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As the world turns: being Black and gay on campus in the 21st century

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As the world turns: being Black and gay on campus in the 21st century

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Content Running head: BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 1
AS THE WORLD TURNS: BEING BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS IN THE 21
ST
CENTURY

by

Richard B. Marks Jr.

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

August 2015

Copyright 2015 Richard B. Marks Jr.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 2
Dedication

I dedicate this page to my father, Richard B. Marks, Sr., and my grandmother, Rebecca “Big
Momma” Stewart. You both knew I would be greater than what I thought I could be. For this,
I thank you for pushing me and smiling upon. I am truly honored to embody the name of my
father and the thirst of knowledge from my grandmother. Thank you for looking out for me,
even when I did not know it. You both are truly missed. Love you!

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 3
Acknowledgments
First, I would like to thank my Lord and Savior Jesus Christ for providing me the
strength, courage, and the fortitude to complete my doctorate. It is because of your
wonderful blessings, your unconditional love, and your purpose that I am who and where I
am today.
To my mother, you have been the Queen who has given me confidence. You have
shown me how to love, how to be patient, and how to be kind. You have also demonstrated
what true resilience means through your faith and prayers. You have always been there at
every turn, good or bad. Every program, every award, every concert, and every
graduation…you were front row and center. Thank you for being an incredible inspiration
to me. I love you!
To my entire family, thank you so much for your prayers. You have always pushed
me to be the best that I could be. Each one of you have taken time to talk to me, encourage
me, and listen to me throughout this entire process. Thanks Aunt Bertha for always telling
me what I do not want to hear. Thanks Aunt Dorothea for your continual prayers and
encouragement (I am your favorite nephew); and a special thanks to my oldest nephew,
Deontae Morris…I love you.
I want to give a special thanks to my dissertation committee members: Chair, Dr.
Alan Green, Dr. Reynaldo Baca, and Dr. Ilda Jimenez y West. It has definitely been a long
journey. Thank you for mentoring, challenging, and supporting me. Dr. Green, you have
been amazing. You stepped in to becoming my new chair and I appreciate you so much for
doing that because you did not have to do. Your feedback, your advice, and your support
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 4
does not go unrecognized. You have been a great mentor and I hope I continue to make you
proud.
Thank you to my ACPA/Pan-African Network colleagues: Tracey Cameron, Aja
Holmes, Ron Jackson, Mark Forrest, Jimmi Nicholson, LaShondra Little, and Phillip Cockrell.
I cannot tell you how much you all mean to me. Again, thank you!
To Tralicia Powell-Lewis and Lucille Perry, you both have been strong Black women
whom I have known for a long time. Tralicia, I appreciate your tenacity, your grace, and
your strength, even in your time of challenges…YOU NEVER SEEM TO BE BOTHERED OR
STRESSED!!! I have been taking notes. As for Lucille, you are one of the most intelligent
women I know. You have a gift with words and I admire and appreciate it. You have given
me some of the most honest and constructive feedback that I could not have made this
possible. Thank you both for your friendship.
To my mentors Dr. James E. Mumford, Tim Stockton, and Dr. Gilbert Brown, thank
you. Tim, thank you for introducing me to higher education. You were the catalyst to this
journey. Dr Mumford, you were my adoptive father in the absence and loss of my own. You
know me so well and I am glad you have been one of my cheerleaders through this process
and through life. Dr. Brown, you gave me my first chance as a master’s student at Indiana
when no one else would. Throughout the years, your wisdom has been what has led me to
continue in this field of education.
Thank you to my employers, Chapman University and Saint Louis University and my
department, Housing and Residence Life and to all my students. I appreciated you all for
your flexibility and for checking up on me. And a special thank you to my California
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 5
connections, Sean Clinton, Dr. Jamel Hodges, Ronnie McLaughlin, and Stephen Tribble.
Thank you all for friendships and your support.
Thank you to Anthony D. Washington, TaVonna Harris-Askew, Angela Lasley, Elaine
Haney, Erica Gray, Jason Foreman & Family, David Radford, and host of other Indianapolis
friends. You all have been a great pillar to my success. Knowing most of you since seventh
grade, I appreciate your love and support throughout this process and my life.
I definitely would like to give a special thanks to Erik Jordan Cox. Thank you for
loving me and being there for me. You are truly a gem!
Last, but not least, I owe a large gratitude and thanks to the participants in this
study. You have all been remarkable throughout this process and I am extremely honored
and appreciative to have had the opportunity to share your thoughts and reflections.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 6
Table of Contents
Dedication 2
Acknowledgments 3
Abstract 8
Chapter One: Overview of the Study 9
Background of the Problem 10
Statement of the Problem 15
Purpose of the Study 19
Importance of the Study 21
Limitations and Delimitations 22
Definition of Terms 23
Chapter Two: Literature Review 25
Theoretical Framework: Black Identity 29
Criticisms of Cross’s Theory 33
Theoretical Framework: Sexual Orientation Identity 34
Criticisms of Cass’s Model 35
Strengths of Cass Model 38
Gay Males in College 38
Black Males in College 41
Black Gay Males in College 45
Coming out Process 48
Theoretical Framework: Social Capital 49
Chapter Three: Research Design and Methodology 53
Population Sample and Setting 55
Setting 56
Participants 57
Instrumentation 58
Data Collection 60
Data Analysis 61
Chapter Four: Results 63
Participant Backgrounds 63
“Karl” 64
“Rickey” 66
“DeWayne” 70
“Treyshon” 74
Results 78
Table 1: Themes of Black Gay males at Predominantly White Institutions in
Southern California 79
Self-Identity 80
Coming-out - Disclosing One’s Sexuality 84
Racial and Cultural Dissonance 88
Masculinity 92
Religion/Spirituality 97
Support from Campus LGBT Center 98
Family Affairs 100
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 7
Chapter Five: Conclusion And Implications 103
Findings 104
Black Identity vs. Sexual Identity 105
Coming Out 106
Issues Within Black Community on Campus 108
Spiritual Reconciliation 110
LGBT Centers and Support 111
Limitations 113
Implications for Practice 113
Recommendations for Black gay Males at PWIs 115
Recommendations for Student Affairs Professionals 116
Future Research 118
Conclusion 119
References 122

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 8
Abstract
This qualitative study explores factors contributing to the Black gay men at a
predominately White institution (PWI) in southern California using the intersection of race
(Cross, 1995), sexual identity (Cass, 1979, 1984), and social capital-institutional agents
(Stanton-Salazar, 2011). The purpose of this study is to examine the Black gay male college
population in an attempt to bring voice to their growing, but silent, segment of campus
community. Four participants voice their concerns of being Black and gay while navigating
through the challenges at their institution. Themes that emerged were self-identity,
coming-out, racial & cultural dissonance, masculinity, religion/spirituality, institutional
support, and family affairs. Participants reported that their sexual identity was more
salient than their racial identity in creating social support; experiences with Black peers
were negative and rejecting, especially surrounding the participation in Black activities,
events and organizations on campus; the campus LGBT centers were supportive with
creation of LGBT student organization; need more faculty and staff who identified as gay
and be role mode; and they use campus departments (e.g. Residence Life, Counseling
Services) faculty, staff and students trust (ally)as support. Implications for practice and
research are discussed which lends to future research that could better understand this
growing population on our campuses.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 9
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
What does it mean to be a Black male? Most people would say strong, athletic,
aggressive, violent, and criminal, as these are characteristics often imposed on the male sex
by the Western and American culture (Hammond & Mattis, 2005). But what does it mean
to be a Black male and gay? Being gay is not a new issue. There have been decades of
research which have explored the challenges and concerns of being gay (Caples et al., 2013;
D'Augelli, 1991; Loiacano, 1989; Rotheram‐Borus & Fernandez, 1995). Some of the areas
to receive attention are mental health (Herek & Garnets, 2007; Meyer, 1995); biology
(Hamer, 2011); spirituality, of which Christianity is an example (Buchanan, Dzelme, Harris,
& Hecker, 2001; Lapinski & McKirnan, 2013), psychological issues such as identity
formation (Calzo et al., 2011; Gallor & Fassinger, 2010; Kertzner, et . al., 2009) and medical
topics such as HIV/AIDS (Dyer et al., 2013; Jeffries et al., 2012). While participants in these
studies have predominantly been White males, within the past 25 to 30 years, research on
Black gay males has become more available (Anderson, 2012; Whitley, Childs, & Collins,
2011). Within the realm of the Black identity, Black men tend to play a certain role in
society that was developed from a history of oppression and issues within the Black
community. In society, Black masculinity encourages Black men not to be gay, thus causing
a perception that being gay is wrong (Harper, Wardell, & McGuire, 2011). Therefore, it is
important to understand some of the challenges Black gay men face in society. One specific
topic to address is how Black gay men in college deal with the multiplicity of their identities
in a culture identified as a safe environment for exploration of self.
This study examined and brought a voice to a growing but silent segment of campus
demography: the Black gay male in college. The goal of this study was to better understand
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 10
the navigational thread of Black gay males in college through their identity, resources and
institutional support, which, in turn, provides data that can better assist this growing
population as students of higher learning.
Background of the Problem
In order to understand the phenomenon of the Black gay male college student,
particular historical markers of the college-aged Black student must be considered. During
the 1960s and the civil rights movement, Blacks pushed the issue and fought for issues of
equality and social justice. Access to higher education for Blacks, especially at
predominantly white institutions (PWIs) was one outcome. Colleges and universities’
response in support of the civil rights movement was to open access for public education
for Black students. According to the census data, the college attending rate of 18 to 24 year
old Blacks went from seven percent in 1960 to 15.5 percent in 1970 and to 22.6 percent in
1976 (Allen, 1992). Thus, the civil rights movement encouraged an increase of Black
students in college, thereby creating more opportunities for a better life.
In the late 70’s, college enrollment started to decline for Blacks and Whites alike.
However, the 1980’s proved to be even more dismal for Black students. For example, more
Blacks received bachelor degrees in 1976 (59,122) and 1981 (60,673) than in 1985
(57,473) (Garibaldi, 1997). In the mid-70s, bachelor degree attainment for Black students
was 6.5%, and, by the mid-80’s, the percentage had declined to 5.9% of total degrees
awarded (Carter & Wilson, 1989; Garibaldi, 1997). Research attributes the decline of
Blacks’ enrollment and degree attainment to lack of motivation (Carnoy, 1994), economic
conditions (Allen, Epps, & Haniff, 1991; Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), increased racism
(Feagin, 1992; Swim et al., 2003), reimposing limits on job opportunities for Blacks,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 11
especially Black men (Farley, 1987), and general atmosphere of hostility toward Black
progress (Cabrera et al., 1999; Harper & Hurtado, 2007) as impediments identifiers related
to the decline of Black students’ college enrollment. The significance of the decline raised
awareness for researchers to explore and seek answers, especially as these pertain to Black
men.
In the 1990’s and early 2000’s, research on college-aged Black men defined itself as
a major trend and topic of study in higher education. Topics centered on the Black male
student in higher education are access and enrollment (Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009),
retention and attainment (Harper, 2012), success and achievement (Harper, 2009; Brooks,
Jones & Burt, 2012) and student involvement (Guiffrida & Douthit 2010). Essential to
understanding the Black college males is the fact that college plays a role in the exploration
of their identity and socialization. College is a critical time in the personal and
psychological development of students (Astin, 1977, 1993; D’Augelli, 1994; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991, 2005; Rhoads, 1994). Institutions of higher education provide
opportunities to explore and exercise critical thought, develop social networks and friends,
become more independent, and pursue personal dreams. It is also a time most students
struggle with their identity as they seek to discover how they will fit into society (Tatum,
2003). As a student navigates through college, s/he experiences lectures and
conversations, joins clubs and organizations such as Greek Life, cultural clubs, and student
government, meet new and interesting people, and make decisions that may greatly affect
his/her future. The student’s experiences start a chain of reactions that helps shape who
they are and who they are to become. College affects the identity development of students
regardless of the particular setting, context, or personal attributes of the individual
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 12
(Chickering & Reisser, 1991; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). However, for some, this is a
time where explorations and discoveries of self and others begin the questions of who,
what, when and how. Colleges and universities are microcosms of 21
st
century American
society. They reflect its values, morals, traditions, standards for behavior as well as
society’s bias. Just as forms of discrimination such as racism, sexism, ageism, and
homophobia exist in the larger American society, these attitudes are also present on
university campuses, as students, faculty, and administrators bring the outside world to the
campus with them (Harper & Harris, 2010). The exposure students have to ideas, beliefs,
value systems, and assumptions different from their own can help them in the creation of
their identity. But it can also cause students to develop biases or experience crisis and
struggle with their own developing identities when faced with societal values that do not
reflect, or reflect in a negative light, the persons they believe themselves to be (Astin, 1991,
1993; Harper, 2006; Palmer & Gasman, 2008).
While college is a place for academics among students, it is also a place of discovery
and growth. Highly charged discussions about race, gender, age and sexual orientation are
prevalent in American culture today, thus affecting the college student. They are reflected
in news stories such as the Trayvon Martin case in which a young, 17-year-old African
American young man was gunned down in February 2012 by neighborhood watchman
George Zimmerman (Blow, 2012), a non-Black individual; backlash received by President
Obama for formally expressing support for the Respect for Marriage Act (Carter et. al,
2012); articles about political figures weighing in on what defines rape as well as women’s
rights to contraception and choice to abort or not abort unborn children. Just as these
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 13
conversations are taking place within the large American society, they have found their
way into college discussions, both in and outside of the classroom.
In the campus setting, sexual orientation is a topic that is complex and controversial.
According to the American Psychological Association, one in six college students is lesbian,
gay, or bisexual (Evans et al., 2009; Harley et al., 2002 Rankin, 2007). DeVita (2010) also
reports that the average age of disclosure for lesbian and gay individuals has dropped from
between 19 and 22 years old, to about 16 years old (Grov, Bimbi, Nanin, & Parsons, 2007;
D’Augelli & Hershberger, 1993), indicating that individuals are more likely than ever to
openly identify as gay when they arrive on campus. While exact numbers of individuals
who identify as gay (or LGBT) are difficult to identify and criticized as under-estimated, a
popular statistic is that 10% of the entire population is gay (Icard, 1986; Robison, 2002).
Additionally, DeVita (2010) ascertains that some reports state that over 40% of
people have a close friend or relative who identifies as gay (Neidorf & Morin, 2007), and
that approximately 25% of high school students are likely to be affected by a friend or
relative who identifies as gay (Association of Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Counseling Issues
in Alabama, 1999). With a significant number of students identifying themselves as
lesbian, gay, or bisexual, the increased conversation regarding sexual orientation occurs
among both university students and the larger society and through the increased attention
in the published literature in various disciplines such as professional psychology (Harawa
et al., 2004; Baker & Campbell, 1998), student affairs (Rankin et al., 2010; Wall,
Washington, Evans, & Papish, 2000), and rehabilitation counseling (Harley et al., 2002;
Harely, Hall, & Savage, 2000; Stuart, 1994). It is practical for colleges and universities to
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 14
respond to this discussion that impacts a sizeable student population on college campuses
today.
The United States is known as the “land of the free”, a place where opportunity is
unlimited and one’s life could become richer with hard work and perseverance. Within the
history of the United States, there have been many debates and political wars about what is
right and wrong. The civil rights movement of the 1960’s and the women’s suffrage
movement of late 19
th
century are just a few examples. While these political wars have
birthed new laws and policies for the United States, the country still has challenges and
resistance in terms of fully accepting the changes. Sexual orientation is no exception.
The history of homosexual culture in the United States dates to the first half of the
20
th
century. Due to economic hardships, people migrated to large cities such as San
Francisco, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York to find work. As a result, the traditional
familial structure for the migrated worker was not visible. Living in the large city forced
many workers to live in same-sex settings such as military barracks for a long period of
time. Hence, those with homosexual inclinations felt a sense of freedom to express
themselves without the consequential familial and religious disapproval (Grand Valley
State University, 2013).
While traditional familial structure is an important piece of the American fabric,
homosexual (gay and lesbian) thoughts or activity was considered to be a disgrace and
abandonment for what the United States stood for. After WWII, gays and lesbians of the
armed services were dishonorably discharged, police constantly entrapped and brutalized
gay people, and people were fired from their jobs and ostracized from families and
communities if they publicly disclosed homosexuality (Ford, 2009). These discrimination
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 15
and injustices fueled homophobia in the United States, creating challenges for those who
identify as gay or lesbian in many facets of their lives, including their education.
With the increase of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) population
on college campuses, institutions would also see an increase in the number of LGBT
students of color. Though these students have some needs in common with White LGBT
students, the intersection of race and sexual orientation poses additional challenges for this
student group.
Statement of the Problem
Many gay students begin to struggle with their identity development during college
(Holland, 2008; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991, 2005). Identity development is critical to
continually refining student affairs professionals’ knowledge and understanding of the
process of establishing identity for young adults within the college environment. It is
important because college is where students first deeply explore who they are, ask
questions, find challenges and support of their views and of others, and, lastly, to journey
and transform toward a new and improved person from where they started as first year
college students. A fair amount of research has been written about gay identity formation
(Cass, 1979, 1984; Fassinger, 1998; Le, 1977; Plummer, 1975; Troiden, 1989; Savin-
Williams, 1990, 1995, 1998 ;), but most of these theories were developed based on the
experiences of White gay men and, later, women. Consequently, theories were incomplete
in that they do not focus on the intersection of other identities, such as race, which have an
impact on the developmental process of Black gay male students.
Identity is how an individual comes to define him/herself and make meaning of self.
It is constructed through relationships with others, including family and friends as well as
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 16
relationships with social institutions, such as schools, workplaces, and religious
institutions, among others (Evans, Forney, & Guido-DiBrito, 1998; Stewart, 2009). Thus,
identity is a major facet of a person’s being. Development of socially constructed identities
has received increasing attention within literature and research in psychology and student
affairs within the past two decades (Jones & McEwen 2000; Torres, Howard-Hamilton, &
Cooper, 2011). The primary focus has been on racial identity (Cross, 1995; Helms, 1990,
1992, 1995), ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990, 1992), sexual identity (Cass, 1979; McCarn &
Fassinger, 1996), and gender identity (Ossana, Helms, & Leonard, 1992; O’Neil, Egan, Owen,
& Murry, 1993).
In order to gain a better understanding of Black gay males in college, it is
imperative to focus on the multiplicity of identities versus the autonomous focus of one.
There is relatively little research on Black gay men in college. Most of it is quite recent,
despite some studies in closely related disciplines such as psychology, sociology, and
epidemiology (or public health). The focus of this study derives from William Cross’s
Nigrescence Theory (1995) and Vivian Cass’s Sexual Identity Theory (1979, 1991). The
importance of these two identities (race and sexual identity) provides insight to the
challenges and struggles coupled with being Black and gay at a PWI. In addition to
understanding race and sexual orientation in the role of Black gay male college students,
concerns and conditions of campus climate and institutional support lend further support
regarding how they navigate challenges at a PWI.
The intersection of race, class, religion, and other identities is often discussed in
understanding the Black gay male. Strayhorn, Blakewood, and DeVita (2008) and Patton
(2011) ascertain that there are differences in Black gay male development due to the
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 17
intersectionality of sexual orientation and ethnic identity. For example, depending on the
interaction within the culture of the campus, the gay male student may retreat further into
the proverbial closet, select the individuals to whom they publicize their identity, and/or
come out of the closet and adjust comfortably to the campus culture (Rhoads, 1994;
Wilkerson, Ross, Brooks, 2010). Theory-based research on the developmental experiences
of Black gay college males are needed in order to extend the limited research that currently
exists about race and sexual identity.
As for the process of identity development, Wall and Washington (2010) examine
the additional challenges for gay African American men in the college environment. They
address the process of identity development for Black gay men, particularly as these
individuals explore the multiple aspects of being Black, male, and gay. Moreover,
Washington and Wall (2010) look at the effects of religion, role models, and the significance
of what gay men name themselves. Hence, Black gay males are not “typically” gay and may
not fit into the theoretical definition of a gay student in terms of religion, the coming out
process or cultural acceptance prescribed by Cass’s (1979, 1984) sexual identity model.
Black gay men bring their challenges of identity to college campuses and tend to find
a climate unreceptive of their sexual orientation (D’Augelli, 1989). According to DeVita
(2010), stereotypes as well as verbal and physical harassment and violence toward LGBT
populations are well documented in medical fields (American Red Cross, 2001; Eldridge &
Barnett, 1991; Howard, 1997), in American society as a whole (Clark, 1999, Human Rights
Campaign, 2006; National Gay & Lesbian Task Force, 2008), and produced on college
campuses (Engstrom & Sedlacek, 1997; 1997, Rankin, 1998). Consequently, this lack of
acceptance is found in classrooms, dormitories, offices, student groups, and institutional
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 18
policies (Bazarsky, & Sanlo, 2012; Sauve, 1998; Evans & Walls, 1991). Dean (2006) and the
Council for the Advancement on the Standards in Higher Education, documented the role
and involvement of lesbian and gay college students and the attitudes and challenges faced
by this group. Stevens (2004) supports Lopez and Chism (1993) in his research that
discusses the concerns of gays and lesbian students in the classroom through interviews
that focused on issues of understanding and articulating sexual identity, campus and
classroom experiences, communication with faculty, and the effects of learning styles.
While gay issues have become more expressed and visible in the media, political,
medical, and educational arenas within the past 20 years, gay students have been able to
find support among some administrators, departments, and even a few clubs and
organizations (Harper, 2012) that assist them in their personal and psychological
development. Gay students must confront the social norms that serve as oppressive
components of college life. For example, Tierney (1997) noted that the social norm of
heterosexuality can lead to a bias against anyone or anything related to being non-
heterosexual. Ultimately, higher education institutions are social in nature, produce
knowledge for others, and help define what it means to be gay. In this sense, identities and
communities are molded by each other.
There are additional needs and challenges faced by Black gay males that are not
formally addressed by the higher educational system. Recruitment, retention, and
graduation of Black males in U.S. colleges and universities are ongoing concerns of many
administrators and faculty (Cuyjet, 2006). Many researchers (DeSousa 1996; Glenn &
Johnson, 2012; Harper, 2005; Strayhorn, 2008) studied Black males in college and
identified trends to assist in the process of success and achievement among this group.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 19
Strayhorn (2008) recommends a multifaceted institutional response that brings
together professionals from student affairs and academics to optimize conditions for
effective interventions such as tutoring, supplemental instruction, clubs and organizations.
While recommendations were offered to assist in structuring collegiate environments and
learning opportunities to engender student success for Black males, there is still a very
limited amount of research in the area of Black gay males who are also part of that
population. In addition to the developmental aspect of the Black gay student, academic
institutions should consider whether Black gay male students navigate through the
university culture and systems in the same manner as their White straight counterparts.
The need to describe and understand the college experiences that influence Black gay
males in college is imperative to provide effective services within higher education
(Tremble, Schneider, & Appatharai, 1989).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to examine the Black gay male college population in
an attempt to bring voice to their growing, but silent, segment of the campus community.
Due to the limited data that exists related to the identity development and experiences of
this group of students on university campuses, the intent of this study was to contribute to
the general body of literature on the gay male experience in higher education and to inform
the general research on Black gay male student development and the Black gay male
experience on college campuses. This research concentrates on the Black gay college
students at a PWI in southern California with the goal of better understanding and bringing
voice to their experiences, including their identity development.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 20
According to Washington and Walls (2010), the attempt to focus on the impact of
sexual orientation on the experiences of men of African descent suggests potential
strategies for minimizing challenges and increasing support for Black gay males in higher
education. Harris (2003) and Strayhorn (2008) both state there is very little research on
Black gay males at PWIs and addressing the issues of the Black gay males is imperative in
exploring and understanding the development of this population.
This study, then, begins to fill this gap in the professional literature by analyzing
semi-structured interviews of Black gay men enrolled in college. The research conducted
in this study focused on the relationship among college culture, identity development, and
the experiences of Black gay males. This study specifically focuses on the following three
research questions:
1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges of being on a
predominantly White institution (PWI) campus?
Rather than seeking to understand how Black gay male students make sense of
themselves as raced, gendered, or classed individuals due to the fact that researchers
typically concentrate on one dimension (Torres, Hamilton, & Cooper, 2003), this study uses
the frameworks of Cass’s model of sexual orientation, Cross’s model of Nigrescence, and
Ricardo Stanton-Salazar’s theory social capital and the use of institutional agents.
Considering multiple dimensions of the Black gay male college student will bring further
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 21
knowledge regarding how to best assist this population of college students and bring voice
to their unspoken struggle.
Importance of the Study
Silence is damaging for those who have no voice. This study is significant in that
exploring the college experiences of Black gay men at PWIs in southern California can serve
as validation and voice for members of a population that has been largely left out of the
higher education literature. This study is also important because there is limited research
about the experiences of Black gay men who attend PWIs. This research examined not only
the lived experiences of college-aged Black gay men at PWIs, but it also explored the impact
this type of institution has on the multiple identities of this particular culture of men.
Lastly, this study may also provide information that can be used by campus administrators
to develop programs and policies which help this particular student group have a more
satisfactory college experience.
While there are identity development models that focus on the whole student, there
are more specific models that focus on race, gender, sexual orientation, religion, and age
(McKinney, 2004). For example, Black gay men are often marginalized as a result of not
fitting the prescribed norms of a dominant culture (Ford, 2007; McEwen, 1996;
Scholssberg, 1989). As a result, developing a sense of identity may be more challenging.
Therefore, the importance of understanding the experiences of marginalized students and
the meanings hey attach to their experiences is paramount in aiding their growth and
personal and psychological development (Ford, 2007; McKinney, 2004).
Theories of ethnic/racial identity may help in understanding the lived experiences
of Black men (Cross, 1971, 1991, 1995; Jackson, 2001; Phinney, 1993), but these do not
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 22
include the Black man who also identifies as gay. Gay identities that have received
attention in higher education literature (Cass, 1979; D’Augelli, 1994; Fassinger, 1998,
Savin-Williams, 1998, Toiden, 1988) have been influential both in progress of and the
support for gay men, but none have specifically addressed the issue of dealing with
ethnic/racial identity.
Unfortunately, the struggle of Black gay men is not just related to discrimination and
oppression with regard to race, but also to dealing with homophobia and heterosexism
within both the Black and non-Black communities (Ford, 2007). This study has the
potential to educate and guide student affairs practitioners to understand the challenges
experienced by Black gay males in college and how these contribute to their educational
attainment and success.
Limitations and Delimitations
For the purposes of this study, four-year institutions in the southern California area
were used. Participants were pulled from LGBT resources centers and services, listservs,
and Black student organizations. Due to the qualitative nature of this study, the manner in
which students were selected serve as a limitation. With only four-year institutions in the
southern California area used, there are gays students attending institutions of other types
(i.e. community colleges), as well as living in different areas of the country whose
experiences are not reflected in this study.
Secondly, with known LGBT service centers and listservs being used, it could be
assumed the students utilizing these services are comfortable with identifying themselves
as gay. Therefore, the experiences of Black gay students who have not yet publicly
identified themselves as gay may not necessarily be found in this manner.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 23
There is also the additional challenge of finding Black gay men willing to come
forward to participate in studies on the Black gay male experience (Cuyjet, 2006; Sauve,
1998; Wall & Washington, 1991).
Definition of Terms
The following terms and acronyms used in this study describe particular subgroups
within the gay community.
Bisexual refers to a person emotionally, physically, and/or sexually attracted to
males/men and females/women. This attraction does not have to be equally split between
genders, and there may be a preference for one gender over the other (University of
Southern California LGBT Resource Center, 2014).
Coming out, or Out, refer to the process by which one accepts one’s own sexuality,
gender identity, or status as an inter-sexed person, or to “come out” to oneself. May also
refer to the process by which one shares one’s sexuality, gender identity, or inter-sexed
status with others, or to “come out” to friends (University of Southern California LGBT
Resource Center, 2014).
On the Down-Low: A term used to define men who secretly have sex with men while
in sexual relationships with women. Men on the DL do not identify as gay or bisexual.
Although the term is often linked to Black men, the behaviors associated with the term are
neither unique nor specific to any particular racial/ethnic group (King, 2004).
Gay is used in some cultural settings to represent males who are attracted to males
in a romantic, erotic and/or emotional sense. Not all men who engage in “homosexual
behavior” identify as gay, and, as such, this label should be used with caution. It is also a
term used to refer to the LGBT community as a whole, or as an individual identity label for
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 24
anyone who does not identify as heterosexual (University of Southern California LGBT
Resource Center, 2014).
Lesbian is used to describe female-identified people attracted romantically,
erotically, and/or emotionally to other female-identified people. The term lesbian is
derived from the name of the Greek island of Lesbos and, as such, is sometimes considered
a Eurocentric category that does not necessarily represent the identities of African
Americans and other non-European ethnic groups. Individual female-identified people
from diverse ethnic groups, including African Americans, embrace the term “lesbian” as an
identity label (University of Southern California LGBT Resource Center, 2014).
LGBT refers to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender communities.
Transgender is a person who lives as a member of a gender other than that expected
based on anatomical sex. Sexual orientation varies and is not dependent on gender identity
(University of Southern California LGBT Resource Center, 2014).

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 25
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
This literature review provides insights into the intersection between the individual
student and the college culture as it relates to being Black and gay. As such, it is not meant
to direct, limit, or define the research, but, rather, to explore answers to background
questions and enrich the understanding and interpretation of the data to be collected from
the study. The literature reviewed identifies some challenges for Black gay male college
students, such as fear of disclosure, sense of belonging, negative attitudes, and campus
climate. First, Black Identity is presented. This serves to present an understanding of the
process of “becoming Black” as explained in William Cross’ (1971, 1991, 1995) Theory of
Nigrescence. Next, gay identity is presented. Vivian Cass’s (1974, 1979) Sexual Orientation
Identity presents developmental stages that describe the process by which one becomes
gay. Following the discussion of each of the two identities, the intersection of these
identities is addressed. This serves as important to this study because of its definition and
because of the duality of the identities in terms of functioning with one another. Then, the
sections on gay males in college, Black gay males in college, and coming out in college are
presented. These three sections serve as a framework regarding gay male demographics
on college campuses. Lastly, Ricardo Stanton-Salazar’s (1997, 2001) Social Capital Theory,
with a focus on institutional agents, will be presented. These theories will serve as
conceptual frameworks for this study.
In this literature review, the work of Cass (1974, 1979) on sexual orientation
identity and Cross’s (1971, 1991, 1995) Theory of Nigrescence serve as the conceptual
framework of this study. The work of Stanton-Salazar (1997, 2001) in terms of social
capital, specifically around institutional agents, is utilized to explore the educational
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 26
pipeline from high school through college. Literature related to the background and
experiences of Black male and Black gay male students is investigated in the field of higher
education. However, there is scant empirical research on the experiences of Black gay
college males (Cuyjet, 2006; Harper & Harris, 2010). There is some literature on Black gay
women in college that serves as valuable resource (Collins, 2004; Patton & Simmons, 2008;
McIntosh, 2011; Rankin, 2003). This literature is valuable because of shared ethnic,
cultural and social identities. While gender identity is distinctly different, the intersections
of ethnic, cultural, and social experiences help shape an overall definition of Black gay
males in college.
In American society, the college experience functions as a “rite of passage” deemed
particularly important for the ways in which it prepares students to enter into the civic
discourse of the nation as full participants in a democracy (Strayhorn, 2012; Van Gennep,
1960). Ideally, the college years are a time when students have their minds broadened,
their ideas challenged, and their perspectives shaped by contact with faculty and peers
along with exposure to the sciences, literature and art, which comprise the grand narrative
of the dominant culture (Garvey, 2012; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005;). For those who are
able to attend college, the benefits afford students the opportunities to explore educational
options, develop new social networks, become more independent from family and
traditional supports, and pursue personal dreams (Kuh et al., 2006). This idealized image
of college may be true for most students, but the journey to this end is very different for
students of color (Hamrick & Stage, 2004) and gay collegians (King, 2000). Thus, it seems
reasonable to assume that the collegiate experience would be markedly different for those
who live at the intersection of these two groups, specifically Black gay males.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 27
Sauve (1997) reports that there were 411,066 Black male students enrolled in
college in 1990; approximately 41,066 (10%) of them were gay. The most recent statistics
for the U. S. Bureau of the Census (2010) indicate that approximately 1,604,000 Black
males between the ages of 18 and 24 are enrolled in colleges or universities in the United
States. Over the years, studies of the prevalence of homosexuality (Bell & Weinberg, 1978;
Weinber & Hammersmith, 1981) have corroborated the original Kinsey report (Kinsey,
Pomeroy & Martin, 1948) indicating that approximately 10% of all men in the U. S. engage
in predominantly homosexual behaviors. If these statistics are accurate, a reasonable
conclusion that there are more than 160,400 gay Black male college students between the
ages of 18 and 24 in the United States, especially in light of recent data that some Black gay
men fail to identify as gay or identify differently (Anderson & McCormick, 2010). Since
1990, there has been at least a 25% increase in this population. It is important to note that
research on students of color often focuses on how ethnic and cultural identity is an
important factor in their success. In this study, it is important to see how Black males’ gay
identity is also a factor. Coupled with social capital and institutional agents, the Black gay
male in college can be understood through documented research.
Given the importance of students of color in higher education, it is alarming to
observe the rate at which Black males are entering and disappearing from college
campuses across the country. In 2007, the Black student graduation rate was 43 percent.
In 2010, the national college graduation rate for Black men was 33.1 percent and 44.8
percent for Black women, according to the U.S. Department of Education. The total
graduation rate was 57.3 percent. Black men represent 7.9 percent of 18-to-24-year-olds
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 28
in America, but only 2.8 percent of undergraduates at public flagship universities (Valbrun,
2010).
Efforts to end both affirmative action and the use of race as a criteria for college
admissions, coupled with increasing tuition and lessening availability of funding such as
federal grants and loans resulted in declining college enrollment for students of color in
general (Allen & Jayakumar, 2012; Bowen & Bok, 1998). Black males who were already
underrepresented on college campuses have been particularly affected by this downward
trend. Coupled with this, the subordinate identity, sexual orientation (gay), increasingly
adds concern.
Most colleges and universities have expressed a strong commitment to multicultural
education and to recognizing and appreciating diversity in the student population.
However, the bulk of current attention has been directed toward racial/ethnic diversity;
sexual orientation remains elusive of most current institutional efforts related to campus
diversity (Kardia, 1996; Oldham, 2012). Indeed, colleges and universities provide
opportunities for success with vast wealth of development and growth. They also create
environments where both negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians, and
racial/ethnic discrimination can emerge in classrooms, dormitories, offices, student groups
and institutional policies (Evans & Wall, 1991). In such a setting, students who are Black
and gay may be “double minorities” by virtue of both their race and their sexual orientation
(Collins, 2004; Cuyjet, 2005). Consequently, the exploration of age-appropriate racial and
sexual identity issues may be quite challenging, especially within both the Black and gay
communities.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 29
In an effort toward building such positive communities, recent research on higher
education has documented homophobia, anti-gay harassment and violence on campuses
and explored related institutional changes designed to recognize sexual diversity and to
protect lesbians, gay men, and bisexual people from discrimination (D'Augelli and Rose,
1990; DeVries & LaSalle, 1993; Rankin, 2006; Ranslo, 2006; Strayhorn, 2008). While this
emphasis has provided important information needed to respond to intolerance on
campus, it has not provided information about the development of positive attitudes
toward sexual diversity, specifically to Black gay males.
The focus of this research specifically concentrates on the Black gay male college
student and how his experiences are affected by the culture/environment of a PWI. The
research questions are as follow:
1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges of being on a
predominantly White institution (PWI) campus?
Theoretical Framework: Black Identity
Black Identity Development Theory, or Nigrescence Theory is a multistage construct
(Harper, 2007). Nigrescence is a French word that means, in a cultural-psychological
sense, the process of becoming Black. William Cross’s theory has two versions, the original
(Cross, 1971) and the revised version (Cross, 1991).
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 30
According to Cross’s Theory of Nigrescence (1971, 1991), Pre-encounter is the first
of five stages that occurs prior to an African American sensing a need to change his or her
identity. Within this stage, a person may be searching for an increase in the salience of race
in his or her life or as a corrective to racial self-negativity (racial self-negativity occurs
when a person thinks negatively about him/herself as it relates to his/her race).
Encounter refers to the second stage, which occurs when an African American
person experiences an event, usually racial in nature, which makes him or her begin to
rethink his or her current identity (e.g., majority populations questioning skin color, hair
texture, or physical features). They often seek greater cultural self-awareness and racial
self-acceptance. The next stage, Immersion-Emersion, which consists of two phases,
encompasses the individual becoming deeply involved in any activity or organization
associated with being “Black” (e.g., Black Student Union, Black Greek-Letter Organizations,
Black educational/academic societies, or expressing the desire to tutor or assist only Black
communities). Emersion, the next phase, occurs when the individual’s radical behavior in
the previous stage begins to change. The individual begins to realize the irrationality of
his/her behavior and begins to focus on the nature and purpose of their selected activities.
The fourth stage, internalization, occurs when the individual begins to internalize
his or her own newly developed activity. The individual is now able to appreciate the
identity and cultural views of others while appreciating and accepting his or her own. For
example, a student who has been involved in “Black” associated organizations begins to
discover and appreciate the importance of other differences. With these racial differences
comes a welcome diversity and, possibly, conversation with other racial groups. Persons at
this stage show high salience for race and culture; however, they cluster into divergent
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 31
ideological camps. Some may embrace a nationalist worldview, others a bicultural
perspective and still others a multicultural perspective. This is where higher levels of self-
esteem and the development of a healthy ego come into play (Cross, 1991).
Understanding the “stages” that African American students, especially males, may go
through, institutions of higher education as well as student affairs professionals can
provide a more welcoming and inclusive environment for these students (Patton, 2011).
Watson and Kuh (1996), through a study of Black students attending predominantly Black
and predominantly White liberal arts institutions assessed student involvement and
educational gains. The authors found that Black students, regardless of institutional
environment, spent more time than White students at PWIs utilizing campus facilities and
participating in clubs and organizations. The rationale offered is that, for White students,
off campus options are more readily available than they are for Black students.
While students tend to do better in college when they have a good balance of
student/organizational involvement and academics (Astin, 1984; Kuh et al., 2010), it is
important to note that Black gay males may still find it challenging to cope with ethnic
identity and gay identity (Strayhorn, 2008). Alexander (2004) discusses how gay identity
and racial identity conflicts contribute to depression in Black gay males. The study shows
that Black gay males face many difficult challenges. The challenges of being Black, male,
and gay, place them in a vulnerable position and require that they cope with a variety of
stereotypes leveled against them. In spite of these challenges, it is possible for Black gay
males to develop healthy racial and gay identities and experience optimal psychological
well‐being. (Alexander, 2004; Beam, 1986; Cochran & Mays, 1994; Ernst et al., 1991;
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 32
Hawkeswood, 1996; Loiacano, 1989; Simmons, 1991; Smith, 1986; Smith, 1994; Soares,
1979).
Harris (2003), addresses issues facing Black gay males enrolled at PWIs. In the
study, four areas were explored: campus climate, the double burden (Collins, 2000), down-
low issues, and programmatic concerns. According to the study, race and sexual identity
have an impact on Black students at PWIs but, programmatically, institutions gear their
programming toward the needs of White students. “White gay men, much like White
heterosexuals, have been socialized to believe that they are the norm” (Jones & Love,
2000), thus, echoing institutional power of “White privilege”. Rarely do college campuses
address the issues of Black gay males attending PWIs. As the needs for college students
increasingly change from year to year in terms of mental health, being first generation,
academics, community college versus university environment, and accessibility,
institutions must also change to accommodate the students they serve, Black gay males
included. The need for change is evident.
Administrators, scholars, faculty and students actively discuss the socioeconomic
and educational plight of African American males and their declining enrollment and
retention in and graduation from higher education (Spradley, 2001). Evidence suggests
that the decision of traditional-age African American males to drop out of college may be
caused by several impediments including lack of financial aid, sociocultural challenges, and
institutional incompatibility (Wilson, 1996). Energy that students normally would expend
on their academics goes into dealing with negative stereotypes of the Black race (Steele,
1997, 2000). A social-psychological threat arises when one is in a situation for which a
negative stereotype about one’s group applies. These individuals, many times, are placed
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 33
in predicaments where they are judged or stereotyped based on their group and often
conform to that actual stereotype. The stereotype threat (p. 614) is a situational threat, a
threat in the air, that, in general forms, can affect the members of any group about whom a
negative stereotype exists. For Black males who have been stereotyped as under-
performers in the classroom, this is critical with regard to their academic success and,
many times, becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Criticisms of Cross’s Theory
While Cross’s (1991) Theory of Nigrescence has been widely used by researchers
when it comes to race, the theory still has some issues that may not address concerns with
those with multiple ethnic and other identities (Sellers et al., 1995). Rowley and Sellers
(1998) address three areas of concern: 1) multiple identities (ethnic or others), 2) use of
Racial Identity Attitudes Scale (RIAS), and 3) constraints using developmental stages
versus experiential focus.
Multiple identities are, indeed, a part of an individual make up. Cross (1995) argues
that, in the Internalization stage, this is where multiple identities become more relevant.
Yet, Sellers et al (1995) highlight Cross’s contradiction by reporting “individuals use their
other identities in situations where it would be to their advantage” (p. 144). With the use
of measurement, the RIAS is incongruent between theory and the way in which it attempts
to operationalize it. While the RIAS can help in indicating some levels of attitude about
race, it does not reflect the theoretical definition between the stages identified in Cross’s
model. According to Seller et al. (1995), the items identified on the RIAS do not
differentiate between stages or could be in more than one. This can be confusing to those
trying to understand Nigrescence Theory. Cross (1991) uses a developmental stage
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 34
framework to describe Nigrescence. Rowley and Sellers (1998) discussed the constraint of
using the developmental stages in that these limit the experiential focus.
Theoretical Framework: Sexual Orientation Identity
Vivian Cass’s (1979, 1984) social-psychological model of gay and lesbian identity
development assumes that sexual identity development is a process (Torres et al., 2003).
Cass’s model includes six steps, or stages, that are both cognitive and affective components
where individuals must be able to consider their behaviors and make decisions about life
choices as well as consider how those choices feel.
Identity Confusion is the first stage and takes place when a person first becomes
aware that she/he is having same-sex thoughts, sensations, or attractions. Because society
recognizes these feelings and cognitions as being abnormal and/or discursive, feelings may
be frightening. At this point, an individual would not identify him or herself as homosexual.
However, an individual may seek information on homosexuality, engage in homosexual
activity without emotional attachment to the behavior, or put up barriers in the form of
celibacy while hoping the feelings will go away (Cass, 1979, 1984).
Identity comparison is the second stage and occurs when one accepts the possibility
that she/he may be homosexual. Individuals cope with feeling different from friends,
family and other important people in their life. Although the homosexual behavior is
accepted, the identity continues to be rejected. The next stage is identity tolerance, which
occurs when a person acknowledges that he or she is most likely gay, lesbian, or bisexual.
The individual also seeks out other members of the community and builds experiences
both positive and negative. The fourth stage is identity acceptance. In this stage, positive
interactions with other gay, lesbian, bisexual (GLB) individuals occur more frequently. As a
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 35
result, the individual becomes more comfortable with his/her identity and may begin to
disclose that information with family and friends.
Identity pride is the fifth stage. In this stage, the individual may immerse
him/herself within the homosexual community and less in the heterosexual community. In
addition, an activist role may take place in varying degrees, and disclosure to family, co-
workers, and others heightens. Lastly, identity synthesis occurs. Individuals, at this stage,
mesh their homosexual experiences with the heterosexual world, creating a congruence of
action and words. Thus, GLB persons can integrate aspects of self, which is a vital part of
integrating the multiple identities.
Intersectionality is integral at the start of defining Black gay males in college.
Scholars, though few, have examined the experiences of the Black gay male (Dilley, 2005;
Harris 2003; Patton, 2011; Rosario et al., 2004; Strayhorn, 2008; Washington & Walls,
1991, 2008), yet most of these studies explain how Cass’s theory lack of intersectionality
limits research.
Current research is still being developed for sexual orientation identity. Richard
Troiden (1989) and Anthony D’Augelli (1994) advanced the study of sexual orientation
identity the most. Troiden (1989) introduces a four-stage, non-linear model. D’Augelli
takes issue with the rigidity of earlier stage models and presents an alternative that allows
for fluidity and variation in identity development (Evanset al., 1998). Nonetheless, sexual
orientation identity is an identity that needs more exploration through research, especially
related to college students and the impact of environmental influences on gay, lesbian, and
bisexual identity formation (Torres et al., 2003).
Criticisms of Cass’s Model
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 36
Although Cass’s model of sexual orientation identity helps to highlight structure and
understanding in a linear fashion, the model does not address concerns of individuals who
have multiple identities they value and/or acknowledge as important or primary. Attempts
have been made in the literature to document the complications of multiple oppressions in
the coming out experiences of racial/ethnic minority members (McCarn & Fassinger,
1996). Strayhorn (2008) and Patton (2011) find more information is needed on Black gay
males and critique Cass’s theory for limited applicability to within-group difference. A
serious limitation of the existing model is that it ignores demographic or cultural factors
that influence LGB identity formation process (Fassigner, 1991). Loiacano (1989)
conducted a research study to identify themes related to multiple identities. Unfortunately,
similar to many attempts in this inquiry of research related to racial/ethnic identity and
sexual orientation, the research collected included small or biased samples. Therefore,
findings presented were limited. Similarly, Chan (1989) and Morales (1989), also had
limited success.
Another criticism revolves around Cross and Helm (1991), who propose that sexual
orientation and racial/ethnic identity have similarities in the first three stages. However,
when political activism and universal disclosure arise, so does one’s compromise of
ethnic/racial membership. If disclosure of sexual orientation occurs, the probability of
familial rejection becomes exceedingly high (D’Augelli, 1994). Sometimes, this presents a
coercive feeling of having to choose one identity over the other. Either choice could result
in rejection of subculture identities by family, peers, and work colleagues. According to
Loiacano (1989), Blacks may place less emphasis on coming out than Whites do because of
a need to maintain support within their racial communities and lesbian/gay identity
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 37
formation in Blacks is likely to be related to racial identity. Similarly, Boykin (1996) and
Tettenborn, (2003) also subscribe to Black gay males’ being less likely than their White
counterparts to be openly gay or to consider themselves out of the closet
Consequently, more work needs to be done to understand factors involved in each
group’s psychological variables and socialization, specifically as they pertain to the Black
gay male, and how these differentially influence men and women. Issues of gender deserve
serious attention and consideration. Building on the works of philosophers such as
Foucault, Butler (1990) wrote an influential book entitled Gender Trouble, in which she
argues that feminism made the profound error of trying to assert that women were a group
with common interests, objectives and characteristics. Because of this, she argues, there
has been a reinforcement of a binary view of gender, in which people are divided into two
distinct groupings: men and women. Butler perceives this as wrong because it closes the
possibilities for a person to form his/her own identity. This allows no room for choice,
resistance or difference, she adds. Gender and desire are flexible. She also says that “there
is no gender identity behind the expressions of gender; identity is performatively
constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are said to be its results” (Butler, 1990, p.25). In
other words, gender is “performed” as if to an audience, depending on the situation. It is
not, therefore, who we are, but a performance given at a particular time and place.
Cass’s theory, too, limits gender and ethnic identity and expression. Rust (2003)
denotes how one’s sexual identity is intertwined with one’s gender, racial/ethnic, religious,
and other identities; a change in one implies changes in others (p. 232). Levi (2009) goes
further to state unique experiences of lesbian women are notably absent from Cass’s stage
model and the difference between men and women in their sexual identity development is
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 38
important. In addition, women did not go through the developmental stages linearly.
Similarly, research on Black gay males (D’Augelli, 1994; Frank, 1994; Renn, 2005;
Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010) is parallel in exhibiting non-linear stage development.
Additionally, Jones and McEwen’s (2000) multiple identity development model
explicitly challenges Cass’s model because of its linear approach in its defined stages.
Although Fassinger (1997, 1996) and other colleagues attempt to create a model of LGB
development that is more inclusive of demographic and cultural influence, it is clear that
identity development and all its many facets is a complex, ongoing, and fluid process that
influences and affects many aspects of our daily lives (Torres et al., 2003).
Strengths of Cass Model
On a positive note, sexual orientation identity brought about awareness and raised
questions in the field of higher education and student affairs. This has afforded
tremendous possibility for research and inquiry. As a result, scholars (Friend, 1987,
Kimmel & Sang, 1995) have argued that LGB individuals are forced to learn an array of
cognitive, interpersonal, and emotional coping skills during the process of coming out in a
heterosexist and homophobic environment that provide them with uncommon resiliency
and flexibility in managing other life stresses and developmental tasks (Fassinger, 1991).
Thus, and the need for assessment among our college settings is imperative.
Gay Males in College
Student development research has been in abundance over the last 40 years.
However, the lack of knowledge in the area of gay student development and their
experiences in colleges and universities forms a significant gap in research in higher
education. Rhoads (1997) contends that the research on gay student development has
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 39
over-generalized the population into “homogenous body…under the common category
‘homosexual’” (p.460) and compromised the ability to understand the development of gay
students in the process. Also, his work has been cited as a foundational framework in the
current understanding of the gay male student experience in the university/college setting
(Brown, Clarke, Gortmaker, & Robinson-Keilig, 2004; Gortmaker & Brown, 2007; Hinrichs
& Rosenberg, 2002; Levine & Evans, 1991; Liang & Alimo, 2004; Love, 1998). College and
university administrators need to recognize the diversity within this population which can
comprehensively better the development of diversity and multicultural learning
environments for all students (Rhoads & Valadez, 1996; Tierney, 1993).
Climate. The culture of the gay lifestyle, of both men and women, has often been
the subject of ridicule and discourse in the history of American society. While the needs of
the college student increases, again, services such as student support services, student
activities, and housing provided by an institution and by administrators warrant more
attention as well. Colleges and universities look vastly different now than they did 20 years
ago. Consequently, the present students’ needs are more visible and pronounced,
specifically within the gay community.
In the early 1980’s and 1990’s, increased professional attention to lesbian and gay
men on university and college campuses became necessary (D’Augelli, 1992). Due to the
intolerance that was demonstrated, colleges and universities found it necessary to assist in
providing a healthy space for these students to also function without prejudice and
continuing discord. Because college is formative time for personal development and
identities, exploration of feelings (e.g. coming out), evolving affection status with others for
the first time, and scrutiny from family and others were already challenging issues. Those
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 40
issues, coupled with the newness of the college environment in terms of academics, social
and campus involvement, cause gay students to retreat, remain uncertain, and, often, suffer
due to the heterosexual roles society has deemed the norm (Boxer & Cohler, 1989;
D’Augelli, 1991).
While harassment, violence and injustice still exist surrounding gay students on
campus, the presence of programming and support from faculty, staff, and student is on the
rise. Research (Brown, 2009; Harris, 2003; Holland, 2011; Washington & Wall, 2008)
shows that a lack of programming and education initiatives contributes to insensitivity and
intolerance of gays students on campus.
Gay male student involvement. Scholars have examined the experiences of gay
male students on college and university campuses (Eaton, 2006; Gortmaker, 2006; Holley
et al., 2008; Rankin, 2006). Yet, there is still much to be inspected in terms of student
involvement, out of classroom experiences, attitudes, and the coming out process.
Astin’s (1984) student involvement theory posits, “the greater the student’s
involvement in college, the greater will be the amount of student learning and personal
development” (p. 529). Gay male students are included, as they are part of Greek Life,
Student Life, Residence Life, and Athletics. Student involvement of the gay male, like all
students, still prescribes to Astin’s model. College plays a pivotal role in the development
in identity development by offering students many opportunities to engage in new
concepts, people, and life-changing experiences (Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005). Again, gay
male students are not excluded.
Windmeyer’s and Freeman’s (1998) book, Out on Fraternity Row: Personal Accounts
of Being Gay in a College Fraternity, presents testimonials about being gay and in a
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 41
fraternity. Experiences of fear of being exposed, alienated, and coping were areas
highlighted on the topic of gay males in colleges and universities. Trump and Wallace
(2006) examined gay males’ coping strategies, gay identity development, and the fraternity
brothers’ reaction to their “coming out” in the fraternity. The study identified six variables
influencing the conscious decision-making of gay men in fraternities to come out: the
enmeshed nature of fraternity life, prevailing diversity in the chapter, participation’s level
of gay identity development, belief in the concept of brotherhood; reflections of previous
coming out experiences; and pent-up frustrations.
Meanwhile, Long (2011) questioned whether fraternities were as effective in
producing gains for gay, bisexual, and questioning members as they are for heterosexual
members. He concluded that programs and interventions by campus-based professionals,
organization staff, and volunteers are integral in ensuring gay, bisexual, and questioning
members have positive fraternal experiences. Subsequently, as research for gay males in
colleges and universities is increasing, colleges and universities are subscribing and trying
to implement positive change prescribed by scholars.
Black Males in College
Black communities have specific perceptions, ideals, and expectations about what
masculinity means in terms of family, communal, and peer acceptance (Harper, 2004;
Harris, 1992; Hunter & Davis, 1994; Whitehead, 1997). In order to dissect and understand
the Black gay male, the understanding of Black male must first be addressed.
While the population of African Americans at colleges and universities has increased
in the 1990’s, the presence of African American men has consistently declined (Chronicle of
Higher Education, 1997.) Cuyjet (2006) explains the imbalance between African American
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 42
men and women in demographics (47.5% male/52.5% female). He states that African
American men in 2002, as reported by the Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac (2005),
represented a disproportionately small percentage of the total college population and
yielded a much smaller male versus female percentage than in any other ethnic group:
American Indian, 39.6% men/60.4% women; Asian, 46.9% men/53.1% women; Black,
35.8% men/64.2% women; Hispanic, 42.1% men/57.9% women; White, 44% men/56%
women and Foreign, 55.3% men/44.7 women (p. 7). Nationally, African American male
youth score lower than any other group on standardized tests and are three times more
likely than their Caucasian American counterparts to be misplaced in special education,
tracked into less demanding classes, and are less likely to be promoted to the next grade,
particularly in elementary school (Jackson, 2006). The dropout rate for young African
American males is disproportionately higher than that of other ethnic groups, with only 47
percent of Black males graduating from high school in the 2007-2008 school year (Schott,
2010). In addition, African American males are suspended and or expelled from school at a
higher rate than any other ethnic group. Only three out of one-hundred Black males who
enter kindergarten will graduate from college, as this population of students remains
underrepresented at all levels in higher education and holds one of the lowest overall
educational attainment rates of any major ethnic group in the United States (Hoffman et al.,
2003). Over one-half of African Americans enrolled in bachelor’s degree programs are in
the lowest American socioeconomic quarter as compared to less than one-quarter of
Whites, and African Americans are almost three times as likely as their White counterparts
to have annual incomes below twenty-thousand dollars (Nettles & Perna, 1997).
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 43
However, looking at trends in associate's degrees between the 1997–98 and 2007–
08 academic terms, the number earned by Hispanics almost doubled (from 45,900 to
91,300 degrees) and the number earned by Black students increased by 73 percent (from
55,300 to 95,700 degrees), while the number earned by White students increased by 21
percent (from 413,600 to 501,100 degrees). During the 2007–08 term, Blacks earned 13
percent and Hispanics earned 12 percent of all associate's degrees awarded, up from the 10
and 8 percent that they earned, respectively, during the 1997–98 term. Between the 1997–
98 and 2007–08 terms, the number of bachelor's degrees awarded to White students
increased by 25 percent (from 0.9 to 1.1 million degrees), while the number awarded to
Hispanic students increased by 86 percent (from 66,000 to 123,000 degrees) and the
number awarded to Black students increased by 55 percent (from 98,300 to 152,500
degrees). During the 2007–08 term, Blacks earned 10 percent and Hispanics earned 8
percent of all bachelor's degrees awarded, up from 10 years earlier when they earned 8
and 6 percent, respectively. Yet, compared to other ethnic groups, Black men do not
outnumber women (National Center for Education Statistics, 2010).
Researchers reported by 2000, 70% of African American men will be imprisoned,
awaiting trial, addicted to drugs, or killed (Commission on Minority Participation and
American Life, 1998). In addition, 57.7% of African American children live in single-parent
homes (US Census Bureau, 1992) and 60% of African American children live in poverty (US
Census Bureau, 1992). It is no secret that there exists, among urban and poor African
American males, a crisis referred to in the literature as the African American Male Crisis
(Reglin, 1994). Due to the rising statistics of today’s African American males in prison,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 44
unemployed, and killing themselves, the African American Male Crisis is more than
apparent in our society, especially in our higher education system (Reglin, 1994).
Although many institutions of higher education are encouraged to recruit and retain
ethnic minority groups, including African American men and women, it is evident that
there are barriers, especially with African American men, between this population of
students and their access to higher education. One barrier, according to Ervin Dyer (2007),
is that African American men are more than twice as likely to be unemployed as are White
males. Black males who work in comparable jobs earn only 75 percent of what White men
earn. In addition, Black men are nearly seven times more likely to be incarcerated, with
average jail sentences about 10 months longer than those of White men. Cuyjet (2006) and
Dyer (2007) both suggest, in terms of educational attainment, that Black male achievement
begins to decline as early as the fourth grade and, by high school, performance is subpar.
Only 42.8 percent of Black males graduate from high school, compared to 70.8 percent of
their White counterparts. Cuyjet (2007) also adds that the negative stereotypes from the
dominant culture and African American culture perpetuate additional obstacles for African
American men. In addition to these barriers, there is a plethora of impediments that bring
concern for the African American male in higher education. High rates of incarceration,
disproportionate high school dropout rates, high rates of homicide, and serious health
problems are other examples of barriers that plague Black male representation on
American college campuses (Cuyjet, 1997; Parham & McDavis, 1987). Colleges and
universities have a responsibility to assist in this crisis, and the investment would benefit
all students. Christine Bennett (2001) states, “Equity in education means equal
opportunities for all students to reach their fullest potential” (p. 174). This means equity
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 45
in every sense of the word, academically and socially. Throughout history, many groups
struggled with access in many facets of society as these relate to higher education, and this
situation particularly affects the African American male.
Black Gay Males in College
There is relatively little research on Black gay men in college. Most of it is quite
recent, despite some studies in closely related disciplines such as psychology, sociology,
and epidemiology, or public health. Health scholars tend to focus on the prevalence of
health disparities and sexually transmitted diseases among Black gay male collegians.
Sociologists focus primarily on perceptions, whereas scholars in higher education examine
academics, impacts of development, and academic attrition. Overall, research in all these
fields have an impact on one another and more research is needed.
Malebranche et al. (2009) examined Black men who have sex with men and their
influences in terms of high-risk sexual behaviors. Findings include negative perceptions of
gay identities and communities. Race and racial identification as intersecting influences of
masculinity and sexual identification, themes of control, trust, “heat of the moment” sex,
and low self-love’s influencing condom use.
As health scholars’ research focuses on the need for positive prevention in the areas
of HIV and other STDs, the research on Black gay males is critical and necessary in many
disciplines to educate and provide healthy knowledge in the world of prevention. Some
researchers focused on positive prevention (Bailey & Hart, 2005; Halkitis & Wilton, 2005;
Parson, 2005; Schiltz & Sandfort, 2000) examine how some Black gay men, specifically HIV-
positive men, create meaningful sexual lives while negotiating sexual norms emphasized to
varying degrees within gay male communities.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 46
Specific to the Black collegian, Bazargan et al. (2000) examined Black college
students from two historically Black colleges regarding their knowledge, experiences with
and attitudes toward condom use, peer influences, perceived vulnerability, monogamy, and
behavioral skills around HIV/AIDS. Using a quantitative study method, it was determined
that, of the 39% of the participant who said they were in monogamous relationships, 27.3%
reported using condoms at all times. Additionally, 65.7% of the students correctly
answered questions regarding transmission of HIV through sexual activities and 65.2%
answered correctly about HIV transmission through nonsexual activities. Basically, greater
use of condoms correlated with greater knowledge of HIV; however, males were less likely
to report monogamous relationship than females. Studies like this are important and
enhance knowledge regarding Black men and women, but more studies on Black gay males,
specifically in college, are needed.
Hightow et al. (2005) also examined Black gay males on college campuses by
investigating newly diagnosed HIV infection in college men in North Carolina. The
methodology was a surveillance of state records of newly HIV diagnoses in patients
between the ages of 18 and 30 in the years of 2000 through 2003. A review of 735 records
revealed that 84 (11%) patients were college men, and 87% of these were African
American, and 92% were men who have sex with men. Newly HIV diagnosed men were
found on 37 colleges located in North Carolina and the surrounding area. A partner
network investigation linked to 21 colleges, 61 students, and 8 partners of students (p.
532). Thus, this describes an epidemic of HIV infections in North Carolina among college
students, primarily African American men who have sex with men and men who have sex
with both men and women. In summary, the study demonstrated that college students
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 47
represent an at-risk, accessible population that needs prevention intervention, particularly
African American males.
Sociologists tend to focus on the perceptions of Black gay men and the social
relations of Black gay men and others. For instance, Battle and Lemelle, (2002) examined
the complex way gender works in explaining attitudes toward gay men. Homophobia is not
only stressful to Black gay men, but it also plays an important role in the increasing
statistics of HIV/AIDS in the African American community. Using data from the National
Black Politics Study (1993), Battle’s and Lemelle’s findings show that African American
females express more positive attitudes toward homosexual men than do African American
males and that gender is the most powerful variable predicting positive attitudes toward
homosexual men. Basically, as income and education increases, homophobia decreases.
Harris (2003) addresses issues facing Black gay males at PWI’s. Four areas were
explored: campus climate (D’Augelli, 1989, Rankin, 2005; Rhoads, 1997), the double
burden (Collins, 2000), down-low issues (King, 2004; Wright, 2001); and programmatic
concerns (Harper, 2010; Ritchie, 2001). Data was extrapolated through the Gay African
American Male Research Project started in 1995. Harris posits that, although more
attention is being given to diversity issues now than in years prior, Black gay males are still
invisible both individually and institutionally on most PWIs (p. 53). In closing this gap,
PWIs must create a climate wherein Black gay males will experience acceptance,
curriculum review committees must work to incorporate the Black gay experience, and
programs like LGBT centers and Multicultural Centers, and Offices of Diversity and Equity
should work to provide gay-friendly programming.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 48
Coming out Process
Coming out is a term that typically refers to men or women who “come out” of the
proverbial closet from being straight to identifying as gay. Most of what is known about
society’s reaction to students’ coming out and campus culture’s impact on gay students has
been learned and identified through previous research (D’Augelli, 1989; Rhoads, 1994).
Though limited, this research noted the challenging nature of coming out, or self-
identifying as a gay student, as well as the complex factors (e.g. race/ethnicity, family,
religion) that make it more challenging for Black gay students to self-identify and fully
disclose their sexual orientation to others, especially within the Black community
Several authors have studied the issues and challenges associated with gay identity
formation and coming out at various stages within the life cycle (Dworkin & Gutierez, 1992;
Garnets & Kimmel, 1993). The professional literature emerging from these gay and lesbian
studies, however, has virtually ignored racial and ethnic differences. With only a few
exceptions (Icard, 1996; Johnson, 1982; Loiacano, 1989), research on the experience of
Black gay men has been extremely limited. Recent literature (Patton, 2011; Rosario et al.,
2004; Strayhorn, 2008; Walls & Washington, 2008) takes into account that race and
ethnicity matter. Unfortunately, the professional literature on Black issues largely ignores
the experience of gay men and lesbians.
Wall and Washington (1991) emphasized that Black gay college students face many
challenges in integrating their racial identity and sexual orientation, and that familial
religious, and sociocultural factors affect their decisions about coming out. In 2008, Wall
and Washington addressed the impact of identity development, religion, finding role
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 49
models, and self-naming on the experiences of gay and bisexual men of African descent.
Again, more research is needed on the challenges associated with gay Black males.
Sears (1995) asserted that social background and skin color are salient features of
young, gay Black males’ self-understanding and play a significant part in their choice of
primary reference groups and in the importance these youth place on sexual orientation.
Montiero and Fuqua (1995) contended that the African American cultural
background of Black gay youth is central to understanding their experience, and that the
personal development and mental health of these young men depend on their social
adjustment to issues of race and sexuality. While there has been an increase in research
about gay and lesbians, there is a lack of comparable information about Black gay men and
lesbians, particularly college-aged, Black gay males.
To understand the gay student, in general, their college and campus-based
experiences must be considered (D’Augelli, 1989; Rankin, 2003, Rhoads, 1994). The
climate of the campus is a strong indicator of the culture that the gay male student inhabits,
and the attitude of non-gay participants (students, faculty, staff, and administrators)
toward the gay student is instrumental in understanding gay student development (Liang &
Alimo, 2005). For the Black gay male, it is essential that to learn how colleges and
universities can provide better services.
Theoretical Framework: Social Capital
Black students have traveled a turbulent path seeking access to academic and social
mobility in the face of explicit and implicit racism; a harsh reality present even after they
gain admission and step onto PWIs across the nation (Stewart, 2011). Recognizing the
imbalance in a segregated system of education, the highest Court in the United States
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 50
instituted a proverbial paradigm shift in 1954 through its ruling in Oliver Brown et al. v.
Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Kluger, 2004; Stewart, 2011). This landmark
Supreme Court case recognized the unfair racial practices resultant of the 60-year-old
"separate but equal" doctrine and became the springboard and fuel for the civil rights
movement (Cottrol, Ware, and Diamond 2003). The same principles and expectations of
racial equality in education from the Brown case were extended to colleges and
universities in 1964 through Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. At the crux of the Brown case
was not only to equally fund education, but also to provide access to the social networks
necessary for upward mobility and social advancement for all people (Harper 2008).
The social relationships and networks Black college students are able to access at
PWIs are important in examining the challenges they face. Examining the Black gay male
student's experiences at PWIs, the challenge is more complex. In order to bring some
understanding to these concerns, it is important to analyze the challenges Black gay males
in college face through the lens of social capital theory.
Pierre Bourdieu's (1986) arrival at social capital theory emerged out of his critical
examination of class struggle and dominant class influence on multiple forms of capital:
economic, human, cultural, and social (Lin, 1999). Bourdieu (1986) defined social capital
as the network of resources that provide material or symbolic profits in the long term or
short-term wherein relationships must be maintained, either by symbolic or material
exchanges, to be effective (Stewart, 2011).
Through a progressive transitional lens in evaluation used by James Coleman
(1994), social capital theory shifted from a class-based perspective to an actor-based
perspective (Field 2003). Coleman (1994) largely removed the focus on inequality
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 51
inherent in the class structures that Bourdieu highlighted (Portes, 2000). Instead, Coleman
(1994) investigated and presented the idea of individual activation of social capital over a
collective activation. Additionally, Coleman (1994) considered social capital to constitute a
benign concept that, ultimately, was used for good (Stewart, 2011). Thus, Coleman (1994)
rendered social capital an individual pursuit through believing in the premise that
individual actors seek out and secure relationships and networks to in order to further
their own self-interests.
Though Bourdieu might agree with Coleman that social capital in the abstract is a
neutral resource, his work tends to show how it can be used practically to produce or
reproduce inequality, demonstrating, for instance, how people gain access to powerful
positions through the direct and indirect employment of social connections. Other scholars
worked to elaborate new conceptual and theoretical frameworks in understanding social
capital through social networks (Putnam, 1993), socialization (Phelan et al., 1998) and
educational attainment of racial minority youth, particularly Latino, Black, and Asian youth
from working-class or economically-disenfranchised urban communities (Stanton-Salazar,
2010). Stanton-Salazar’s work on social capital focuses substantially in the area of higher
education and its impact on racial minorities. Stanton-Salazar (1997, 2001, 2004, 2010)
defines social capital as consisting of resources and key forms of social support embedded
in one’s network or associations accessible through direct or indirect ties with institutional
agents. The concept of social capital allows one to look at how adolescents gain access to
vital resources through relationships with institutional agents situated within the various
sociocultural worlds that comprise their social universe (Stanton-Salazar, 2010). The
concept of institutional agent is key to this study, and it is defined as an individual who
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 52
occupies one or more hierarchical positions of relatively high-status and authority
(Stanton-Salazar, 2010).
While there are a number of scholars who have used social capital theory to address
the inequity in education, specifically around race/ethnicity, there have been a handful of
researchers who have contributed to Black and gay scholarship as it pertains to social
capital. In sports, Anderson and McCormack (2011) examined the political stratifications
of society by race and sexuality. By examining the intersectionality of race and sexuality,
they show that society has bifurcated athletes into being Black or gay. As a result, there has
been more progress in sports with regard to Black men than to gay men, indicating social
capital to be lower for Black gay athletes. Harris et al. (2011) examined Black males and
masculinity. In their qualitative study of 22 Black men enrolled at a private research
university, Harris et al. (2011) found correlations between male expression among Black
males and social status, thus echoing the sentiment that college students who are able to
accumulate more social capital have an advantage over their peers that have access to less
social capital (Harper 2008).
Social capital theory has major implications for the educational community,
specifically in regards to racial minorities at PWIs. In order to attain acceptance and access
to mainstream social networks and resources, Black students have been asked to conform
to the dominant institutional norms and agendas (Harper, 2008; Stanton-Salazar, 1998).
This plays an important role for those Black males who identify as gay.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 53
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
This study explored the experience of self-identifying Black gay male college
students within four-year PWIs in southern California. The foundation of this study is
grounded in the intersectionality of Cass’s (1979) gay identity and Cross’s (1971, 1991)
Theory of Nigrescence. Intersectionality is a critical analytic interdisciplinary tool with
potential to interrogate racial, ethnic, class, and gender disparities (Strayhorn, 2013).
Neither race nor sexual identity can be discussed without the other. Discussing only one
area of identity would mean silencing the other, which has been the damaging challenge for
the Black gay male in a college setting. In addition to the intersectionality of race and
sexual identity, Stanton-Salazar’s (1997, 2001) social capital theory and concept of
institutional agents bring insight regarding how Black gay males navigate in college. The
concept of institutional agent is central to this framework and is defined as an individual
who occupies one or more hierarchical positions of relatively high-status and authority.
Understanding who and what these institutional agents are for Black gay males will assist
colleges and universities in creating a safer space for these students on their campus.
This research sought to answer three primary research questions: (1) What issues,
challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students encountered in
managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus; (2) What resources,
supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could they have benefited from in
dealing with the challenges they have faced in college; (3) How do Black gay male students
navigate the challenges of being on a PWI campus?
While empirical research on gay male students continues to be behind that of other
identity-based groups, despite the developmental importance of college years for these
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 54
students (Dugan & Yurman, 2012), investigative areas regarding gay male students have
included campus climate (Rankin, 2010); coming out experiences (Rhoads, 1995; Sauve,
1998), and attitudes toward gay students (Hinrichs & Rosenberg, 2002; Rankin, 2005).
Despite limited scholarly works, research is even sparser regarding Black gay male
students and their experiences. Wall and Washington (1991) were pioneers in the field of
higher education in addressing concerns of Black gay male students. Recent researchers
bring awareness and education to this subject. For example, Strayhorn (2012) conducted a
qualitative study to understand the challenges that Black gay male undergraduates
confront in campus residence halls and the supports that enabled their success in facing
them. Anderson (2012) conducted a qualitative examination of the development of
masculine gender identities in gay and bisexual male students, and Patton (2011)
examined how six Black men at one historically Black college made meaning of their gay or
bisexual identity. As scholars develop more comprehensive data, the information will, in
turn, increase awareness, support, and university resources for our students on campus,
specifically as it relates to the Black gay males students.
The purpose of this study was to amplify the voices and experiences of Black gay
male college students. The current understanding of the realities of Black gay males in
college is limited in current research which generally defines the gay identity in terms of
the White gay male. This study sought to provide a basis for campuses to foster the ideal
Black gay male student. The ideal Black gay male student should feel empowered by
bringing voice to his experiences and furthering knowledge regarding his multiple
identities. Also, the Black gay male student would receive increased institutional support
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 55
and personal and psychological development, which, in turn, would provide for more
positive and healthy college experiences.
Population Sample and Setting
Historically, it has been challenging to recruit Black gay males for research studies
(Wynn, 2010). As a result, this study used a snowball sampling, or chain, approach
(Merriam, 1998). Patton (2002) describes this approach as “locating information-rich
informants or critical cases” (p. 46). The criterion outlines for the participant screening
and selection is as follows: (a) all must be undergraduates at a four-year PWI in southern
California, (b) all must identify as African American or Black, (c) all must self-identify as
“gay”, “homosexual”, or “same-gender loving,” and (d) all must have a class standing of
sophomore, junior, senior or have graduated within the last five years, and (e) must be
between the ages of 18 and 25. All names of students participating and institutions in this
study were pseudonyms to protect the identity of the participants.
Participants were invited by emailing various Black and gay, lesbian, and bisexual
centers and student organizations at four-year institutions in southern California, such as
UCLA, USC, Cal State Dominguez, Cal State Fullerton, Occidental, UC Irvine, Chapman
University, and Loyola Marymount University, posting notices on bulletin boards at a
number of community organizations serving gay or Black students within Los Angeles and
surrounding areas, placing an announcement on several computer-based listservs, and
using social and friendship networks to identify potential participants. Through each of
these methods, information about the study was included the researcher’s contact
information. All willing participants were asked to share their email address.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 56
Upon the initial response from a willing participant, each participant was given a
written description of the study that included the purpose, inclusion criteria, expectations
of participants, and an explanation of how the data was used. After participation was
confirmed, the willing participants were invited, via email, to participate in a one-on-one,
face-to-face interview. Participants were advised that the voluntary nature of this study
allowed them to withdraw at any time. Using the snowball or chain sampling approach
(Patton, 2002), existing participants were asked to recommend the study to other Black
gay male students at their institution and/or who fit the aforementioned criteria with
whom they were familiar. Each participant signed an informed consent form that provided
by the Institutional Review Board. Incentives were not provided for the participants in the
study.
Setting
The participants for this study came from the area of southern California. Southern
California is a mega-region that includes the large urban areas of Los Angeles Metropolitan,
Inland Empire, and the Greater San Diego areas and is made up of eight counties: Los
Angeles, San Diego, San Bernardino, Riverside, Orange, Ventura, Kern, San Luis Obispo,
Santa Barbara and Imperial. According to the 2010 Census, southern California has a
population of approximately 22 million, which is 60% of the state of California’s entire
population. California’s population is one of the world’s most diverse in that 40% of state
residents are non-Hispanic White, 38% are Hispanic, 13% Asian, 6% African American, 3%
multiracial, and less than 1% are American Indian (Johnson, 2011).
Within southern California are a multitude of prestigious and world-renowned
research universities and other public and private institutions. All are identified as PWIs,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 57
with the exception of California State University Dominguez Hills. Among these are 5
University of California campuses (Irvine, Los Angeles, Riverside, Santa Barbara, and San
Diego), 12 California State University campuses (Bakersfield, Channel Islands, Dominguez
Hills, Fullerton, Los Angeles, Long Beach, Northridge, Pomona, San Bernardino, San Diego,
San Marcos, and San Luis Obispo), and private institutions such as the California Institute of
Technology, Chapman University, Claremont Consortium of Colleges, Loma Linda
University, Loyola Marymount University, Occidental College, Pepperdine University,
University of San Diego, and the University of Southern California. While southern
California has a significant number of PWIs, both public and private, there are no existing
Historically Black Colleges or Universities in the area. The largest populations of Blacks are
found in major cities within the eight counties, such as Los Angeles (8.7%) and San Diego
(5.1%). Other cities in the southern California area include San Bernardino (8.9% Black)
Riverside County’s Moreno Valley (6.4% Black) and Orange County’s Anaheim (1.7% Black)
according to census data (US Census, 2010).
Nationally, the state of California is ranked fourth in having the largest population of
Blacks (US Census, 2010). Although there is large amount of Blacks in the state of
California, the percentage of Blacks are much less than the average 10.49% per state.
Participants
Each participant met the selection of criteria to participate. The participants must
(a) be undergraduates at a four-year PWI in southern California, (b) identify as African
American or Black, (c) self-identify as “gay”, “homosexual”, or “same-gender loving,” (d)
have a class standing of sophomore, junior, senior or recent graduate with 3-5 years, and
(e) be between the ages of 18 and 25.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 58
Instrumentation
This study was exploratory and descriptive. The research was guided by interview
questions which provide insight and understanding regarding the experiences of Black gay
males in college. Due to the nature of this study and the limited amount of responses from
this population in prior studies (Strayhorn, DeVita, & Blakewood, 2010; Sauve, 1997;
Washington & Evans, 1991), qualitative methods were best for addressing the research
questions.
Asking questions helps one to ascertain information from respondents, learn their
stories, and enter into their perspectives with the assumption that their perspectives are
meaningful, knowable, and able to be made explicit. Therefore, people are interviewed to
find out from them those things we cannot directly observe (Patton, 2002). Manning
(1992) and Hartley (2001) argue that qualitative research methods are a powerful tool for
the generation of knowledge about student affairs and campus life because they provide an
opportunity for students to describe their complexity of their lives without categories’
being imposed on their experiences.
The interview strategy used for this study was combined with the informal
conversational interview and the standardized open-ended interview. The standardized
open-ended approach was used initially. This approach consists of a set of questions
carefully worded and arranged with the intention of taking each respondent through the
same sequence and asking the same questions with, essentially, the same words (Patton,
2002). From these first sets of questions, insight may be gained on questions that need to
be revisited and deepened which will be conducted later in the interview. The second part
of the interview was conducted using the informal conversational approach or
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 59
“ethnographic interviewing”. Patton (2002) explains this approach offers maximum
flexibility to pursue information in whatever direction appears to be appropriate (p. 342).
This strategy in the interview allows for probing on various questions to gain more data.
Patton (2002) talks about the importance of gaining trust with the interviewee.
Therefore the interviews began with the interviewer introducing himself/herself, which
was followed by five sections of questions. The interviewer discussed the importance of
the study and why the topic is of interests to him/her. This strategy aided the interviewer
and interviewee in becoming more comfortable and helped to convey a sense of trust
between one another.
The first section of questions (1 through 10) were identified Background and
History and were designed to capture the interviewee’s historical perspective as they see it.
Knowing the historical and background information of the interviewee helps to bring
understanding to some of the experiences discussed during the interview (Sauve, 1997).
Questions 11 through 18 were part of the second section, which was identified as
Racial/Ethnic & Sexual Identity Development. The questions in this section focused on race
and sexual identity. This is similar to Strayhorn and Mullins’ (2012) research. Strayhorn
and Mullins (2012) investigated Black gay males’ experiences in residence halls. College
experience was the third section of questions. Questions 19 through 40 were designated to
elicit recollection of notable experiences, people, and circumstances related to their
experiences in college. Sauve (1997) used very similar questions in his exploration of the
coming out experiences of Black gay men in college. Section four consisted of questions 41
through 45 that focus on resources. Lastly, section five will be the conclusion. In this
section, I will conclude the interview with a few brief questions about their experience
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 60
throughout the interview. In addition, this provides the opportunity for the interviewee to
openly dialogue regarding the topic or provide other insights he found important regarding
his experiences.
Combining these two interview strategies allowed for maximum data. This study
relied primarily on the well-established qualitative methodological principles and
procedures used by numerous researchers who advocate inductive analysis to answer
certain research questions (Braun & Clark, 2006; Miles & Huberman, 1994; Patton, 2002)
and researchers who have studied similar topics with similar research questions (Carter,
2013; Patton, 2011; Strayhorn, Blakewood, & DeVita, 2008). The interview protocols allow
for the collection of information with the openness to explore unanticipated themes and
topics.
Data Collection
Approval to conduct this study was obtained from the university’s Institutional
Review Board to ensure all necessary steps were taken to safeguard the privacy,
confidentiality, rights, and privileges of those individuals who participated and shared
information in the study. In this study, the interviews were conducted in the late summer
and early fall of 2013. The interviews were conducted in person, face-to-face and were
recorded using a digital recorder for later transcription. Notes were taken to highlight
happenings during the interview and comments were recorded at the end of each
interview. After completing each interview, a transcript was created from the digital
recording. Each participant was emailed a copy of his interview with the request of
feedback within a week’s time. Once feedback was given, a final copy of the transcript was
completed.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 61
Once the participant approved a final copy of the transcript, coding, along with
categorizing of themes and topics, was created. The coding helped to identify themes from
the interviews. The codes were categorized and linked to the research questions of the
study.
Data Analysis
The major source of raw data for analysis was the transcripts created from the
digital recorder and the notes taken during and after each interview with participants.
Important themes and patterns were identified using the research questions from the
study. Using Creswell (2007) data analysis process, interview data were analyzed in six
stages. First, the interviews were transcribed and the field notes were typed and
organized. Each interview was transcribed within days of the interview to maintain
qualitative validity. Next, it was important to read through all the data. Creswell (2007)
describes this step as a way to obtain a general sense of the information and to reflect on its
overall meaning (p. 185). Reading and re-reading this data was helpful in the next
analytical step of the process of coding the data. Open coding generated initial categories
of information that represent “an initial plot of the terrain” (Miles & Huberman, 1994, p.
36). Coding occurred in segmented sentences or paragraphs and formed into categories.
The categories were labeled with a term based on actual language of the participant
(Creswell, 2007).
Once the categories were identified using the coding process, the fourth stage
was to identify themes and descriptions of the setting or people (Creswell, 2007). In order
to retain the individuality of each participant, a case study approach was used to organize
and analyze the data. Additional coding occurred for these descriptions. Coding these
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 62
descriptions generated a smaller number of themes and categories. Further analysis
interconnected the themes to be compared and contrasted to understand the degree to
which they were similar, closely related, or independent. The following chapter presents
the themes and describes their relationship to the study and its findings. The last chapter
presents interpretation of the. Using the themes and the information from the literature
review, comparisons of the findings are discussed.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 63
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS
In examining the Black gay male college population at predominantly White
institutions in southern California for this dissertation, the attempt was to bring voice to a
growing segment of the campus community. Similar to most studies about Black gay males
(DeVita, 2010; Harris, 2003; Suave, 1997) a cross-case analysis (Patton, 1990) of the four
participants in this study yielded a number of themes, patterns and other findings that fell
in to the following main categories: self-identity; coming out; racial and cultural
dissonance; masculinity; religion/spirituality; support from campus LGBT centers; family
concerns/support; and faculty, staff, and peer support. This chapter presents the findings
in each of the topic areas as related to the research questions:
1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges being on a predominantly
White institution (PWI) campus?
This chapter presents the participants’ backgrounds followed by the results’ themes
and patterns.
Participant Backgrounds
In order to discuss how the themes of self-identity; coming out; racial and cultural
dissonance; masculinity; religion/spirituality; support from campus LGBT centers; family
concerns/support; and faculty, staff, and peer support relate to the research questions, it is
important to note the collective background of the participants. Collectively, their
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 64
backgrounds are in the areas of socioeconomics, religion, single- and two-parent
households. Each participant was given a pseudonym to protect his identity and the
integrity of the study.
“Karl”
Karl has this to say about himself:

After coming out, I felt like myself. It felt like the ideology. When you come out, it is
like a weight has lifted off of you and, at that point of time, it is like you are able to
fully be who you are. Since my family knows, I felt that no one else can stop me or
suppress me. I felt like I was totally free (personal communication, October 13,
2013).
Karl is a twenty-year-old junior majoring in public policy and global studies. He studies
within a state public university in southern California. Karl is very involved on campus. He
is a resident advisor and a frequent participant in the LGBT center on campus. Born and
raised in an urban area in Long Beach, California, Karl describes his community as diverse
and identifies as Black. Karl explains, “If somebody asked me what I am, I would say Black,
but technically my father is white and Black and my mother’s grandfather is like full Native
American and Black” (personal communication, October 13, 2013). While Karl identifies as
Black, he recognizes he embodies more than one racial/ethnic identity. However, he knows
that others see him as Black and treat him as such. Living with his mom and maternal
grandmother was an integral part of his childhood. Karl identifies his mother as a single
parent who also raised two other male siblings. He is the middle child. He describes his
mom as “caring, nurturing, disciplined, and strict.” Religion was a foundation present in
the household and fervently displayed by his maternal grandmother. Karl explains: “I am
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 65
not a devout religious person. However, I do believe in a higher power. I would read the
Bible but I am not a churchgoer” (personal communication, October 13, 2013). Knowing
that religion was a part of the household made conversation about some things, specifically
sexuality, unwarranted.
Recognizing that he is Black and was raised with a solid foundation of religious
principles, Karl’s challenge with his sexuality became a dark secret of shame and guilt while
growing up. According to Washington and Wall (2010), spirituality/religion has a major
impact on the experiences of men of African descent, which suggests why Black men are
very hesitant to come out to family and friends. Karl states, “I didn’t identify and actually
claim it or say it until the summer before my senior year of high school. However, I knew in
the back of my head for a long time, since elementary school” (personal communication,
October 13, 2013). Karl disclosed his sexuality to his family, which brought arguments and
heavy discussion. He explained, “I think my family knew before I told them. They were like
I just wanted you to say it” (personal communication, October 13, 2013). Now, the family
accepts his sexuality and his lifestyle.
In high school, disclosing his sexual identity to his friends was easier in comparison
to disclosing to his family. Karl described his high school as conservative. However, he did
not care who knew of his sexuality. In college, Karl described his reasons for attending his
college was its diversity. He further explains, “I walked on campus five times before I even
accepted my offer of admission. The campus has a high tolerance for LGBT students with
their policies that they uphold and just involvement from day one, even during orientation”
(personal communication, October 13, 2013). As a gay Black male on his campus, Karl
recognizes the dissonance among the culture clubs and the LGTB center and its students on
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 66
campus. Karl expressed interests in joining a Black fraternity and becoming more
interested in the Black Resource Center on campus. Unfortunately, Karl was denied
membership into the Black fraternity because he was suspected to be gay.
While Karl did not disclose his sexuality to members of this fraternity, his openness
about his sexuality was not going to be compromised. As a result, he has not been very
active with the Black Resource Center on campus because of the uncomfortable feeling and
stares he gets from students who also participate in the center. Karl acknowledges that he
is more guarded with other Black students because of their negative attitudes about LGBT
students, specifically with Black gay males.
The LGBT Center on campus has been a great safe space for Karl. He feels free to be
who he is without apologies or hidden agendas. He attributes his ease and comfort to the
administrators who run the center. Karl socializes with many people and has a large group
of friends. As a resident advisor, Karl presides over the African American experience theme
floor in his hall. As a Black male, Karl finds it challenging to highlight the gay perspective
on his floor because of the negative attitude toward the gay lifestyle. Despite some of his
stresses, Karl is proud to be a gay Black male and involved with other gay students on
campus.
“Rickey”
Rickey tells us,

When I first became aware that I was gay, I said, “Okay, this is it? I am gay.” I
remember praying a lot. I remember praying every night that when I would wake
up I would be straight. It was during junior high school, I had like an internal
struggle. Do I let others assume that I am gay? Do I say anything about it? Or do I
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 67
play this straight card? I played the straight card. I came out when I was twenty
years old. I remember being relieved because my roommate was the first person I
told because I now had a boyfriend. (personal communication, October 30, 2013)
Those were the words of Rickey, a well-dressed, carefully poised twenty-five-year-old
graduate student with a strong Caribbean accent. He attended one of the most ethnically
diverse research universities in the nation as an undergraduate and he is currently working
on a master’s degree in public health at a public university in southern California. Born in
Harlem, New York, Rickey moved to West Los Angeles, California, at the age of three, to
Belize in Central America at the age of eight, and then back to West Los Angeles at the age
of nineteen. Rickey states,
Moving around so much has given me different perspectives and experiences in
being a Black man and also being gay because in each one of those locales they had
different cultures and had a different vision in regards to Black men and to being
gay in each one of those cultures. (Personal communication, October 30, 2013)
Rickey identifies as African-American with Black Caribbean parents. According to Rickey,
he is half Black and Latino.
Rickey describes his parents as similar but very different. He describes his
relationship with his mother as very close. She identifies as Hispanic. His relationship with
his father was good but not as profound as that he had with his mother. The father
identifies as African-Caribbean. Rickey states, “Interestingly enough, when I came out and
told them the relationships completely flipped. My relationship with my dad has become
very, very strong. My relationship with my mom has become increasingly distant over the
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 68
last three years” (personal communication, October 30, 2013). His father has a PhD. in
Anthropology and is spiritual while his mother is pious with a strict Catholic background.
Growing up in Belize was a different experience for Rickey than most would define
in the United States. As an American citizen with international experiences, Rickey spent a
significant amount of his adolescence in Belize. However, the challenges with his sexuality
were somewhat similar to Black gay males who also live in the United States (i.e. ethnically,
culturally, acceptance, masculinity). As an elementary student in the United States, Rickey
recalls being chosen for sports teams because of his athletic ability. Although Rickey was
adept in sports, his interests in girls were less desirable. Many times, he felt forced to like
girls.
In Belize, there was a hierarchy in the culture, not to mention difficulty in learning
the language and other cultural aesthetics. The color of one’s skin was important, Rickey
explains. Darker skin was considered less attractive and was defined as lower class.
According to Rickey and what he was told by his parents, intra-racial strife existed outside
the states (personal communication, October 30, 2013). Rickey was always told not to stay
in the sun or get sunburned or date someone with a dark complexion. As a result, all of his
girlfriends were either light-skinned or of a different race because skin complexion was a
sign of wealth and privilege (Hunter, 2007).
While many people in the United States continue to express concerns and disdain
for same gender loving people and their lifestyle, the Belizean culture actually criminalizes
people for being gay (Works, 2012). In December 2011, United States President Barack
Obama criticized nations that persecute homosexuals (Gibler & Miller, 2012). In response,
Belizean Prime Minister Dean Barrow reiterated that Belize would not change its anti-
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 69
homosexuality stance (Works, 2012). He argued that the issue is one for Belize to deal with
and if the United States wanted to punish states by removing foreign aid for continuing
such practice, then "they will have to cut off their aid" (Works, 2012, p. 1). Rickey recalls
his awareness of being gay as early as elementary school. As he became an adolescent, his
knowledge and education on Belize’s stance on homosexuality further deepened his
rationale to keep his secret closeted. He states,
I was like six or seven, very early I realized that something was off and then around
twelve or thirteen I realized that I am attracted to guys. Hence, the reason why I
joined the sports team so that I am around guys. (Personal communication, October
30, 2013)
As an athletic student, Rickey played on sports teams so he could hide the fact that he was
attracted to men.
In the effort to hide the fact that he was attracted to men, Rickey would date girls
but not long enough to make things significant. Rickey recalls his mother and aunt asking
him why his relationships would not last longer than six months. Rickey would just move
to the next girl, hiding his true feelings for men. One day, his mother asked Rickey if he was
gay. She then stated, “If any of my sons are gay, I would want them to tell me to see if we
can do anything about it” (personal communication, October 30, 2013). After that
statement, Rickey knew he could not tell his mother his true feelings. He continued,
throughout high school, to suppress his desires, date many girls, and play the “straight”
role.
After high school, Rickey went to a boarding school where he felt it was difficult to
hide his sexuality. Friends questioned his sexuality, but he would try to deflect them. In
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 70
addition, the city where the boarding school was located was known to have a lot of gay
men. Although Rickey was planning to move to the states, he was still fearful of letting
anyone know his secret.
Rickey came out at the age of twenty. He came out to his female college roommate
because he had his first boyfriend. Rickey felt she should know because the boyfriend
would be coming over to the apartment, and he did not want things to be awkward. Rickey
remembers feeling relieved once he told her.
As a gay Black male college student, Rickey feels more camaraderie within the LGBT
community. He feels there are more commonalities across race within the LGBT
community. Rickey’s experiences in undergrad within the LGBT community and the
African American community were positive. He participated in a group that was solely
identified as a safe space for LGBT people of African descent. This group was housed in the
LGBT center on campus. In this space, Rickey states, “I felt completely liberated because I
was able to get both aspects of being Black and being gay” (personal communication,
October 30, 2013). Most of his friends in the LGBT community are not Black. Rickey found
himself having to explain certain perspectives of being Black and gay. He also found
himself having to defend himself because race was often eliminated or omitted from the
discussion. Despite this stressor, he is proud to be out and involved with other gay
students on campus.
“DeWayne”
DeWayne recalls:

I have to start off with my first male crush in the fifth grade, but it wasn’t until high
school that I really understood what gay actually meant. I was just reading random
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 71
books. I came across the word gay. In reading the definition I said, “Oh, gay means
happy.” But then there was another definition under that. I was like, this sounds
familiar. Then it clicked, oh, this is what these feelings are. After that, I was like, I
guess I am weird, and that is what I thought I was…okay whatever. (personal
communication, November 11, 2013)
DeWayne is a tall, twenty-three year old, trendy dressing, first-generation college senior
from Oakland, California. He attends a large private institution in southern California
majoring in policy planning and development with an emphasis in health administration.
DeWayne describes his family as a female-run household. His mother was a single parent.
His father did not take part in his life until he was eight years old. DeWayne describes his
socioeconomic status as lower middle class. While his father made a decent living as a
middle class worker, his mother struggled to make ends meet as a government worker
later going on welfare and disability. Regarding the financial struggles within his family,
DeWayne shares, “only a few years of struggle went on until we were be able to pay for my
mom’s stuff and hopefully we wouldn’t get evicted,” (personal communication, November
11, 2013). DeWayne identifies as a gay Black male because he believes that others define
and see him first as gay and not as Black.
DeWayne spoke passionately about his family, especially how his mother struggled
to make ends meet. Financially, things were very tight, as DeWayne expressed, but the
thought of his sexuality was always something he thought he could conceal or try to deflect.
In one instance, DeWayne explained a time when his maternal grandmother made a
deliberate statement about his behavior. DeWayne states,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 72
Particularly with my family, the most backlash I have gotten was at a pretty early
age from my grandmother, my mother’s mother. She was the one who actually
helped raise me for the most part. She was always commenting on my walk. There
was too much “swish” in my step. She would also, similar to others, comment on my
high-pitched voice. She would tell me to talk in a deeper tone because, for a long
time, she couldn’t discern between my voice and my mother’s voice when we picked
up the phone. (Personal communication, November 11, 2013)
These comments, along with other tiny side comments, made DeWayne feel like he was a
disappointment. For those reasons, it was difficult to come to terms with who he was and
discuss his feelings and experiences towards men emotionally with his family.
Coming out was not a bad experience for DeWayne. He explained that there were
two female cousins who had come out to the family as lesbians. The family seemed to be
pretty accepting. When he came out, it seemed fairly easy. DeWayne came out to his
mother when he was sixteen years old. He kept it hidden from most of his friends,
gradually telling close friends, until he graduated from high school. DeWayne used social
media, Facebook, to disclose publically about his sexuality. He stated,
By the time I graduated high school that summer of 2008, all of my close friends
knew. I also posted that I was a man who liked men on Facebook so it was kind of
like everybody would know socially. That is what I guess social media has done well
and it is helping people do that in the sense. (Personal communication, November
11, 2013)
In 2008, Proposition 8 was on the California ballot for the November elections. Prop
8 was a California ballot proposition and a state constitutional amendment passed in the
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 73
November 2008 California state elections. The proposition was created to eliminate rights
of same-sex couples to marry (Wadsworth, 2011). DeWayne discussed his interactions
with some of his friends and their families who supported Proposition 8. Most of his
friends were white and Latino. As a result of the family’s opinions and beliefs about same-
sex marriage and relationships, the relationships between DeWayne and some of his
friends became distant. Although DeWayne did not come out until later that summer, many
of his friends assumed he was gay.
As a college student, DeWayne’s experience has been enjoyable. He chose his
institution of higher learning because of the work with the LGBT and allied students.
Before he chose his college, he used a college guide that referenced the top 25 most LGBT
friendly campuses in the nation. DeWayne applied only to the top 10 schools identified in
the college guide. He had heard stories of gay bashing at some institutions. He consciously
wanted to make sure he was at an institution that was supportive of LGBT students.
DeWayne makes reference to Matthew Shephard, who was beaten, tortured and left to die
because he was gay in 1998 in Wyoming. While DeWayne was confident about who he was
as a gay Black male; he was also conscious about the hate crimes against gay men that exist
in this world, college was no exception.
DeWayne’s advocacy as a gay Black male on campus demonstrated positive
relationships with faculty, staff and other administration. DeWayne describes himself as a
social justice activist who is in the fight for human justice. He works closely in the LGBT
center as a student worker on campus and tries adamantly to build relationships between
LGBT center and the Black Resource Center. The staff in both centers are very supportive
and make great efforts to bring together both identities. However, DeWayne recognizes
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 74
that much work needs to be done. DeWayne explains, “I feel like Black gay male students
are less inclined to mix with other races in terms of being gay. Especially if they are an
athlete and they are Black and gay” (personal communication, November 11, 2013). In this
statement, DeWayne depicts prejudice within the Black community and the Greek
community in terms of blatant discrimination against suspected or openly identified gay
Black males and the athletic community. DeWayne states,
It is just interesting to see the prejudices that they have about other races and they
are the ones being marginalized on a greater scale because not only are they Black
males that are gay, they are Black athletes that are gay as well. (Personal
communication, November 11, 2013)
“Treyshon”
Treyshon shares,
I was always born gay. I think I always knew, but I didn’t really know what it was
being brought up in that conservative Christian type of family who didn’t even talk.
I knew I had a gay uncle, but nobody talked about it and no one ever really
addressed it. When I knew what it was, I think it was in the third grade. I knew then
what it actually was. I didn’t really come to terms with it until sophomore year of
high school. Junior high school I started dating guys but I didn’t tell anyone. I just
kept that to myself. I came out right before I came to college. (Personal
communication, November 20, 2013)
Treyshon is a toned, athletic, brown skinned twenty-one year old college junior. He was
born in Seattle, Washington and raised in Oakland, California. Treyshon attends a private
institution in southern California as a political science major and an athlete. He is also a
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 75
member of a Black Greek Letter Organization and academic scholar. Treyshon has an older
sister who is also academically talented. His parents both hold doctorate degrees. His
mother is an educator and his father is a minister. Growing up in this family, Treyshon
moved around often. Due to the nature of his father’s profession, they did not stay in one
location very long.
Treyshon describes his family’s socioeconomic status as middle class. He
predominantly went to Catholic or Christian schools as a young student. His family was the
only Black family in their neighborhood. Most of the students in the school he attended
were White, with the exception of sixth and seventh grade. Treyshon was the only or one
of a few Black students in his entire school. In sixth and seventh grade, he attended schools
where the students were mostly Black. However, he often got into fights because of the
socioeconomic disparity. The Black students made reference to him thinking he was better
because of the clothes he wore, the way he spoke, and other stereotypes that referenced
how much money one had or did not have. Although his playmates were of different ethnic
backgrounds, Treyshon and his family often found their safe space and/or comfort with
other Blacks mainly in church. In addition, the family took an annual trip to New Orleans to
the Bayou Classic, where they celebrated culture through a sporting event between
Grambling State University and Southern University. Attendance at this event was
spawned by Treyshon’s father who is a HBCU graduate and a member of a Black Greek
Letter Organization.
As a young Black male growing up, Treyshon’s passion for sports and academics
grew. While he enjoyed sports and the excitement of being on a team, he was often accused
of being strong and too aggressive. This accusation caused concern with other parents,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 76
which sometimes left Treyshon feeling left out. Treyshon recalls a time, during a baseball
game, when a parent told his mother, “Oh my God, your son is aggressive. You need to get
him help” (personal communication, November 20, 2013). He was also kicked off of the
football team because he broke somebody’s collarbone during a tackle. His mother later
tells him that the parents would deliberately not disclose the sign-up dates and times to her
because they did not want Treyshon to play on the team. As a result, Treyshon tried other
sports, such as gymnastics, at which he became very good and won many titles. In addition,
he was able to focus on his musical gifts, as his mother was a music teacher.
Being gay and Black was something that concerned Treyshon, especially growing up
with a father who was a minister and being a star athlete. Treyshon did not come to terms
with his sexuality until his sophomore year in high school. Treyshon states, “I didn’t want
to tell anyone. I just wanted to keep it to myself” (personal communication, November 20,
2013). Because there were no Black people who were out and athletes, he felt that he
needed to keep his sexuality closeted. He states,
I just think that because there were no Black people who were out, who were
actually going somewhere, getting scholarships to college, playing on a national
caliber athletic team I was never exposed. It was really unfortunate, too. I wasn’t
really exposed to anyone who was successful, black, confident, and masculine acting.
I didn’t want to be subjected to just this stereotypical gay person and everything
that I did was gay because that is all I am. I am more other than that. (personal
communication, November 20, 2013)
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 77
Treyshon continued his closeted lifestyle because he did not think people in high school
were mature enough to handle it. He felt coming out after high school would be the better
decision. He came out the summer before he went to college.
Although Treyshon is comfortable with his sexuality, he still feels somewhat
closeted because he is a college athlete and he feels the stereotype of being a Black male
athlete. Treyshon shares,
I think, even to this day, I am somewhat closeted because of the environment that I
am in with athletics. I omit from telling people until a certain point because you
know the people that will accept it and the people that won’t based upon what they
said in front of you. (Personal communication, November 20, 2013)
Over time, Treyshon has disclosed to his teammates and coaches. He still feels some sort of
tension with his coach, but, mostly, teammates have been accepting.
College has been an exciting time for Treyshon. Academically, Treyshon has a 3.6
grade point average. He is involved and participates as an executive board member for the
Black Student Association, secretary for his fraternity, executive board member for campus
NPHC, and a member of the Gospel Choir. Although Treyshon involved himself in the
organizations that affirm his Black identity on campus, he recognizes the distance and
change in behaviors with some of the Black male students who know about his sexuality.
Treyshon states, “I mean I have good Black relationships but I’ve noticed ever since being
well-known that I am out, the relationships that I had with some Black male students are
different and most of them are standoffish" (personal communication, November 20,
2013). While these male relationships and dynamics have changed, Treyshon continues to
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 78
be optimistic about where he is going athletically and academically. His drive continues to
be a high priority and focus.
Treyshon immerses himself within the Black culture on campus. His gay identity is
important, but he does not bring attention to it. While he does attend gay identified
programs and functions on campus, he spends little time within the LGBT Center.
Treyshon says he is proud of being gay and in a good place, but he does not have to talk
about it. He states, “I don’t really think it is because I am uncomfortable to talk about being
gay, but I don’t feel like it is an issue. I feel like I am fine. I am where I am supposed to be. I
am also not insecure about anything” (personal communication, November 20, 2013).
Right now, he wants to focus on school and going pro in his sport.
Results
The four college students participating in this study describe some common
experiences regarding their race and sexual orientation. While commonalities were
expected, some of the differences will be presented as well to highlight the gay Black male
student’s voice that needs to be heard and acknowledged in the context of higher
education. Table 1 illustrates the relationship of themes and patterns as related to the
research questions.

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Table 1
Themes of Black Gay males at Predominantly White Institutions in Southern
California
Research
Questions
Self-
Identity
Coming
Out
Racial &
Cultural
Dissonance
Masculinity Religion /
Spirituality
Support from
LGBT Center
Family
Affairs
RQ 1 –
Sexuality
and
Ethnicity
X X X X X
RQ 2 –
Resources
Support,
and Skills
X X X X
RQ 3 –
Navigate
Challenges
X X X X X

First, the themes that were common across all research questions will be presented. The
themes self-identity, coming out, and racial and cultural dissonance emerged in response to
all three of the research questions. Second, three themes predominate to specific research
questions are discussed. Masculinity was a predominate theme for research questions one
and two. Most important regarding research question one and support from LGBT center
and family affairs was the predominate theme in response to research question three. The
research questions are
1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges being on a predominantly
White institution (PWI) campus?
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 80
Self-Identity
Within both the sociological and the psychological literature, a person’s self-identity
(or self-concept) has been viewed as an important influence on behavior (Epstein, 1973;
Sparks & Shephard, 1992; Tajfel, 2010). The first research question asks about issues,
challenges, problems and possibilities Black gay male students encounter in managing both
their racial and sexual identities. In this study, when the participants were asked how they
identify themselves racially/ethnically, all participants identified themselves as Black. Two
of the four participants also identified other ethnic identities (Native American, White,
Mexican), but Black was how they self-identified regarding their ethnicity/race. The
attitude of these students is reflected in the comments of DeWayne:
I feel like, especially with people of color, that they hold so dearly to the cultural
constraints that we have made for ourselves that they feel like it is a betrayal of the
community when you don’t see yourself wholly as one certain thing. My family is
mixed up with so many different people. Ethnically, I am Black or African-American.
However, I am also Native American, Creole and French Canadian. (personal
communication, November 11, 2013)
The four participants in this study also identify themselves as gay Black males
versus Black gay males. All four participants described their reason for identifying as gay
Black males because of the negative attitudes mainly of the Black community on and off
campus. They also felt rejected/left out amongst the Black community on-campus and felt
they had more support and acceptance from the gay community on and off-campus, which
made it easier to socialize. Lastly, Black and gay are both viewed as inferior and
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 81
participants believe society will define them as gay, the less inferior of the two identities.
Treyshon explains why he identifies as a gay Black male. He states,
I identify as a gay Black male because I think, when people find out that you are gay,
that is how they identify you and then it is different from that because I am Black… it
is tough enough to be gay but on top of that you are Black. You have problems of
being a Black person, you have the problems of being African-American male in the
society today, and you have the problems of being gay. (personal communication,
November 20, 2013)
Rickey described his reasons for identifying as a gay Black male in the following statement:
I am a gay Black male mainly because, ever since I have come out, that I find more
camaraderie and more access within the LGBT community. So, I see myself as being
gay first and then my ethnicity comes second mainly because I don’t find
camaraderie with the larger African- American community. (personal
communication, October 30, 2013)
The first reason each participant identifies himself as a gay Black male is the
negative influences of the Black and gay community. Scholars highlighted the challenges of
integrating multiple social identities (Bowleg, 2013; Crawford et al., 2002; Icard 1986;
Wilson 2008). Thus, there are gaps in knowledge about how Black gay male students
describe and experience intersectionality. Each of the participants discussed how
challenging it was to cope with ethnic and gay identity. They felt rejected by their Black
peers and Black affiliated clubs/organizations on campus. For instance…Karl described his
experience in trying to join a Black Greek Letter Organization. While he felt he was one of
the stronger candidates, he later learned some of the men in the fraternity had questions
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 82
about his sexuality. As a result, Karl felt they rejected his application for membership. In
turn, this lead to Karl distancing himself even further from the Black community and
avoiding Black social events all together.
The second reason participants identify themselves as gay Black males are the
negative attitudes from the Black community about their sexuality. When the participants
were asked what relationships they have with other Black students on campus, all
described their experiences as negative as it relates to their sexuality. The participants felt
ignored and rejected by the Black community on campus. Specifically, straight Black men
act distant and cold in their interactions with the assumed or out gay Black males.
Treyshon describes his experience with other straight Black males stating, “I have good
Black relationships but noticed that, ever since I came out, other people, Black straight
male students, are different and most of them are standoffish”(personal communication,
November 20, 2013). Campus climate is a significant variable in the survival of a gay Black
male student on a college campus. Harris (2003) discusses a double burden as a way to
cope for gay Black males at predominantly white institutions. Adding masculinity to the
complexities of race and sexual identity further complicates coping as a Black gay student
(Harper et al., 2011).
Thirdly, while the Black community on campus seems to generally have a negative
attitude toward the gay Black male students (Whitley, Childs, & Collins, 2011), the LGBT
community demonstrated more support and acceptance for the gay Black male participants
whether it was through programming and events at the LGBT center on campus or through
commonality of friends who frequent the center. Three of the four participants socialize
primarily with gay males and not Black males. They all utilize the LGBT center as their
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 83
primary resource and means of building community. Gay is the primary identity of all the
participants, which parallels with their primary social group. DeWayne states, “When I got
on this campus, I was seeking out more LGBT identified friends and resources” (personal
communication, November 11, 2013).
Society is a large contributor in the shaping of one’s identity and perspectives of the
world. College is a place where identity development is encouraged, discovered,
challenged, and celebrated. The fourth reason for the participants identifying as gay Black
males was how society views them. Scholars Woman (2012) and Collins (2004) posits
sexuality is further theorized through the lens of heterosexism, which is identified as a
freestanding system of power similar to racism, sexism, and class oppression that
suppresses heterosexual and homosexual African American women and men in ways that
foster Black subordination. Thus, society’s lens of white privilege and heterosexism
identifies gay Black males as gay and does not acknowledge their race/ethnicity as part of
their identity. Rickey and Karl spoke to these sentiments. Rickey says, “I kind of think of
race as a secondary identity because I identify more with certain attributes that are
common across race in the LGBT community” (personal communication, October 30,
2013). In echoing Rickey’s opinion, Karl says, “I identify more and closest to the LGBT
community and it’s how others view me as well” (personal communication, October 13,
2013).
Identifying as gay Black male students on a predominantly White campus set a tone
for the participants and their navigation at their perspective institutions. In the Black
community, the reception of a gay Black male was generally negative and rejecting, while
the LGBT community was very welcoming and accepting. The challenges and problems as
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 84
a gay Black male were not only “double burden” as Harris (2003) described, but in some
cases they were further complicated by society’s view of their masculinity. The
participants did not necessarily question their masculinity, but the larger society’s view of
them as less masculine, made them feel uncomfortable with heterosexual groups,
specifically with heterosexual Black males. As a result, participants found that their
primary identity was gay and not Black.
To understand self-identity is to ask the question: Who am I? Self-Identity is
composed of relatively permanent self-assessment, such as personality attributes,
knowledge of one’s skills and abilities, one’s hobbies, and awareness of one’s physical
attributes. The men from this study reflectively asked this question and they say they are
gay Black men. This particular finding highlights that there is some distinction from
identifying as gay Black males and Black gay males. In this study, being gay was more
salient than being Black based on their experiences with self and others.
Coming-out - Disclosing One’s Sexuality
Being gay is not like turning on and off a switch. Being gay is being the attracted to
the same-gender. This can be expressed publicly or privately. However, coming-out is a
different form of expression and acknowledgement. Coming out is telling someone else
that you are gay. Some people first tell their close friends or family member. For the men
in this study, coming-out was liberating. But before they could come out, they had to self-
identify their sexuality. While they had different experiences that helped them developed
an awareness of being “different” than other Black males, there were facets of their stories
that were similar in nature. Thus, building a common thread that integrated their Black
and gay identities.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 85
The four respondents describe some common experiences in dealing with their
sexual attractions during childhood and adolescence. All participants were aware of their
sexual attraction to other boys as early as elementary school. Karl recalls, “I knew in the
back of my head for a long time since elementary school” (personal communication,
October 13, 2013). Three of the four participants feared that family and friends would
discover their attraction to the same sex, hid it, and did not acknowledge it for fear of
rejection by family and friends and because of their religious teachings. “When I first
became aware about being gay I said, ‘okay, this is it. I am gay. I remember praying a
lot…praying every night that when I would wake up I would be straight’”, Rickey discloses
(personal communication, October 30, 2013). Participation in sports or sport-like
activities, dating or interactions with opposite sex, and acting “straight” were described as
ways in which the participants hid and suppressed their attraction to other boys. Rickey
remarks:
It was during junior high school I had an internal struggle. Do I assume that I am
gay? Do I say anything about it? Or do I play this straight card? This is what I did, I
played the straight card. (Personal communication, October 30, 2013)
All four participants recalled childhood and adolescent periods lasting several years when,
to varying degrees, they felt fearful, isolated, confused or uncomfortable. This speaks to
Identity Confusion, the first stage of Cass’s (1979, 1984) Sexual Identity Model. This stage
is also consists of a period of secrecy and feelings of shame and the belief that something
was wrong or bad about themselves. Some of the participants repressed their sexual
feelings. All of them became depressed for some periods. These emotions, in turn, made
them feel uptight and guarded around peers, especially, other Black males.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 86
As young boys, the participants were taught at an early age not to “act” like a girl. As
young adult males, they have grown up to fear femininity in themselves and other men who
act feminine. Levinson et al. (1978) found that men neglected or repressed the feminine
sides of self, or regarded those parts of themselves as feminine and as a being dangerous.
Today, the message is still perpetuated through encouraging those who are struggling with
their sexual identity to hide what is perceived to be shameful and the threatening truth
about themselves (Suave, 1998). All participants were told that being gay was wrong and
unacceptable. Rickey recalls, “I remember my mother saying, ‘if any of my sons were gay
she would really like for them to voice it to see if she can do anything to fix them.’ I was like,
I am definitely not going to say anything now” (personal communication, October 30,
2013). This message supports the constant fear, rejection, and disappointment the
participants felt in denying their truth.
Struggling with the feelings of shame, guilt, disappointment, and rejection if others
knew their truth, all participants were in Cass’s (1979, 1984) stages two and three, Identity
Comparison and Identity Tolerance. Identity Comparison occurs when one accepts being
gay and Identity Tolerance occurs when one acknowledges being gay. Participants
described their early years of high school as exploration. While they all did not openly
disclose their feelings and truth, they all sought out to discover what “truth” meant for
themselves. One participant found comfort in the support of marriage equality among the
LGBT community, others found comfort in their social group with athletics and peers.
While the participants’ acceptance of their sexual identity was internal, they all navigated
and explored ways to learn more about the community building both positive and negative
experiences. In addition to self-exploration within the LGBT community, one commonality
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 87
they all shared was that none of them found any gay Black males role models. Treyshon
states:
Because there were no Black people who I knew were “out” that were getting
scholarships to college and/or playing on national athletic college teams, I kept my
secret hidden. I was never exposed to anyone who was successful, Black, confident,
masculine, and gay. (Personal communication, November 20, 2013)
The absence of Black role models further distant their feelings of isolation and
discouragement from the Black community. Nevertheless, all of the participants continued
to struggle to find ways to accept, integrate, and express their sexuality publically.
By the senior year of high school, all the participants had fully came out accepting
and acknowledging their sexual identity as gay. In their process of coming out, three young
men came out to their closest friend, and one initially disclosed to his mother. All the
young men felt apprehensive in their initial disclosure; however, they all received
supportive responses from those they initially told. They all felt relieved, yet they were
selective with whom they decided to disclose their sexual identity in fear of those who
knew would be discriminating and violent towards them.
While self-disclosing was a difficult experience in fighting fears about self, the initial
feeling of coming out, publically, was liberating and empowering for all the young men.
Friends and peers were mostly accepting and supportive; and the coming out process
increased self-confidence, self-acceptance, self-esteem, and fostered greater intimacy in
their lives. After coming out, the men all seemed happier and more comfortable with
themselves and more comfortable with others. These closely compliment Cass’ (1979,
1984) Identity Acceptance/Identity Pride stages. In these stages, one becomes more
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comfortable telling family and friends about their identity, involve themselves in gay
community, and express themselves and their “gayness” without shame.
Racial and Cultural Dissonance
Racial and cultural concerns played a part in the development and execution of
coming out. Intersectionality is very important in the identity of gay Black males. While
there may be more expression with one identity than another, they do not exist without the
other. Each identity plays an intricate role in the development of who they are. When the
participants were asked how being Black affected their decision about coming out, all said
they were heavily affected, specifically as it relates the Black community and its negative
perspectives on homosexuality and masculinity. Karl echoes the sentiments of the
participants by stating, “It has affected me a lot because of the whole thing of homophobia
in the Black community” (personal communication, October 13, 2013). While all
participants identify gay as their primary identity and most salient, their reluctance to
coming out was mostly attributed to their racial, cultural, and spiritual identities.
In addressing the first research question regarding the issues, challenges, problems,
and possibilities that Black gay males encounter in managing their sexual identity and
racial identity on campus, all participants felt a divide between the Black community and
the LGBT community on campus. Black students on campus were not welcoming of gay
Black males, and the LGBT community was more accepting and supportive. All participants
experienced distance and sometimes overt rejection from the Black community on campus,
especially when it came to Black-related functions or events. The experiences of these
young men covered the gamut of topics from light versus dark skin, socioeconomic status,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 89
not being Black enough, and not being masculine. Karl describes his frequent experiences
going to Black events or student organizations. He states,
When I go to the Black Culture Center, I feel like everyone looks at you, which made
me feel unsettling and uncomfortable. And when talking about LGBT stuff, the
themes discussed is predominantly spiritual and Christian-based because of the
connection of the Black community, Christianity, and religion. (Personal
communication, October 13, 2013)
Similar in his experience, Rickey shares,
Definitely being Black has affected my decision on coming out. In regards to my
family, it has been a little more difficult but it has actually been a lot easier to come
out to people who are not gay and not Black. I feel the reason why that is the case is
because being gay and Black amongst Caucasians, Asians, and other people of
different races softens being Black. It makes me more palatable as a Black man.
(personal communication, October 30, 2013)
When the participants were asked about their interactions with Black students on
and off campus, three out of the four had limited interactions with the Black community
intentionally. Only one young man felt he had good interactions within the Black
community. Some areas of concern from the participants were in the areas of Black Greek
Letter Organizations (e.g., masculinity, stereotypes), athletics (e.g., masculinity) and
residence hall living (e.g., guilty by association, fear – becoming gay). All four participants
perceive the Black community on and off campus as hostile toward gay men and intolerant
of homosexuality.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 90
While challenges exist among the Black community, there are also challenges among
the LGBT community as well. All of the participants’ dating experience reveals a preference
men of color. Half of the participants preferred dating other gay Black males and the other
half preferred gay Hispanic males. All but one of the participants were open to other races.
The LGBT community on campus was made up mostly of White students, making dating
more challenging for the gay Black male student. All attribute their dating preference to
their socialization on campus. While Black or Hispanic may be their preference, based on
the dating pool on the predominantly white campus, most options are limited.
Despite the fact that there is some racial and cultural dissonance among the Black
gay community, one fact that is consistent among most of the participants is the support
and resources sought out in the LGBT center on campus. Research question two asks about
the resources, supports, and skills Black gay males students used or could they have
benefitted from in dealing with the challenges they face in college. There is an LGTB center
on the participants’ campuses, and three out of the four frequent the LGBT center more
than often, identifying it as a safe space. Although there were few gay Black males who
frequent the LGBT center, the participants recognize there are still challenges within the
center as it relates to other gay students. While it is somewhat easier to meet other gay
students on campus, some of the challenges and tensions surround the ability to identify
with multiple identities. Karl says,
I am probably the only Black gay male who is active in there. I know some of them
are like Hispanics and some of them are Caucasians, but kind of hard to be in a
group where you identify with one thing but you kind of don’t identify with another
aspect of social identity in that sense. So, it is kind of a disconnect…because of the
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 91
cultural things and cultural barriers that we don’t identify. (personal
communication, October 13, 2013)
The social dynamics of LGBT center on campus provided a safe space for the
participants, but with a White agenda, meaning all the programming and events are
focused on the White participants it mainly serves. While the participants feel safe and are
welcomed in the LGBT center, the social dynamics are still challenging when coupled with
the multiple identities, specifically around race. Race, class, gender, and sexuality are
contextually rooted in history and geography (Weber, 1998, 2001). Therefore, race, class,
gender and sexuality must be understood within a specific historical and global context. In
that, the young men still found great dissonance in conversations and discussions
specifically around race and class. DeWayne states,
There is a whole kind of like stratification with only wanting to hook up with certain
color or certain race or class. That happens on our campus where there are a few
men that I have been interested in but like me as a person. Because of the fact that I
was Black, they would never date me or would want to have sex with me. I am not
really sure if that is just a collegial thing or kind of like transposes throughout the
entire community as a whole, but it is definitely visible within the LGBT center and
community. (personal communication, November 11, 2013)
Of the four participants, only one is affiliated with any Black student organizations.
However, all of them made attempts to affiliate themselves. Three of the four attempted to
become a member of a Black Greek Letter Organization, though only one is a current
member. Treyshon shares his experience in his relationships with other Black students on
campus,
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 92
I have good Black relationships on campus. I am on the Black Student Association
executive board. I am in the 100 Black Men executive board. I am the key director
for my fraternity. I am on the NPHC’s executive board. I am in the Gospel Choir.
However, with some Black males, they act different and distant. (personal
communication, November 20, 2013)
All participants expressed some feelings of discomfort interacting with other Black
students in general. Karl states, “I know a lot of other Black students, however, my
interactions with them are vastly different from the interactions with the ones that are gay
and Black and those that are heterosexual” (personal communication, October 13, 2013).
Others report being guarded around Black students and having strained relationships with
some members of the Black community, especially straight Black men. None of the young
men spoke of blatant verbal or physical harassments, all mentioned subtle dislikes, looks,
and put-downs from by other Black students as part of their negative experiences.
The Black community has played a negative role in the support for gay Black males.
The social dynamics within the Black community with other Black students continues to
heighten the negative stereotypes and myths about being gay and Black. Most of the
participants adamantly describe their conflict with the Black community around the role of
the Black male, which is to be strong, a provider, feared, and masculine. In the Black
community, being a masculine Black male has credibility. Being gay does not, but to be
Black and gay…minimizes credibility as a man and within the Black race.
Masculinity
All participants felt relieved to have come out of the closet. However, they all have
experienced questions about their manhood and masculinity. Many straight males in the
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 93
Black community raised most of the questions. Within the Black community, as a kid,
young boy, teenager, or adult, Black males were taught that there was no such thing as
being somewhat soft, weak; having feminine traits, or being interested in anything that the
average male would not be interested in. The rules were unspoken. You had to be
dominating, masculine, heterosexual and a ladies man. The participants were asked what
kind of racial, ethnic, or sexual discriminations they experienced on campus. Three of the
four participants described their interactions and experiences with Black Greek Letter
Organizations. They stated that their experiences with BGLOs were negative and
unreceptive toward Black gay males on campus. While the participants did not account for
any direct or blatant sexual discriminatory incidents, they were very open about how they
were treated and felt among the Black fraternities. Karl reports,
I was attempting to join an all-Black fraternity…it is obvious that I am gay, but I
don’t try to hide it. At first, I was invited to events and received information about
the intake process, then all of the information just stopped. There were other
people who continued to get information and they made it. That was like
discrimination to me because of my sexuality. I wasn’t going to be like a super
masculine macho man…I am going to still be me. (personal communication, October
13, 2013)
Attitudes and priorities of members of Black fraternities are very different from
those most commonly associated with white Greek membership, and this creates a
different Greek membership experience for Blacks and Whites (Fox et al., 1987; McClure,
2006). BGLOs play a significant role for the Black community on a college campus in
providing a social scene for members and non-members. BGLOs also connect members to
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 94
Black history and function in the creation and maintenance of social networks that connect
members to each other and to society (McClure, 2006; McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook,
2001; Rotolo, 1999). The need to belong to a BGLO demonstrates connectedness,
community, unity, ethnic and racial pride, and social integration among the Black
community which was desired by the young men in this study. However, identifying as gay
and Black brought isolation, discrimination, and rejection from the Black Greek community.
DeWayne shares,
I have friends that are Greek. They have preconceived notions about gay people and
I feel I need to break those stereotypes…gay people can fit many different
molds…they can also be a person in the Greek system as well. (personal
communication, November 11, 2013)
Unlike the power associated with Black men’s athleticism, participation for gay male
athletes is normally associated with feminized terrains like ice skating, cheerleading, and
gymnastics as well as other nonaggressive sports, such as swimming, running, and diving
(Adams, 1993; Anderson, 2008; Anderson & McCormack, 2010). Another area of concern
expressed by the participants regarding their masculinity was related to athletics and
sporting activities. Three of the four participants participate in athletic activities in college.
Two are involved on NCAA athletic sport teams. Research shows that organized,
competitive team sports are highly homophobic in Western cultures (Anderson 2000,
2011; Hekma 1998; Messner 1992; Pronger 1990). Homophobia in athletics is prevalent
because sports, particularly contact sports, have an institutional culture in which
hegemonic masculinity is reproduced and defined. An athlete is thought to represent the
ideal of what it means to be a man—a definition that is predicated in opposition to what it
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 95
means to be feminine and/or gay (Anderson, 2011; Connell 1995; Messner 1992). When
the participants were asked about the difficulties or tensions they experience, DeWayne
stated,
If they are an athlete and they are Black and they are gay then it is their own little
world. It is just interesting to see the prejudices and attitudes that team members
have about race and sexual identities. (Personal communication, November 11,
2013)
Treyshon also shares, “I have yet to meet a Black athlete who is confident and gay and
open. There is one, but we have beef and he is on another athletic team” (personal
communication, November 20, 2013).
While some teammates made it difficult and expressed negative opinions and
attitudes about the participants’ open sexual identities, some coaches also made their
disappointment and intolerance known. Treyshon recalls, “As far as my most of my
team/peers, those who have a problem with me being gay have not really told me they
have an issue with it. The only person who has said anything negative was my coach”
(personal communication, November 20, 2013).
Another participant suggests that the unquestioned perpetuating of prevailing
cultural stereotypes about Black masculinity, gender roles and sexual identity are reasons
for homophobia in the Black community. According to this student, society and the Black
culture promotes Black men to be confident, strong, conceited, angry, powerful, and sexual
conquerors (personal communication, November 11, 2013). However, being gay and
Blacks parallels to being weak, feminine, girly, and powerless…less than a man, especially
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 96
in individual sports. Rickey describes an incident where being gay, Black does not equate
to being weak. Rickey goes on by saying,
I was at the tennis club and a couple of the guys that I was playing with they didn’t
know I was gay. They asked me, “Oh, are you dating anyone? If you want, we will
hook you up with someone we know.” I was like, “No I am good. I am dating this
guy.” Then they were quiet. I noticed afterwards that, when I would play with them,
they would become very, very aggressive. Afterwards I asked, “Hey what is up?
Every time I played with you guys, you got pissed if you lost.” And one of them just
said, “Hey, I felt I shouldn’t lose to gay guys because I am not supposed to lose to gay
guys.” Then I was like, “Well, I am sorry. You probably should probably practice
more. Then, you probably wouldn’t lose to me.” (personal communication, October
30, 2013)
Navigating between the gay community and the Black community on and off campus is part
of the lifestyle all participants described as difficult. Three out of the four primarily
associate only with gay males, on and off campus, regardless of race or ethnic background.
Only one participant found acceptance in both groups where he was able to navigate
between the gay community and the Black community on campus. Most of the participants
found it easier to interact with the gay community. However, all felt emasculated, in some
way, by the Black community. The more masculine they acted, the more acceptance they
felt they had from the Black community, especially Black men. Treyshon shares,
“I have noticed that my Black guy friends never address me being gay and act like I am
straight, I don’t know why. I mean I guess they think I don’t seem gay and act more
masculine. I feel like I seem gay” (personal communication, November 20, 2013).
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 97
Religion/Spirituality
All participants report that religion has played an important role in their lives.
Religion was also one of the reasons for their delay in coming out of the closet. All four
participants and their families were raised in Christian churches. One student belonged to
the Catholic Church, and the others belonged to Black Baptist or fundamentalist churches.
Three of the four were frequent churchgoers because their families were heavily involved
in the church community, and one of the participants was the son of a preacher. For these
students, religion was one of the cornerstones of their social support as they grew up.
Rickey says,
Religion had taken a bigger focal point in our house, especially with my mother.
Now, religion, in its very strict since, isn’t as important to me, but spiritually I am
very wrapped up within spirituality…I believe in a higher power. (personal
communication, October 30, 2013)
Black churches in the USA constitute a significant source of the homophobia that pervades
Black communities (Ward, 2005). All four participants share similar sentiments about the
Black church and homosexuality. They indicate that the churches in which they were
raised condemned the gay lifestyle and preachers openly preached against being gay.
While religion was a significant variable in the delay in the participants’ coming out, it had
a disturbing impact on two participants’ lives by diminishing their self-esteem, encouraging
fears of disclosure, and shame. Treyshon states,
I use God as a driving point in my life, but, recently, it is kind of like I believe in God,
but I don’t really like going to Church because I had to always go growing up, so I
really thought it was a voluntary thing. It was something that we just did because
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 98
my dad, who was the preacher, was there and it was his profession. It is different
when your dad, your family and everybody always have eyes on you all the time.
When hearing my father preach against gays, I knew that, in some way, I was being
addressed even though I had not said anything to anybody. (personal
communication, November 20, 2013)
Since coming out, all participants have re-defined their religious identity compared
to how they were raised, resulting in the discontinued practice of organized religion. Two
participants report their identity as spiritual, adamantly distancing themselves from
organized and structured religion. One identifies as agnostic and another as atheist.
Because Black culture has traditionally placed a strong emphasis on structured religion
(Green, 1994; Monteiro & Fugua, 1995; Suave, 1998), religion influences some of the
participants to still attend church services and worship, using faith as a coping resource in
dealing with being gay.
Support from Campus LGBT Center
In this study, 75% of the students frequent the LGBT Center on campus more almost
daily. They define the LGBT Center as a safe space and a place where they could be
themselves. When the students were asked what reference groups and resources are most
important to them, most of them talked about the LGBT centers on their campuses. Karl
says,
The LGBT community and LGBT Resource Center has been a great resource for me.
I mean, if I am having a bad day, issues with my boyfriend, or just to talk about
situations or problems, the LGBT staff are great people to talk to. (personal
communication, October 13, 2013)
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 99
The participants spoke highly about the staff at the LGBT centers on their campuses. Their
experiences and participation in activities planned and supported by the LGBT center staff
were engaging, open, supportive, educational, and inclusive. While the experiences were
mostly positive in the LGBT centers, three of the participants spoke about a more specific
group sponsored or housed within the LGBT centers. This group was a closed forum for
students of color who identified as LGBT. Within this group, students felt free and open to
talk and share their experiences about being Black and being gay on and off campus.
Rickey shares his experience in this group stating, “this group is identified as students of
color and gay; it is where I feel the most comfortable in the center and on campus”
(personal communication, October 30, 2013). Sharing some similar sentiments, DeWayne
says,
We just started a group that is identified for those who are students of color and gay.
It is a way for students identified as LGBT and of color to converse and share
experiences. There have been a few meetings and the start has been good but slow.
(personal communication, November 11, 2013)
Another resource identified was counseling services because it helps students with all
issues, not just concerns surrounding sexual identity
The staff members at the LGBT centers have come to know many of these students
quite well. All participants say the LGBT centers and their staff have been helpful when
dealing with their challenges as gay Black men on predominantly White campuses. The
small identified groups that focus primarily on gay and Black identity was most helpful to
these men. Rickey shares his experience about the support he received from LGBT staff
saying this,
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I turn to this staff member for support. I would go there and voice my opinions on
what happened throughout the week and have kind of like a good open sit down
with the group that identified as students of color and gay. (personal
communication, October 30, 2013)
Family Affairs
All participants report that disclosure of their sexual identity was challenging with
family members. Two participants come from a two-parent household. Two participants
come from a single-parent household where their grandmother was a large influence in
their upbringing. Two of the participants have little or no relationship with their fathers.
Two students found their relationship with one of their two parents strained. The
relationship with the other parent became emotionally stronger. In spite of the spirit of the
relationships, coming out to family members posed several challenges and problems in the
lives of these students. While disapproval was the initial reaction when all the young men
came out to their families, two of the four young men still have strained relationships with
family members regarding their sexual identity. Most of this disapproval stemmed from
the homophobic tones of the Black community and the image it places on the parent. As a
result, there has been some fear of rejection and isolation from family members by the way
of financial support, rejections, and parental blame.
All participants were questioned in early adolescence about their sexual identity.
Coupled with the fear of family disappointment and religious beliefs, the delay of the
students coming out was described as isolating, agonizing, confusing, frustrating, fearful,
and depressing. By the age of 16, three participants had come out and self-identified as
gay. All participants came out to their mothers describing the experience to be difficult and
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painful because their mothers were disappointed and not immediately supportive. While
there is some disapproval from family members, all of the participants feel stronger, freer,
confident, and more independent even if there are lingering tensions from time to time.
Treyshon states,
Finally when I told my mom. I didn’t tell my dad because I didn’t really, we’ve never
had a close relationship. My mom has always been there and so that is why I told
her. Of course, she didn’t understand. She was so confused, but I was like, “You’ve
always known.” She was, “I don’t care.” I was talking with some of my old friends
from kindergarten about it. They were also there. I was like, “I think our parents
knew.” I am just looking at old pictures and I am like, “Yeah I think I was really gay
as a child. I had this feminine act and yeah. Come on now.” (personal
communication, November 20, 2013)
These students have had to endure the stress of coming out to their family. Some of
the tensions and challenges complicated the issues of how to relate with their families
(Strayhorn, DeVita and Blakewood, 2010; Washington and Wall, 2010). While coming out
has become a freedom and a deliverance from the isolation and self-shame/blame, the
acceptance of family has been a road of fear and victory (Goode-Cross and Tager 2011;
Washington and Evans, 1991). There are still some struggles with family members, but the
love and acceptance for these young men has continued to stay constant.
In summary, the aim of this study was to examine the Black gay male college
population in an attempt to bring voice to a growing segment of the campus community at
predominantly White institutions in southern California. The research questions are
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1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges being on a predominantly
White institution (PWI) campus?
The study found that the men identified themselves as gay Black males versus Black
gay males. All had early childhood attraction to same sex gender, self-identified as gay by
age 16, and consistently struggle with the negative influences of the Black and gay
community. They also experience constant questioning about their masculinity and
manhood, intentionally redefine religion/spirituality, intentionally sought out LGBT
resources prior to attending college, and made significant connections with campus LGBT
center. Lastly, family has been mostly supportive since they have come out.
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CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION AND IMPLICATIONS
The college men who participated in this study were excited to contribute and share
their personal experiences about being Black and gay at a PWI. The stories they shared
were intriguing, engaging, and deeply moving. These men demonstrated trust,
vulnerability, courage, and excitement in revealing their stories. In their conversations, the
men displayed emotions of innocence, confusion, fear, anger, relief, excitement, and joy.
The participants expressed gratitude and appreciation at having someone listen to their
stories and bring voice to their concerns. They hoped that their challenges today become
limited for those to come tomorrow, who also identify as gay and Black. Their involvement
in this study was their contribution to benefit other Black gay college students and to
educate others. The purpose of this study was to examine the Black gay male college
population in an attempt to bring voice to their growing, but salient, segment of the campus
community, specifically at PWIs in southern California.
This final chapter highlights some findings that emerged from the qualitative
analysis reported in the previous chapter. This study specifically focused on three research
questions:
1. What issues, challenges, problems, and possibilities have Black gay male students
encountered in managing their sexual identity and ethnic identity on campus?
2. What resources, supports, and skills have Black gay male students used or could
they have benefited from in dealing with the challenges they have faced in college?
3. How do Black gay male students navigate the challenges being on a predominantly
White institution (PWI) campus?
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Guided by interview questions for in-depth insight and understanding about the
experiences of Black gay males in college, this qualitative study used a snowball sampling
approach (Merriam, 1998) due to the nature of the study and the limited amount of
responses commonly collected in prior studies on this topic. Some findings confirm and
clarify themes supported in the literature review. Other findings suggest some possible
new directions for future studies. In addition, the implications of the findings of this study
for colleges and university are discussed.
Findings
It is important to note that the participants in this study clearly have very similar
experiences as Black gay college students. These commonalities, such as fear of coming
out, shame of disclosure, family dissention, feeling of relief after coming out, religious
differences or abandonment, and the lack of acceptance from the Black community, serve
as a reminder that the involvement with the Black community was crucial to navigating the
challenges of attending a PWI. The Black community, like any social or cultural group, is
not an undifferentiated mass but a collection of people as diverse and multifaceted as any
other (Suave, 1998). Navigating challenges as a Black college student at a PWI does not
come with a handbook, but, rather, an unspoken guide of suggestions on how to survive.
However, additional layers of multiple identities make challenges more intricate and
compact. These layers make navigation more difficult and challenging for the student and
the student affairs professional whose mission is to assist students’ academic success,
comfort and confidence in who they are and will become.

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Black Identity vs. Sexual Identity
Understanding the stages that gay students and Black students, especially Black
males, may go through, the study lends support to the stages of Cross’s Theory of
Nigrescence (1971, 1991) and Cass’s model of gay and lesbian identity. The men in this
study navigate between Encounter, stage two, and Internalization, stage four, according to
Cross’s stages. They also navigate between Identity pride, stage five, and Identity
synthesis, stage six, according to Cass’s stages. While Black gay men often retain a strong
attachment to their racial heritage, it is interesting to note that all the men in this study
identify as gay then Black. Independently, all believed that society sees them as gay first,
Black second, therefore identifying them as gay Black males. However, research suggests
that gay Black men usually cite being Black as a more salient personal characteristic than is
sexual orientation and frequently choose the Black community as their primary reference
group (Greene, 1994; Johnson, 1982; Suave, 1998; Wall & Washington, 1991).
Findings also show that three of the men’s experiences with their Black peers were
negative and rejecting, especially surrounding the participation in Black activities, events,
and organizations on campus because of their perceived sexual identity. Cuyjet (2007)
asserts that negative stereotypes from the dominant and Black culture perpetuate
additional obstacle for Black males. Black gay males experience both racial and sexual
prejudices at PWIs (Goode-Cross & Good, 2009; Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011; Harris, 2003;
Washington & Wall, 2006), hear anti-gay messages in Black popular music at Black events
on campus, and experience their heterosexual Black male peers as particularly homophobic
(Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011; Harris, 2003). The experiences of the men in this study
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parallel Cuyjet’s and others sentiments regarding barriers that make it more challenging
for Black males, gay or straight.
Findings from this study show that the men exhibit a confidence in being Black
among their non-Black friends and peers. However, their confidence in their “Blackness”
among other Black students decreases. The confidence expressed by the men describes the
fluidity of Cross’s stages and supports Sellers et al.’s (1995) criticism about the constraints
of using developmental stages versus experiential focus. Unfortunately, stage 3,
Immersion, is where the men expressed deep concern. In the immersion stage, the
individual becomes deeply involved in any activity associated with being “Black”. Most of
the men of this study made attempts to participate in activities, events and organizations
identified as “Black.” However, due to their known or perceived sexual identity, the men
felt ostracized and rejected from the Black community on campus. Similar sentiments were
echoed in scholars research that highlights challenges of integrating multiple social
identities (Bowleg, 2013; Crawford et al., 2002; Icard 1986; Wilson 2008).
Coming Out
The men in this study lend support to Wall and Washington’s (1991, 2006) position
that integrating racial identity and sexual orientation is challenging. Many of these men’s
challenges were significant issues regarding family, religion, and the Black community.
Coming out for these young men was a difficult but necessary decision. They all specify, as
early as elementary school, their first awareness of same-sex attractions. Savin-Williams
and Diamond (2000) and Diamond (2014) posit that the first awareness of same-sex
attraction occurs at eight or nine years of age. They also state that first disclosure occurs
around 18 years of age. Findings in this study show that the men self-identified as early as
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junior high school and came out of the closet by their junior or senior year of high school.
While gay males are coming out at an earlier age than they did 20 years ago, it still remains
to be seen if there is a difference in age between Black and White gay men. This question
remains for future investigators to determine.
Celebrating milestones such as births, baptisms, rites of passages, marriages, and
deaths within the Black community holds high to family traditions. Religion is a strong
influential foundation in which many, if not all, of these traditions are held true. The Black
church is a cornerstone for the Black community. According to Ward (2005) and Clarke
(2011), the Black church is identified a significant source of homophobia which encouraged
silence among the Black gay male. Reflecting on their process of coming out, these men all
feared what their families would do and or think if they knew the truth about their sexual
identity. Ward (2005), Findings show they all came out to a close female friend before
coming out to their families. The men felt that coming out to a friend felt more comfortable
and safer. Similar to other ethnic and racial groups (Monteiro & Fugua, 1995; Suave, 1998),
the effects of “coming out” were empowering and liberating. It became the courage needed
to confront their family with the secret they had been hiding for so long.
In addition to disclosing their sexual identity to their close friend, which was female
in all cases, their disclosure to their family was met with opposition, anger, and
disappointment. Results from this study show that all the men had one supportive and
accepting parent. The other parent was angry, non-supportive, and in denial. While
coming out was empowering, it was still met with some hardships, especially with the
mothers. In this study, three of the men continue to have strained relationships with their
mother or maternal figure since disclosing their sexual identity.
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Issues Within Black Community on Campus
Findings from this study confirm the frequent reports of homophobia that persists
in the Black community. In Holland, et. al (2013) research and similar to the men in this
study, expressed concern about the Black community’s hostility, negative attitude and
perceptions of intolerance toward gay Black men. While the men of this study encountered
common racial dissonances such as light skin vs. dark skin, socioeconomic differences and
attitudes, and not being Black enough, the attitudes about their gayness was isolating,
insulting and emasculating. Three of the men in this study straddled the fence of
interactions with the Black community on campus due to homophobic attitude they
experienced in the past and at their current institution.
As identified gay Black males, the men in this study felt Black students on campus
did not seem welcoming, especially once their sexual identity was questioned or known.
Harris, et. al. (2011) describes the norms of gender expression for Black men as being
homophobic and negative, thus the men of his study having a fear of femininity. Therefore,
and similar to Harris, et. al (2011), the men in this study felt Black males were the most
distant with little to no public acknowledgement or friendships because of their known or
suspected gay identity.
Reflecting on their experiences, majority of the men in the study described their
experiences with Black associated clubs and organizations as minimal to non-existent. The
institutions where these men attend school have organizations that support students of
color and their identity needs. Three of the men in this study attempted to be affiliated
with a Black Greek-Letter Organizations. Two of the men felt marginalized, ostracized,
discouraged, and rejected from becoming members. The two men described their
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experience with the members as being mostly positive when one-on-one, but, as a group,
they were collectively cold and distant. However, one man in this study found success and
support within his fraternity. While he is out as a gay Black male, the topic about his sexual
identity is not discussed, and he feels as though fraternity members treat him no differently
than they do any other member.
Issues Within Gay Community on Campus
One of the findings in this study that remains consistent with previous research and
literature (Icard, 1986, 1996; Loiacano, 1989; Suave, 1998) is participants’ experience with
racism within the gay collegiate community. While there are organizations for LGBT
college students, the organizations are dominated by a “White agenda.” This “White
agenda” deterred Black gay students from affiliating due to Black students’ perceptions
that these groups frequently engage in political activism, militant public demonstrations,
discriminatory practices against ethnic minorities, and unwitting promotion of White
standards of beauty (Suave, 1998). While three out of the four men were avid participants
in the LGBT centers on their campuses, all participants described feelings of negative racial
climate from within the center and the institution. All the participants felt there were more
Black gay males on campus, but those men did not go to the LGBT center or participate in
gay events because they felt alienated from gay student groups and they did not want the
label of being “gay”.
Nevertheless, all participants participated and/or joined a gay student group or
organization on their perspective campuses. While there was some comfort in being in a
group or organization where they felt supported as gay students, there was also some
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discomfort within these gay student organizations. Rickey recalls a conversation about
going to an event and dating:
There are a few men that I am interested in, and I don’t have to date a Black guy
because I am Black. However, I had gone to an event hosted by the LGBT Center and
I was told by a White gay guy that the fact is they may be interested in me as person,
but, because of the fact that I am Black, they would not want to date me (personal
communication, October 30, 2013).
Spiritual Reconciliation
Black culture has traditionally placed a strong emphasis on religion and spirituality
(Green, 1994; Nadal & Rivera, 2013; Monteeiro & Fugua, 1995, Suave, 1998). Similar to
prior research on gay Black college males (Harris, 2003; Wall and Washington, 1991,
2008), one of the main challenges that Black gay males consistently deal with is the issue of
religion/spirituality and the negative attitude of the Black church. In this study, all the men
grew up and were taught that religion was a strong part of their culture. Unfortunately, the
lessons taught and negative attitudes toward homosexuality were reasons they hid and felt
ashamed of who they were. Rickey states:
Religion has been a big focal point in my house, especially with my mom…I do
remember my mom kind of pressuring me as to why I never had like a long-term
relationship. I do remember my mom asking me one time when I was 13 or 14, If
any of her sons are gay she would realize before them and just see if we can do
anything about it. So I was like, I definitely can’t tell her…religion and her beliefs
would make her hysterical and try to pray it out of me or something (personal
communication, October 30, 2013).
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As result of this negative and shameful feeling, these men were made to feel, their “double
life” became necessary to protect them from the ridicule from the Black community and the
embarrassment it may bring upon their families.
Although Black culture and religion was a significant part of these men’s upbringing,
since their coming out and/or self-disclosure, their attitudes about structured religion
changed. All of the participants took some steps away from sort of structured religion.
They all identified themselves as religious while growing up in their families. However,
half of the men identify themselves as spiritual and the other half as atheist or agnostic.
Due to their experiences in their youth and the current views of the Black church, the men
in this study have grown to make sense of religion for themselves, which also includes their
sexual identities.
While it seems as though the men of this study settled on a religious identity, a few
of them still remain active with some form of a worshipping community. Similar to other
identity formations, questions continue to arise and push the continual and ongoing
inquiry about race, sexual identity, and faith. Further exploration of Black gay males’
journey could provide valuable information on how they reconcile sexual orientation and
religion.
LGBT Centers and Support
Findings from this study confirm that the participants understand the importance of
community. Contrary to other studies (Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011; Hayes, 2014), three-
fourths of the participants reported receiving great support from the LGBT center on their
predominantly White campuses, which also included a group that was specific designed for
LGBT students of color. The same could not be said about one of the participants involved
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in the study. While he knew about the identified LGBT group of color, he felt his ethnic
identity was more salient in his relationship with Black clubs and organizations; therefore,
his participation in this group was very limited to almost non-existent. Treyshon supports
this by stating, “I have been to the LGBT Center a few times to get information on events
and concerts, but I am not going to sit there and shoot the breeze or talk about my personal
life” (personal communication, November 20, 2013).
Interestingly, the men in this study chose their college based on having a strong
LGBT community. Having self-disclosed by the time they graduated from high school,
having a safe and supportive gay community was high priority for these young Black men.
They understood that their identity as gay Black college students would be challenging, but
the existence of support helped in making their experiences better and somewhat easier.
While the LGBT centers at these campuses were helpful in supporting the
participants in their journey as college students, it is important to note how they identified
other institutional agents, on and off campus, who were also helpful in their navigation
through their college experiences. All participants spoke positively about their experiences
with many university-provided resources on the campus of the PWI. As other studies
found, the men in this study felt being mentored by peers, faculty, and staff with whom they
felt comfortable disclosing their sexual orientation, helped them to have deep commitment
to the institution and to their persistence in their endeavors (Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011).
All participants discussed faculty and administrative staff who were invested in them as
students. Admissions staff, deans of an academic areas, residence hall coordinators, and
counseling services were a few of the resources these men named as part of their support
team.
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Limitations
While this study provides insight about gay Black males at PWIs in southern
California, sampling seems to be a concern for studies focusing on gay Black males. This
study was not an exception. Many gay Black males are reluctant to openly and willingly
discuss the identity, even on a college campus. Although the participants in this study were
open to the interviews, it was still challenging for them to recommend others to do the
same. Expanding the time to collect data would help in getting a larger sample.
Another limitation was that the time of the year may have influenced the sampling
size. The request to participate was made during midterm exams. While there could have
been more students who wanted to participate, students’ priorities and focus was on exams
and papers. Due to the challenges of this population, the snowball method was also used to
gain subjects for the study. One of the participants pointed out that he knew of other Black
gay students, but he did not think they would participate because of midterm exams.
Despite the fact that the time of the interviews was during midterm exams and they were
too busy to participate, the assumption made was that those who did not participate after
being asked by current participants did not do so because they were afraid and
uncomfortable.
Implications for Practice
The findings of this study raise several implications regarding how people can
better understand the experiences of Black gay males. Sexual identity is an ongoing
process, and the men in this study understand and express that self-acceptance of their gay
identity made them feel more complete and free. Although the participants were college
students, it is possible that other Black men in and out of college can relate to some of the
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experiences and perspectives they describe. One implication of this study is the need to
understand the duality of race and sexual identity as related to the participants on campus.
Often, many used the phrases “Black gay male” and “gay Black male” interchangeably, and
this used is linked with a verbal expression of one’s identity. In the context of this study,
the participants made it clear that their gay identity was primary. Student affairs educators
should find ways to support these individuals and be mindful that literature is limited as to
the difference, and extra caution should be taken to understand that difference through the
lens of those who ascribe to it.
Another implication of this study is the coming out experiences of Black gay men in
college. The coming out experiences of Black gay males is different from those of White gay
students, which is a criticism of Cass’s Sexual Identity Theory. Few people are aware of
these differences, and, hence, there is not much research on the topic and needs to be
explored. Thus, student affairs educators could benefit greatly from an increase awareness
of the unique challenges faced by Black gay males in college.
In addition to the need for increased awareness, student affairs education can play a
significant role in helping these students deal with the negative experiences related to their
sexual and racial identity. Participants described feelings of isolation, depression and
rejection, specifically among Black affiliated organizations or groups. As for other Black
males on campus, the negative experiences had implications for emasculation of most of
the men in the study. Negative attitudes and stereotypes from the Black community are
part of the reason the men in this study list gay as their primary identity. Therefore,
student affairs educators, specifically those of similar identities, should ascribe to Wall and
Washington’s (2006) mentoring and role modeling which could be beneficially to Black gay
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males on campus. In addition, mentoring and role modeling could afford them the
opportunity to benefit from interactions with people who understand their identity and
care about them and their development as students.
Recommendations for Black gay Males at PWIs
Several recommendations may help improve the experiences of Black gay males at
PWIs. Responsibility is not only on the institutions that assist in the development of
students in their journey through college, but some of the responsibility is on the students
as well.
Black gay males on campus often have challenges voicing their concerns and finding
a safe space to do so. DeWayne and Rickey both mentioned Black gay males are not seen or
heard on campus. DeWayne explained, “There are other Black gay males on campus. I
know of quite a few, and some are on the down-low. It is challenging to get Black gay men
to unite on campus. The fear is too great” (personal communication, November 11, 2013).
While institutions can assists in having safe spaces for this population, the Black gay male
student must speak up about his concerns on campus and in the community.
Another recommendation is to seek role models and mentors who have a vested
interested in the success of Black male students who happen to be gay. There is a lack of
mentorship and role models in the Black gay community at large. Some of the participants
discussed how challenging it was to come out of the closet, but, if there were a prominent
Black gay figure, it would be an encouragement and make things easier. Treyshon
described his journey from high school to selecting a college as difficult. Since he was an
athlete and gay, the lack of Black gay males who are also athletes and gay was a
discouragement for him and a reason to keep his secret. He states, “I really was not
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exposed to anyone who was successful, gay, Black, confident, and masculine. I know this
sounds stupid, but I don’t want to be subjected to this stereotypical gay person” (personal
communication, November 20, 2013). Black gay male figures are slowly surfacing and the
Black gay community should be encouraged to seek out mentorships, which will encourage
both their racial and sexual identities.
Creating and seeking safe spaces is another recommendation for Black gay males on
campus. In this study, the participants found a safe space in the Black LGBT group affiliated
within the LGBT centers on their campuses. Black gay males should seek these groups or
try to form them on their campus their own support and for the education of others. While
these groups have low participation, mobilizing this group and explaining what it means to
be gay and Black would help to educate both the White LGBT community members and the
Black community members.
Recommendations for Student Affairs Professionals
During the study, the participants noted a few instances where student affairs
professionals and institutions could improve their support for Black gay men on PWI
campuses in southern California. Student affairs professionals should find ways to support
Black gay males on campus. Some of the participants reported a lack of support from
faculty and staff. Besides the staff members in the LGBT centers, some of the participants
were unsure of whom to talk to about issues they may face. It is important for staff to make
it known that they are allies and a resource. This knowledge may make it easier and more
comfortable for students to approach them and have those conversations. By having an
open and honest relationship about being an ally, this population will learn to trust the
student affairs professional.
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Another recommendation from one of the participants is for faculty and staff to go
through annual diversity and sensitivity training or cultural competency training. This
training will keep institutional agents (i.e., faculty, staff, and administrators) up to date
with current trends, help them become aware of racial microaggressions and their impact
on Black students, and also provide them with knowledge about practices that could be
used to support the development and success of Black student and the multiplicity of their
identities. Moreover, this training will also promote a more supportive social and
educational environment and raise consciousness about the needs of Black gay students.
These changes could be efforts to support the formation of groups and other services
designed specifically for the needs of Black gay male students on campus and lead to more
empathy and better treatment of this population.
For the gay Black male, being gay and Black are not the only things they face as a
college student. Throughout the thread of one’s college journey, the question(s) of
religion/spirituality, race, ethnicity, culture, gender, and sexual orientation surface. And
often, these characteristics are not independent of one another. Intersectionality must be
recognized in order to bring assistance to this rising population. While there are the Black
cultural centers, LGBT offices, gender studies, ethnic studies, religious studies, and student
services, the collaborations of intentional events and programs will aide to the success of
this population. Examples of collaborative efforts could include events between the Black
culture center and the LGBT center on campus. Another example could be programming
efforts that involve healthy discussion on religion and sexual identity. These departments
and offices function within their own silo thus encouraging the divisive attitudes that exists
for Black gay male college students, described in this study and others similar. Student
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affairs professionals and the institutions they serve will create a safe and healthier
environment Black gay male students thus giving them the voice that has been silence for
years.
Future Research
While conducting this study, several ideas for future studies appeared evident.
Some are directly linked to this study and others are ideas that would help add new
knowledge to this topic and support or adjust finding from the current study.
Black gay males attending PWIs in southern California were the focus of this study.
Future research should examine how the Black gay male student sees himself through the
lens of how others view him at PWIs in other regions of the country. The participants in
this study did not view their identities as separate entities, but their sexual identity
emerged as significant. Further research may provide more depth of information about
this specific area of Black gay male students’ experience.
Further research is warranted on the factors of the Black gay male students’ need to
code switch and hide parts of their identity. Acting masculine to avoid suspicions of being
gay may explain some of the pressure of gender role norms for Black men and how these
conflict with their non-heterosexual identity. This implication not only relates to the
experiences of participants’ in this study, but it also reflects the need for more theories that
acknowledge the complexity of multiple identities. Gay identity theory (Cass, 1984, 1991)
and Black identity theory (Cross, 1995) have often been applied in research as separate in
the developmental processes of students. In this study, racial identity and sexual identity
were used as frameworks for how Black gay male students negotiate their identities within
a PWI in southern California. This data might be used to advance existing or create a new
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theory to include information about the influence of masculinity on racial and sexual
identity development.
Future research could also explore how Black gay males seek mentors and identify
role models and how they affect their achievement. This study investigates some of the
influences of institutional agents, but more in-depth information would be helpful in
identifying the support needed for this population. It would be interesting to extend upon
past work (Worthen, 2014) and explore the significant relationships between membership
in the athletic or the Greek system (fraternity and sorority) and other cultural/social
experiences. Research is limited that could inform student affairs professionals who work
in area of Greek Life and athletics about the internal psychological factors that discourage
non-heterosexual identity and promote the hyper-masculine attitude.
Finally, further research around religious identity as a Black gay male would be
insightful. In this study, it was recognized that the participants all came from a strong
religious background. However, their religious identity shifted after they became
comfortable and self-identified as gay. While there is research surrounding race, gender,
and sexual identity, there is limited research on how the formation of religious identity
shifted after self-disclosure. Future research could assist student affairs professionals in
understanding Black gay students’ multiple identities, context, and influences.
Conclusion
In closing, this study was conducted in hopes of understanding Black gay males’
experience through their negotiation of race and sexual identity as well as their use of
institutional agents as positive influences, resources and means to survival on a campus
that traditionally frowns on the invisible, silenced, unknown and rejected. Information
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presented here adds to what is known about Black gay males at PWIs, issues of perceptions
(society’s and their own), institutional support, and social experiences. This study found
that the participants (1) identify themselves as gay Black males; (2) self-identified as gay
by age 16 and chose their college based on LGBT attitudes and support on campus; (3)
noted their challenges with negative stereotypes, racial microaggressions in mainstream
and White LGBT communities on and off campus, heterosexism in Black communities, and
gender role pressure from straight Black males to act “masculine;” and (4) found solace in
the LGBT center on their campus by participating with the LGBT group of color. These
findings can help institutions and student affairs professionals gain a better understanding
of what it means to be a Black gay man who attends a PWI in southern California. While the
stories of these participants varied and they shared different experiences, being Black and
gay was a real and challenging experience presented in this study.
How is identity constructed? The process begins in childhood, as one gradually
adopts ways of being and acting to deal successfully with things that do not quite go the
way one thought it should. By the time one reaches adulthood, one may have assembled a
set of practices and approaches, attributes and characteristics that seem to provide a
certain measure of success and make up personality, style, and who one considers oneself
to be. When one begins to see that one’s identity was put together in response to
something experienced, the result is a new freedom in saying who one is and a fundamental
shift in what one sees and knows to be possible. Being Black and gay may be an extremely
challenging experience, but many have found it to be rewarding. This freedom from a
confined “closet” is not only liberating to self, but it is also a freedom from others and their
ignorance about issues related to sexual identity.
BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 121
Scholars and practitioners of higher education must continue to conduct research,
form new or revise previous theories, and develop and create support programs that
strategically encourage multiple identity exploration among 21
st
century college students.
They will do students a disservice by not telling students’ stories and not attempting to
provide services that meet the needs of this unique population.

BLACK AND GAY ON CAMPUS 122
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Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study explores factors contributing to the Black gay men at a predominately White institution (PWI) in southern California using the intersection of race (Cross, 1995), sexual identity (Cass, 1979, 1984), and social capital-institutional agents (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). The purpose of this study is to examine the Black gay male college population in an attempt to bring voice to their growing, but silent, segment of campus community. Four participants voice their concerns of being Black and gay while navigating through the challenges at their institution. Themes that emerged were self-identity, coming-out, racial & cultural dissonance, masculinity, religion/spirituality, institutional support, and family affairs. Participants reported that their sexual identity was more salient than their racial identity in creating social support

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Asset Metadata

Creator Marks, Richard B., Jr. (author)

Core Title As the world turns: being Black and gay on campus in the 21st century

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/21/2015

Defense Date 05/20/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag athlete,Black Community,Black gay community,Black gay males,Black Greek,Black identity,Black males,Cass model,code switching,college gay males,coming-out,Cross Nigrescence,gay males,gay on campus,institutional agents,inter-sectionality,LGBT centers,masculinity,OAI-PMH Harvest,racial and cultural dissonance,self-identity,sexual identity,social capital,Spirituality

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Green, Alan Gilford (committee chair), Baca, Reynaldo R. (committee member), Jiménez y West, Ilda (committee member)

Creator Email jrmarks@usc.edu,rimarks@yahoo.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-601807

Unique identifier UC11299017

Identifier etd-MarksRicha-3664.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-601807 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-MarksRicha-3664.pdf

Dmrecord 601807

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Marks, Richard B., Jr.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA