coming from the same region were important criteria in choosing barkadas in the
hope of having recurrent and regular meetings. Also, meaningful icons, a special
lingo, and emergent social practices among my participants characterized the Filipina
domestic community as a subculture, which have become integral to workers’ sense
o f belonging, replacing “I” with “we.”
From “D H ” to “ Ate"
The closed-knit community discussed above, which consists of barkadas
occupying tambayans, also represents a context that embodied varying possible
identities. One defining factor of my participants’ identity in Hong Kong was their
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work. However, their work as foreign domestics or being a “DH” denotes a demotion
in class, which is as well alienating.
At the square, nonetheless, my participants were able to establish other
identities within their social circles. Engagement in occupations, especially those of
non-work, defined the women beyond being domestics. It facilitated roles and status
that transformed them into members of a family, clan, and society. Although the
Statue Square society may be provisional and transitory, it bridged the disruptions in
their self-identities. As an example, mentoring new workers about the “ins and outs”
of Hong Kong life gave veteran workers a sense of mastery over their environment
and provided a basis for an enhanced sense o f self. Many o f my participants also
became members o f organizations in which they held positions and organized
projects that gave them new roles and status within their community. Still others
joined pageants and contests that provided them with recognition and honor. In
addition, while my participants talked to each other about their families in the
Philippines, they presented their other identities of being mother, sister, breadwinner,
and wife. Thus, my participants displayed that they embodied various multiple
identities.
The concept o f multiple identities is a postmodern one. It results from the
postmodernist critique of the “Cartesian subject,” i.e., “the model of the rational,
centered, purposive subject for whom Descartes deduced ‘cognito ergo sum’”
(Barrett, 1992, p. 207). In contrast to the Cartesian subject, the concept o f identity is
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not essentialist, but rather strategic and positional. Weeks (1990) noted that the
building o f social relationships is an outcome of multiple identities. “Each o f us lives
with a variety o f potentially contradictory identities, which battle within us for
allegiance; as men or women, black or white, straight or gay, able-bodied or disabled
. . . The list is potentially infinite, and so therefore are possible belongings” (p. 88).
Similarly, in postmodern feminism, the concept o f “multiple identities” replaced the
unitary notion o f woman and feminine gender identity with plural and complexly
constructed conceptions of social identity. These conceptualizations treat gender as
one relevant strand among others, including class, race, ethnicity, age, and sexual
orientation (Fraser & Nicholson, 1990).
Evolving cultural and social contexts of human existence impel one to
acquire multiple identities that bridge gaps in changing contextual meanings.
Multiple identity discourses are concerned with the aspects that define the self as a
mediated entity. Self is (Polkinghome, 1988, 1991; Kondo, 1990; Brunner, 1996)
viewed by scholars as a process and as a product of the situations in which it
operates. Self is tied to the notion of identity, which serves as interceptive schemes
through which actions and experiences are understood and made meaningful.
Polkinghome (1988), writing from the position of self and narrative, stated,
“Self, then, is not a static thing nor a substance, but a configuring of personal events
into a historical unity which includes not only what one has been but also
anticipations o f what one will be” (p. 150). Further, according to Mouffe,
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Social agents are constituted by an ensemble o f ‘subject positions’ that can
never be totally fixed in a closed system of differences, constructed by a
diversity o f discourses among which no necessary relation, but a constant
movement of overdetermination and displacement. The ‘identity’ of such
multiple and contradictory subjects is therefore always contingent and
precarious, temporarily fixed at the intersection of those subject positions and
dependent on specific forms of identification (Mouffe, 1995, p. 318).
Thus, self is an ever-changing construction o f experience. Further, self is
viewed as encompassing the multiple situations in which it operates. Kondo (1990)
argued that self is defined by context. She preferred to use the term self in the plural,
selves, to capture this feature. In her book, Crafting Selves, an ethnography of a
Japanese workplace, she examined different facets o f identity as constructed in the
workplace and family of her Japanese informants. She asserted that her informants
crafted themselves in everyday life and that, in transforming the material world, they
transformed themselves. “Selves” then, stated Kondo, are crafted by people within
their relationships with others and as part o f these varying social contexts. The
relevant aspects of engagement include building personal relationships and fulfilling
or creating obligations. One’s actions are more likely to be seen as situation
dependent, and characterizations of the individual include this context.
In Hong Kong, displacement, economics, and employment conditions are a
few o f the many causes of disruptions in identities because o f my participants’ being
DHs. In the Sunday gatherings of Filipina workers at Statue Square, the workers
reproduce cultural themes and social spheres in their host country as a means of
constructing various contexts that redefined who they were and mediated cultural
and social disruptions. For instance, at the square, they become Ate. In sum, shifting
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184
from DH to Ate exemplified a form o f transformation on the part o f my participants
when they entered the context of the provisional society of Statue Square.
From Servant to Decision-Maker
In addition to the discussion above, constructing selves is also tied to the
notion o f agency. Agency encompasses a self with history and possibility, and it
implies initiative, skill, and know-how. The concept of agency derives from the
belief that one can initiate action and implies that self is continually created,
constructed, and enacted. Using Giddens’ (1984) definition of agency as “the
capability o f doing things. Agency concerns events o f which an individual is the
perpetrator, in the sense that the individual could, at any phase in a given sequence of
conduct, have acted differently” (Giddens, 1984, p. 9). Humans are considered to
have a choice in any situation, no matter how limited those choices. For Giddens,
power in the sense of transformative capacity, is inherent in agents such that they are
able to act, even though that action is perceived to have been made in a situation
where they did not have a choice.
In Hong Kong, some participants displayed efforts in displaying a sense of
control over their plight. Mila, for example, appeared to emphasize the importance of
“choice” when she stated that despite knowing the difficulties of foreign domestic
work in Hong Kong, it was still her decision to come. Mila further justified that the
trade-offs were worth the sacrifice, especially because o f the financial gains. Mila
sold fish in the market before venturing to Hong Kong. During the time she was
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185
considering foreign employment, Mila was also experiencing marital difficulties.
Since her husband did not have a job, she was faced with the dilemma of financially
supporting her two children. Mila said,
My decision to come here in Hong Kong was a choice between “pera o puso”
(money or heart). . . or better yet “pera o asawa,” (money or spouse). . .
Well, if your husband is like mine, I take money any day [laughter] (Mila,
Hong Kong, 2001).
In addition, Mila said coming to Hong Kong was not just an act o f financial
survival but also a chance for adventure. Mila said her choice o f coming to Hong
Kong also meant a chance for a cosmopolitan lifestyle. She considered Hong Kong
as a place for excitement because it was, to her, a new environment. Mila talked to
me about her first day in Hong Kong. Her employer fetched her at the airport and,
since Mila came from the province and rarely visited Manila (the urbanized capital
o f the Philippines), she was awestruck when she arrived in Hong Kong.
At the airport, I did not know where to go. For a while, I just stood there,
overwhelmed. . . my employer was the one who found me and asked who I
was. It was nighttime when I first arrived in Hong Kong. I was also amazed
with all the lights . . . It was beautiful. . . It was beautiful (Mila, Hong Kong,
2001).
According to Mila, since she came from a remote province, the lights and sounds of
a cosmopolitan metropolis and, eventually, the accomplishment of learning the ropes
in Hong Kong gave her a sense of pride.
Mila exemplifies the concept o f agency despite the seemingly disempowered
and marginalized status of being a foreign domestic in Hong Kong. In a way, she
was not as acquiescent as I thought because of her sense of control over her plight.
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186
In addition, even though my participants did not perceive gathering at the
square a form of protest by saying “we simply go there to rest during our holiday,”
the persistent assemblage despite disapproval from local residents and business
establishments reflected defiance against the complex power structure Filipina
domestics were implicated in. Their persistent engagement at the square represented
efforts in transforming their environment from the confined and restrictive homes of
their employers to the freedom of choice at the square. As a result, my participants
transitioned between accommodations to maintain employment yet, at the same time
displayed resistance to the disenfranchised status it signified. Thus, the square, which
included the social groups that served as my participants’ peer support, allowed
transformations from acquiescent servants to decision-makers.
Alleviating Occupational Problems
In Hong Kong, living and working arrangements disempowered my
participants. In their employers’ homes, since my participants had lack o f personal
space and primarily engaged in grueling work without too many opportunities for
personal tasks, they experienced occupational deprivation. Occupational deprivation
refers to deprivation o f occupational choices and diversity because o f circumstances
beyond the control o f individuals or communities (Wilcock, 1998). Nonetheless, at
the square every Sunday, my participants enhanced their sense o f agency and were
transformed into workers who performed activities of their choosing.
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187
Also, as a consequence to their occupational deprivation, my participants
experienced an imbalance of occupational engagement. In occupational science and
therapy, the concept of “occupational balance,” is seen as promoting positive well
being (Wilcock, 1998). Thus, occupational imbalance, which refers to a lack of
balance or disproportion of occupation, is believed to result in decreased well-being.
Occupational imbalance refers to states in which people are unable to participate in
occupations that allow them to exercise their physical, social, and mental capacities;
between chosen and obligatory activities; or between strenuous and restful activities
(Wilcock, 1998).
My conversations with participants indicated that occupational balance
centered on two categories, work and non-work (e.g., rest and leisure). Also, there
appeared to be a distinction between obligatory and discretionary activities. The
Filipina domestics’ primary motivation and purpose for being in Hong Kong was to
work. However, many Filipinas were required by their employers to work 12-16
hours each day, six days a week within strict delineated guidelines. Further, their
living and working conditions also further deprived them o f engaging in non-work
tasks during the week. Their discretionary tasks, which included leisure pursuits,
tended to be undertaken primarily during their holidays, compared with obligatory
activities, which primarily filled their entire workweek. To compensate for this
imbalance, their holidays gave them an opportunity to engage in non-work and
discretionary activities. They first took care of personal errands, such as sending
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188
money to their families, shopping for their clothes and food, calling family members
back home, and then spent the rest o f the day in rest and leisure activities.
Gathering at the square was a means for many o f my participants in Hong
Kong to maintain a sense of balance to their activities o f work and non-work,
discretionary and obligatory activities, and various roles that delineated who they
were. My participants had varied ways o f spending their rest day, nonetheless, each
had established a routine that uniquely address their individual needs. Overall,
Sundays at Statue Square was a means o f establishing a sense of occupational
balance after working six long days a week. My participants looked forward to their
one day off, during which they could orchestrate activities that did not involve work.
Compressed within a day was an array of non-work activities o f socialization, play,
rest, and self-enriching activities that counterbalanced their grueling work week of
feeling social isolation, spatial deprivation, and personal disruptions. Through self
orchestration of activities one day a week, they were able to counterbalance work
with activities of non-work.
In addition, Hong Kong society also placed my participants in a state of
alienation because of class discrimination and non-assimilation into mainstream
society. Because o f this, many participants had conflicts in making meaning o f their
experiences. Overall, the type of economy, national policies and priorities, and
cultural values, by which my participants existed in Hong Kong, had negative
influences on their environmental context. The Philippine and Hong Kong capitalist
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189
economies as well as policies and priorities o f both countries towards economic
growth directly influenced many aspects o f my participants’ plight as domestics
deployed to Hong Kong for foreign employment. Aspects regarding cultural values
influenced my participants’ lives because it led to uncontested exploitation.
Occupational alienation occurred when people’s life activities fail to be in harmony
with one another (Wilcock, 1998). In Hong Kong, my participants were
occupationally alienated because o f social isolation in employers’ homes,
powerlessness, frustration over guidelines, loss of control of daily tasks, and
estrangement from society as a result o f class discrimination. Nonetheless, every
Sunday at the square, they turned their social isolation into community assimilation.
They became members of a society without social structures that neither
discriminated nor separated them from one another. Instead, a special sisterhood
developed that enhanced their sense of belonging to a community. Social support,
regardless its source, has consistently been found to be a protective factor against the
various forms of psychological distress associated with migration (Cheng, Chang, &
Jung-Chen, 1999; Tiu, 1995). Research has shown that individuals from ethnic
groups with a strong degree of community cohesiveness are less likely to commit
suicide and has demonstrated that social support and cultural integration are
protective factors for immigrants (Cheng, Chang, & Jung-Chen, 1999: Chung,
Bemak, Kagawa-Singer, 1988; Silove, Steel, Me Gorry & Mohan, 1998).
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190
Chapter Summary
In this chapter, I described the Sunday assemblage at the Square as a liminal
domain, with delineated times and space that transformed into a provisional society.
Within this provisional society, my participants experienced transformations that
alleviated occupational problems.
In Hong Kong, despite the claim of many of my participants that the financial
gains outweigh the hardship of foreign employment, displacement still resulted in
domestics finding themselves in an unfamiliar cultural environment and exposed to
unanticipated, novel, or even traumatic experiences. Further, the underlying factors
of national priorities, economics, and cultural conflicts appear to my place
participants at risk for occupational problems identified by Wilcock (1998) namely,
occupational imbalance, occupational deprivation, and occupational alienation.
Occupational imbalance refers to states in which people are unable to participate in
occupations that allow them to exercise their physical, social, and mental capacities.
Occupational deprivation refers to circumstances in which people are prevented from
participating in health-promoting occupations. Occupational alienation occurs when
people’s life activities fail to be in harmony (Wilcock, 1998).
Nonetheless, Sundays at Statue Square, as a liminal domain, served as a place
that allowed transformative experiences from occupational deprivation to having an
enhanced agency to choose activities. Consequently, the workers who utilized these
opportunities for occupational engagement were able to balance their occupational
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191
engagement between those activities that were defined as work and that of non-work,
obligatory and discretionary, and even those that delineated various identities.
Finally, my participants transformed from being alienated individuals to members of
a sisterhood that provided camaraderie and equality. Thus, at the square my
participants no longer felt alienated because of the class separation brought about by
their status as foreign domestics.
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CHAPTER XI
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
This chapter concludes my dissertation. First, I present a summary of my
ethnographic results. Second, I discuss implications for the practice o f occupational
therapy. Third, I present future directions for occupational science research.
Summary of Outcome
Every Sunday, tens o f thousands of Filipina domestic workers gathered
together at Statue Square in Hong Kong. This study asked the question: What is the
significance o f gathering at Statue Square to the Filipina domestics? The study
objective was to define the form, function, and meaning o f the weekly assemblage.
During the pilot study, I found that while working in Hong Kong, my Filipina
domestic worker participants lived and worked amid a complex environment. The
Philippine and Hong Kong capitalist economies as well as policies and priorities of
both countries towards economic growth directly influenced many aspects of my
participants’ plight as domestics deployed to Hong Kong for foreign employment.
Further, clashes between Filipino and Chinese cultural values influenced my
participants’ everyday lives that, at times led to exploitation and injustices.
Specifically, my participants had living and working conditions in their employers’
homes that deprived them of personal space and time for non-work activities.
Further, they were controlled by restrictions, work guidelines, and responsibilities
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193
that required them to work for 12 to 16 hours per day, 6 days a week. As a result, my
participants were mostly engaged in work and obligatory activities and were unable
to engage in non-work and discretionary activities. In addition, in Hong Kong
society, many of my participants experienced alienation and were unassimilated in
society because of class discrimination. They were considered inferior citizens
because o f being foreign “maids.” The alienation resulted in conflicts in making
meaning o f their experiences in Hong Kong.
The inability o f my participants to engage in activities of their choosing can
be referred to as occupational deprivation. The imbalance between work and non
work activities as well as between obligatory and discretionary activities can be
referred to as occupational imbalance. The non-assimilation and class discrimination
can be referred to as occupational alienation. Overall, occupational deprivation,
occupational imbalance, and occupational alienation were occupational problems
that negatively influenced well-being (Wilcock, 1998).
Thus, because of the complex environmental context that presented risks for
multiple occupational problems, this study further asked the question: How do
gatherings at the square influence the workers’ lives amid multiple social, cultural,
and occupational disruptions?
Through my ethnography I found that Sunday at Statue Square had the
potential for alleviating occupational problems among workers. The square was
described as a liminal sphere that transformed the place into a provisional society.
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194
The provisional society allowed my participants to experience transformations that
alleviated occupational alienation, occupational deprivation, and occupational
imbalance. Specifically, at the square, my participants were detached from the social
structures o f Hong Kong society that brought forth class discrimination and non
assimilation. At the square, my participants displayed a special camaraderie of
sisterhood, which alleviated occupational alienation. Further, during Sundays at the
square, a typical day off from work, my participants displayed an enhanced sense of
agency for engaging in activities of choice that alleviated occupational deprivation.
As a result, my participants were able to engage in a compressed regimen of non
work and personally chosen activities that alleviated occupational imbalance.
Implications for Occupational Therapy
Previous research has shown that the Filipina workers face harsh working and
living conditions in Hong Kong and has suggested that the public get-togethers have
facilitated the successful adaptation of the majority. However, an in-depth study,
which fully explored and defined the adaptive components of the weekly
assemblage, had not been done prior to this study. I presented how Filipina workers
spent their Sundays at Statue Square as a means of facing the challenges brought
about by their foreign employment. The ethnographic results show how engagement
in occupations at the square facilitated occupational balance and ameliorated
sociocultural disruptions caused by the displacement of migration.
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Thus, this study may guide the practice o f occupational therapy in
understanding difficulties faced by other migrant populations. Moreover, given
globalization and rampant migration, the outcome o f this research may inform
practitioners o f the economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of at risk
populations in transcultural communities.
Further, this study shows the relationship and positive influences of
occupational engagement to health and well-being. Since occupational therapists
have a well-developed understanding of concepts regarding the relationship between
health and human occupations, they have the expertise in developing and
implementing programs that address issues in the area of public health. Thus, this
study suggests that occupational therapists can have a greater role in promoting
public health through participatory community health programs that promote
equitable distributions of resources and power.
Future Research
This study suggests the importance of further research by occupational
scientists that can further explicate the relationship between occupation and health.
Also, action-research frameworks can be used to develop models of health
promotion not just locally but internationally. As such, occupational scientists,
through research can be advocates for social justice.
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APPENDICES
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205
Appendix A
Adult Informed Consent Form for Pilot Study
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206
Adult Informed Consent Form for Pilot Study
Adult’s Consent to Participate in an Ethnographic Research Study
TITLE OF PROJECT: Sundays at the Park: A Pilot Study o f Filipino Migrant
Workers in Hong Kong
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Maria Theresa S. Peralta, MA, OTR
DEPARTMENT: Department of Occupational Science and Therapy
University of Southern California Los Angeles, CA, USA
24-HOUR TELEPHONE NUMBERS:
In Hong Kong: Call Terry Peralta at (852) 94184476 cell phone; (852) 25230379
office;
(852) 25243066 fax
In the USA: Call Dr. Ann Neville-Jan at (323) 442-2884
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY:
You are invited to participate in a research study about the Sunday gatherings of
Filipino migrant workers at Statue Square. The following information is provided in
order to help you make an informed decision whether or not to participate. You are
invited as a possible participant of this study because of your knowledge and/or
participation at the Sunday gatherings at Statue Square. The interviews will cover
topics about your experiences and your insights about these events and your
background information, such as your work, family, friends, and reasons for being in
Hong Kong.
PROCEDURE:
If you decide to participate in this study, you will be scheduled for 1-2 interviews at
places and times that are convenient for you. The interviews will last approximately
one to two hours and will be audio taped. The audiotapes will be transcribed and
used as data for a study.
RISKS:
Possible risks and discomforts you could experience during this study include some
interview questions that you may find too personal or emotionally upsetting, but you
have the right not to answer them.
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207
BENEFITS:
You may receive no direct benefit from your participation in this study. However,
your participation in this study may help us better understand the significance of the
weekly gatherings at Statue Square to the lives of Filipino domestic workers in Hong
Kong.
ALTERNATIVE TREATMENT:
This study is not designed as a treatment study. The alternative is to decide not to
participate.
CONFIDENTIALITY STATEMENT:
Audiotape recordings o f you will be used for educational purposes, your identity will
be protected and disguised. All results will be kept confidential with respect to any
written or verbal reports and will only be accessible to the principal investigator and
individuals directly involved in the study, but may be made available to you.
Audiotapes will be destroyed after transcription.
OFFER TO ANSWER QUESTIONS:
Your participation will be supervised by Terry Peralta at telephone number (852)
252-30-379 in Hong Kong, and Dr. Ann Neville-Jan at (323) 442-2884 in the USA,
who you may contact with any questions and concerns or if you feel you have been
injured as a result of your participation.
If you have any questions regarding your rights as a research subject in this study,
you may contact the Institutional Review Board Office at (323) 223-2340 in the
USA. You will be given a copy of this form to keep.
VOLUNTARY PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL STATEMENT:
Your participation in this research study is voluntary. Your decision whether or not
to participate will not interfere with your health care or other services to which you
are otherwise entitled. You are not waiving any legal claims or rights because of
your participation in this study. If you do decide to participate, you are free to
withdraw your consent and discontinue at any time.
INJURY STATEMENT:
In the unlikely event that you should suffer an injury as a direct consequence of the
research procedures described above, emergency medical care required to treat the
injury will be provided, however, the financial responsibility for such care will be
yours.
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208
CALIFORNIA LAW REQUIRES THAT YOU MUST BE INFORM ED
ABOUT:
1. The nature and purpose of the study.
2. The procedures in the study and any drug or device to be used.
3. Discomforts and risks to be expected from the study.
4. Benefits to be expected from the study.
5. Alternative procedures, drugs or devices that might be helpful and their risks and
benefits.
6. Availability of medical treatment should complications occur.
7. The opportunity to ask questions about the study or the procedure.
8. The opportunity to withdraw at any time without affecting your future care at this
institution.
9. A copy of the written consent form for the study.
10. The opportunity to consent freely to the study without use of coercion.
11. Statement regarding liability for research-related injury, if applicable.
AGREEMENT:
I have read (or someone has read to me) the information provided above. I have
been given the opportunity to ask questions and all of my questions have been
answered to my satisfaction. My signature below indicates that I have decided to
participate having read the information provided above.
Name of Participant Signature Date Signed
Name of Witness Signature Date Signed
I have personally explained the research to the participant and answered all
questions. I believe that he/she understands the information described in this
informed consent and freely consents to participate.
Name of Investigator/Person Signature Date Signed
Obtaining Informed Consent (must be the
same date as
participant’s)
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Appendix B
Adult Information Sheet for the Main Study
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210
Adult Information Sheet for the Main Study
Invitation to Participate in a Research Study
TITLE OF PROJECT: Sundays at Statue Square with Filipino Domestic Workers
in Hong Kong: An Ethnography of an Occupation
PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATOR: Maria Theresa “Terry” Peralta
Ph.D. Candidate in Occupational Science
UNIVERSITY/DEPARTMENT:Department o f Occupational Science and Therapy
University o f Southern California Los Angeles, CA, USA
24-HOUR TELEPHONE NUMBERS:
In Hong Kong: Call Terry Peralta at (852) 94184476 cell phone;
(852) 25230379 office; (852) 25243066 fax
You are invited to participate in this research study. I am interested to learn about
the Sunday gatherings of Filipino migrant workers at Statue Square and your
participation may help me better understand the significance of these weekly
gatherings to the lives of the Filipino workers in Hong Kong.
If you decide to participate, you will be scheduled for 1-2 interviews at places and
times that are convenient for you. The interviews will last approximately one to two
hours and will be audio taped.
The interviews will cover topics about your experiences and your insights about the
events at “the Square.” You will also be asked about your background information,
such as your work, family, friends, and reasons for being in Hong Kong. If you find
some interview questions too personal or emotionally upsetting, you have the right
not to answer them.
Audiotape recordings of you will be used for educational purposes. But your identity
will be protected and disguised. All results will also be kept confidential with
respect to any written or verbal reports and will only be accessible to me and other
individuals directly involved in this study. These transcripts may also be made
available to you. Audiotapes will be destroyed after transcription.
Participation in this research is purely voluntary. If you do decide to participate, you
are free to withdraw and discontinue at any time.
I am the principal researcher for this study. My name is Terry Peralta. Please call for
any questions at telephone number (852) 252-30-379 in Hong Kong.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Peralta, Maria Theresa S. (author)

Core Title "From where are you back home?": Ethnography of Filipina domestic workers spending Sundays at Statue Square

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Occupational Science

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,sociology, social structure and development,women's studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Neville-Jan, Ann (committee chair), Clark, Jeanne (committee member), Lawlor, Mary (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-560718

Unique identifier UC11335718

Identifier 3145265.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-560718 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3145265.pdf

Dmrecord 560718

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Peralta, Maria Theresa S.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA