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The estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii

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The estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii

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Content Running head: ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

1

THE ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

by

Ann Sachiko Domingo Abeshima

________________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2015

Copyright 2015 Ann Sachiko Domingo Abeshima

ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

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DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my preschooler, Allyson Maya Domingo. She is my
motivation to strive for quality early learning.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee Dr. Lawrence O. Picus,
Dr. Dominic Brewer and Dr. Monique Datta for their expertise and guidance throughout this
process. I am especially grateful to Dr. Picus who persuaded me to explore a topic of great
debate and transformation in Hawaii at the time of data collection. Working through this topic of
public preschools in Hawaii has prompted much self-reflection and learning.
I would like to acknowledge my family for their understanding and support as I
endeavored into a long and challenging commitment. I am appreciative of my husband, Rudy
Domingo Jr., for caring for our daughter while I concentrated on school and for the sacrifices he
made in his own career so that I can complete my education. Without my family’s help, this
experience would not have been possible.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgements 3
List of Tables 6
Abstract 7
Chapter 1: Overview of the Study 8
Background of the Problem 9
Statement of the Problem 21
Purpose of the Study 23
Importance of the Study 24
Limitations and Delimitations 24
Definitions 25
Organization of the Dissertation 27

Chapter 2: Review of Literature 28
Benefits of Preschool 30
Three Noteworthy Preschool Program Studies 38
Public Preschool 41
Five Noteworthy Publicly Funded Preschool Programs 54
Financial Aspects of Public Preschool 57
The Evidence-Based Model 66
Summary 76

Chapter 3: Methodology 77
Overview of the Methodology 77
Sample and Population 78
Instrumentation and Data Collection 80
Data Analysis 82
Summary 83

Chapter 4: Results 84
Overview of Population, Participants and Current Issues Surrounding Public 85
Preschool in Hawaii
Results: Research Question 1 92
Results: Research Question 2 102
Results: Research Question 3 118
Summary of Results 123

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Chapter 5: Discussion 126
Discussion of Findings 127
Limitations 133
Implications for Practice 134
Recommendations for Future Research 137
Conclusions 138

References 141
Appendices 157
Appendix A: Three Noteworthy Preschool Programs 157
Appendix B: Five Noteworthy Publicly Funded Preschool Programs 165
Appendix C: Interview Protocols 176

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 2.1. Three Noteworthy Preschool Programs 39
Table 2.2. Five Noteworthy Publicly Funded Preschool Programs 55
Table 2.3. Components for K-12 68
Table 2.4. Components for PreK-3rd 72
Table 2.5. Resource Allocation Model for Hawaii Public Preschools 75
Table 4.1. Participants 87
Table 4.2. Estimated Number of Preschool Enrollees Based on Estimated 101
Percent Participating
Table 4.3. Estimated Total Implementation Costs 105
Table 4.4. Resource Allocation Model for Hawaii Public Preschools 109
Table 4.5. Modified Evidence-Based Model Computations for a Universal 111
Four Year Old Preschool Program
Table 4.6. Sensitivity Analysis for Four-Year-Olds 114
Table 4.7. Total Cost of Preschool Per Child 117

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ABSTRACT
This study applies a modified version of the Evidence-Based Model for school finance adequacy
as a framework to estimate the overall cost as well as the per child cost of public preschool in
Hawaii. The purpose of the study was to assist educational leaders and policymakers as they
discuss and explore options for public preschools in Hawaii. This study also aimed to determine
the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool as well as consider
possibilities for funding. A mixed method approach: qualitative data from five educational and
political leaders’ interviews; and quantitative data from public documents and databases, were
utilized. Calculations from the modified Evidence-Based Model revealed that the estimated per
child of public preschool in Hawaii is $9,975. Findings from this study indicate there is an
uncertainty regarding a public preschool program plan, the State of Hawaii has inadequate
funding for the current public preschool program according to calculations of the modified
Evidence-Based model, and that public preschool is not yet a priority in the state as seen in the
lack of funding offered. This study concludes that there is still much more work to be done to
plan and promote a public preschool program in Hawaii, as well as to understand the finances
involved in such as system.

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CHAPTER 1
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Early childhood education has become a focus of the public as a clear component of
education in the recent decade. Previously, a concern mainly for families, the education of
preschool children suddenly developed as a popular responsibility which citizens, educational
leaders and policymakers support (Zigler, Gilliam, & Jones, 2006). The distinct industries of
early childhood education and K-12 public school education are drawn together through recent
and rapid advances in preschool programming in the United States (McCabe & Sipple, 2011) as
a result of the interest in and movement toward public preschools in the United States. The
development of preschools is prompted as research evidence promotes early childhood education
as the most effective ways to promote children’s educational success (Reynolds & Temple,
2006). Increased investment in effective preschool education programs for all children have
found to produce considerable educational, social, and economic benefits (Pianta, Barnett,
Burchinal, & Thornburg, 2009). Nationally, preschool has become a priority of the Obama
administration as well (The White House, 2013).
Historically, early care and education has served children birth to age five though a mix
of private child care agencies, home based care and federally sponsored Head Start programs
(Barnett, 2011; McCabe & Sipple, 2011). In the last decade, there has been a push by federal and
state governments to educate three and four year olds through public preschools. These are
typically called universal or targeted preschool programs. Currently, there are a variety of these
publicly funded preschool programs in 40 states of the nation, including classrooms at public
schools and private preschool. In 2012, more than 1.3 million children attended publicly funded
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preschools, 1.1 million of the children were four year olds (Barnett, Carolan, Fitzgerald, &
Squires, 2012).
As the nation progresses to implement public preschools within its state and district
educational systems, it is fundamental that Hawaii also gives children the opportunity to enhance
their education through formal programs. Until 2014, Hawaii was one of the 10 states that did
not have a publicly funded preschool program. Since the 1980s Hawaii has been working on a
variety of initiatives to offer education to preschoolers (Barnett et al., 2012). However, progress
in Hawaii has been minimal. For example, in the first year of Hawaii’s public preschool
program, it only served 420 children or 2.4% of the four year old cohort.
One of the first steps towards accomplishing a comprehensive public preschool program
in Hawaii is to determine the resources necessary for a public preschool program. This study was
designed to determine the estimated cost of implementing a public preschool program in Hawaii
and how these preschools should be funded. The aim of this study was to organize and present
data that will assist Hawaii’s policymakers and educational leaders as they continue to explore
options for public preschools in this state.
Background of the Problem
To better understand the movement of public preschools in the United States (US), it is
necessary to frame the problem. This section will first discuss the federal motivation for public
preschools, President Barack Obama’s Preschool for All Initiative. Then, essential information
will be presented regarding the recent issues surrounding the education of preschool children
nationally and in Hawaii. More specifically, the issues to be considered are: funding, access to
preschool and the reality that preschool-aged children are not entering kindergarten with the
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skills necessary to succeed. Finally, this section will review the current state of preschool in
Hawaii to introduce the landscape of early education in the state.
Before discussing the issues surrounding the education of preschool aged children, it is
important to understand that while the needs of early childhood education have historically been
met for many by the large private sector, public programs have recently been implemented to
fulfill both popular demand and political agendas (Brown, McCabe, & Sipple, 2011). The public
preschool movement was started at the federal level. State preschools were initiated by the
federal government, unlike the creation of the K-12 educational system by local governments
(Zigler et al., 2006). More recently, President Barack Obama is a proponent of early childhood
education. In his tenure, he has made historic investments in the Head Start and Early Head Start
programs to reach an additional 61,000 children. Under President Obama’s leadership,
enrollment in Early Head Start in particular has nearly doubled. The Head Start/Early Head Start
programs also have new rigorous benchmarks (The White House, 2013).
In his 2013 State of the Union address, President Obama insisted that high-quality
preschool be accessible to every child in America, proposing a new federal-state partnership
(The White House, 2013). The President requested that states provide all low- and moderate-
income four-year old children at or below 200% poverty with high-quality preschool, while also
expanding these programs to reach additional children from middle class families and
incentivizing full-day kindergarten policies. This investment, financed through a cost-sharing
model with states, is predicted to help close America’s school readiness gap and ensure that
children have the chance to enter kindergarten ready to learn. In order to access federal funding,
states would be required to meet quality benchmarks that are linked to better outcomes for
children (The White House, 2013). President Obama’s proposal would invest $75 billion over
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ten years to help state governments expand access and improve the quality of preschool
(Lindsey, 2013).
This momentum of increasing public preschool is not only occurring at the federal level.
In 2013, 27 governors mentioned early childhood education as a priority in their state of the state
addresses (Lindsey, 2013). In 2012, in the State of Hawaii, Governor Neal Abercrombie created
an Executive Office on Early Learning (Vast, Reinhart, Flynn, & Brandt, 2012) and projected an
investment of $3.5 million in 2013-2014 and $28.9 million in 2014-2015 for 3,472 children to
attend preschool (Executive Office on Early Learning [EOEL], 2012). Some consider preschool
for all children a central concern for the nation as well as individual states and public preschool
is supported by top lawmakers.
Funding
Funding is one of the first considerations regarding the implementation of public early
education. Funding is integral in any part of education as funding informs how resources can be
allocated and who and what will be affected. Generally, there seems to be a discrepancy between
the general support of the ideas of preschool education and the actual amount of funding
allocated to early childhood education. Although various financial resources are being proposed
and policymakers, educators and business and community leaders acknowledge the impact of
preschool education for young children, some believe that the United States does not invest
enough money in early childhood education and care (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2013).
Currently, the only federal dollars toward early education are allotted to Head Start/Early
Head Start and the Child Care and Development Fund (Isaacs, Edelstein, Hahn, Toran, &
Steuerle, 2013). Between 2011 and 2012, there was a 12% decrease in federal funds (Isaacs et
al., 2013), which meant that families had cutbacks in childcare assistance available to them. In
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turn, this likely created difficulties for families to pay for preschool (Schulman & Blank, 2012).
Isaacs et al. (2013) estimate that although federal spending is projected to increase over the next
decade, child related spending, including resources in early education, will decline by 25%.
Across the states, government spending per preschool child has decreased by more than
$1,100 since 2001-2002. In 2012, total funding for state preschool programs was about $6.12
billion, a decrease of more than $548 million in the past decade. Reported total funding per child
equaled $4,596, down more than $400 (inflation-adjusted) from 2010-2011. These reductions in
funding per child were widespread with 27 of the 40 states that offer state-funded preschool
reporting declines in 2011-2012 (Barnett et al., 2012). In 2012-2013, there was a slight increase
in funding, $36 per child, adjusting for inflation. Still, 81% of the children enrolled are served by
programs where funding per child is inadequate to provide a quality early education (Barnett,
Carolan, Squires, & Clarke Brown, 2013). Many of these state preschool programs did not meet
the benchmarks for quality standards due to lack of funding. Forty one percent of the children
were served in state funded preschool programs that met fewer than half of the quality standards
benchmarks (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
In Hawaii, some argue that the funding for young children is also not adequate for
sufficient early childhood education (Connors-Tadros, Silloway, Mayman, & Dahlin, 2012).
Connors-Tadros et al. (2012) identified 47 programs administered by the state across four
agencies, 14 community based programs, and 10 foundations that support children, prenatal to
age five and their families. Total public and private funding for early childhood (licensed care) in
the State of Hawaii in fiscal year 2011 was approximately $639 million, comprised of 47%
federal funds, 22% state funds, 8% private foundations, and 23% private parent pay. However,
the state had very little discretion over these state and federal funds and these resources cannot
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be invested in other services (Connors-Tadros et al., 2012). The study shows that much of state’s
funds went to preschool special education and Medicaid. Federal monies were to fund Medicaid
and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, focusing on the health and nutrition of young
children. The actual amount of state and federal funds going to early childhood education was
$12.3 million or just 1.9% of the total (excluding Individuals with Disabilities Education Act).
In Hawaii, private funding, $48 million, came from 10 foundations supporting children,
prenatal to age five and their families. The majority of this money came from Kamehameha
Schools to operate prenatal to three and preschool programs and scholarship programs
throughout the state (Connors-Tadros et al., 2012). In 2011, parent fees accounted for 23% or
$151.2 million of all funding dedicated to young children and their families statewide (Connors-
Tadros et al., 2012).
The data above supports the suggestion that that although there is an endorsement of
preschool for all children, there is a discrepancy, as the amount of funding does not correspond
to this priority. This is apparent at both the federal and state levels, as budgets for young
children are either not being allocated for mainstream preschool education, or if there are some
resources, these resources are not sufficient in meeting the demand. Private funders, including
families, still are accountable for paying for much of current preschool education and there are
not enough public monies dedicated to the state’s young children.
Access to Preschool
Limited access is the second significant issue related to the education of preschool-aged
children. This issue is important because the current preschool system in the United States does
not reach all children. In fact, fewer than half of American children ages three and four
participate in early childhood education programs (Kids Count, 2013a; Russo, 2007). In 2012,
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49% of children age three and four in Hawaii were not enrolled in a preschool (Kids Count,
2014). While there are no empirical studies to explain why almost half of preschool aged
children in Hawaii are not participating in educational programs, other studies across the nation
may give some insight.
According to a study completed by Peisner-Feinberg, LaForett, Schaaf, and Hildebrandt
(2013), there are barriers for families to enroll their children in Georgia’s state pre-K program.
Thirty-nine percent of families indicate that the application process is the most significant barrier
for families to enroll their children in preschool. The challenges within the application process
included the number of forms to complete, the application format, the submission process, and
the lack of availability for support for non English speaking families (Peisner-Feinberg, LaForett
et al., 2013).
In Illinois, access to preschool for all three and four year olds is guaranteed.
Nevertheless, in some communities, only a fraction of the children eligible for preschool are
enrolled (POWER-PAC, 2009). In a survey of 5,000 parents and caregivers in 19 low to
moderate income, racially diverse Chicago neighborhoods, barriers to enrolling children in
preschool included transportation, preschool schedules conflicting with parents’ work schedules
and child care needs, parents unaware of the importance of preschool and families lacking
information about preschool options. Some parents felt their child was not ready for preschool,
other families worried about the potential loss of state child care subsidies when a family
member cared for their child and the cost of child care co-payments. Parents were apprehensive
about enrolling in their child in preschool due to confusing documentation requirements and the
lack of preschool slots available in some neighborhoods (POWER-PAC, 2009).
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Another barrier to children entering preschool is the lack of childcare financial assistance
for families, which can be used for preschool programs. Affordability of care is affected not only
by whether eligible families receive a subsidy, but also whether that subsidy is adequate to
purchase childcare at the current market rate (Moodie-Dyer, 2011). In the survey taken by the
Los Angeles County Department of Public Health (2007), 67% of the families could not afford
childcare. Between 2011 and 2012, cutbacks to child care assistance funds left many families
behind where they were in 2001. These cutbacks meant that states increased their income
eligibility limits as a dollar amount to adjust for inflation and in nearly 20% of the states,
families paid a higher percentage of their income in copayments in 2012 than in 2011. In 2012,
half of the states had waiting lists or frozen intakes for some families applying for assistance
(Schulman & Blank, 2012).
Federal regulations recommend that state child care subsidy rates be set at the 75
th

percentile of current market rates, a rate that is designed to allow families access to 75% of the
providers in their community. In 2012, only one state, New York, set its reimbursement rates at
the 75
th
percentile of current market rates. Twenty-eight states were at least 20% below the 75
th

percentile of marker rates (for four year old preschool center based rate) (Schulman & Blank,
2012). The current reimbursement levels do not reflect the increased cost of childcare over the
past decade as many states have not updated their market rates (Moodie-Dyer, 2011). Being
burdened by additional costs may cause families to chose lower quality care and more
inexpensive care (Moodie-Dyer, 2011) or as a result of the lack of child care subsidy, families
who cannot afford private preschool and cannot access public preschool are essentially shut out
of the system (Lindsey, 2013; Schulman & Blank, 2012).
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The childcare subsidy landscape in Hawaii varies when compared with that of the nation.
According to a study by Schulman and Blank (2012), Hawaii’s income eligibility limit was
247% the poverty rate in 2012, a decrease from 2011. Since 2008, the state changed the
copayment structure to ensure that no eligible family is on a waiting list and to minimize the
impact of changes in income eligibility causing big spikes in families’ copayments. The new
copayment structure increased the amount of copayment required of parents receiving subsidies
(Connors-Tadros et al., 2012). A family of three with an income 150% of the federal poverty
level at one child in care paid about 17% of their income. A family of three with an income at
100% of the federal poverty level and one child in care paid about 13% of their income. The
nation wide average amount that families who pay for childcare is 7.8% of their income
(Schulman & Blank, 2012). Hawaii is at the 70th percentile of the market rates as reimbursement
rates were last updated in 2008 for licensed care and 2010 for license exempt care (Connors-
Tadros et al., 2012; Schulman & Blank, 2012). The lack of childcare subsidy has created
considerable burdens for many families in Hawaii, especially those with more than one child
below age five (Connors-Tadros et al., 2012).
The numerous barriers for families, such as the lack of preschools, the lack of knowledge
of preschools options and difficulties with the application process, in addition to the decrease in
child care subsidy assistance makes preschool challenging to access for all children and their
families. This is a critical area of concern as state and federal governments attempt to progress
toward public preschool because before any preschool program can be successful, these barriers
for children and families must be resolved.
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School Readiness
The third and most significant dilemma regarding early childhood education is that
America’s children are not ready for elementary school. This is a key concern as the lack of
kindergarten preparedness has created an achievement gap (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009; Hair,
Halle, Terry-Human, Lavelle, & Calkins, 2006; Heckman, 2011). Historically, schools tried to
ensure that more children are ready for kindergarten by raising the entry age, hoping that an extra
year of maturation would help children to be more ready for the formal classroom education.
Schools also created school readiness testing and transitional kindergarten classes (Zigler et al.,
2006). However, research shows that young children across the nation are still not ready for
kindergarten (Hair et al., 2006; Hawaii Department of Education & Good Beginnings Alliance,
2012; Kids Count, 2013b; EOEL, 2012). In a study completed by Hair et al. (2006), a substantial
proportion of their nationally representative sample of children were at risk of inferior health and
social-emotional development and had below average language and cognition skills. The
teachers surveyed in this study believed that 35% of the children were not ready for school (Hair
et al., 2006).
In Hawaii, the following state definition of school readiness became law in 2002: “Young
children are ready to have successful learning experiences in school when there is a positive
interaction of the child’s developmental characteristics, school practices, and family and
community support” (Grace & Brandt, 2006, p. 252). The study completed by Grace and Brandt
(2006) suggest that children who are healthy and can get along with others, communicate their
wants and needs, and self-regulate themselves in the school environment have the foundation
necessary for academic learning. In 2011-2012, only 47% of kindergarteners had social
emotional behaviors and 25% had essential reading and math skills to succeed in school (EOEL,
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2012). According to the Hawaii State Department of Education and the Good Beginnings
Alliance (2012), only 8.1% of kindergarten classrooms met the benchmark of consistently
displaying key skills and characteristics for kindergarten. This means that 91.9% of all Hawaii
public kindergarten classrooms’ students entered kindergarten without the skills necessary for
success in school. Kids Count (2013b) maintains that the nation is far from ensuring that all
children have the opportunity to enter kindergarten ready to succeed.
Achievement gaps are becoming apparent among young children. Children who scored
poorly at kindergarten entry were most likely to experience continued difficulties in the
elementary years (Hair et al., 2006). Heckman (2011) asserts that large gaps were evident in
cognitive stimulation and emotional support in the early ages. By age eight, most American
children were not on track in cognitive knowledge and skills and many were behind in social and
emotional growth, physical well-being and engagement in school (Annie E. Casey Foundation,
2013). Inequities among children remain persistent (Kids Count, 2013b). The lack of skills
continues throughout childhood and strongly influences adult outcomes (Heckman, 2011).
This issue is important to early childhood education as well as K-12 education. It is clear
that the two worlds of early childhood education and K-12 public education are not
complementary to one another. This is a dilemma for the educational system and for society as a
whole. The lack of school readiness and the early achievement gap is a strong argument for
publicly funded preschools.
Early Learning in the State of Hawaii
As a final piece to the background of the problem of public preschools, it is valuable to
understand where Hawaii is in the process of starting public preschools. In July 2012, the
Executive Office on Early Learning (EOEL) was established to coordinate efforts on behalf of
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19
Hawaii’s children from prenatal to age eight by creating partnerships and aligning policies and
programs for health, safety and school readiness (Barnett et al., 2012). One of EOEL’s long-term
goals is to ensure that all of the Hawaii’s three and four year olds receive high quality early
learning services before they enter kindergarten (Vast et al., 2012). This early learning system
would involve voluntary participation of families, and address affordability and access, shared
responsibility between families and state, and partnerships with the private sector to build
resources funding and quality of early education (EOEL, 2012). One component of the plan was
to address the fact that by the start of the 2014-2015 school year, 5,100 children who were once
eligible for kindergarten were not able to attend due to the kindergarten age change (from age
four to age five by July 31) (EOEL, 2012).
In 2013, the EOEL requested $8 million from state funds to support school readiness
initiatives. The program included three methods to increase capacity and provide preschool
access to children:
1. Preschool Open Doors, which is funded through the state Department of Human
Services. Preschool Open Doors offers families’ childcare subsidy for children to
attend private preschools (Early Learning Advisory Board, 2014).
2. Hawaii State Department of Education (DOE) and EOEL partnership to create a four
year old program on DOE campuses. This funding will be given to EOEL, then to the
DOE through a Memorandum of Agreement. The preschools will be operated within
the DOE structure and staffed by Hawaii State Teacher’s Association/DOE teachers.
This Senate Bill proposed 32 classrooms in 30 schools statewide and an enrollment of
640 children who will be four years old by July 31, 2014, those children affected by
the kindergarten age change. Eligibility will also based on income qualifications. The
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20
preschool program will be modeled after the classrooms established in the Kau-
Keaau-Pahoa complex on Hawaii Island that established a preschool system with
Race to the Top funds and the W.K. Kellogg Foundation funded P-3 grant. The
participating schools, that have already been identified, are rural, currently receive
Title 1 funding and are in communities with limited preschool capacity. Additionally,
the identified schools have a four year old program and principal support. The EOEL
will offer early childhood education expertise and training (Early Learning Advisory
Board, 2014; EOEL, 2014a).
3. Family Child Interaction and Learning Programs (FCILP) that support families in
preparing their children for school (Early Learning Advisory Board, 2014).
Recent policy and legislative developments regarding early childhood education in
Hawaii also consist of use of Department of Education and Charter Schools for public preschool
classrooms, contracting with third party providers for Family Child Interaction Learning
Programs, and spending public funds in private early education programs to meet the early
education initiative (Good Beginnings Alliance, 2014).
Also of significance is that in May 2014, the Hawaii State legislature passed a bill to
make kindergarten attendance mandatory for all children who are five years old by July 31
(Good Beginnings Alliance, 2014). In 2014, the EOEL received $3 million of the $8 million
requested to fund public preschool. Twenty one classrooms of four year olds in 18 schools
statewide, or 420 four year olds were able to attend public preschool in the 2014-2015 school
year (EOEL, 2014b).
Other events that were significant in the start of public preschool in Hawaii is that in
November 2014, Hawaii State Governor Abercrombie, who championed public preschool, ended
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21
his tenure in office. This meant a change in political leadership and the uncertainty of the EOEL,
a state office. Also in November, 2014, SB 1084, a bill that supported a Hawaii State
Constitutional Amendment to allow public funds to support private preschool providers
(Proposing an Amendment to Article X, Section 1, 2013) was defeated. Lastly, Hawaii was
awarded a federal Preschool Development Grant that will open preschools in local charter
schools in the 2015-2016 school year.
Although legislation and initiatives have been proposed to create a publicly funded
preschool system in Hawaii and some progress has been made, there is very little mention of the
actual cost of this venture. There is even less information about where the monies will come
from to sustain this public preschool system. Thus, this study explored these areas.
Statement of the Problem
The intention of public preschool is to help all children get ready for learning
opportunities that will increase school readiness, strengthening their chances of succeeding in
school and later in life (Malakoff, 2006; Zigler et al., 2006). Early childhood education is one of
the most effective ways to promote children’s educational success (Reynolds & Temple, 2006).
Increased public investment in effective preschool education programs for all children can
produce substantial educational, social, and economic benefits (Pianta et al., 2009) for the child,
families and society as a whole. High quality preschool is especially effective for low-income
children (Kids Count, 2013b; Malakoff, 2006).
Nationally, fewer than half, 46%, of three and four year olds attend preschool (Kids
Count, 2013a; Russo, 2007). Current public policies for childcare, Head Start, and state
preschool fail to ensure that American children attend highly effective preschool education
programs. Some attend no program at all. Others attend educationally weak programs. Children
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22
in families from the middle of the income distribution have the least access, but coverage is far
from universal even for children in poverty (Pianta et al., 2009).
In Hawaii, there are no publicly funded preschool programs serving all children. Similar
to the national averages, more than 40% of Hawaii’s children start kindergarten without having
participated in an early learning program. Additionally, by the start of the 2014-2015 school
year, 5,100 children who were once eligible for kindergarten were not able to attend due to the
kindergarten age change (from age four to age five by July 31) (EOEL, 2012). Making
universally accessible high-quality preschool is a national priority (Lindsey, 2013) and essential
for the state of Hawaii (EOEL, 2012).
A significant challenge is that the cost of quality preschool must be paid up front, while
most of the benefits accrue many years later (Barnett, 2013). Determining this cost for publicly
funded preschool is complicated (Barnett, 2011; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011). In fact, the estimated
financial numbers are widely different depending on the framework used or state used in.
According to Barnett (2011), nationally, the cost to serve 40% of four year olds in a full day
program would be $16 billion a year. Picus, Odden and Goetz (2009) estimated that at a
participation rate of 65% and a class size of 20 plus a teacher and instructional aide, the total
national cost of PreK to 3
rd
grade in 2005-06 would be $215 billion annually (Picus et al., 2009).
In Hawaii, the estimated cost to send a majority of the state’s four year olds to preschool
per year is $150 million (DePledge, 2013). Lynch (2007) claims that the annual cost of a fully
phased in program in 2008, serving all three and four year olds, would cost Hawaii $176 million.
In a report prepared for the EOEL, the estimated total cost of early learning implemented in
2014-2015 in Hawaii would be almost $20.5 million (Vast et al., 2012). Using the Evidence
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

23
Based Model of school finance adequacy, the cost of an integrated PreK-3
rd
grade program in
2005-2006 would be over $860 million for the state of Hawaii (Picus et al., 2009).
Hence, there is an absence of a consistent representation of how much public preschool in
Hawaii would cost. A number of researchers have taken various approaches at different dates to
calculate costs and uniform comparisons cannot be made. This creates a significant dilemma for
preschool financing in Hawaii.
Purpose of the Study
To prepare young children for successful experiences in elementary school and beyond,
numerous researchers recommend providing access to free high-quality early education and care
for all children from age three (Boylan & White, 2010; Committee for Economic Development
[CED], 2002; Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2013; Reynolds & Temple, 2006; Russo, 2007; Stone,
2008). To explore this recommendation, this study analyzed the cost of public preschools for
children ages three to four in Hawaii. This study used a modified version of the Evidence-Based
Model for school finance adequacy as a framework to estimate the overall cost for the state as
well as per child cost for public preschool. This study also explored funding venues to support
public preschool programs in Hawaii. The purpose of this study was to contribute to the
discussion of public preschools in Hawaii.
In response to the problem of decreased funding, lack of access for children to attend
preschool, and children being unprepared for kindergarten, this study aimed to answer three
research questions:
1. What is the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool in
Hawaii?
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

24
2. What is the estimated cost of providing public preschool in Hawaii, and how would
cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolling?
3. What options exist to fund public preschool in Hawaii?
Importance of the Study
The effect of children failing early in their educational career is an economic issue.
Education is an investment (CED, 2002). Heckman, Moon, Pinto, Savelyev, and Yavitz (2010)
state that every dollar invested in high-quality early childhood education produces a 7 to 12
dollar return. Investing early with young children will shape the future instead of remediate gaps
that are harder and more expensive to close (Heckman, 2011). Thus, this study was significant as
it was a proactive approach to supporting young children with early educational opportunities.
For the State of Hawaii, there is an opportunity to consider a public preschool system.
Only about half of preschool aged children attend an early childhood program and by the start of
the 2014-2015 school year, 5,100 children who were once eligible for kindergarten were not able
to attend due to the kindergarten age change (from age four to age five by July 31) (EOEL,
2012). The results of this study offer estimated costs and funding sources that will assist
Hawaii’s policymakers and educational leaders as they continue to explore options of public
preschools in Hawaii. This study is also important as the research offers a possible framework,
the Evidence-Based Model, for estimating the costs of early childhood education programs as
well as other aspects of education in Hawaii.
Limitations and Delimitations
This study focused on estimating the cost of public preschool for three and four year olds
in Hawaii. There were limitations and delimitations in this study. The first limitation was that
since there is no actual public preschool program established in Hawaii, the variables in
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

25
determining the cost of a program, such as number of teachers per classroom, number of children
enrolled, and material and supply costs are estimates and assumed. Another limitation was that
this study does not take into consideration the physical space needed to implement public
preschools and its costs. The study uses data from a previous study to add infrastructure expenses
to the cost of a public preschool program.
Delimitations of this study included the lack of generalizability outside of Hawaii.
Estimated costs and funding venues for preschools outside of Hawaii will not result in the same
calculations. This study focused on Hawaii only as there are many current developments in
public preschool in the state. Additionally, this study only used one theoretical framework, the
Evidence Based Model to school finance adequacy, to estimate the cost of public preschool. This
model was originally created for the K-12 school system and has been applied to a PreK-3
rd

grade, but had never been used to estimate the cost of public preschool in Hawaii. As a result,
some of the variables from this model were adapted to fit early childhood education in the state.
Definitions
To clarify key terms that appear throughout this study, the following definitions are
provided:
Child Care: Programs for children ages zero to five. These programs offer care for
children of working families combined with planned educational experiences. These programs
can be delivered in homes, centers and schools (Feeney, Moravcik & Nolte, 2013).
Child Care Assistance Subsidy: Funds to assist families to pay for childcare. Subsidy is
provided by federal grants and administered by each state individually (Moodie-Dyer, 2011).
Early Childhood Education: Education and care provided in all settings for children
between birth and age eight (Feeney et al., 2013).
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

26
Evidence Based Model: An economics in education framework created by Odden and
Picus that identifies a comprehensive set of school level components required to deliver a high
quality instructional program and evidence for their effectiveness. The Evidence Based Model
determines an adequate expenditure by placing a price on each element and aggregating the
components of the total cost (Odden & Picus, 2008).
Family Child Interaction Learning Program: Programs that are community based early
learning options for families and young children. These programs include an adult participation
piece and are provide direct services to families in a variety of public and private facilities. Most
programs are three hours a day and three days a week (Vast et al., 2012).
Head Start: A national, federally funded program to promote school readiness of children
birth to age five from low-income families. Head Start provides comprehensive services
including health, nutrition, social and others in addition to education and developmental services
for the children. Head Start is delivered by various local organizations in center based, school-
based, and home based environments (Vast et al., 2012).
Pre-Plus: A public-private partnership to develop preschool facilities on public
elementary school campuses and contract private providers to operate them (Vast et al., 2012). In
Hawaii, Pre-Plus began in 2002 and has 17 sites (Barnett et al., 2012).
Preschool: Programs for children ages three to five years old prior to entering
kindergarten (Vast et al., 2012). Pre-K or Prekindergarten are alternate terms.
Public Preschool: For the sake of this study, preschools that are funded publicly, with
federal, state, and/or local funds.
Targeted Preschools: Voluntary preschool programs serving three and four year olds
from families in a lower income distribution (Lynch, 2007).
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

27
Universal Preschools: Voluntary programs serving all three and four year old children
(Lynch, 2007). Some define universal as free preschools (Lasser & Fite, 2011) and others claim
that universal preschools could have a sliding fee scale for parents in certain income levels
(Barnett, 2010).
Organization of the Dissertation
This dissertation is organized in five chapters. The first chapter is an overview of the
study that includes background information about the topic of public preschools as well as the
issues surrounding this topic. The first chapter also includes the reasons why this study is
important and research questions that this study hopes to answer. The second chapter is the
literature review. This chapter will give information about what is already known and studied
about preschools, and public preschools specifically. Chapter 3 is the methodology section and
will explain how the study was conducted. The fourth section will report the themes gathered in
the study and answer the three research questions posed in Chapter 1. The final section of this
study is Discussion, where the finding of the study will be examined and implications of the
study and the topic of the cost of public preschools in Hawaii will be made.

ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

28
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
The United States was among the first of all nations in the world to provide children and
youth equal access to 12 years of public education. This is a stark contrast to the nation’s
position in offering public preschool (Malakoff, 2006). Historically, preschool education was a
concern of the families (Zigler et al., 2006) and the need had been met by a large private sector
(Brown et al., 2011) and paid for by the families (CED, 2002). However, in the last several
decades, the federal government has been driving the initiative for state operated preschool
programs (Zigler et al., 2006). There has been advocacy as well as some resistance to this
objective with fiscal aspects being a significant issue in the movement of public preschool.
A similar picture is painted in the State of Hawaii. Since the 1980s, Hawaii has attempted
several initiatives to provide early learning to preschool aged children. Special Education
preschool, Preschool Open Doors, Race to the Top, Pre-Plus facilities, all of which are for
targeted populations, those children with special needs or those from low income families in
certain communities (Barnett et al., 2012). With this precedent and as the kindergarten admission
age was delayed starting in the 2014-2015 school year, Hawaii is organizing efforts to create a
preschool program that could impact many more children, and in the long run, a universal
preschool system (Vast et al., 2012). This is an opportune time to examine the elements that
would be essential to implement such a program.
In this review of literature, several topics regarding preschool will be discussed. Each
topic supports the understanding and goals of this study. The first section illustrates the benefits
of preschool, in general. This research will set the stage for why preschool education is important
for all children, their families as well as society. This section includes the individual impacts of
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

29
preschool such as academic and school success, social, emotional and health benefits. A
discussion of externalities, such as economic, human capital and workforce benefits is also
included.
The second section of the literature review features three principal preschool studies that
document major academic, social and cost benefits. These programs are the High/Scope Perry
Preschool Program, the Carolina Abecedarian and the Chicago Child Parent Center and serve as
key examples of how preschools positively impact children and society. Additionally, a study
that refutes research claiming that these three programs lead to benefits for young children is
incorporated.
The third section is information about public preschools, in particular. Literature about
the current state of public preschools and the recent debates in the public preschool arena,
universal versus targeted preschool and private versus public approaches will be introduced.
Benefits of public preschool will be reviewed as this information gives more value and meaning
to the promotion of public preschools in Hawaii.
The fourth section describes five publicly funded preschool programs, one from the past
and four currently in operation. The Lanham Act was the first universal childcare program
created by the US government. Head Start is a federally funded preschool for children from low-
income families. Both programs are significant to the history of early childhood education and
serves as useful background knowledge about public preschools. Georgia Pre-K, Oklahoma Pre-
K and the Abbott Pre-K, known to be contemporary model programs in the nation, are also
reviewed.
The fifth section is about the financing of public preschools. The costs of publicly funded
preschools are examined in order to establish groundwork for this study. Sources of funding and
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

30
possible methods to fund public preschool systems are also explored. Additionally, ideas and
strategies that could be implemented to create an adequately funded public preschool system are
presented.
Lastly, the Evidence-Based Model is described as the framework that will be utilized in
this study. The Evidence-Based Model was chosen for this study as it defines research based best
practices for adequacy in schools and can be adapted to preschool education. The original
approach, an adapted PreK-3
rd
Evidence-Based Model, as well as a further modified version that
fits the needs of this study, for Hawaii public preschool, are explained.
Benefits of Preschool
Preschool attendance has a variety of benefits, both for the individual child, their families
and the society as a whole. Benefits are far reaching and effect long-term development of the
child. Early child development intervention can set children on positive social and educational
trajectories (D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010) and tend to produce larger benefits for
economically disadvantaged children and families (Barnett & Nores, 2012). Preschool is
investment in human capital (Gelber & Isen, 2012). Reviewing existing literature that explains
these benefits of preschool is fundamental to understanding the significance of preschool for
young children, their families and society.
This section of the review of literature will introduce the benefits of preschool to the
child. These areas include academic and school success, social emotional development and the
long-term benefits of preschool attendance. The section will also examine research regarding the
benefits of children’s preschool attendance to society, particularly economic benefits. This
information will attest to preschool as a sound investment in the United States.
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

31
Children’s Academic and School Success
Participation in preschool programs is found to have relatively large and enduring effects
on school achievement (Barnett & Nores, 2012; Burger, 2010; Campbell et al., 2012; Reynolds
& Temple, 2008). According to the Committee for Economic Development (2004), children that
attend preschool have the academic skills to perform better in the classroom and complete more
schooling than they would have without preschool. Camilli, Vargas, Ryan and Barnett (2010)
completed a meta-analysis of 123 comparative studies of early childhood interventions. The
researchers found significant effects for children who attend a preschool program prior to
entering kindergarten. The largest effect sizes were observed for cognitive outcomes (Camilli et
al., 2010). Reynolds and Temple (2008) also assert that cognitive skills were increased with
preschool attendance. In fact, the average effect size on cognitive skill at or near school entry
was roughly equivalent to half of a year of growth associated with preschool participation.
A longitudinal study by Vandell, Belsky, Burchinal, Vandergrift and Steinberg (2010),
examined children in non-relative care: center-based care, child care home or in-home care by a
non-relative, in the first 4.5 years of life to predict academic achievement and behavioral
adjustment at age 15. The result determined that higher quality care predicted higher cognitive-
academic achievement at age 15, with escalating positive effects at higher levels of quality.
In the Miami School Readiness Project, studied by Winsler et al. (2008), four year old
children were individually assessed at the beginning and end of their pre-kindergarten year in the
areas of cognitive, language, and fine motor development. Children in preschool made
considerable positive gains nationally compared to other children their age as they started the
kindergarten. The children who started preschool scored at about the 40th percentile and reached
national averages by the end of the preschool year. In the area of language skill, this sample’s
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

32
weakest area, children started the year around the 33
rd
percentile and ended the year at the 47th
percentile. In fine motor development, children also made positive gains, passing the 50th
percentile mark by the end of the year (Winsler et al., 2008).
According to Bassok, French, Fuller and Kagan (2008) who studied low income families
with children in California, those attending a preschool at 2.5 or 4.5 years of age, had
significantly higher cognitive proficiencies at 7.5 years of age. The preschool attendees displayed
cognitive scores between 6.7 and 7.3 percentile points higher in the WISC-IV assessment,
compared with non-preschool attendees (Bassok et al., 2008). However, this study suggests that
the initial cognitive boost associated with preschool attendance is greatest at school entry and
then diminishes as children move through primary school (Bassok et al., 2008).
Preschool education also increases reading achievement for students in the early
elementary grades (Valenti & Tracey, 2009; Tucker-Drob, 2012). Valenti and Tracey (2009)
assessed 214 urban, low socio-economic status public first grade students of mixed ethnicities.
The students in the sample enrolled at an early childhood center that was part of the community’s
public school district. Students who spent the greater amount of time in preschool achieve
greatest gains in reading and literacy, followed by students who spend a moderate amount of
time in preschool, then students who did not attend preschool. Students who completed one year
of full day preschool significantly outperformed students who did not attend preschool or half
day preschool. Half day preschool attendance was not sufficient to help students achieve
significantly greater reading gains than peers who did not attend preschool (Valenti & Tracey,
2009). These significant differences in literacy skills were not apparent at the start of the first
grade year, which supports the cumulative, developmental literacy trajectory in which difference
between children’s literacy achievement increase rather than decrease across time (Valenti &
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

33
Tracey, 2009). In Tucker-Drob’s (2012) longitudinal research of a sample of 600 twins, children
who had been enrolled in preschool scored approximately 0.9 points better in reading at age five
than those who had not been enrolled in preschool. Preschool attendance was prospectively
associated with enhanced reading, particularly for racial and ethnic minorities, children from
lower socioeconomic status families, and children whose parents were rated as less cognitively
stimulating (Tucker-Drob, 2012).
Knudsen, Heckman, Cameron and Shonkoff (2006) explored a factor impacting the
cognitive development of preschool children. The researchers assert that all capabilities are built
on a foundation of competences that are developed earlier. Early experience shapes brain
architecture. There is critical importance of normative early experience for the development of
the neural circuit. Early experience shapes perceptual and cognitive abilities in addition to other
areas of development. There are significant effects of early experience on the development of the
brain and behavior (Knudsen et al., 2006).
Preschool attendance also correlated with educational attainment (Barnett & Nores, 2012;
Belfield, Nores, Barnett, & Schweinhart, 2006; Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). Other studies
demonstrated that preschool attendance positively affects children’s academic success in that
both lower grade retention and less frequent placement in special education classes are
associated with program participation (Belfield et al., 2006; Burger, 2010; Reynolds, Temple,
White, Ou, & Robertson, 2011). Furthermore, preschool attendance had a positive impact on
children’s school progress (Camilli et al., 2010; CED, 2004).
The research reviewed concludes that generally, cognitive skills and school readiness are
increased when a child attends a preschool program. Preschool attendance helps the child
develop and maintain school skills, including language, cognitive, fine motor, reading skills and
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

34
proper brain development. This evidence indicates that preschool helps to close the achievement
gap that is becoming apparent with young children. These skills learned at a young age will
strongly influence future school outcomes.
Other Benefits to Children
Children’s social and emotional development is also important to examine when
discussing the benefits of preschool. There are mixed results when examining the effects of
preschool participation on a child’s social and emotional development. Camilli et al. (2010),
D’Onise, Lynch, Sawyer, and McDermott (2010), D’Onise, McDermott, and Lynch (2010), and
Reynolds and Temple (2008) affirm that preschool increases children’s social skills. According
to Winsler et al. (2008), teachers reported greater socio-emotional strengths (at the 50
th

percentile) and fewer behavior problems (at the 54
th
percentile) for children at the end of one
year of preschool. Other researchers state that preschool attendees have increased self discipline
and behavioral skills (CED, 2004) and significantly less child maltreatment, out-of-home
placement, and juvenile arrest (Reynolds et al., 2011). However, other studies show little
evidence for social adjustment outcomes of children who attend preschool (Campbell et al.,
2012).
Furthermore, researchers have studied long-term benefits of preschool attendance.
Because early childhood education contributes both to children’s educational attainment as well
as social and behavioral development, the benefits of investing in early childhood education are
likely to be broad and lasting (CED, 2004). Long-term effects encompass many aspects of the
individual’s life.
There is some support that preschool attendance improves health behaviors later in life
(Barnett & Nores, 2012; D’Onise, Lynch et al., 2010; D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010). In
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

35
most cases, attendance of preschool programs reduced the prevalence of tobacco smoking
(D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010) and reduced the absolute risk of marijuana use and other
illicit drug use (D’Onise, Lynch et al., 2010; D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010) in
adulthood. Greater physical activity benefit (D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010), better
nutrition, reduced risk for obesity, and better general health were also connected to preschool
attendance (D’Onise, Lynch et al., 2010). Researchers also found that use of seatbelts (D’Onise,
McDermott, & Lynch, 2010) and reduced risks of poor mental health outcomes (D’Onise, Lynch
et al., 2010; D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010) were apparent. Evidence of health service use
among former preschool attendees was inconsistent (D’Onise, McDermott, & Lynch, 2010).
Preschool attendance does not only associate with children’s cognitive and academic
development. These social, emotional and health benefits indicate that preschool attendance
affects the whole individual and has long lasting effects. Although less definite, these benefits
are also a testimony as to why preschools are important for all children.
Benefits to Society
Preschool attendance benefits the society as a whole. It has benefits to the US economy
as well as other advantages related to citizenry. Preschool education is an outstanding investment
(Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). Cost benefit analyses show high returns of investments in
preschool education (Barnett & Nores, 2012; Hustedt, Barnett, Jung, & Goetze, 2010; Reynolds
& Temple, 2008). Preschool would eventually reap positive return for government and taxpayer
budgets (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). At a minimum, the economic return should equal the
amount invested in the program, a return of at least one dollar per dollar invested (Reynolds &
Temple, 2008). Heckman (2011) calculates that early childhood education generates seven to ten
cents per year on every initial dollar it invested. Belfield et al. (2006) estimates that for every
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

36
dollar invested, the yield is $5.67. High quality programs for children at risk produce strong
economic returns ranging from about $4 per dollar invested to over $10 per dollar invested
(Reynolds & Temple, 2008).
Preschool attendance improves productivity of society and the economy. There is a
savings for the government when a child attends preschool. First of all, it costs less for a
preschool attendee to be educated because they are less likely to require special education
services or repeated grades (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009).
Secondly, primary benefits have secondary effects. As preschool program participants
graduate and have higher income, they are more likely to pay increased taxes (Barnett & Nores,
2012; Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009; CED, 2004) and less likely to rely on government assistance
(Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009; CED, 2004). When people’s income increases, this advances
savings and investment, which increases stock of physical capital that further increases output.
The increase in output then, creates more income. People with more income choose to support
their children to get more years of schooling which feeds back into output (Dickens &
Baschnagel, 2009).
Another example of the primary benefits having secondary effects relates to preschool
attendance increasing educational attainment (Barnett & Nores, 2012; Belfield et al., 2006;
Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). The initial impact of increased educational attainment on the
economy is reduction in supply of labor as participants remain in school longer than previous
cohorts. That results in a small drop in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). However, when the
preschool attendees graduate with greater stock of human capital, they are more productive,
which increases GDP. Also, they more likely to be employed at all points in their lives and live
longer than those less educated, which in turn increases labor supply and thus GDP. Those
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

37
employees who attended preschool have improved behaviors on the job, which makes them more
productive and increase GDP (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). Also, as more workers in society
are educated, this provides employers with large pool of skilled workers from which to draw
(CED, 2004).
Lastly, preschool programs increase the parental labor supply. Parents are able to work
when their child is in preschool. Both increase and improve future labor supply and current
parental labor supply increase GDP. Higher productivity and competiveness in the international
marketplace spurs reinvestment and lasting economic growth (CED, 2004).
Preschool attendance also has other external benefits. The Committee for Economic
Development (2004) states that children that receive proper social, mental, and behavioral skills
have the tools to make good choices and are more likely to succeed as adults in the community.
These experiences are the by-product of preschool attendance. Community responsiveness lends
to future generations and assists to break the cycle of poverty (CED, 2004). Early childhood
education has lasting social benefits (CED, 2004).
In addition to an encouraging outcome of preschool to individual children and families,
the benefits of preschools for the society, or externalities, are large and enduring. The impact on
social skills of individuals, as well as the effect on the economy is significant. Preschool is a
great investment for the nation.
Summary
In summary, several researchers have pointed to benefits of preschool attendance for
young children. The benefits impact the child, family and the society and range from better
reading scores in the first grade, to higher pay during employment, to less likelihood to use
drugs. There are considerable economic effects as well. Children who attend preschool programs
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

38
will assist with the economic and social growth of the nation with an increased financial output,
better human capital and improved citizenry. The outcome is that preschools are an effective
investment. These benefits are long lasting and integral to the advancement of the United States.
For these reasons, preschool is a significant aspect of education and should be the beginning of
the educational system in the nation.
Three Noteworthy Preschool Program Studies
In early childhood education history in the United States, there are three significant
preschool programs that have been created for young children and studied extensively (see
Appendix A for detailed information about the three noteworthy preschool programs). The
High/Scope Perry Preschool Program in Michigan (Belfield et al., 2006; Heckman et al., 2010;
Schweinhart & Weikart, 1981), The Carolina Abecedarian Project in North Carolina (Barnett &
Masse, 2007; Campbell et al., 2012; Campbell & Ramey, 1994; Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009),
and the Chicago Child Parent Center Program in Illinois (Fuerst & Fuerst, 1993; Ou & Reynolds,
2006; Reynolds et al., 2011) produced dramatic positive effects on the children they served.
These outcomes were studied immediately after children’s preschool attendance and in
longitudinal studies. Researchers have examined academic and social aspects as well as cost
benefits for all three programs.
In this section, a summary table of these three preschools is presented (Table 2.1).
Following, a study that asserts an opposing view, that counters the benefits of preschool, will be
explained.

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39
Table 2.1
Three Noteworthy Preschool Programs
Name of the
Program
High/Scope Perry Preschool
Program
The Carolina Abecedarian
Project
Chicago Child Parent
Center Programs
Year
established
1965 1972 1967
Participants
in the
Program
• 123 children
• Children ages 3 and 4
• 100% African American
• 111 children
• Children ages 0-5
• 98% African American
• 1539 children
• Children ages 3 to 9
• Low income children
and families
Cost of the
program
$5984 for a two year program in
1979 dollars
$11,000 in year one per child,
$16,000 in years two and three
per child, and $12,000 in years
four and five per child in 2007
dollars
Average of $8512 per child
per year in 2007 dollars
Return of
initial
investment
248% or
$7 to $12 per person per dollar
invested
Federal revenues would
increase by $150 billion in
2007 dollars, 75 years after the
program’s inception (with a
3% discount rate)
Average of $10.83 per
dollar, in 2007 dollars
invested at an 18% annual
return
Benefits of
the Program
• Increased commitment to
school
o Higher school motivation
o Did more homework
o More likely to have
thought about college
• Increased academic
achievement
• Decrease in teen delinquency
• Better parent-child
relationship
• More likely to be employed
o Higher incomes
o Less use of social
services
• Less likelihood of health
issues
• Higher IQ scores
• Higher academic test
scores
• Less placement into
special education
• Less grade retention
• Increased number of
college degrees
• Increased secure
employment
o Higher incomes
o Less use of social
services
• Increased reading
scores
• Increased high school
completion
• Increased years of
completed education
• Lower involvement
with the criminal
justice system
• Higher rates of health
insurance coverage
• Lower rates of
depressive symptoms
• Reduction in substance
misuse and daily
smoking
Citations • Belfield et al. (2006)
• Heckman et al. (2010)
• Schweinhart and Weikart
(1981)
• Barnett and Masse (2007)
• Campbell and Ramey
(1994)
• Campbell et al. (2012)
• Fuerst and Fuerst
(1993)
• Ou and Reynolds
(2006)
• Reynolds et al. (2011)

ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

40
These three preschool programs, the High/Scope Perry Preschool Program in Michigan,
The Carolina Abecedarian Project in North Carolina, and the Chicago Child Parent Center
Program in Illinois provide substantial evidence that preschool attendance benefits children, their
families and society, especially the economy. These benefits include long-term educational
attainment and better income, as well as less crime and increased economic benefits for society.
The cost-benefits for these programs are immense. These principal preschool studies offer
powerful data that implies the necessity of preschool education for young children. Examples of
recent successful preschool programs are provided below.
An Opposing View to the Benefits of Preschool
Much research points to preschool as a significant benefit to the individual, family and
society. However, Lowenstein (2011) argues there are flaws to this conclusion and there is gap
between what researchers claim and preschool’s actual effectiveness (Lowenstein, 2011).
Lowenstein (2011) reviewed empirical evidence and found that most data are based on
results of a small set of impressive but outdated studies. This researcher claims that recent
studies reveal positive, short term effects of ECE programs on children’s development that
weaken over time. Usually preschools benefit children’s cognitive development and academic
achievement in short term, one to two years after entering program, and in some cases
throughout elementary or middle school. Stronger positive effects on cognitive and academic
outcomes are typically found for children from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds
(Lowenstein, 2011).
Lowenstein (2011) asserts that it is likely that if replicated today, the Perry Preschool and
Abecedarian studies would yield smaller and or fewer effects than those reported because the
control groups would consist primarily of children with previous early childhood education
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

41
experience instead of those with no early childhood education experience, as was largely the case
in 1962 and 1972. Perry, Abecedarian and Chicago Child Parent Center samples were small and
consisted almost entirely of low-income African American children. Thus, these finding are not
generalizable. Additionally, more recent analysis of Perry Preschool and Abecedarian Project
were restricted to female participants. Last, all three programs were carefully constructed, high
quality, expensive programs and do not reflect the assortment of preschool programs available to
most low-income families with children today. These three preschool programs were the
exception, rather than the rule (Lowenstein, 2011). As a result, preschool programs cannot be
expected to transform children’s lives in the long run in the absence of additional educational
and social supports and efforts to support children’s long term success must extend beyond the
preschool setting into elementary school (Lowenstein, 2011).
Summary
In summary, these three significant preschool programs, the High/Scope Perry Preschool,
The Carolina Abecedarian, and The Chicago Child Parent Center is strong evidence that
preschools have great individual benefits as well as externalities. As Lowenstein (2011)
maintains, these three programs are the exception, not the rule and the data does not paint an
accurate picture. Although these programs served only a small population of children (low
income and minority children) and would not be replicated in the present day, they are examples
of noteworthy programs in US history and are the prototype of the preschool movement.
Public Preschool
In the United States, federal government support for preschool education takes three
basic forms: Preschool special education, demanding the majority of the budget to offer
specialized services, but serving relatively few children; Head Start, providing direct federal
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

42
grants to local private agencies who deliver services to low income children and families; and
state funded preschool (Barnett, 2010). According to Barnett and Frede (2010), proponents of
state funded preschool for all children, state and local boards of education should be responsible
for providing high quality preschool and partnerships can provide highly effective early
education while meeting child care needs and giving families more choices (Barnett & Frede,
2010).
In this section, the focus of the literature is on state funded preschools, labeled public
preschools for this study. To enhance understanding of public preschools, data about the current
landscape of public preschools and the current debates between universal and targeted preschools
and private and public approaches to preschool in the US will be discussed. These debates are
obstacles to implementing public programs at the state level. The individual and societal benefits
of public preschool will also be reviewed to illustrate the impact public preschools have on the
people and economy of the nation.
The Landscape of Public Preschools in the US
To gain understanding about preschools in the US, it is important to highlight the
movement from private preschools to the current state of public preschools. In 1960, just 10% of
three and four year old Americans were enrolled in any type of preschool setting. By 1970, the
percentage enrolled had doubled, and the vast majority, 70%, attended private programs paid for
by parents. Participation continued to rise, and by the mid-1990s participation had reached
current levels (Barnett, 2010). Today, fewer than half of children ages three and four participate
in early childhood education programs (Barnett, 2010; Kids Count, 2013a; Russo, 2007). About
half these children attend private programs, though often with direct or indirect public subsidies
(Barnett, 2010).
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43
Private preschool is still the only option for many families. Head Start, a federal funded
free preschool education, began in 1965 for low-income families across the nation. By 1975,
Head Start enrolled only 5% of the three and four year olds in the US (Barnett, Robin, Hustedt,
& Schulman, 2003). Barnett et al. (2003) determined that Head Start cannot reach all eligible
children. State pre-K programs followed Head Start’s lead and gave access to preschool children
with disabilities. In 2001, all 50 states had preschool programs for children with disabilities and
enrolled 4.6% of all three and four year olds. States began to create programs for children in
poverty in the mid 1980s. In 1995, the first state-initiated universal preschool was created in
Georgia, followed by Oklahoma. Both gave all four year old children access to free preschool
education (Barnett et al., 2003).
Currently in the United States, 40 states plus the District of Columbia operate 53
preschool programs (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Of the programs in 40 states, 23 programs are
part day, 11 programs are school day, 1 program is extended day, and 18 programs are
determined locally. Thirty-nine programs operate during the academic year and 14 programs
schedules are determined locally. Thirty-one of the 40 states have income requirements for
enrollment into preschool (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
The total number of children enrolled in public preschool is over 1.3 million children, 1.1
million of them being four year olds. This is 28% of the national four year old population and
4% of the three year old population. This number is unchanged since 2010-2011, however, the
actual number of children enrolled decreased for the first time in 2012-2013 (Barnett, Carolan et
al., 2013). In 2013, the District of Columbia served the highest percentage of children at both
ages three and four. Florida and Oklahoma rank second and third in enrollment of four year-olds.
Both served more than 70% of four year olds. With 65% of four year olds enrolled, Vermont
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44
ranks fourth for four year old enrollment. Vermont is also notable for enrolling a high percentage
of three year olds, ranking second for three year old enrollment. Other states enrolling more than
half of four year olds include Wisconsin, West Virginia, Georgia, Iowa, and Texas. Enrollment
drops off fairly rapidly from there, and 10 states with preschool programs served fewer than 10%
of four year olds (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
Public funding for preschool education in the United States is provided at the federal,
state, and local levels (Barnett, 2010). State preschool programs are operated typically though
public school systems but often in collaboration with other community based programs such as
childcare agencies or Head Start (McCabe & Sipple, 2011; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
High quality public programs are few and far between. Less than half the children in
poverty attend a public preschool program at age four and even fewer attend at age three. Many
are enrolled at programs that are not highly effective (Barnett & Frede, 2010). According to
Barnett and Frede (2010), private programs typically have the lowest quality but many public
programs are only a little better.
To create structure around quality of preschools, the National Institute for Early
Education Research has created benchmarks for public preschool (Barnett et al., 2012). These
standards have been adopted by President Barack Obama’s Preschool for All Plan. The
benchmarks include (Barnett et al., 2012):
• Lead teacher has a Bachelor’s degree, at minimum
• Lead teachers must have Specialized training in early childhood
• Assistant has a Child Development Associate certificate or higher
• Teachers must receive at least 15 hours in-service training
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• Early learning standard — National Education Goals Panel content areas covered by
state learning standards for preschool age children must be comprehensive
• Class size of 20 or less
• Ratio 10 children to 1 teacher or better
• Vision, hearing, and health Screening/referral at least one additional support service
must be provided to families
• Provide at least one meal
• Site visits at least once every 5 years to demonstrate ongoing adherence to state
program standards
Several states including Tennessee, North Carolina, New Jersey, Washington, and
Kentucky have public programs that meet many of the quality benchmarks but serve a small
share of preschool-aged children (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). Other states, including
Wisconsin, Texas, and Florida have programs that score high on access but low on quality
(Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). Very few states, Georgia and Oklahoma, have state funded
preschool programs that score high on both accounts- accessible and with high standards (Cascio
& Schanzenbach, 2013).
The landscape of preschools in the US has been rapidly changing and public preschools
are a new concept in the efforts to create access for all preschool-aged children to gain a formal
education. All states have state funded preschools for some population, but universal public
preschool that is implemented with both access and quality is a rarity. Understanding the past
and current circumstance of preschools in the nation are important to build a foundation of what
developments in the field may be to come.
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46
Current Debates of Public Preschool
While many policymakers, educators, and business and community leaders acknowledge
the importance of public preschools for children in the US, there are disputes on how to
implement these programs. The debates between a universal approach versus a targeted approach
and private or public approaches are considered.
Universal versus targeted. Within the discussion of publicly funded preschools, a
subtopic of what population these preschool should serve has gained momentum. Universal
preschools are voluntary programs serving all three and four year old children (Lynch, 2007).
Some define universal as free preschools (Lasser & Fite, 2011) and others claim that universal
preschools could have a sliding fee scale for parents in certain income levels (Barnett, 2010). On
the other hand, targeted preschools are voluntary preschool programs serving three and four year
olds from families in a lower income distribution or a different need (Lynch, 2007).
For the past 50 years the United States has favored approaches targeting public policy on
children in low-income families (Barnett, 2010). Currently, in a majority of states, 32 of the 40
with public preschool, preschool enrollment is determined by income (Barnett et al., 2012).
These preschools are targeted preschools. One main reason why most public preschool programs
have been limited to children from low income families is that much of education policy in the
US focuses on closing the achievement gap between disadvantaged students and their higher
income peers (Barnett & Frede, 2010). By targeting high quality early education services in the
short-term on the most needy students, resources would be allocated most effectively and states
would not be overwhelmed with implementation requirements (Russo, 2007). In other words, the
states start with the most disadvantaged children with the little funding they have. Proponents to
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47
targeted preschools have asserted that there are not enough facilities for universal preschools and
it is wiser to spend taxpayer dollars on targeted populations (Zigler et al., 2006).
According to researchers, this perspective on targeted preschools for young children has
several flaws. First of all, Barnett and Frede (2010) assert that the achievement gap between
children from middle and high-income families is as great as the gap between children from low
income to middle income families. Targeting does not serve disadvantaged children well in
practice and is based on misconception that low academic performance in the US is primarily a
problem of the poor. Secondly, most children from middle-income families lack access to high
quality preschool (Barnett & Frede, 2010). Children from middle- and higher-income families
also will benefit from high-quality publicly subsidized preschool programs (Barnett, 2010).
Third, constantly changing family incomes present a moving target (Barnett, 2010). Fourth, there
is a stigma associated with programs for the poor that limits participation. Some families may
choose not to participate in a program that is only for poor families to avoid stigma or because
they fear negative peer effects (Barnett, 2010). Lastly, Head Start and other targeted programs
are never funded at levels adequate to fully enroll eligible populations (Barnett & Frede, 2010).
After 40 years of operation, Head Start only enrolls about 60% of the eligible children due to
funding (Zigler et al., 2006).
Proponents for universal preschool indicate many benefits for having a preschool system
open to all children. First of all, universal public preschool education would reach many more
children in poor and low-income families. Second, universal preschools may be more effective in
terms of quality. One source of increased effectiveness is peer effects on learning (Barnett,
2010), disadvantaged children may learn significantly more if they attend classes with children
from a broader socioeconomic spectrum (Barnett & Frede, 2010). Additionally, parents from
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48
higher-income families may be better advocates for quality, and political support for quality of
the program may be higher (Barnett, 2010; Zigler et al., 2006). Another way to increase quality
is evidenced by Cascio and Schanzenbach (2013) who found that that the presence of higher
income children in the universal preschool classrooms in Georgia and Oklahoma helped to
attract better teachers or have direct human capital spillovers.
Third, when age is the only criterion for entry, it is easy to identify eligible children and
the cost of outreach and screening for eligibility is lower (Barnett, 2010). Fourth, children from
middle-income families could benefit from the program and the benefits from serving the rest of
the population could exceed the cost of serving them. Even though a universal approach will cost
more, the added benefits are likely to far exceed the added costs as universal public preschool
education is likely to produce far greater economic benefits than an income targeted approach
(Barnett, 2010; Barnett & Frede, 2010). A final argument for universal preschool is that the
public is much more responsive to funding programs for all children (Barnett, 2010). Universal
access to quality preschool should serve as a long-term, rather than immediate, public policy goal
(Russo, 2007).
Public versus private. Traditionally, preschools have been a private business. Aside
from the state or federal child care subsidy; families pay for the cost of preschool. When public
preschools are in the landscape, worlds collide because publicly funded programs enter into a
market-based system. For some private preschools, this may be new competition. The states
offering families free care and education for four year olds had potential to generate unbalance
market forces (McCabe & Sipple, 2011).
Additionally, as a result of the public preschool system, there will be changes to the
infrastructure of the private preschool sector. Until now, private preschools had little, if any,
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49
influence by the public school system (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009; McCabe & Sipple, 2011).
Issues like instructional, curricular, and staff decisions and teacher training and education will
surface if the public sector becomes involved in preschools. In preschool, teacher training and
certification differ by state. Salaries are also largely varied between the private and public
preschools. When preschool is taught in public school settings, these significant differences in
education requirements and corresponding salaries pose challenges for integrating early
education and transitional public schooling (McCabe & Sipple, 2011).
Not only is the creation of publicly funded preschool an economic issue, it creates
debates between philosophies (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009; McCabe & Sipple, 2011; Zigler et
al., 2006). In the early childhood education world, the teaching philosophy is usually
developmentally appropriate practices where the individual child is nurtured (McCabe & Sipple,
2011) and the whole child approach is taken (Zigler et al., 2006). Physical and mental health,
social emotional skills, good motivation and involvement of families are disregarded when
moving to the public school philosophy of standard based learning and accountability. Public
schools are often concerned with educational outcomes (McCabe & Sipple, 2011) and an
academic perspective (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009; Zigler et al., 2006). When merging the
public and private preschool systems, leaders who are implementing or planning for universal
preschool must impose program standards that address many areas of development (Zigler et al.,
2006) and align the philosophies of private versus public in an effective manner (McCabe &
Sipple, 2011).
When considering public preschools in the nation, arguments for and against universal or
targeted approaches and private or public approaches are at the center of the challenges.
Proponents in each corner provide strong evidence, yet the nation has not created policies that
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50
speak to these debates. These issues must be settled to create a successful high-quality
educational experience for preschool-aged children.
Benefits of Public Preschool
An additional aspect to understand when examining public preschool is the benefits that
public preschools have to children as well as society. These benefits are similar to those of
preschool programs in general. Benefits of public preschools include academic and school
readiness as well as social emotional development for the child. Public preschool also increase
the nation’s economy and has a large cost benefit. Like broader preschool research, public
preschools are a positive investment for children, families and the society.
State and local pre-K programs, almost without exception, are found to improve
academic readiness for school (Barnett, 2013; Goldstein, Warde, & Peluso, 2013; Hustedt et al.,
2010; Winsler et al., 2008). In a study done by Winsler et al. (2008), evidence demonstrated that
children attending Title 1 funded preschool programs within the public schools typically started
the school year below national averages and made strong gains in all areas, climbing to as high
as the 63rd percentile. The gains in the area of cognitive and language development were
especially great (Winsler et al., 2008).
Wong, Cook, Barnett, and Jung (2008) completed studies of academic outcomes at state
preschools in Michigan, New Jersey, Oklahoma, South Carolina, and West Virginia. There was
some variation in effectiveness; however, the results clearly establish that state-level preschool
programs can have positive effects on academics including vocabulary, pre-reading, and early
math skills. For receptive vocabulary, only New Jersey and Oklahoma yielded significant
standardized impacts, though two of the three other variables measured for receptive vocabulary
were in a direction indicating positive effects. For math, all the coefficients were positive but
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51
only Michigan and New Jersey yielded reliable results. The largest impacts were for print
awareness, where all five coefficients were positive and four were reliable in Michigan, New
Jersey, South Carolina, and West Virginia (Wong et al., 2008). These results were similar to
those of Hustedt et al. (2010) whose results show that New Mexico’s preschool program
produces consistent benefits for children who participated in public preschool, compared to those
who did not, across three years of the study in language, literacy and math. Children who
participated in the program scored an average of 5.44 points higher in vocabulary measures than
children who did not participate, an average of 1.63 points higher in math measure than children
who did not participate, and an average of 24 percentage points higher in early literacy measure
than children who did not participate. All three increases were statistically significant (Hustedt et
al., 2010).
In another study examining the publicly funded community preschool program in Florida,
data showed that four year old children significantly increase their scores in cognitive (+5.44)
and receptive vocabulary (+2.71), but there was no change in communication, expressive and
receptive language skills (Goldstein et al., 2013). In a study completed with samples in Georgia
and Oklahoma, lower income children who were likely to be eligible for universal preschool in
Georgia and Oklahoma scored on average about 2.2 points higher, or almost .33 of a standard
deviation on National Assessment of Educational Progress math test in the eight grade than
would have been expected base on national trends (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). However,
among children with higher socioeconomic status public preschool attendance had no positive
impacts on student achievement (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013).
Increased social development is another area of benefit for children attending publicly
funded preschool programs (Goldstein et al., 2013; Gormley, Phillips, Newmark, & Perper,
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52
2009). Cascio and Schanzenbach (2013) found increased amount of quality time spent with
mothers on activities such as reading, art projects and talking, by about 25 minutes per day was
associated with preschool attendance.
Universal public preschool also has economic benefits for families. For higher income
families, state funded programs shift children from private to public preschools, resulting in a
significant reduction in childcare expenses. The estimate of savings was about $3,300 to $5,600
for families who switch out of private programs (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). Additionally,
universal preschool increases maternal employment among less educated moms, but only
temporarily. An increase in maternal employment can increase family income, expanding family
consumption possibilities and child investment possibilities (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013).
This aids the US economy. Another economic benefit of public preschool is that the increase in
total government revenues overtakes net costs 49 years after the start of the program. Total
government revenues are potentially $1.06 trillion larger 75 years after the program’s inception
at which time total costs minus savings are $476 billion (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009).
Public investments in high-quality preschool can yield high economic rates of return.
These returns may be highest when programs provide for both the educational needs of children
and child care needs of parents (Barnett & Nores, 2012). State funded preschool services can be
cost beneficial (Hustedt et al., 2010). Economic impact analysis finds that an estimated $5.00 in
benefits is generated in New Mexico for every dollar invested in state preschool. Benefits to our
nation are estimated at $6.17 for every dollar invested in New Mexico’s preschool. The real rate
of return to New Mexico’s state funded preschool program is an estimated 18.1% in the state and
an estimated 22.3 % as a whole. The net present value to society of one year of high quality
preschool program in New Mexico is estimated at $15,307. New Mexico’s preschool program
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53
generates an estimated $11,850 in net present value benefits to New Mexico society for each
annual cohort of children, assuming 70% of those eligible will participate in pre-K (Hustedt et
al., 2010).
When estimating the average return of state funded preschools, the long-range annual
benefit per tax dollar invested was estimated at $12.10 for a targeted program and $8.20 for a
universal access program. This was calculated considering all societal benefits such as budget
savings, justice system and child welfare savings, and increase earnings (Reynolds & Temple,
2008). Pianta et al. (2009) estimated in a cost-benefit analysis that there is roughly $300,000 of
benefits per child enrolled in a preschool program, even if the cost of the program is high.
Similar to the research on preschools, in general, data points to public preschools
positively impacting children and the economy. Many of the studies come from programs that
service children from low-income households, as most of the existing programs enroll based on
income eligibility. However, these studies continue to be key as the benefits are great and can
affect a large population of children and society presently and even more in the future.
Summary
In summary, public preschool is a growing phenomenon in the US. States are investing in
education for three and four year olds and there are many benefits to individuals and society that
reinforce public preschools. There are debates on how to implement these public preschool
programs and very few policies seem to be in place. The benchmarks created by the National
Institute for Early Education Research (Barnett et al., 2012) are important to note. These
benchmarks align with the Evidence-Based Model used in this study. There are the further
aspects to consider when advocating for public preschools and many debates to be had, but there
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54
are key indications that free, public high quality education will foster the development and
education of all preschoolers in the country.
Five Noteworthy Publicly Funded Preschool Programs
The United States has many examples of federal or state funded preschools. Currently, 40
states in the nation have a version of public preschool (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Five
examples of public preschools are summarized in Table 2.2. These programs were chosen as they
are significant to the history of early childhood education in the US. The Lanham Act was the
first universal childcare program (Herbst, 2013), and Head Start was the first federally funded
preschool program (Barnett, 2013; Deming, 2009; Gelber & Isen, 2012; Office of Head Start,
n.d.) Georgia’s Pre-K (Peisner-Feinberg, LaForett et al., 2013; Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf &
LaForett, 2013; Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, LaForett, Hildebrandt, & Sideris, 2014) and
Oklahoma’s Pre-K (Gormley, Phillips, & Gayer, 2008; Gormley et al., 2009; Hustedt et al.,
2010) programs are the first two present-day universal preschools in the nation and have been
successful in terms of access and quality. Lastly, Abbot Pre-K, New Jersey’s system, is another
model program that serves all children in the Abbot district of New Jersey (Barnett & Frede,
2010; Barnett, Jung, Youn, & Frede, 2013; Frede, Jung, Barnett, & Figueras, 2009; Mead, 2009).
All five publicly funded programs generate evidence that there are public preschool benefits for
all preschool aged children regardless of economic status. Individual benefits as well as
externalities are discussed for each program (see Appendix B for detailed information of the five
noteworthy publicly funded preschool programs). Many of these examples are from longitudinal
studies that illustrate the long-term effects of public preschool.

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Table 2.2
Five Noteworthy Publicly Funded Preschool Programs
Name of the
Program The Lanham Act Head Start
Georgia Pre-K
Program
Oklahoma Pre-
K Program
Abbot Pre-K
Program
Year
Established
1942 1965 1995 1980 1998
Participants
of the
Program
Children ages 0
to 12
Children ages 0 to
5
Open to all four
year old and
some three year
old children in
the state
Open to all
four year old
and some three
year old
children in the
state
Open to all four
year old and some
three year old
children in the
state
Cost of the
program
Average of $58
per child per
year in 1942
dollars
Average of
$6,000 per child
per year
$3,599 per child
per year
$3,611 per
child per year
$12,070 per child
per year
Program
Information
• Open long
hours
• Included a
maternal work
requirement
• Parent
contributed
$9.50 in 2012
dollars, per
child per day
• Regulated by
the Department
of Human
Services
• Provides
education,
health, nutrition,
and parent
involvement
services to low-
income children
and their
families
• Utilizes public
and private
providers and
Head Start
• Regulated by
the Georgia
Department of
Early Care and
Learning
• Program meets
eight of ten
quality
benchmarks set
by the National
Institute for
Early
Education
Research
• No fee for
families
• Utilizes
public and
private
providers
and Head
Starts
Programs
• Regulated by
local school
districts
• Program
meets nine
of the ten
quality
standards as
set forth by
the National
Institute for
Early
Education
Research
• No fee for
families
• Utilizes public
and private
providers and
Head Start
• Programs
regulated by
Abbott school
district
• Program meets
nine out of ten
National
Institute for
Early Education
Research quality
standards
benchmarks
• No fee for
families

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56
Table 2.2, continued
Name of the
Program The Lanham Act Head Start
Georgia Pre-K
Program
Oklahoma Pre-
K Program
Abbot Pre-K
Program
Benefits of
the program
• Increased
educational
attainment
• More family
formation
• Increase labor
market
participation as
adults
• Increased
language and
literacy
• Increase
cognitive scores
• Increased parent
involvement in
educational
activities/events
• Less grade
repetition
• Less learning
disabilities
• Less teen
parenthood
• Increased health
• Increased
school
readiness
• Increased
language and
literacy skills
• Increased math
skills
• Increased
behavioral
skills
• Increased
cognitive
development
• Higher rates
of
attentiveness
and
engagement
in learning
• Lower
timidity
ratings
• Lower
ratings on
attention-
seeking
behavior and
apathy
• Increased
receptive
vocabulary
• Increased math
scores
• Increased
reading scores
• Increased grade
retention
• Reduced special
education
placement
Citations • Herbst (2013) • Barnett (2013)
• Deming (2009)
• Gelber and Isen
(2012)
• Office of Head
Start (n.d.)
• Barnett et al.
(2012)
• Barnett,
Carolan et al.
(2013)
• Peisner-
Feinberg,
LaForett et al.
(2013)
• Peisner-
Feinberg,
Schaaf, and
LaForett
(2013)
• Peisner-
Feinberg et al.
(2014)
• Barnett et al.
(2012)
• Barnett,
Carolan et
al. (2013)
• Gormley et
al. (2008)
• Gormley et
al. (2009)
• Hustedt et al.
(2010)
• Barnett et al.
(2012)
• Barnett, Carolan
et al. (2013)
• Barnett, Jung et
al. (2013)
• Barnett and
Frede (2010)
• Frede et al.
(2009)
• Mead (2009)

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57
The data from the Lanham Act, Head Start, Georgia, Oklahoma and Abbott Pre-K
programs show the strong effects of public preschool, especially on children’s school readiness
and academic skills. There is also direct and indirect evidence that points to externalities of
public preschools. Although there is little research done on public preschool programs, these data
could create groundwork for states to implement similar public preschool programs.
Summary
These five programs, the Lanham Act, Head Start, Georgia Pre-K, Oklahoma Pre-K and
Abbott Pre-K programs, are noteworthy examples in the US and have a significant influence on
the public preschool movement. The landscape of federal and state funded preschools has
changed, from universal childcare in the 1940s to preschools that target low-income children and
their families, to the present shift to universal preschool. This progression will likely shape the
actions of state governments, including Hawaii, in regards to public preschools.
Financial Aspects of Public Preschool
The landscape of financing early childhood education is complex (Hustedt & Barnett,
2011). Currently, unlike elementary and secondary education, families still bear the largest share
of costs of their child’s preschool education. Additionally, the federal government is a
significantly more important partner than the states in funding although, not providing and
administering preschools (CED, 2002). This funding is mostly to assist low-income families.
However, for public preschool to be successful, middle income and affluent households also
have a stake in public preschools (Brandon, Kagan, & Joesch, 2000).
The costs of publicly funded preschools were examined in order to establish groundwork
for this study. In this section, the financial aspects of public preschool, in particular, will be
introduced. First, the cost of public preschool will be reviewed. Then, the types of funding
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58
sources to pay for public preschool will be examined. This discussion will segue into funding
strategies that are currently used or could be used to fund public preschools.
The Cost of Public Preschool
Public preschool expenditures vary by state. According to Barnett, Carolan et al. (2013),
nationally, the total state preschool spending was $5.4 billion in 2012-2013. Just a year earlier, as
a nation, state funding for preschool decreased by over half a billion dollars, the largest annual
drop ever (Barnett et al., 2012). On a national average, individual states spent $4,026. At the top,
Washington, D.C. spent $14,690 per child, with New Jersey leading the states at $12,070. At the
other end, Colorado, South Carolina, and Nebraska spent less than $2,000 per child on public
preschool (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
Although Hawaii does not have a preschool system, two in-depth studies related to the
cost of public preschool were completed. In 2007, Vast did a study (personal communication) on
the cost of public preschool in Hawaii. The study was commissioned by the legislative task force
on early learning and included calculations for a school year/school day program and full
year/full day program for four year olds. The study itemized direct costs, capital costs, and
infrastructure costs. These calculations focused on private preschool programs such as center-
based preschools, Family Child Interaction Learning Programs, and Family Child Care Homes.
This study was updated in 2012. The estimated direct cost for a school-year, school day program
per child in 2014-2015 was calculated at $9,750 (Vast et al., 2012).
Funding greatly affects the quality and effectiveness of public preschool education
(Barnett et al., 2012). When funds are limited, a difficult trade off must be made when deciding
whether to serve more children or to provide higher quality preschool programs. The decision to
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59
offer a targeted or universal program may be tied closely to requirements associated with a
particular funding stream (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
Funding Sources for Public Preschool
There has been significant and widespread public investment in preschools as public
preschools have expanded over the past several decades (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011). Most of costs
of public preschool fall on tax-payers (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). In general, states have four
sources of funding: federal, state, local or district, and private support. The different funding
streams are poorly coordinated and have different requirements (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
Publicly funded programs that rely on federal or state funding sources are often required to
follow eligibility requirements for any children supported by the particular funding silo (Hustedt
& Barnett, 2011).
Federal funding. Most of the funds for public preschool originate at the federal level
(Barnett, 2010). Some early steps of federally funded preschool programs took place with
starting Head Start in the mid-1960s (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011). Examples of federal budgets that
are used to fund public preschools include Head Start, Child Care Development Funds (CCDF)
or Child Care and Development Block Grant (CCDBG), Temporary Assistance for Needy
Family Initiative (TANF), Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA), and Title 1, or
Education for the Disadvantaged grants (CED, 2002). Other budgets that can be used are the
McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, Federal Impact Aid, the Elementary and Secondary
Education Act (ESEA)/ No Child Left Behind (NCLB) (Stone, 2008). Early childhood programs
funded by the federal government have typically employed a welfare oriented, targeted approach,
with programs available only to specific subgroups of the preschool population (Hustedt &
Barnett, 2011).
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60
In the 2009 fiscal year, states received an additional $2 billion in CCDBG funding
through the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). The majority of these funds
were spent for young children in fiscal year 2010, thus increasing the number of children
receiving CCDBG assistance. CCDBG served a monthly average of 1.7 million children in 2010,
an increase of 51,900 children from 2009 (Matthews & Firgens, 2012). In 2010, 17% of CCDBG
families also received TANF assistance (Matthews & Firgens, 2012). Much of the federal
funding for public preschool is temporary. In fact, federal proposals call for no permanent federal
role and actually reduce federal control over public preschool programs (Barnett, 2013).
State funding. Funding for public preschools is controlled and directed by the state
government (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011). A majority of public preschool funding is from state
budget (Barnett et al., 2012). States have typically funded their public preschool programs with a
combination of general state revenues and assortment of federal funds (Stone, 2008). General
state revenues are usually derived from a combination of sales, income, property, and other taxes
and from fees levied by the government. The main advantage of using general state funds is that
they are highly flexible and in economically sound times are often plentiful. Every state with a
preschool program, except Georgia, Missouri, and South Dakota, uses some general revenue for
preschool funding (Stone, 2008). Only few states, Oklahoma, North Carolina and Tennessee, are
fully funding preschools with general revenue (McCabe & Sipple, 2011).
Other state funds for public preschool include the use of gaming revenues, and taxes,
including sin taxes, tobacco settlement money, and sales tax (Stone, 2008). For example,
Alabama funds their public preschool with a sin tax on beer; Missouri levies taxes on gambling,
and South Carolina and Arkansas uses sales taxes to fund public preschools in the state (Hustedt
& Barnett, 2011). State lotteries are another potential finance fund to pay for preschools. Georgia
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61
uses lottery money to fund their public preschool program. Lotteries can quickly generate large
sums of money and are politically popular when the proceeds are used to support education.
Lotteries can also be used to create dedicated funding streams for public preschool that are
protected from state budget shortfalls (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
Local funding. Many public preschool programs require or depend on additional funds
from local school districts, including locally directed federal funds, to fully pay for these
programs. States like Colorado, Indiana, and New Hampshire have full or partial responsibility
over their public preschools (Barnett et al., 2012). In the 2011-2012 school year, local funding
sources added nearly an additional $1 billion to public preschools (Barnett et al., 2012).
According to Barnett et al. (2012), it is virtually impossible to meet state standards without
substantially adding to state funds.
Private funding. As the effects of preschool have become widely understood, business
leaders and philanthropists have stepped forward to form partnerships with public educational
entities. These partnerships are often designed to jumpstart a state investment in preschool, fund
an early childhood endowment, support a model early care and education program, or help the
state design a quality improvement system. Private funds are an important supplement to public
assets in the preschool effort (Stone, 2008).
Unlike private preschools, where funding comes straight from the families, public
preschools acquire funds from taxpayers. Most of these monies originate at the federal level, but
are controlled and directed by the state government. Using a variety of methods to fund public
preschools, including federal budgets, a variety of state taxes, and local and private sources may
be used to fund public preschools. However, to fund public preschool programs, information
about where the resources come from as well as approaches to secure these funds are essential.
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62
Funding Strategies for Universal Preschool
In general, states have three methods to fund public preschool programs. These methods
include: utilizing a variety of public funds; having families contribute to the cost; and adding
public preschool into the school funding formula. Preschool finance models that work well in
one locale may be less successful in others or less successful over time due to differences of
changes in political climates (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
Utilizing a variety of public funds. Russo (2007) suggests strategies to involve more
federal dollar in the initiative to develop and maintain public preschools. First of all, a new block
grant partnership could be created between the federal and state governments where federal
matching grants provide states with incentives to phase in high quality, public preschool
programs aligned with quality elementary school programs. Secondly, states could dedicate all
new Title 1 funding to public preschools and use NCLB Title V Part A Block Grants which
could be as much as $100 million. Lastly, states could enhance their Title 1 flexibility to serve
needy children in the earlier grades, including preschool (Russo, 2007).
The Committee for Economic Development (2002) urged a creation of a new federal-to
state grant program to underwrite part of the cost of providing universal access to
prekindergarten and for the federal government to help states build the infrastructure needed to
extend access of public preschools to all children. Additionally, business leaders and all citizens
should support the investment in public preschool by championing budget priorities that
acknowledge the importance of these investments and advocate tax increases if necessary to fund
them (CED, 2002). These methods of funding preschools utilize public funds, both existing and
possible, that come from federal, state and local governments and taxpayers.
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63
Family contributions. Another method of funding public preschools is something that is
currently common in private preschools. Barnett (2010) proposed a sliding fee scale where
families play for public preschool according to their income. This strategy would recoup a
substantial portion of the cost for children and modestly reduce the cost of the program to the
public. Some might view sliding fee scales as more equitable, but higher income families will
pay a disproportionate share (Barnett, 2010).
Brandon et al. (2000) also advocate for families to contribute to their children’s preschool
education. Universal financing of public preschool does not need to equate with a uniform
delivery system. A variety of financing mechanisms may be made available, with different
families eligible for different methods. Families may use the financial support made available to
them to purchase the types of preschool that best reflect their values, preferences, and their
children’s learning styles and developmental needs. Brandon et al. (2000) claim that other social
benefits such as health insurance, retirement benefits, housing, higher education and
transportation all include a mixture of public and private revenue sources and incentives. Thus,
the same could occur with preschool education. A combination of multiple financing
mechanisms would be available to different individuals or households, with benefits related to
income (Brandon et al., 2000).
School funding formulas. The third strategy to fund public preschools would be to add
the cost of preschool to the already existing state school funding formula. School funding
formulas provide per pupil funding as part of the state’s overall public education budget and
allocates state resources to school districts based on established calculations that account for
district needs and children’s risk factors (Boylan & White, 2010).
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64
Most state funding formulas involve some combination of four systems. First, Basic Aid,
often called Foundation Aid, guarantees a minimum, level of per-pupil support to all school
districts and usually requires a specified contribution of local tax revenues. Foundation Aid
reflects a state’s estimate of the cost to provide the general education program to each student.
Formulas usually adjust per-pupil foundation aid to reflect grade level, district size and
geographic cost factors, such as teacher salaries. Second, Equalization Aid is state funding that
compensates school districts when they are unable to raise sufficient local revenue. Equalization
Aid is a mechanism states use to guarantee a designated per-pupil level regardless of the local
district’s fiscal capacity. Third, Categorical Aid is a supplement to foundation aid that is
earmarked to serve specific groups of children, such as English language learners and students in
poverty. Categorical Aid is allocated on a per-pupil basis, according to each district’s population
of English language learners, low-income or other designated children. Categorical Aid may be
equalized by the state. Fourth, Local Option Aid is local contributions in excess of what is
obligatory under the school funding formula and usually requires approval by voters to support
their local schools (Boylan & White, 2010).
Gradually integrating public preschool programs into the state formula can provide an
efficient model for funding start up costs, managing formula growth, building political and
public support, and ensuring program quality and stability (Boylan & White, 2010). Using the
school funding formula also benefits preschools because as enrollment increases, funding also
expands. The supply for preschool can be linked to demand. While some cuts may occur, it is
generally assumed that schooling will continue to be provided for all children who wish to enroll
regardless of economic circumstances (Boylan & White, 2010; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011; Stone,
2008). This is an effective (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011), equitable (Boylan & White, 2010), stable
ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

65
way of funding preschools (Boylan & White, 2010; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011) and has strong
public and political support (Boylan & White, 2010). Furthermore, using the formula recognizes
the educational value of preschool by putting it on the educational continuum and increase
likelihood of alignment between preschool and the early elementary years (Boylan & White,
2010). States can tailor the use of school funding formulas to support different goals for
preschool education (Boylan & White, 2010).
In some states and the local schools share the costs through a formula just as they do for
K-12 education. As a result, funding from all sources often is a much better indicator of the total
resources available to support preschool (Barnett et al., 2012). States that use this technique are
Colorado, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Texas, Vermont,
Wisconsin, New Jersey, in addition to Washington DC (Boylan & White, 2010).
The challenges in using the school funding formula include ensuring the formula reflect
the true cost of high quality preschool, addressing barriers to collaboration with private partners,
the transition and time to build political support and generate necessary revenue, starting new
programs under the formula, and ensuring funding stability (Boylan & White, 2010). Another
challenge of funding preschool using the school funding formula is that this budget requires
annual legislative approval and is susceptible to cuts. There is higher risk that legislators would
be asked to choose between competing policy priorities. When funds are not dedicated, public
preschool programs are always at risk of decreased, flat, or minimally increased funding, which
can compromise the program’s quality and access (Stone, 2008).
Nevertheless, according to Boylan and White (2010), when done right, including
preschool in state school funding formulas is the best ways to provide sustained, adequate and
growing funding for high quality early learning programs. The ultimate success of public
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66
preschool for any given state depends on soundness of the formula itself and on lawmakers’
willingness to fund it at a level sufficient to support and assure a high quality preschool program
(Boylan & White, 2010).
The approach to funding public preschools is as significant as the funding sources
involved. Utilizing public funds in innovative ways, adding family contributions, and including
preschool expenditures into the states’ school funding formulas are designs to consider for
funding public preschools. More research is necessary to truly analyze which method is most
advantageous and what factors are involved to use these approaches at the state level. Further
information is necessary to ensure a well funded public preschool system.
Summary
In summary, comprehending the aspect of financing preschools is essential to creating
public preschool programs in Hawaii. The funding of public preschools is varied and complex.
There is no one technique to ensure that preschool aged children are designated a formal
education. Federal monies allotted to the states, in addition to state, local and private funds, fund
public preschool. These funds have decreased in the last few years. There are strategies for
funding including utilizing public funds, adding family contributions and incorporating public
preschool programs into the state’s school funding formula. As the individual states provide and
administer preschools, the types of funds used and method of funding is in their hands. The state
government’s fiscal decisions impact all preschool aged children’s opportunity for an education.
These financial aspects of public preschool will be the focus of this study.
The Evidence-Based Model
In the movement for higher quality schools, there has been a shift in approaches to school
finance, with a movement from equity to adequacy. In educational finance, adequacy is defined
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67
as a level of funding that would allow each district and school to implement a variety of
educational programs and strategies that would provide each student an equal opportunity to
meet the state’s education performance standards (Odden, Goetz, & Picus, 2007). There are
several approaches to determine cost of adequate education. The four approaches often used in
the US are cost function, professional judgment, successful schools or districts, and evidence
based approaches (Odden, Goetz, & Picus, 2010).
In this study, the estimated cost of preschool in Hawaii was of interest. The approach that
best fit the needs of this study was the Evidence-Based Model, which considers best practices
and recommends resource allocations for early childhood education. As a result, the Evidence-
Based approach was chosen as the framework. This section will introduce the Evidence-Based
Model to school finance adequacy. First the original K-12 approach will be reviewed, then the
PreK-3
rd
grade approach will be discussed in detail. Finally, modifications in the model to
accommodate this study will be introduced.
Evidence-Based K-12 Model
The Evidence Based approach uses research evidence and best practices as a foundation
of the 14 core components of school adequacy. Table 2.3 includes a list of these components,
which are school level programs and educational strategies that research has shown to improve
student-learning outcomes (Odden et al., 2010). Then, the Evidence-Based Model determines
adequate expenditures by placing a price on each component and aggregating the components of
the total cost (Odden & Picus, 2008). These components can be modified and tailored to the
school or district. The result is a set of strategies and resource needs which then forms the basis
of the cost estimates derived for schools and districts in a state (Odden et al., 2010).

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Table 2.3
Components for K-12
Evidence-Based Model Components for School Adequacy
• Full-day kindergarten
• Core class sizes of 15 for grades K-3 and class sizes of 25 for all other grades 4-12.
Core is defined as the regular classroom teacher in elementary school and teachers of
mathematics, science, reading/English/writing, history, and world language in
secondary schools. With these ratios, class sizes average 18 in the elementary school
and 25 in middle and high schools.
• Specialist teachers to provide instruction in art, music, physical education, career
technical education, etc., and in numbers adequate to cover a six period day in middle
schools, with teachers teaching for just five periods, and 90 minute block schedules in
high schools.
• At least one period (usually an hour) of planning and preparation time each day for all
teachers in elementary, middle, and high schools.
• Pupil support staff including guidance counselors (one full time equivalent–FTE–
position for every 250 students in middle and high schools) and nurses, as well as
additional pupil support to include social workers and family liaison personnel, the
latter provided on the basis of one FTE position for every 100 at-risk students.
• A full time librarian and principal in every prototypical school, as well as two
secretarial positions in the prototypical elementary (432 students) and middle school
(450 students), and three secretaries in the prototypical high school (600 students), an
additional library media technical person, and sometimes an additional assistant
principal in the prototypical high school.
• An ambitious set of professional development resources including one instructional
coach for every 200 students (three FTE positions in a 600 student high school), at
least ten pupil free days for professional development which usually means extending
the school year for teachers by five additional days, and $100/pupil for trainers and
other expenses related to professional development.
• Supervisory aides to cover recess, lunch, hall monitoring, and bus loading and
unloading.
• About $180 per pupil for instructional materials, formative assessments, and supplies;
$250 per pupil for technology and equipment; and $250 per pupil for student activities
(sports, clubs, etc.).
• $25 per pupil to provide extra strategies for gifted and talented students.

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Table 2.3, continued
Evidence-Based Model Components for School Adequacy
• A comprehensive range of “extra help” strategies for students who need additional
instructional assistance and extra time to achieve to rigorous state proficiency
standards including:
o Resources to provide one-to-one tutoring at the ratio of one FTE teacher tutor
position for every 100 at-risk students.
o Extended-day resources to provide an eight to nine week summer program, up
to six hours per day, with academic help, at the ratio of one FTE position for
every 30 at-risk students, assuming about 50 percent of at-risk students would
participate.
o Summer school resources to provide up to a six hour a day, and eight to nine
week summer program and academic help for two-thirds of the time, at the ratio
of one FTE position for every 30 at-risk students, assuming about 50 percent of
at-risk students would need such extra help and would attend the program.
o An additional one FTE teacher position for every 100 English language learning
(ELL) students (the bulk of whom also are at-risk and trigger the first three
extra help resources) primarily to provide instruction in English as a second
language.
o One teacher FTE for every 150 students to provide services for high incidence
but lower-cost students with disabilities (three positions at the prototypical
elementary and middle schools and four positions at the prototypical high
schools), with an additional half-time aide per full-time special education staff
member. The model also advocates full state funding of the entire costs of the
high-cost special need students (assuming two percent of those with disabilities
are in the “high-cost” category).
• Substitute teacher resources at 10 days for each teacher and instructional facilitator
position.
• Central office staff covering the superintendent’s office, the business office, curriculum
and pupil support, technology personnel, and an operations and maintenance director
(configured on a prototypical 3,500 student district and then prorated up or down
depending on district pupil size).
Food services are assumed to be a self-supporting enterprise activity; where such services
operate at a loss, the model recommends out-sourcing the function to a private sector
company whose core business is food services, such as ARA Services.
Source: Odden et al. (2007)

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In the Evidence-Based Model, resource allocation is integrated. Resource allocation is an
important means of realizing a more efficient use of resources. Resource allocation often
includes rethinking the use of new dollars, making use of current dollars and finding creative
ways of finance the resources school need to succeed (Odden & Picus, 2008). According to
Odden et al. (2007), even districts and schools that are adequately funded may not use their
resources in ways that produce the desired and possible levels of student performance.
The Evidence-Based approach has been used in Arkansas, Arizona, Kentucky,
Washington, Wisconsin and Wyoming to bring funding to each state to adequate levels. The
framework has also been established by the Arkansas and Wyoming legislatures to restructure
their states’ school finance structures (Odden et al., 2010). Picus et al. (2009) also implemented
the Evidence Based Model to estimate additional national cost of providing adequate PreK-3
rd

programs.
Evidence-Based PreK-3
rd
Model
In the case of the PreK-3
rd
Evidence-Based Model, there were changes made to the
components of school adequacy. Instead of 14 as the original Evidence-Based Model proposes,
the PreK-3
rd
grade framework has 10 components of school adequacy, as detailed in Table 2.4.
The modified framework allows users to select which three and four year-old children are
eligible to participate in publicly funded pre-K programs ranging from all three and four year
olds (universal) to sub-sets of those children based on poverty levels by state (targeted). The
model provides flexibility to control for student/teacher ratios at pre-K and K-3 levels as well as
flexibility to vary other educational resources. The PreK-3
rd
Evidence-Based Model calculates
the estimated costs of pre-K programs and compares that with estimates of current state
expenditures for Pre-K education. The same is done with K-3 education programs in each state.
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71
The difference is added to or subtracted from the estimated costs of pre-K programs to generate a
state estimate of the costs of a public preK-3
rd
education program. These costs include adequate
resources for integration between Pre-K and K-3 programs (Picus et al., 2009).
More specifically, seven steps are required to estimate the possible costs of quality PreK-
3
rd
education for an individual state:
1. Determine the parameters of an adequate K-3 education program.
2. Apply the K-3 resource model to the Pre-K programs. Make any further adjustments
to the identified resources believed to be important in the individual State.
3. Develop accurate estimates of personnel salaries.
4. Estimate the number of three- and/or four year olds who would participate in the Pre-
K programs. This is based on the eligibility and expected participation rates chosen
by the state.
5. Use the resources and pupil counts developed in Steps 1–4. Estimate the total costs of
a high-quality PreK-3rd program.
6. Estimate existing public expenditures for Pre-K and K-3 education.
7. Compare the estimated costs with current spending.
The outcome is the additional costs of a high-quality PreK-3rd program (Picus et al., 2009).

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Table 2.4
Components for PreK-3
rd

Evidence-Based Model Components for PreK-3
rd
Grade School Adequacy
• Class sizes of 15 in grades K-3 (our model allows estimation of the costs of both 15 and
20 student classes at the Pre-K level, each with a teacher and instructional aide)
• Specialist teachers to provide a rich liberal arts program including music, art and PE,
and to provide for planning and collaboration time for core teachers. These are
resourced at a rate of 20% of core teachers
• Classroom aides in all Pre-K classrooms (Pre-K only)
• Strategies for struggling students (K-3 only) including:
o Certificated tutors for short term intensive help so that students return to the
regular program at grade level as quickly as possible, also providing additional
resources for children who are at risk of falling behind
o Extended day programs
o Summer school
• Resources for children with special needs and/or disabilities
• Funding for professional development including
o Additional teacher time for comprehensive summer workshops focused on
teaching and learning
o Instructional coaches in each school at a ratio of one coach for every 200
students
o Funds for trainers and consultants
• Staff for pupil support (guidance counselors, nurses, social workers, family liaison,
etc.)
• Staff resources for school site leadership
• Staff resources for district administration
• Dollar resources for:
o Instructional materials
o Technology
o Operations, maintenance and utilities
o Central office operations
Source: Picus et al. (2009)

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Applying the Evidence-Based Model in 2005-2006, Picus et al. (2009) estimated that the
additional national cost of providing adequate PreK-3
rd
programs in the US ranges from $27.4
billion to $78.7 billion annually, depending on the number of three and four year olds children
eligible for and electing to participate in pre-K programs. If universal eligibility for three and
four year olds children is assumed, with a participation rate of 65% and Pre-K class size of 20
students with a teacher and instructional aide, the total estimated Pre-K-3
rd
cost are $215 billion
annually or $10,867 per pre-K 3
rd
student. This represents an increase of $71.5 billion or $3626
per PreK-3
rd
pupil. On a per child served basis, additional costs range $2095 to $3975. In
Hawaii, the Pre-K-3
rd
cost difference per pupil was estimated to be $3351.90 (Picus et al., 2009).
Modified Evidence-Based Model for Hawaii Public Preschool
As this study focused on public preschools only in Hawaii, adaptations to the Evidence-
Based framework and significant changes to the process to compute this model were considered.
As the Evidence-Based Model is designed to fit an existing K-12 school many of the components
for adequate education were eliminated or altered to meet the needs of Hawaii’s current
educational system, The line item to account for children with special education was eliminated.
In Hawaii, there is already an existing program for three and four year olds who meet criteria for
mild and severe special needs. These children are in the public school system and funding for
special education programs are established. Also, the delineations for staff for pupil support
services were deleted and staff resources for school leadership and support were itemized with
supervisors and school site secretaries.
The process to calculate the model in Hawaii was adapted for the purpose of this study.
This study did not incorporate K-3 public education into the framework, thus, the following three
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74
steps were implemented to estimate the cost and resource allocation expenditures for public
preschool in Hawaii:
1. Develop accurate estimates of personnel salaries.
2. Estimate the number of three- and/or four year olds who would participate in the
preschool programs.
3. Use the resources and pupil counts to estimate the total costs of a preschool program.
Table 2.5 clarifies the resources necessary for each school component that will create an
adequate public preschool program in Hawaii.
Summary
In summary, this study used the Evidence-Based Model for school finance adequacy as
the framework to determine the estimated costs and resource allocations for a public preschool
system in Hawaii. This approach used research evidence and best practices to create 14
components for the K-12 approach and 10 components for Pre-K -3
rd
grade education, which are
elements to assist in student learning. The model was modified to accommodate for the
parameters of this study and estimate the cost of providing public preschool for three and four
year olds in the state. As there is an absence of a consistent picture of how much preschool in
Hawaii would cost, using this framework established evidence based financial expenditures
specific for Hawaii’s situation. This is ideal timing as many discussions about public preschool
are currently occurring in the state.

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Table 2.5
Resource Allocation Model for Hawaii Public Preschools
School Component Resources for a Preschool Program
Personnel Resources
Core teachers 1 teacher with an Instructional Aide in a class of 20
children
Instructional Aides 1 Instructional Aide with every teacher in a class of 20
children
Specialist teachers 20%
Instructional Facilitators/Coaches An additional 1.0 teachers for every 200 students
Teachers for ELL students An additional 1.0 teachers for every 100 ELL students
Substitutes 10 days per FTE
Supervisor 1.0 supervisors for every 450 students
School Site Secretary 1.0 secretaries for every 450 students
Dollar per Pupil Resources
Professional development Included above:
Instructional facilitators; 10 summer days
Additional:
$100/pupil for other PD expenses – trainers,
conferences, travel, etc.
Technology and equipment $250/pupil
Instructional materials, including
textbooks, formative assessments
$140/pupil
Student Activities $25/pupil
Other Expenditures
Operations and Maintenance $940 per pupil
Transportation $390 per pupil
Food Services $340 per pupil
Note. Adapted from Picus et al. (2009)

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Summary
In summary, the review of literature supported and gave an increased understanding to
the importance of completing this study. This study estimated the cost of public preschool in
Hawaii and examined funding sources. The studies referenced gave examples of preschools that
created impacts for children, families and society, and particular public preschools that did the
same. The literature also explored funding methods and sources that are useful to establishing a
system in the state of Hawaii. Finally, the Evidence-Based Model was an integral piece of the
study and was utilized to calculate the estimated cost for an adequate public preschool system in
Hawaii.
Some believe that Hawaii is far from ensuring that all of the state’s young children have
the opportunity to succeed in school. Although Hawaii has improved in four national educational
trends (children in preschool, fourth graders reading proficiency, eighth grade math proficiency,
and on time high school graduations) in 2013, the state is ranked 33 in the nation in education
(Kids Count, 2013b). Hence, there is an urgency to develop an early childhood system that is
well funded, fully coordinated, and highly accountable to the long-term economic and social
health of Hawaii (Connors-Tadros et al., 2012). An answer to this dilemma may be a state public
preschool system. Before Hawaii can implement a public preschool system, the cost involved
must be examined. The next chapter of this study, the methodology, highlight details regarding
how this study to estimate the cost of public preschools in Hawaii will be organized and applied.

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CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
This chapter provides an overview of the methodology of this study, including a brief
review of the purpose of the study and research questions, design of the study, population,
instrumentation, data collection and the process for data analysis.
The purpose of this study was to establish an overall and per child estimated cost of
public preschool in Hawaii as well as to explore funding strategies to support a public preschool
system in the state. The study used a modified version of the Evidence-Based Model as a
framework to examine these topics. The intention of the study was to assist educational leader
and policymakers as they discuss and explore options for public preschools in Hawaii. This study
aimed to answer three research questions:
1. What is the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool in
Hawaii?
2. What is the estimated cost of providing public preschool in Hawaii, and how would
cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolling?
3. What options exist to fund public preschool in Hawaii?
Overview of the Methodology
This study used a mixed method approach to research the estimated cost and funding
strategies for public preschool in Hawaii. Both qualitative and quantitative data were gathered
for analysis. Apparent in Chapters 1 and 2, many of the studies of financial aspects of public
preschools have been strictly quantitative (Barnett et al., 2012) especially regarding the data
collected in Hawaii (Lynch, 2007; Picus et al., 2009; DePledge, 2013; Vast et al., 2012). This
study incorporated numerical data as well as the reasons for expenditures and fiscal plans. The
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qualitative data included statements regarding what educational leaders and policy makers are
currently doing and planning to do to provide access to preschool-aged children and financially
support public preschools in Hawaii. The quantitative data included expenditures in various
categories, per the modified Evidence-Based Model, at the Department of Education district
level. The mixed-method procedure was most appropriate for this study because it allowed for
significant information from educational leaders and policy makers as well as the ability to
compute expenditures utilizing the modified Evidence-Based Model. Furthermore, a mixed
method approach facilitated increased understanding and created a more complete illustration
(Creswell, 2009) of the financial aspects of public preschool in Hawaii.
Sample and Population
For this study, the population and the sample, or group of participants, were distinctive.
The population affected by this study were ultimately preschool aged children in Hawaii, but the
participants of the study were educational leaders and policy makers who determine what public
preschools look like for these children. It is important to have background information about the
population and participants of this study, as this is a key aspect of the research design.
Population
The population that would be impacted by this study is preschool aged children, three and
four years old, in Hawaii. These are the individuals who would be served by public preschool.
The selection of this population in this study was purposeful and important to study as currently,
Hawaii is in the beginning process of starting public preschools.
A brief description of preschool aged children in Hawaii is central to understanding the
population. By the start of the 2014-2015 school year, 5,100 children who were once eligible for
kindergarten were not able to attend due to the kindergarten age change (from age four to age
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79
five by July 31) (EOEL, 2012). Additionally, in 2012, 49% or 17,000 of children age three and
four in Hawaii were not enrolled in a preschool, excluding family childcare (Kids Count, 2014).
Participants
This study employed unique purposeful sampling to select interviewees. Unique
purposeful sampling is used when the participants are based on atypical or rare attributes of the
area of interest (Merriman, 2009). This study focused on a specific population, preschoolers in
Hawaii, and an explicit development, the design of public preschools. All of the participants
were knowledgeable about the history of and current development of public preschools,
including understanding of the politics and education aspects of the topic. Thus, educational
leaders and policy makers were chosen to interview as their expertise and professional
experiences are indispensable to answer the research questions. These leaders included former
Directors of the Executive Office of Early Learning, an Early Childhood Consultant and expert
on preschool financing, and the former Senate and the current House Committee leader of the
Education Committee in the Hawaii State Legislature.
This study also applied purposeful theoretical sampling. An initial sample of
interviewees, educational leaders and policy makers, and an initial sample of documents were
selected. These interviewees and documents lead to more data collection opportunities and was
an evolving process (Merriman, 2009). This sampling procedure was appropriate for this study
as new interviewees and new documents that emerged during the data collection process was
significant in answering the research questions.
Defining the population and participants of this study gave the foundation for the
research design. These groups were significant to answering the research questions thoroughly
and accurately.
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Instrumentation and Data Collection
Before data collection started, the University of Southern California Internal Review
Board was consulted for approval of the methodology. Then, preliminary research was
completed including exploring documents, particularly public records and data bases, and initial
contacts with educational leaders and policy makers who are involved with public preschool
legislation in Hawaii were made. There were two types of data collections for this study: data
gathered by interviews and data collected from documents. The data, both qualitative and
quantitative, were collected simultaneously. This is called concurrent embedded strategy
(Creswell, 2009).
Qualitative/Interviews
To better comprehend the current plans for public preschool in Hawaii and possible
funding sources, educational leaders and policy makers who are involved in public preschool
work in Hawaii were interviewed. These leaders included former Directors of the Executive
Office of Early Learning, an Early Childhood Consultant and expert on preschool financing, and
the former Senate and the current House Committee leader of the Education Committee in the
Hawaii State Legislature.
This process is significant in this study as the interviewees can provide historical
information as well as information from their perspective (Creswell, 2009) regarding the future
of public preschools in the state. Also, the interviewees are privy of certain aspects of creating
public preschools in the state.
In person, one-on-one interviews were conducted using a semi-structured, open-ended
interview protocol (see Appendix C for interview protocol). Semi-structured interviews were
flexible and allowed the interviewer to follow the lead of the respondents, while still being
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guided by a list of questions or issues to be explored (Merriman, 2009). Merriman (2009) also
states that questions that are open ended and neutral are effective interview questions.
The interview protocols were aligned with the research questions and customized for the
interviewees, dependent on the participant’s role in public preschool legislation and their
expertise. The questions were concentrated on current funding streams, plans for funding, and
capital costs for public preschools. Additional questions regarded the target population of
preschool aged children or priority and eligibility requirements if universal preschool is not in
the current plans for the state and the number of children who are likely to enroll. Finally,
insights on elements of a model public preschool program and the long-term plan and vision of
the public preschool movement for the state were procured to answer the research questions of
this study.
Quantitative/Documents
Quantitative data were collected via publicly accessible documents to employ the
modified Evidence-Based Model to compute the estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii, as
well as to perform a sensitivity analysis of the cost of public preschool dependent on the number
of children served. According to Merriman (2009), documents may be the source of data on
particular topics and can furnish descriptive information. Documents are useful as they are an
unobtrusive form of information (Creswell, 2009; Merriman, 2009) and can be gathered in a
practical yet systematic manner (Merriman, 2009). For this study, public records, specifically,
statistical data-bases and school district documents such as the Census Bureau, state child care
resource and Department of Education data bases, were utilized to focus on the number of three
and four year olds in Hawaii, the number of children enrolled or not enrolled in a preschool
program, other financial information regarding public preschools in Hawaii, and salaries for the
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following Department of Education employees: teacher, aide, substitute daily rate, principal,
school secretary, pupil support staff, specialist teacher, instructional facilitator/coaches, and
English Language Learner (ELL) teacher.
Interview and document analysis were chosen as data collection methods because they
were appropriate to answering the study’s research questions. These methods provided
qualitative information on the status of public preschool in Hawaii and the information about
financial aspects as well as the quantitative information necessary to implement the modified
Evidence-Based Model. Once collected, the data were compiled and analyzed.
Data Analysis
The data collected from interviews and documents were analyzed to answer the three
questions of this study. Generally, Creswell’s (2009) data analysis method was applied. Analysis
occurred simultaneously: identifying the sample and collecting data as theoretical sampling was
involved. As in Creswell’s (2009) strategy, first, the data were organized and prepared for
analysis. This involved transcribing interviews and scanning documents. Second, data were read
thoroughly. Then, coding occurred to organize the data into categories, in this case, research
questions.
Once the data were categorized by research questions, specific data analysis techniques
were utilized for each research question. The first research question was about the estimated
number of children who would attend public preschool in Hawaii. Documents and interviews
that answered this question were further analyzed using Creswell’s (2009) methods of coding
and categorizing. The data for this research question were analyzed in individual interviews as
well as across interviews. Also, an analysis was done within and across documents.
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The second question regarded the estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii. For this
part of the study, public documents were examined using Creswell’s (2009) strategies of coding
and categorizing. Then, a modified Evidence-Based Model was employed as a conceptual
framework for calculating public preschool expenditures. The public documents also assisted to
complete a sensitivity analysis of costs for various numbers of children that could be served by
the public preschool program in Hawaii.
The final research question in this study related to how public preschool in Hawaii would
be funded over time. The data were collected by interviews and further analyzed applying
Creswell’s (2009) technique of coding and categorizing. Similar to the first research question,
the data for this research question was analyzed by individual interviews as well as across
interviews and within and across documents.
The last two steps of Creswell’s (2009) data analysis method consists of presenting the
data and then, interpreting the data. Data were offered for each research question and meaning
from the data and ideas for integration into Hawaii’s public preschool landscape was discussed.
Summary
This chapter provided an overview of the methodology of this study and outlined the
purpose of the study and the three research questions this study aimed to answer. The chapter
also provided a description of the study’s population, three and four year olds in Hawaii. The
data collection process was described in detail. Interviews and document as methods of data
collection were used and analyzed in this study. The next chapter will present the results of this
study.

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CHAPTER 4
RESULTS
To prepare young children for successful experiences in elementary school and beyond,
numerous researchers recommend providing access to free high-quality early education and care
for all children from age three (Boylan & White, 2010; CED, 2002; Annie E. Casey Foundation,
2013; Reynolds & Temple, 2006; Russo, 2007; Stone, 2008). In Hawaii, there are no publicly
funded preschool programs serving all children. Similar to the national averages, more than 40%
of Hawaii’s children start kindergarten without having participated in an early learning program.
Additionally, at the start of the 2014-2015 school year, 5,100 children who were once eligible for
kindergarten were not able to attend due to the kindergarten age change (from age four to age
five by July 31) (EOEL, 2012). The issue of public preschool and its costs is an important matter,
especially among policy makers in Hawaii.
The current estimates of the costs of public preschool in Hawaii are inconsistent. As a
result, this study aimed to estimate the cost of public preschools for three and four year olds
using the Evidence-Based Model for school finance adequacy. The purpose of this study was to
contribute to the discussion of public preschools in Hawaii and offer further information
regarding financial aspects of a public preschool system. The study asked the following research
questions:
1. What is the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool in
Hawaii?
2. What is the estimated cost of providing public preschool in Hawaii, and how would
cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolling?
3. What options exist to fund public preschool in Hawaii?
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This chapter provides evidence to support the study’s results. A brief description of the
population and participants of the study is addressed. The population affected by this study was
preschool aged children in Hawaii, but the participants in the study were educational leaders and
policy makers who determine what public preschools look like for these children. Also, an
overview on the complex issues surrounding public preschool in Hawaii will be explained as
changes in the field occurred during this study. The greater part of this chapter focuses on results
and the analysis of data answering the questions of the study.
Overview of Population, Participants and Current Issues Surrounding
Public Preschool in Hawaii
Since the 1980s, Hawaii has attempted several initiatives to provide early learning to
preschool aged children. The programs included Special Education preschool, Preschool Open
Doors, Race to the Top, and Pre-Plus facilities. All of those programs are targeted to specific
populations, those children with special needs or those from low-income families (Barnett et al.,
2012). With this precedent and as the kindergarten admission age was delayed starting in the
2014-2015 school year, Hawaii has made efforts to create a preschool program that could impact
many more children (Vast et al., 2012). In the 2014-2015 school year, Hawaii became the 41
st

state to offer preschools in the public school system. In this first phase of the program, 420
preschool children enrolled in 21 public preschool classrooms. As these changes in early learning
occur, this study was conducted to find the estimated cost of a public preschool program in
Hawaii.
Information about the population, participants of the study and current issues regarding
public preschool in Hawaii are significant to offer an understanding of the individuals affected
by public preschool and the importance of the topic at the time of data collection. The
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population, the preschool children in Hawaii, will be described followed by a brief introduction
to the five educational and political leaders interviewed for the study. Then two key issues that
frame public preschool in Hawaii, according to the participants, will be discussed.
Population
In 2013 in the State of Hawaii, there were 18,666 two year olds, 17,620 three year olds,
17,513 four year olds, and 17,710 five year olds (Hawaii Department of Business, Economic
Development and Tourism, 2014). As this study utilizes 2013 data, it will be approximated that
in 2014, the population of three year olds is 18,666, four year olds, 17,620, and five year olds is
17,513. The total, 53,799 children, are potentially eligible for some kind of preschool education.
In 2013, about 2,690 of these children attended Head Start programs (Child and Family
Service, 2012; Honolulu Community Action Program, 2014; Maui Economic Opportunity, 2013;
Parents and Children Together, n.d.). Head Start programs in Hawaii are operated by four private
non-profit organizations and accept children ages three to five years old from families who make
up to 130% of the federal poverty guidelines. Ten percent of enrollment opportunities can be for
families whose incomes surpass the poverty guideline if space is available (Head Start
Association of Hawaii and Outer Pacific, n.d.). Head Start programs are funded by: the Federal
government, primarily the US Department of Health and Human Services; The Administration of
Children and Families, a federal agency; some county or state funding; and private funding
(Maui Economic Opportunity, 2013; Parents and Children Together, n.d.).
In 2013, another 2,402 of the total number of children potentially eligible for preschool
were enrolled in Special Education preschool classrooms in the Department of Education system.
These children, ages three to five, were identified as having one or more special needs eligible
for Department of Education Special Education (Hawaii State Department of Education, 2014).
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87
Also in 2013, approximately 13,000 children ages three to five attended private sector childcare
facilities including licensed family homes, licensed group homes, licensed center based sites
(PATCH, 2014). There were no data on the number of children cared for in unlicensed childcare
facilities or by other family members and friends.
Participants
Five educational and political leaders were interviewed to gather information for this
study. All five participants have or have had large roles in the decisions that are made regarding
public preschool in Hawaii and have had many years of experience working on behalf of public
preschools for the state (See Table 4.1).

Table 4.1
Participants
Name of Participant Position Role in Public Preschool movement
GG Weisenfeld Past Director of the Executive
Office of Early Learning
(EOEL)
Most recent leader of the EOEL, who
was tasked to implement public
preschool in Hawaii.
Terry Lock Past Director of the Executive
Office of Early Learning
(EOEL)
Original Director of the EOEL who
introduced action for public
preschool in Hawaii.
Teresa Vast Early Childhood Education
Consultant
Worked with EOEL to estimate the
cost of public preschool in Hawaii.
Jill Tokuda Hawaii State Senator- former
Senate Education Committee
Chair
Supporter of public preschool
Roy Takumi Hawaii State Representative-
House of Representative
Education Committee Chair
Supporter of public preschool

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GG Weisenfeld was the Director of the EOEL, attached to the Office of the Governor in
2013 and 2014. Prior to that Weisenfeld was the P-3 Director of Early Learning for Hawaii P-20
and worked with the Quality Care Program partners in developing Hawaii’s Quality Rating and
Improvement System. She has also had experience in the field of early childhood as a classroom
teacher, a Head Start and Early Head Start Director, a grant writer and fund raiser, admission
director and early childhood coordinator and a professor.
Terry Lock was the original director of the EOEL and state’s former early childhood
coordinator since 2011. She is currently a Junior Specialist at the University of Hawaii at Manoa
College of Education. She teaches early childhood education courses, supervises early childhood
education teacher candidates and provides technical assistance to early childhood education
partnerships. Preceding Lock’s experiences in the governor’s office, she was a director of
Kamehameha Schools-Early Childhood Education division, National Head Start Fellow, Maui
County Early Childhood Coordinator, Maui College instructor and a family literacy trainer and
educator.
Teresa Vast is an Early Childhood Policy Consultant. She has completed an extensive
amount of research about early childhood education and written a large number of reports and
proposals for organizations such as Good Beginnings Alliance and the Lumina Foundation for
Education regarding financing strategies in early childhood education. In 2007 and 2012, she
completed significant reports for the State of Hawaii regarding the public preschool initiative.
Vast continues to participate in many discussions regarding early childhood education in Hawaii
including the Quality Rating and Improvement System, Early Learning Advisory Board and
Parents and Children Together Head Start Board of Directors.
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Jill Tokuda is a Hawaii State Senator representing the 24
th
District (Kaneohe, Kailua and
Enchanted Lake). She has been in the Senate since 2007. She is the current Majority Whip and in
2014, she was appointed as the chair of the Ways and Means Committee. At the time of data
collection, Tokuda was the chair of the Education Committee. She also sits on the Higher
Education and Technology and Arts Committees.
Roy Takumi is a Hawaii State Representative from the 35
th
District (Pearl City, Manana,
and Waipio). He has been in the House of Representatives since 1993. Takumi is the current
chair of the Education Committee and is also a member of the committees on Higher Education,
Labor and Public Employment, Public Safety, and Transportation.
Current Issues Surrounding Public Preschool In Hawaii
After interviewing these five educational and political leaders, two themes emerged to set
the stage for answering the study’s research questions. The first theme is the importance of
preschool. The second theme is the current political picture in early childhood education. Both
topics must be clarified before an accurate portrayal of the financial aspects of public preschool
in Hawaii can be examined.
The importance of preschool. The first significant theme is that of the importance of
public preschool in this state. All five participants were convinced that quality public preschool
is a necessity in Hawaii. All participants explained that it is not just preschool that is needed in
Hawaii, but quality preschool is the intention. Each spoke about a different aspect of quality
preschool. Lock said that there has been an increase of awareness of the importance of high
quality preschool. Weisenfeld discussed the aim to promote public preschools. She mentioned
that the goal for the public preschool movement is a quality preschool program and not an
extension of or diluted kindergarten classroom. Both legislators interviewed for this study,
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Tokuda and Takumi, advocated for quality preschool because of the benefits of early education
in the short run as well as the long term outcomes of quality preschool. They mentioned that
children will be more school ready — developmentally, socially, cognitively, and academically
more prepared for kindergarten and in subsequent grades. According to the legislators, students
will also have a lower likelihood of being in special education programs, be in prisons and
participate in the welfare system. Furthermore, both Tokuda and Takumi agreed that quality
preschool does not come cheap, but establishing quality preschool programs will save the State
of Hawaii money in the long run. The necessity of quality preschool experiences was established
during data collection.
Political influences in early childhood in Hawaii. The second major theme to set the
stage for examining financial aspects of public preschool is that of the political influences and
changes of early childhood education in Hawaii. All five participants agreed that many current
issues affect public preschools in Hawaii. All five participants spoke in detail of the
constitutional barrier, SB 1084 (Proposing an Amendment to Article X, Section 1, 2013) that
prevents the state from directly contracting with private providers to offer educational services.
During the November 2014 election, there was an initiative on the ballot to amend the Hawaii
State Constitution. This initiative proposed lifting the prohibition on public funds being used to
support or benefit private educational institutions for preschoolers was on the ballot. However,
Hawaii’s voters rejected this change (State of Hawaii, 2014). As a result, the state is not able to
create a public-private partnership that would have used a combination of preschool classrooms
at public schools and state-funded slots in private preschools to serve the state’s preschool
children. According Takumi, Weisenfeld and Vast, this significantly impedes the public
preschool initiative.
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Takumi, Tokuda and Vast also described the position of public preschools from the
perspective of the politicians and unions. Vast alluded to the fact that a strong education union is
not in support of public preschools in private settings. Strong opposition from the education
union will impact the outcome of the public preschool movement. The Hawaii State Teacher’s
Association, representing roughly 13,500 public school teachers, was a strong opponent of SB
1084. The Hawaii State Teacher’s Association claimed that public preschool should be built
within the public school system and subsidizing tuition at private preschools would take money
away from public schools. The union also campaigned that offering funds to private preschools
to educate children would not help the neediest children as the poorest communities are not
served by private preschools, so families will have to go outside of their communities for access
to preschool (“HSTA launches”, 2014).
Takumi and Tokuda both depicted additional aspects currently affecting public preschool
decisions and its timeline, specifically Act 079 that was passed in May 2014. Act 079 declared
that kindergarten is mandatory, delayed the kindergarten entry age and eliminated junior
kindergartens in public schools (Kindergarten, 2014). This law displaced 5,100 children who
could no longer start kindergarten and left most with no alternative public education options. At
the same time, 18 schools opened public preschool classrooms, which served 420 children in
rural parts of the state. With many changes occurring, this study was conducted during an
interesting and complicated time for the public preschool conversation in Hawaii due to politics.
These two themes set the foundation for the results of the research questions. The
knowledge of the value of preschool in Hawaii and the complex nature of this topic as a result of
the political situation in Hawaii are important to understanding the findings and answers to the
research questions.
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92
Results: Research Question 1
The first research question asked: What are the estimated number of children who would
enroll in public preschool in Hawaii? The aim of this question was to determine the cost of
public preschool according to the number of children who were likely to attend if a public
preschool was offered to all children in Hawaii. Although no definitive answer to the research
question was found during data analysis, two themes emerged. First, the idea of universal
preschool is the ultimate target of Hawaii’s preschool system. Second is the necessity for a
public and private partnership to offer services to meet the possible demand of public preschool
in Hawaii. In this section, to gain perspective, research related to US public preschool enrollment
will be reviewed, then these two themes will be discussed.
Barnett, Carolan et al. (2013) states that the total number of children enrolled in public
preschool in the US is over 1.3 million children, 1.1 million of them being four year olds. In
2013, the District of Columbia served the highest percentage of children at both ages three and
four. Florida and Oklahoma ranked second and third in enrollment of four year-olds. Both served
more than 70% of four year olds. With 65% of four year olds enrolled, Vermont ranks fourth on
four year old enrollment. Vermont is also notable for also serving a high percentage of three year
olds, ranking second on three year old enrollment. Other states enrolling more than half of four
year olds include Wisconsin, West Virginia, Georgia, Iowa, and Texas. Enrollment drops off
fairly rapidly from there, and 10 states with preschool programs served fewer than 10% of four
year olds (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Currently, in a majority of states, 32 of the 40 with
public preschool, preschool enrollment is determined by income (Barnett et al., 2012). In the
2014-2015 school year, 420 four year olds attended public preschool in Hawaii, all in rural areas
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93
and in lower income communities. This calculated to 2.4% of all four year old children and less
than 1% of all potentially eligible children ages three to five.
Universal Preschool
Universal preschools across the nation are voluntary programs serving all three and four
year old children (Lynch, 2007). Some define universal as free preschools (Lasser & Fite, 2011)
and others claim that universal preschools could have a sliding fee scale for parents in certain
income levels (Barnett, 2010). The interviewed participants all mentioned that universal
preschool in Hawaii is the ideal long-term outcome for the students, the state, and the
educational system, and that universal preschool would be achieved in phases. However, study
participants had varied perceptions regarding how many children would enroll, which children
would be have priority to attend these preschools, and the estimated number of children would
attend public preschool due to cultural and financial reasons. The plan to achieve a universal
preschool system and timeline for this universal system was inconclusive in this study.
All participants agreed that some kind of preschool serving all children, universal
preschool, was the long-term goal for the State of Hawaii. All participants spoke about public
preschool being implemented in phases, as resources are available. These educational and
political leaders in Hawaii would like to duplicate what other states have done.
One common approach of preschool implementation in other states has been to start
small and then increase enrollment. For example, Takumi mentioned Arkansas as a state that first
offered preschool to four year olds, then younger children as funds were available. He
remembers his visit to Arkansas as that state was starting its public preschool program. Arkansas
started with $10 million to fund early education and today they appropriate $90 to $100 million a
year. The Arkansas Better Chance (ABC) program started in 1991 and was initially funded only
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94
through a dedicated sales tax. Between 2001 and 2007, an excise tax on beer products provided
additional funding. The ABC program began to offer early learning opportunities to children
from low-income families from birth through age five. In 2004-2005, as additional funds became
available, the Arkansas Better Chance for School Success (ABCSS) program began to fund
preschool education for three and four year old children of who were 200% below the poverty
level. The program started in select school districts in the state, then expanded to eligible
children in other districts as well (Arkansas Department of Human Services, 2012). In 2013,
98% of school districts in Arkansas offered public preschool programs (Barnett, Carolan et al.,
2013). The over $110 million funding for this program comes from the Temporary Assistance of
Needy Families budget (6%) and the remainder is from the State General Revenue (Arkansas
Department of Human Services, 2012).
Lock used Georgia as an example. She asserted that Georgia has been doing public
preschool for the longest, for 15 to 20 years, and they still only can offer preschool to about 75%
of the children. According to Lock, the ramping up of educational services may be a result of the
state’s economic situation. These political and educational leaders interviewed in this study
would like to create preschool opportunities in phases and building capacity over time. The
original plan by the EOEL in 2012 called for a three phase, a 10-year plan. The EOEL hoped that
by 2023, all four year olds would have access to high quality early learning programs.
Although the educational and political leaders were in agreement about what kind of
preschool system they envisioned, there was no consensus as to how many children would
initially enroll or which children had priority. Each educational and political leader had their
own preference as to the priority for which children should be enrolled. For example, according
to Lock, originally, the public preschool plan looked at universal preschool for four year olds
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95
first, then three year olds in particular areas or those with special needs. Because of political
factors — specifically Act 079, passed in May 2014, which declared kindergarten mandatory,
changed kindergarten entry age (from age four to age five by July 31), and eliminated junior
kindergarten — and the fewer resources allotted by the state, this plan by the EOEL changed. In
2013, the EOEL requested $8 million from state funds to support school readiness initiatives.
This funding was not realized. The EOEL created another plan to open 30 preschool classrooms
in different parts of the state. Again the funds were not allocated. However, in 2014, the EOEL
received $3 million to fund public preschool, which lead to financing 21 classrooms of four year
olds in 18 schools statewide. According to Weisenfeld, this means 420 four year olds were able
to attend public preschool in the 2014-2015 school year. This is the first phase of a public
preschool system in Hawaii. Currently, according to Weisenfeld, the eligibility requirements for
these preschools are that eligible children are from low income families who make 200% below
the federal poverty level and families that have children who are late born and affected by the
kindergarten entry age change, as a second priority. These 18 schools area in rural areas of
Hawaii, receive Title 1 funds, and are in communities with limited preschool capacities.
Lock and Tokuda had ideas different from the other participants regarding which children
should be enrolled into public preschool first. These leaders explained that they would like the
children in the “gap” to be the ones served. They defined the “gap” as children of working
families or lower middle income families, those who are just above the 200% poverty level.
According to both Lock and Tokuda, at times, it is not the lowest income children that do not get
access to preschool; it is the children of working families or lower middle-income families.
These parents have difficulty affording preschool but do not qualify for scholarships. Tokuda
continued that in these families both parents may work two jobs, they pay their bills, they pay
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their taxes, and they do not qualify for any services because their incomes are too high. These are
the families who are struggling and need financial support.
Finally, Tokuda advocated for offering public preschool to four year olds less likely to
have access to it, and then the high need three year olds, instead of all four year olds. She felt
that there are benefits of offering the high need three year olds two years of preschool. She also
doubted sustainability- being able to fund the entire cohort of four year olds every year. Tokuda
asserted that before offering services to an entire cohort of children, the thought of funding for
the next year comes to mind. Thus, her idea is to determine the resources, then focus on the
children who really need the services, both three and four year olds. With so many different
perspectives and ideas about priority of the target pupils, this discussion of who will enroll in
preschool will need to be continued among educational and political leaders.
Not only were the data about which children would be served varied, the information of
how many children and timeline to reach a maximum enrollment was not clearly established.
Again, each participant had his or her own view on how many children would enroll in public
preschool if offered and how long it might take the state to create a public preschool system that
would reach maximum enrollment. Weisenfeld said that the goal is 80% of the children enrolled
and this could take five years to implement. Takumi estimated that 85% at the most of the states
children will enroll, but his vision is a preschool to grade 12 system where preschools could be
publicly funded. He asserted that the state took 50 years to embed kindergarten into the public
school system in Hawaii, making kindergarten mandatory for all children. In turn, Takumi also
anticipated a timeline longer than 50 years for preschool to be an entirely public system. Vast
stated that about 95% of preschool children would participate within 10 years. Lock estimated
that about 75% to 80% of preschool children would attend publicly funded preschool, if it were
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97
available to them, 15 to 20 years from now. She acknowledged that in Hawaii, there are other
options for families who want to stay at home with their children, or those who want to have the
choice of extended family, relatives, grandparents, so it is understood that not all families would
chose public preschool education for their child.
An additional significant point brought up by Takumi and Vast was that there are
children who would be excluded in the public preschool numbers due to certain variables. For
example, children who enter existing Special Education programs in the Department of
Education, enroll in Head Start, or accept Kamehameha School scholarships would be excluded
in the enrollment percentages. Vast estimated that about 15% of the preschool aged children in
Hawaii would not need public preschool funds from the state.
All participants agreed that the percentages served and timeline of public preschool
depends on the constitutional amendment, SB 1084 (Proposing an Amendment to Article X,
Section 1, 2013) that prevents the state from directly contracting with private providers to offer
educational services. As this initiative was defeated in the November 2014 elections (State of
Hawaii, 2014), Vast imagined that there will be a huge setback for state funded preschools in
Hawaii. Weisenfeld agreed that the loss of SB 1084 will lengthen the timeline of universal
preschool. She discussed that new facilities must be created on the Department of Education
campuses or other accommodations for classrooms must be made for public preschool to be a
reality.
The evidence presented above asserts that a universal preschool system is the long term
goal for the state of Hawaii. The state is in the first phase of offering preschool education to 420
four years old in 18 schools statewide. The data also shows that there is no determination as to
which children would likely enroll in a universal preschool system and how long it would take to
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98
create a universal program. The evidence shows that four year olds would have priority and that
not all children would opt to enter public preschool due to family care choices and options for
varied preschool enrollment that are free or cost effective for the family, including Head Start,
Department of Education Special Education or Kamehameha Schools scholarships.
Public and Private Preschool Partnerships
The second theme, public preschools as a joint venture of the Department of Education
schools and private preschool classrooms, emerged from the data. All participants agreed that the
plan to move toward universal preschool and to accommodate the number of children that could
be served could only happen with a public and private sector partnership.
According to Weisenfeld, Hawaii cannot serve all four year olds in just Department of
Education schools. The initial plan by the EOEL was to create a universal preschool program
though a mixed delivery system, one that utilizes the Department of Education classrooms and
private center based preschools. Additionally, high quality home based programs and family
based programs were planned to be included, as there may not be access to private center based
programs in rural areas of the state. Some school complexes have public schools on a multi-track
system, so these public schools cannot accommodate more students. Tokuda asserted that there
are particular communities in Hawaii where high quality family based or home based programs,
like Family Child Interaction Learning Programs and home visiting programs are the best
options and will benefit children and their families. Tokuda thought about access to education
and knowing the communities and the children that need services. There is no one size fits all
method, so public preschool must utilize a mixed provider approach, according to Tokuda. Thus,
including public school classrooms, private preschool providers and Family Child Interaction
Learning Programs is what makes most sense to offer public preschool in Hawaii.
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99
Another reason to incorporate a variety of providers, both public and private, is to value
the families’ choice of program for their preschool child, as stated by Lock, Takumi, and
Tokuda. This selection included the family culture and family situation. For example, according
to Tokuda, in some communities, families would have up to three choices of preschool programs
to send their children to. These programs could include a preschool on a Department of
Education campus, a private preschool provider, and a Family Child Interaction Learning
program. Depending on the family’s preference, they may choose the free public school program
where the child can transition into kindergarten smoothly, or they may choose the reputable
private preschool and receive a stipend for tuition, or they may choose a free Family Child
Interaction Learning Program because the caregiver does not work and would like to also be
educated about early learning. The family’s preference is significant when related to preschool
options.
Furthermore, Takumi estimated that fewer children would enroll in a public school
classroom than in a private preschool classroom when public preschool is available due to the
lack of space availability on the Department of Education campuses. He said, “I think ultimately,
public school delivery will be a smaller percentage of the delivery than the private sector. Again,
if there is no access to the delivery…” Lock had an idea that compared private preschool
providers to charter schools, having support from the Department of Education, but still getting
private funding to serve students. She expanded:
Charter schools are moving toward accreditation. They are getting support through
different means. They get private funding; of course, they get their lump sum from DOE.
I think that model is interesting to think about…I don’t think we have had that
conversation.
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Tokuda extended this theme of private and public partnerships and stated that public
preschool is not only preschool on public Department of Education campuses. The issue is not
about where the school is or who operates it. The issue is about publicly funded early learning,
putting tax-payer dollars in early education like 40 other states in the country have. When
looking at public preschool around the country, state preschool programs are operated typically
though public school systems but often in collaboration with other community based programs
such as childcare agencies or Head Start (McCabe & Sipple, 2011; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011).
The necessity of a public and private preschool partnership is evidence found in this
study. Hawaii public schools cannot accommodate all preschoolers on their campuses. The
theme in this study is that utilizing private preschool providers is the only way to achieve public
preschool for Hawaii’s children and honor family choices of early learning. However, due to the
defeat of SB1084, the bill that aimed to amend the Hawaii State Constitution to allow public
funds for private preschool, in November 2014, the idea of private and public preschools
collaborating will no longer be an option.
Summary
The first research question asked: What are the estimated number of children who would
enroll in public preschool in Hawaii? According to the interviews of five educational and
political leaders in this research, the results were inconclusive. There was agreement that
universal preschool for all children is the ultimate vision of Hawaii and the plan for universal
preschool would be implemented in phases with the partnership of public and private educational
providers. However, there was no agreement as to how to prioritize students for preschool entry
and how many children would be enrolled.
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The estimated number of enrolled preschool children based on the projected percentage
of age eligible children who participate is displayed in the table below (See Table 4.2). This table
details how many children of each age group: age three, age four and age five there would be in
certain demographics. These demographics include those not receiving Special Education, Head
Start or Kamehameha funds, children of the 65% estimated rate for public preschool enrollment,
children from families under 200% of the poverty level, and those needing ELL services. A plan
for an effective public preschool system in Hawaii was unsettled.

Table 4.2
Estimated Number of Preschool Enrollees Based on Estimated Percent Participating
Age of
children
Number of
children in
2014
Estimated
number of
children (85%)
who may utilize
public preschool
funds *
Estimated
number of
children for
public preschool
enrollment
(65%)**
Estimated
number
under 200%
of the
poverty level
(50%)
Estimated
number of
children
needing
ELL
services
(8%)
Age 3 18,666 15,866 12,133 9,333 1,493
Age 4 17,620 14,977 11,453 8,810 1,410
Age 5 17,513 14,886 11,383 8,757 1,401
*This population of children do not receive funds from Special Education Services, Head Start or
Kamehameha Scholarships and will utilize public preschool funds.
** This number is from a study conducted by Vast in 2007.

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Results: Research Question 2
The second research question asked: What is the estimated cost of public preschool in
Hawaii and how would the cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolling? To
answer this question, a modification to the Evidence-Based Model discussed in Chapter 2, was
applied by inputting operation costs of a public preschool system and the number of children
likely to attend preschool. Then a sensitivity analysis was conducted to find a range of total
costs.
According to previous research, public preschool expenditures per pupil vary by state.
Barnett, Carolan et al. (2013) maintains that the total state preschool spending was $5.4 billion in
2012-2013. On a national average, individual states spend $4,026 per pupil. At the top,
Washington, D.C. spent $14,690 per child, with New Jersey was second at $12,070. At the other
end, Colorado, South Carolina, and Nebraska spent less than $2,000 per child on public
preschool (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
In this section, evidence of past and current finances for public preschool in Hawaii and
ways to decrease this cost amount will be described. Also, results of the modified Evidence-
Based Model and sensitivity analysis will be presented. Lastly, information of start up costs,
according to a participant, is mentioned.
Past and Current Finances for Public Preschool in Hawaii
This study is not the first that has attempted to calculate the cost of public preschool in
Hawaii. Data from 2007, 2012, and 2014 were analyzed to answer this research question. Past
calculations, in 2007 and 2012 were completed by Teresa Vast and incorporated a variety of
costs and emphasized preschool classrooms operated by private preschool providers. Current
calculations for public preschools, in 2014, are computed using the Department of Education
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103
weighted student formula, focused on preschool classrooms in the public school system and
allotted extra start up costs. This section includes data on previous cost studies and current data
on public preschool operations then considers the idea of expanding options of preschool
providers as methods to decrease the cost of public preschool.
In 2007, Vast did a study (personal communication) on the cost of public preschool in
Hawaii. The study was commissioned by the legislative task force on early learning and included
calculations for a school year/school day program and full year/full day program for four year
olds. The study itemized direct costs and capital costs that included start up costs, renovation,
expansion and other quality improvements. The study also detailed infrastructure costs such as
workforce development, community outreach, quality assurance monitoring, communications
and consumer relations, financial aide, system governance, and evaluation and assessment. These
calculations focused on private preschool programs such as center-based preschools, Family
Child Interaction Learning Programs, and Family Child Care Homes. The study projected costs
from 2009 to 2018 with an increase of student enrollment each year and a goal of 65% of all four
year olds enrolled.
According to the figures computed by Vast in 2007, the average cost per child in the first
year of public preschool implementation for a school year, school day program for 500 children
or 4% of the targeted four year old population (65%) was $18,220. This included infrastructure
costs including workforce/professional development, community hubs, quality assurance,
technical assistance, consumer resources and referral, evaluation, assessment, financial aid,
communication/public awareness, and management and coordination. The direct cost per child
was $8,870. The cost projected for year 10 for the same program with 100% of the targeted four
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year olds participating (65%), was estimated at $11,630, the direct cost was $10,980 per child.
This cost added capital expenses and quality improvements that the first year cost did not look at.
Vast also calculated full year, full day program costs, supposing that public preschool
would be implemented in the private sector. The average cost per child in the first year of public
preschool implementation for a full year, full day program for 500 children or 4% of the targeted
four year old population was calculated at $19,910, with the direct cost at $10,560 per child. This
included infrastructure costs. The cost of public preschool in year 10, according to this study for
the same program with 100% of the targeted four year olds participating (65%), was estimated to
be $13,700, the direct cost $13,030 per child. This 10 year cost added capital expenses and
quality improvements that the first year cost did not look at.
In 2012, this study was updated (Vast et al., 2012). The cost for each type of provider
(center based programs, Family-Child Interaction Learning Programs and Family Child Care
Homes) and type of program (school day, full day, school year or full year) was determined for
direct costs for 2014-2015 to 2018-2019. The estimated direct cost for a school-year, school day
program per child in 2014-2015 was calculated at $9,750. This calculation was the weighted
average cost per child determined by the estimated cost of each type of provider and the
percentage of children likely to participate with that type of provider. In 2018-2019, that same
program per child was projected at $10,630. The projected direct cost for a school year, full day
program per child was $10,070 in 2014-2015 and $10,970 in 2018-2019. The estimated cost for a
child in a full day, full year program was $11,530 in 2014-2015 and $12,550 in 2018-2019. Vast
et al. (2012) computed the total cost for 1,150 children attending public preschool, including
direct cost, infrastructure, operational costs, and capital costs for 2014-2015 at almost $20.5
million. The projected cost for 2018-2019 including the same items for 3,400 four year olds was
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105
almost $47 million (Vast et al., 2012). Table 4.3 is data from Vast et al.’s (2012) study that
clarifies the direct cost of public preschool, infrastructural, operational and capital costs, which
are excluded from the direct cost of public preschool. These are start up costs.
In the same year, 2012, the EOEL requested a budget of $22.9 million for 3,472 four year
olds to attend preschool as well as direct costs and administrative fees, and excluded
infrastructure fees. The average cost to serve this program was calculated at $8,800 per child for
school year, school day preschool. The remainder of the cost would be absorbed by a family
sliding scale co-payment system. This request was not enacted by the state legislature.

Table 4.3
Estimated Total Implementation Costs
Before
Implementation Year 1 Year 2 Year 3 Year 4 Year 5
Number of
participating
children
0 1,150 1,500 2,100 2,700 3,400
Average Direct
Cost per Child
0 $9,750 $9,870 $10,060 $10,360 $10,630
Total Direct
Costs
0 $11,212,500 $14,805,000 $21,126,000 $27,972,000 $36,142,000
Infrastructure
Costs
$4,507,300 $6,201,000 $7,138,500 $8,137,500 $9,838,600 $10,854,300
Operational
Costs
$4,507,300 $17,413,500 $21,942,500 $29,263,500 $37,810,600 $46,996,300
Capital Costs $2,625,000 $3,000,000 $2,250,000 $2,250,000 $2,625,000 0
Total
Implementation
Costs
$7,132,300 $20,413,500 $24,193,500 $31,513,500 $40,435,600 $46,996,300
Source: Vast et al. (2012)

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In the current 2014-2015 school year, the Hawaii State Legislature allocated $3 million to
fund 420 preschool children’s education in 21 classrooms in 18 public schools. The state is
paying $8,800 per pupil for the school year, school day program, as determined by the weighted
student formula. Weisenfeld stated that $8,800 is the amount the principals of the schools get to
hire teachers, purchase items for the classrooms, and operate the classrooms on Department of
Education campuses. This cost per pupil does not include new classroom equipment, which is an
extra budget of $24,500 per classroom. The cost for equipment was replicated from data from a
preschool classroom on the Department of Education campus that was started years ago.
Additionally, the cost per pupil does not include professional development opportunities.
Currently, the schools have a special budget of $100,000 total to train resource teachers who
provide coaching and other professional development opportunities for classroom teachers. Thus,
when calculated, the current total cost per child for a school day, school year program is $10,263
including direct costs, professional development and start up costs. The EOEL Director worked
with the Department of Education fiscal officers to calculate this amount for the cost of public
preschools in Hawaii.
The current direct amount allotted per child, $8,800, is for a school year, school day
preschool program on Department of Education school campuses. However, all of the
participants agreed that it would be less costly for the state if public funds could go to private
educational providers. They referred to SB1084 (which has since been defeated by the voters),
designed to amend the Hawaii Constitution to allow public funds for private preschool. Takumi
asserted that private providers expend fewer funds than public providers because parents pay a
subsidized amount. Those families in the higher or middle-income bracket would have a co-pay
at a private preschool. Additionally, Tokuda claimed that the State of Hawaii could also stretch
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107
their dollars by funding Family Child Interaction Learning Programs where the $8,800 per child
in the public school classroom could be used to impact three or four families in a Family Child
Interaction Learning Program. Having more options would decrease the cost per child for public
preschool and provide better financial outcomes for the public preschool system in Hawaii.
Evidence showed that the previously calculated costs for the State of Hawaii public
preschool program varies by year and by type of program. Until 2014, the calculations were
focused on establishing public preschool classrooms in the private sector. In the 2014-2015
school year, $8,800 per child and additional finances for equipment and professional
development was appropriated to start public preschool at Department of Education campuses.
The evidence also emphasized that private providers cost less than public preschool providers.
Using the private sector is a strategy to decrease the cost of preschool per child and provide
access to more children in the state. However, using private preschools is not an option, as
Hawaii does not allow public funds to pay for private education.
The Modified Evidence-Based Model
Research Question 2 asked for the estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii and the
cost based on the estimated number of students enrolling. The estimated cost of public preschool
in Hawaii was the emphasis of this study. The computation from the modified Evidence-Based
Model answered the question for a school day, school year program.
The Evidence Based approach uses research evidence and best practices as a foundation
of the 14 core components of school adequacy then determines adequate expenditures by placing
a price on each component and aggregating the components of the total cost (Odden & Picus,
2008). The result is a set of strategies and resource needs which then forms the basis of the cost
estimates derived for schools and districts in a state (Odden et al., 2010). A modified version of
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108
the original Evidence-Based Model was created to meet the needs of Hawaii’s current public
preschool system (See Table 4.4). Table 4.4 itemizes the components of the modified Evidence-
Based Model and its allocations.
According to the calculations from the modified Evidence-Based Model in this study, the
cost per child for a school day, school year preschool program in Hawaii is $9,975. This cost of
$9,975 includes the following: Department of Education teachers, instructional aides, specialist
teachers, instructional facilitators or coaches, teachers for English Language Learners,
Substitutes, Principals or supervisors, and school secretary as personnel. The calculations also
include the cost of professional development, technology and equipment, instructional materials,
student activities, operations and maintenance, transportation, and food services.
Data revealed that Core Teacher, Specialist Teacher, Teacher for ELL students, and
Instructional Facilitators/Coaches were combined in one position category. In 2014, the average
teacher salary in Hawaii was $54,809 annually and the average salary for a principal was
$93,831. The school secretary salary average was $42,507. An Instructional Aide, in Hawaii
called a Paraprofessional Tutor, had an hourly rate of $13.88. In Hawaii, most Paraprofessional
Tutors are part time employees, but in the case of preschool programs, employment would need
to be for the entire school day. Thus, their annual salary would be $28,870. For these Department
of Education employees’ fringe benefits are a composite rate of 42.54% of their salary and
include pension, health insurance, worker’s compensation, unemployment compensation, social
security and Medicare. This percentage was added to each employee’s salary. Lastly, a substitute
teacher with fringe benefits costs an average of $160.10 per day.

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109
Table 4.4
Resource Allocation Model for Hawaii Public Preschools
School Component Resources for a Preschool Program
Personnel Resources
Core teachers 1 teacher in a class of 20 children
Instructional Aides 1 Instructional Aide in a class of 20 children
Specialist teachers 20%
Instructional Facilitators/Coaches An additional 1.0 teachers for every 200 students
Teachers for ELL students An additional 1.0 teachers for every 100 ELL students
Substitutes 10 days per FTE
Supervisor 1.0 supervisors for every 450 students
School Site Secretary 1.0 secretaries for every 450 students
Dollar per Pupil Resources
Professional development Included above:
Instructional facilitators
10 summer days
Additional:
$100/pupil for other PD expenses – trainers, conferences,
travel, etc.
Technology and equipment $250/pupil
Instructional materials, including
textbooks, formative assessments
$140/pupil
Student Activities $25/pupil
Other Expenditures
Operations and Maintenance $940 per pupil
Transportation $390 per pupil
Food Services $340 per pupil
Note. Adapted from Picus et al. (2009)

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110
The modified Evidence-Based Model also accounted for English Language Learners: one
English Language Learner teacher for every 100 ELL students. In Hawaii, in 2013-2014, 8% of
the Department of Education enrollment was English Language Learners. It is estimated that 8%
of the preschool enrollment would be English Language Learners as well. Thus, for every 1,250
students, there must be 1 ELL teacher.
Also included in the modified Evidence-Based Model is annual costs for professional
development at $100 per pupil, Technology and Equipment at $250 per pupil, Instructional
Materials at $140 per pupil, Student Activities costs at $25 per pupil, as well as operations and
maintenance at $940 per pupil transportation at $390 per pupil, and food services at $340 per
pupil. This model does not include costs for infrastructure and program start up.
Using the modified Evidence-Based Model, the number of personnel resources was
determined. If public preschool were universal for four year olds in Hawaii, the state would need
881 classrooms with one Core Teacher and on Instructional Aide in each classroom of 20
children. The Department of Education would need 39.16 additional principals or supervisors
and 39.16 more school secretaries. About 176 specialist teachers, 14 teachers for ELL students
and 88 Instructional Facilitators or Coaches would be necessary to service all four year old
preschoolers, according to the modified Evidence-Based Model. Furthermore, 17,620 days
would be allotted for substitute teachers (see Table 4.5). Table 4.5 adds current Hawaii
Department of Education salaries to the modified Evidence-Based Model as well as number of
personnel necessary for universal preschool for four year olds. The table also lists a total cost for
each component for a universal program for four year olds enrolled in public preschool, to serve
100% of the 17,620 four year olds in 2014.

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111
Table 4.5
Modified Evidence-Based Model Computations for a Universal Four Year Old Preschool
Program
School Component
Resources for
Preschool
Program
Annual Salary
including
fringe benefits
Number of
personnel
needed for
100% four year
old enrollment
Annual Cost for
100% four year
old enrollment
Personnel
Resources

Core teachers 1 teacher with an
Instructional Aide
in a class of 20
children
$78,125 881.00 $68,828,125
Instructional Aides 1 Instructional
Aide with every
teacher in a class
of 20 children
$41,151 881.00 $36,254,031
Specialist teachers 20% $78,125 175.13 $13,765,625
Instructional
Facilitators/
Coaches
An additional 1.0
teachers for every
200 students
$78,125 87.57 $6,882,812.50
Teachers for ELL
students
An additional 1.0
teachers for every
100 ELL students
$78,125 175.13 $1,101,250
Substitutes 10 days per FTE $160.10 17,513 $2,819,200
Principal/Supervisor
1.0 supervisors for
every 450 students
$133,747 38.92 $5,236,938.09
School Site
Secretary
1.0 secretaries for
every 450 students
$60,589 38.92 $2,372,395.96

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112
Table 4.5, continued
School Component
Resources for
Preschool
Program
Annual Salary
including
fringe benefits
Number of
personnel
needed for
100% four year
old enrollment
Annual Cost for
100% four year
old enrollment
Dollar per Pupil
Resources

Professional
development
Included above:
Instructional
facilitators
10 summer days
Additional:
$100/pupil for
other PD
expenses –
trainers,
conferences,
travel, etc.
$1,762,000
Technology and
equipment
$250/pupil $4,405,000
Instructional
materials, including
textbooks,
formative
assessments
$140/pupil $2,466,800
Student Activities $25/pupil $440,500
Other Expenditures
Operations and
Maintenance
$940 per pupil

$16,562,800
Transportation $390 per pupil $6,871,800
Food Services $340 per pupil $5,990,800
Total cost per year $175,760,007.54

ESTIMATED COST OF PUBLIC PRESCHOOL IN HAWAII

113
Sensitivity Analysis
Using the modified Evidence-Based Model, the cost per child for a school day, school
year preschool program in Hawaii is $9,975. The total cost of public preschool system was
determined for the number of children enrolled. This amount is significant to understand the
estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii. For all (100%) 4 year olds in Hawaii to attend
public preschool, the total cost is $175,760,077.54. A sensitivity analysis computing total costs
for different percentages of children enrolling in Pre-K programs was also completed for the four
year old and some three year old populations using the per pupil cost of $9,975.
The percentages to compute the sensitivity analysis were determined by using
information from the participants and past studies. In 2014, 420 preschool children entered
public preschool. These children make up about 2.4% of the four year old population. The total
cost for these children is over $4.2 million dollars. In the 2013-2014 school year, the Hawaii
Department of Education reported that just over 50% of students had free and reduced lunch. In
Hawaii children who received free or reduced lunch generally come from families with incomes
200% below poverty level. If all low income four year olds attend public preschool, the cost will
be almost $87.9 million. Sixty five percent of four year olds was the targeted number in the 2007
public preschool cost study by Vast. If 65% of Hawaii’s four year olds attend public preschool,
the cost is more than $114.2 million dollars. During the interviews, Takumi and Vast alluded to
the fact that some of Hawaii’s four year olds already have subsidized preschool costs. For
example, according to Takumi, Kamehameha Schools has committed to awarding 4,000
preschool scholarships. In addition, some children already or can qualify for Head Start or
Department of Education Special Education programs. Vast projected that about 15% of the four
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114
year olds in Hawaii would not need to utilize funds from the state. Thus, to fund the remaining
85% of the children, the cost would be almost $150 million.
In addition to a sensitivity analysis for four year old preschool enrollment, a sensitivity
analysis that added three year olds was completed. This was done to explore different
possibilities for public preschool attendance. Tokuda’s perspectives on which children would
have priority to enroll into public preschool included four year olds and three year olds who were
needy, or came from families whose incomes were 200% below poverty level. This would be
about 50% of the population from each age group. The cost was calculated at over $180 million.
The cost of having 50% of three year olds, those whose families have incomes 200% below the
poverty level, and 100% of four year old attendance is almost $268.9 million (See Table 4.6).
This sensitivity analysis was computed using the modified Evidence-Based Model with the per
child cost of preschool, $9,975 and are estimates to guide funding in public preschool in Hawaii.

Table 4.6
Sensitivity Analysis for Four-Year-Olds
Percentage of children
Number of
children served
Total cost of public
preschool per year
2.4% of four year olds 420 $4,218,242
50% of four year olds 8,810 $87,880,039
65% of four year olds 11,453 $114,244,050
85% of four year olds 14,977 $149,396,066
100% of four year olds 17,620 $175,760,078
50% of three year olds and 50% of four year olds 18,143 $180,977,020
50% of three year olds and 100% of four year olds 26,846 $268,857,059
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Start Up Costs
Vast, who researched and calculated previous estimates of the cost of public preschool
spoke in detail about the hidden costs of public preschool that are not in these per pupil
calculations. These are the costs necessary to start a system. The focus on cost of direct service
in the classroom ignores all the things that need to put into place before the classroom can
operate. According to Vast, the first hidden cost is the personnel. In Hawaii, there are not enough
well qualified teachers. Vast stated, “When they open the doors in public schools, they expect
fully trained teachers to be there…in early childhood we don’t have many.” In Hawaii, in 2013,
on 18% of all kindergarten teachers had an Early Childhood Endorsement Certificate, or special
training to work with young children (Office of the Superintendent, 2014). Therefore, in the
Department of Education, there is a small number of teachers qualified to work with preschool
children. Furthermore, many preschool teachers in the private preschool sector are not eligible to
teach in the public school system due to a lack of educational qualifications. Thus, recruiting and
training teachers is a large cost. In her 2012 study, Vast estimated that workforce development
would cost almost $1.1 million for the first year of public preschool implementation with the
amount increasing as enrollment increases in subsequent years (Vast, 2012).
Another large start up cost is data. Vast claimed that Hawaii has an inadequate data
system. Data is not there when it is needed. She expanded, “Early childhood is just scattered all
over the place and doesn’t have the systems in place to support the services and programs.” Vast
asserted that the early childhood education field needs to invest in a common data system,
something that pulls all of Early Childhood Education together and giving it a home, to make it
possible to have quality programs for young children. Vast et al. (2012) estimated that the data
system would be $125,000 for the first two years of implementation of public preschool. Other
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costs included in infrastructure were a quality rating and improvement system starting at $1.6
million, a Resource Center, application and eligibility processes, and Communications/Public
Relations totaling over $900,000 in the first year, evaluation system starting at $50,000, and a
coordination office at about $700,000 in the first year. These expenditures are essential to
establish a preschool system, even before any children are enrolled into preschool. All of these
expenses increase in subsequent years with increased enrollment.
There are also costs for capital and quality improvement to maintain a public preschool
system. The study completed by Vast et al. (2012) utilized private center based preschool
programs, Family Child Care Homes and Family-Child Interaction Learning Programs, where
much of the infrastructure already exists. An accurate cost for capital expenses in the Department
of Education system is unknown. The multitude of costs determine the true expenses of
establishing and maintaining public preschool sin Hawaii.
Table 4.7 expands on this idea of start up costs and details several start up costs as
researched by Vast et al. (2012). This study contributes to the direct cost of public preschool
education, so Vast’s data from 2012 is applied to determine a comprehensive operational cost of
public preschool in Hawaii.

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Table 4.7
Total Cost of Preschool Per Child
Year of
Operation
Direct Cost Per Child
According to the modified
Evidence-Based Model
Approximate Infrastructural
Costs Per Child (Vast et al.,
2012)
Total Operational
Cost Per Child
Year 1 $9,975 $5,392 $15,367
Year 2 $9,975 $4,759 $14,734
Year 3 $9,975 $3,874 $13,849
Year 4 $9,975 $3,644 $13,619
Year 5 $9,975 $3,192 $13,167

Summary
The second research question asked for the estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii
and how that would cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolled. These costs
were the intention of this study. The modified Evidence-Based Model calculated 15 components
of adequate public preschool education in Hawaii. According to the modified Evidence-Based
Model, the cost per child per year is $9,975. The sensitivity analysis examining the total cost of
adequate education revealed estimated costs determined by the number of children who may be
likely to enroll. If 100% of the four year old population in Hawaii were to be served in public
preschool, the cost would be over $175.7 million or $9,975 per pupil. When adding three year
olds to the sensitivity analysis, the costs increase for the state. There is evidence that these cost
amounts do not provide a complete picture of what the actual price of public preschool may be as
infrastructure costs, such as the foundation of a personnel and data system, are not included.
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Results: Research Question 3
The final research question asked: What options exist to fund public preschool in
Hawaii? The purpose of this question was to gather information on how public preschool could
be financially supported in Hawaii. Research states that in the US, most of costs of public
preschool fall on tax-payers (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). In general, states have four sources
of funding: federal, state, local or district, and private support (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011) and
three methods to fund public preschool programs. These methods include: utilizing a variety of
public funds (CED, 2002; Russo, 2007); having families contribute to the cost (Barnett, 2010;
Brandon et al., 2000); and adding public preschool into the school funding formula (Barnett et
al., 2012; Boylan & White, 2010; Hustedt & Barnett, 2011; Stone, 2008).
During data analysis of this research question, two themes emerged. The first theme was
financing public preschool through general funds that would put public preschool in the
Department of Education weighted student formula. There was a consensus among the
participants that Hawaii should fund public preschool though general state funds allotted by the
Legislature. The second theme was funding with other resources including federal grants, special
taxes, family contributions, philanthropic organizations as well as other options to keep costs
low. These two themes will be presented in this section.
General Funds
General funds are from basic public taxes and are used to finance public schools’
weighted student formula in the Hawaii Department of Education. All participants agreed that
the best way for Hawaii to fund public preschool is through the general funds appropriated by the
Hawaii State Legislature. General funds are used to finance public schools’ weighted student
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formula. The educational and political leaders interviewed agreed that a dedicated and stable
revenue source, general funds, is essential to sustain public preschools in the state.
Vast claimed that most public polls show that people are willing to pay a little extra in
their taxes to have early childhood education, but raising taxes is unlikely to happen as
politicians will not allow that. Thus, the amount of money in the general funds will not increase.
Tokuda stated that even if the general funds do not increase, the state must create priorities
within the existing finances. Where Hawaii spends the general funds shows where the state’s
priorities are. She asserted:
Hawaii needs to be used to and accustomed to putting their money where their mouth is.
They need to start using real tax dollars to support early learning. How we spend out G
funds shows where our priorities are as a state.
She continued that in the past, education was allotted more than half of the annual state budget
and now Human Service and Health are offered over half of the budget.
Lastly, Lock believed that general funds should be used as it is a stable stream of funding.
However, she questioned the weighted student formula, the amount of money allotted to each
child in public school. Lock wondered if the weighted student formula was really the true cost
per child in the Department of Education and wondered how infrastructure, like student and
personnel services especially for a new public preschool program, is built in.
All participants concurred that general funds were the best option to finance public
preschool. However, concerns arose regarding releasing general funds and the weighted student
formula.
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Other Resources
Evidence showed that the cost of public preschool per child would not entirely come
from state funds. Participants of the study offered other venues for financial support including
federal grants, special taxes, family contributions and philanthropic organizations. The
educational and political leaders also suggested opportunities to keep costs low and allow more
children access to public preschool.
All participants suggested other ideas to fund public preschool in Hawaii. These include
obtaining federal monies, special taxes, and support from philanthropic communities. Federal
funds include block grants from President Obama’s Preschool for All Initiative and federal
finances from Head Start. Most recently, according to Weisenfeld, the EOEL and governor’s
office wrote a request for a Development Preschool Grant, jointly administered by the US
Departments of Education and the Hawaii department of Health and Human Services. Hawaii
competed with 15 other states for a total of $40 million over four years, starting in the 2015-2016
school year. Weisenfeld believed that Hawaii would use these funds to focus on workforce
enhancement. Weisenfeld also added that the grant requires that by year four of the grant cycle,
90% of the funds must go to preschool. In other words, if Hawaii receives this funding, 50 public
preschool classrooms will be established. Weisenfeld claimed that this is a great incentive to
move forward and will put Hawaii in a positive position for President Obama’s Preschool for All
Initiative.
On December 10, 2014, the US Department of Education and US Department of Health
and Human Services announced that Hawaii was one of the five states to be awarded the federal
Preschool Development Grant. The grant aims to create or expand high quality preschool
programs in high need communities and up to 35% of the grant can be used for state level
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infrastructure and quality improvements. Hawaii will receive $2,074,059 for the first year.
Second, third and fourth year awards will be contingent on available funding, department budget
reviews and state satisfactory progress. Hawaii is anticipating a total of almost $15 million
during the four-year period. According to the grant application, Hawaii will utilize these funds to
provide new preschool classrooms in charter schools, mostly Native Hawaiian culture focused or
Native Hawaiian language immersions schools, around the state.
In addition to federal grant monies, Lock, Tokuda, and Vast, spoke about special taxes
allocated for young children as an option to fund public preschools. According to Lock and Vast,
Florida and Louisiana are states that use this method of funding. However, all three leaders were
also cautious on recommending the use of special taxes as there are risks that the revenue from
that source will decrease. Tokuda said that the sustainability of that method of funding is not
certain. Receiving funds from special taxes also implies to the Hawaii State Legislature that if
that program is allotted special funds, then no others fiscal support is needed. One example she
recalled was that of the University of Hawaii (UH). The UH system asked to raise tuition and the
Legislature approved, but decreased the amount of appropriations from the state’s general funds.
Takumi and Weisenfeld mentioned that private foundations, like Kamehameha Schools,
or philanthropic organizations have offered in the past to support certain elements of the
education of young children and this is another possibility for funding a portion of public
preschool in Hawaii. For instance, Weisenfeld mentioned that a private foundation had offered
support with professional development. Hawaii’s P-3 Initiative that promotes a cohesive
continuum for children birth to age eight is also assisting the public preschools through various
contracts.
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It was apparent that all of the educational and political leaders perceived the cost of the
public preschool system would not solely be the responsibility of the state. Takumi stated that it
would cost about $125 million to educate 15,000 preschoolers in Hawaii, but that is the cost
model, not the funding model. This means that the state is not accountable for the entire cost of
public preschool. Funds from the federal government, philanthropic communities, and family co-
pays would also be applied in the cost. Four of the five participants, Lock, Takumi, Tokuda and
Vast, all mentioned family contribution as a viable option to supporting public preschool. They
spoke of a sliding scale fee for public preschool classrooms in the private sector. However, with
the defeat of SB 1084 in November 2014 (State of Hawaii, 2014), public funds will not go to
private preschool providers, so this idea of family contributions must be abandoned.
Takumi asserted that Kamehameha Schools is another resource and is committed to
awarding 4000 preschool scholarships per year. Similarly, Vast stated that some preschoolers are
eligible for Head Start or Department of Education Special Education programs and will not
need funding from the state. On a similar note, Tokuda estimated that the state would actually
pay only $50 million to fund public preschool in Hawaii after all other costs were covered by
other resources.
The study participants also had ideas to keep the cost of public preschool low- that is by
collaborating with private providers to offer public preschool education. Takumi asserted that
private providers expend fewer funds than public providers because parents pay a subsidized
amount. There are also opportunities for more preschool students to attend preschool as private
providers have more available space and resources. Many providers already have classroom
facilities, materials and equipment, as well as staff. Additionally, Lock, Takumi, and Tokuda
emphasized that the state of Hawaii could stretch their dollars by funding Family Child
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Interaction Learning Programs. Tokuda claimed that the current $8,800 per child in the public
school classroom could be used to impact three or four families in a Family Child Interaction
Learning Program. Having more options provide better financial outcomes for a public preschool
system in Hawaii. Nonetheless, due to the failure of SB 1084, these ideas are no longer
possibilities to support public preschool finances.
The results of the study exposed a variety of resources that could be used to fund public
preschool in Hawaii. These include general funds, federal grants, special taxes, family
contributions and philanthropic organizations. Furthermore, decreasing costs by using private
preschool providers and Family Child Interaction Learning Programs were also found to be
viable options according to the study participants, but will not be set in place as the State of
Hawaii voted against public funds going to private preschool education.
Summary
The final research question inquired about funding options for public preschool in the
State of Hawaii. The results from the participant interviews unanimously indicate funding public
preschools using general funds, or state public taxes, is the best option. Other ideas such as a
parent pay sliding scale fee, including Family Child Interaction Learning Programs, which serve
more children at lower costs, and requesting federal monies, special taxes, and financing from
philanthropic communities were options that were also explored.
Summary of Results
This chapter revealed the results of this study, beginning with a brief picture of the
population and participants of the study as well as two themes that laid the foundation for the
answers to the research question. The evidence determined that quality preschool is critical in
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Hawaii and due to political circumstances, the discussion of public preschool is currently a
complex matter. This chapter also answered the study’s three research question.
Overall, there were seven themes in this study. In response to Research Question 1, two
themes emerged. The first was that the educational and political leaders who have their hands in
public preschool hoped to see a universal preschool program. The second theme was that private
and public partnerships are essential in Hawaii’s future. However, the leaders did not have a
comprehensive plan related to a timeline, enrollment numbers or eligibility requirements for
children.
In response to Research Question 2, regarding the estimated cost of public preschool,
there were three results. The first was that the information about past and present calculations of
public lead to varied estimated costs of public preschool. Currently, the state is using a weighted
student formula amount of $8,800 per child for preschools on Department of Education
campuses. Second, the modified Evidence-Based Model calculated the direct cost per child for a
school day, school year program at $9,975. The third result was of the sensitivity analysis, which
determined the total cost of public preschool contingent on the number of three and four year old
children enrolled. According to the sensitivity analysis completed for this study, to fund 420 four
year olds (2.4% of the population), the current number of children attending public preschool,
the cost is more than $4.2 million. To fund 100% of four year olds in Hawaii, the cost is almost
$175.7 million and the cost for all four year olds and 50% of three year olds to attend public
preschool in Hawaii almost $268.9 million.
In response to Research Question 3, two themes emerged. The first was that budgeting
from the state’s general funds is the best funding option for public preschool in Hawaii. The
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second theme was that utilizing other funding as secondary sources was found as a significant
strategy for financing public preschools.
These results lead to three findings of the study. The first finding is that there is
uncertainty regarding a public preschool program plan. The second finding, related to Research
Question 2, is that the State of Hawaii has inadequate funding for the current public preschool
program according to calculations of the modified Evidence-Based model. The final finding is
that public preschool for all children is not yet a priority in the State of Hawaii as seen in the lack
of funding offered. These findings will be discussed and used to address implications and further
research in the final chapter.

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CHAPTER 5
DISCUSSION
During the course of conducting this study, Hawaii became the 41
st
state in the nation to
offer public preschool to a small number of young children (EOEL, 2014b). In the 2014-2015
school year, 420 four year olds in 18 schools in rural or high poverty areas of the state attended
public preschool. This first phase was an initial step toward the possibility of a comprehensive
public preschool system in Hawaii. Lindsey (2013) asserts that universally accessible high-
quality preschool should be a national priority. To prepare young children for successful
experiences in elementary school and in subsequent grades, numerous researchers have
recommended providing access to free high-quality early education and care for all children
starting from age three (Boylan & White, 2010; CED, 2002; Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2013;
Reynolds & Temple, 2006; Russo, 2007; Stone, 2008).
In Hawaii, there are no publicly funded preschool programs to serve all children; so
creating a system that offers access to every preschooler is important (EOEL, 2012).
Comprehending the financing aspect of preschools is key to creating a successful public
preschool system in Hawaii. The existing approximations of the cost of public preschool in
Hawaii are inconsistent. These inconsistencies create a significant dilemma for preschool
financing because funding greatly affects the quality and effectiveness of public preschool
education (Barnett et al., 2012).
The purpose of this study was to contribute to the discussion of public preschools in
Hawaii and analyze the cost of public preschools using the Evidence-Based Model for school
finance adequacy (Odden et al., 2007) as a framework. This study sought and obtained answers
to the following three research questions:
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1. What is the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool in
Hawaii?
2. What is the estimated cost of providing public preschool in Hawaii, and how would
cost vary based on the estimated number of students enrolling?
3. What options exist to fund public preschool in Hawaii?
Two types of data were collected for this study: data gathered by interviews and data
collected from publicly accessible documents. The data, both qualitative and quantitative, were
collected between June to December 2014. Five educational and political leaders were
interviewed for their perspective, experience and expertise. Publicly accessible documents were
examined to employ a modified Evidence-Based Model to compute the estimated cost of public
preschool in Hawaii, as well as to perform a sensitivity analysis of the cost of public preschool
dependent on the number of children served. These data were compiled and documented.
In this chapter, findings of this study will be discussed and additional limitations will be
highlighted. Implications of these results are explored and recommendations for future research
will be made. The study will conclude with final thoughts regarding the cost of public preschool
in Hawaii.
Discussion of Findings
In the previous chapter, seven themes answered the research questions. These themes
include: the goal of universal preschool in Hawaii, a need for a public and private preschool
partnership, information about past and current finances for public preschool in Hawaii, the cost
of preschool per pupil calculated by the modified Evidence-Based Model and a sensitivity
analysis, and possible funding sources such as general funds and other resources. The evidence
presented lead to three findings of this research study. The first finding is that there is an
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uncertainty regarding a comprehensive plan for public preschool in Hawaii. The educational and
political leaders of the public preschool movement have individual ideas but no thorough plans
for a public preschool system. The political support and funding changes in Hawaii’s
government also create a challenging climate to design a public preschool program. The second
finding, related to Research Question 2, is the State of Hawaii is not spending enough for
adequate education in public preschools. The final finding is that public preschool for all
children is not yet a priority in the State of Hawaii or well understood as seen in the lack of
funding offered.
Finding 1: Uncertainty of a Public Preschool Program Plan
The first finding from this study is that there is uncertainty about plans for a public
preschool system in Hawaii. Data reviewed indicate four main points that support this finding.
First, although the education and political leaders in this study all agree on a vision that
includes public preschool in Hawaii, to date, according to data collection, there is no agreement
on a comprehensive plan to carry out this vision. This study found that educational and political
leaders concurred that a universal preschool system should be a long-term goal. However, there
were varied views regarding the timeline, enrollment outcomes, or eligibility requirements for
children. If educational and political leaders who have been invested in the issue for many years
do not express a cohesive proposal, the foundation of the public preschool movement is
ineffectual. This vulnerability is especially true now as the there have been recent political and
funding changes in the state.
Second, in November 2014, Hawaii’s electorate rejected SB 1084, which would have
amended the Hawaii State Constitution to allow public funds for private preschool providers. All
participants of this study asserted that a public-private partnership to provide preschool was the
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only way to give access to quality preschool for the number of children in Hawaii. Because this
amendment was rejected, this plan is suspended. As a result, educational and political leaders
who hoped to have a public and private preschool provider partnership have to go back to the
drawing board.
Third, as of December 1, 2014, David Ige became Hawaii’s 8
th
governor. He asserts that
he is a supporter of early childhood education and has been a long time advocate of public
schools. However, Governor Ige strongly opposed SB184, the constitutional amendment and
early childhood education has no mention on his Education Action Plan. Consequently, at
present, there is no staff in the Executive Office of Early Learning (EOEL) dedicated to the
public preschool movement. The governor will decide whether or not to hire a new director.
Currently, the existing public preschool classrooms are operated by the Department of Education
and an Education Officer oversees the teachers. In July 2015, there are plans for the EOEL to
move into the Department of Education for further sustainability.
Fourth, Hawaii was recently awarded a Preschool Development Grant by the federal
government. Hawaii was one of the five states to be awarded the federal Preschool Development
Grant, jointly administered by the US Department of Education and the US Department of
Health and Human Services. Hawaii will receive $2,074,059 for the first year and will utilize
these funds to provide new preschool classrooms in charter schools, mostly Native Hawaiian
culture focused or Native Hawaiian language immersions schools, around the state. The Charter
School Commission will be the entity receiving the funds and responsible for preschool
implementation. Charter schools as a main component, is a new venture for Hawaii in the public
preschool movement.
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The evidence that there is discord between educational and political leaders about
implementing public preschool, compounded with the demise of SB 1084, change of governor,
the possible languishing of the EOEL, and new funds going directly the charter schools for
preschool implementation, the plan for public preschool in Hawaii is uncertain. This does not
paint a hopeful picture for the near future of public preschool in Hawaii as any successful
endeavor has a comprehensive strategy and proponents who are united on ideas and actions.
Finding 2: Inadequate Funding of Current Public Preschool
The second finding from this study, is that the per pupil funding for preschool is
inadequate. Currently, in Hawaii, each student in public preschool is allocated $8,800 per school
year, excluding professional development and start up fees. This amount is $1,175 less than the
modified Evidence-Based model calculation of $9,975 estimated in this study. To compute a
more appropriate weight and adequately fund preschool education, the Department of Education
must increase preschool student’s weight by .13 for a total weight of 1.13.
As an example of the inadequate funding level for preschool, the legislature appropriated
$3 million for 420 children to attend public preschool in the 2014-2015 school year. According
to the modified Evidence-Based Model analysis completed for this study, the essential cost for
420 preschoolers is over $4.2 million. There is a discrepancy of over $1.2 million. This means
that there may be fewer resources to adequately fund personnel, less pupil resources such as
technology and equipment, instructional materials, student activities, and teacher professional
development, and decreased funding for other expenditures such as transportation, operations
and maintenance, and food service. Thus, children in public preschools in Hawaii will not
receive adequate education much less high quality education.
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When compared to the allocation of funds to public preschools across the United States,
Hawaii does not seem to fare negatively at $8,800 per student. According to Barnett, Carolan et
al. (2013), in 2013, nationally, states spent an average of $4,026 per preschool student. At the
top, Washington, D.C. spent $14,690 per child, with New Jersey leading the states at $12,070. At
the other end, Colorado, South Carolina, and Nebraska spent less than $2,000 per child on public
preschool (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Hawaii spends more than double the national average.
However, according to the modified Evidence-Based Model, Hawaii must allocate $9,975 per
pupil. Thus, the current funding of $8,800 is inadequate for public preschool education.
Hawaii’s statistics align with Barnett, Carolan et al.’s (2013) claim that 81% of the
children enrolled in public preschools are served by programs where funding per child is
inadequate to provide a quality early education. Funding greatly affects the quality and
effectiveness of public preschool education (Barnett et al., 2012). When funds are limited,
difficult trade offs must be made when deciding whether to serve more children or to provide
higher quality preschool programs (Hustedt & Barnett, 2011). In 2014-2015, with $3 million, it
seemed that Hawaii chose to serve more children rather than provide higher quality preschool to
a fewer number of children.
Lastly, Barnett, Carolan et al. (2013) asserts that many state preschool programs in the
US did not meet the benchmarks for quality standards due to lack of funding. Forty one percent
of the children were served in state funded preschool programs that met fewer than half of the
quality standards benchmarks set out by the National Institute for Early Education Research
(Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Several states including Tennessee, North Carolina, New Jersey,
Washington, and Kentucky have public programs that meet many of the quality benchmarks but
serve a small share of preschool-aged children (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). Other states,
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including Wisconsin, Texas, and Florida have programs that score high on access but low on
quality (Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). Very few states, Georgia and Oklahoma, have state
funded preschool programs that score high on both accounts- accessible and with high standards
(Cascio & Schanzenbach, 2013). With the funds allotted to Hawaii’s public preschool children,
the state will be among those who have higher access but low quality when compared with the
quality benchmarks of the National Institute for Early Education Research.
In the movement for higher quality schools, the shift has gone from equity to adequacy
(Odden et al., 2007). Examining this finding of inadequate funding of the current public
preschool students and previous research, it is apparent that Hawaii is moving toward equity of
preschool education when in fact, the state should strive for quality education or adequacy.
Adequacy suggests starting with a small number of preschoolers who attend quality educational
facilities and creating an effective preschool system rather than providing a large number of
children with mediocre education and no comprehensive plan. If adequacy is the focus, public
preschools will produce students who will be not only ready for kindergarten, but meet the
state’s education performance standards.
Finding 3: Lack of Priority of Public Preschools
The last finding is that the State of Hawaii does not prioritize public preschool.
According to Barnett (2013), a significant challenge is that the cost of quality preschool must be
paid up front, while most of the benefits accrue many years later (Barnett, 2013). According to
the data gathered in this study, the state considers public preschool as too much of an expense as
opposed to an extensive investment. This is verified by evidence that for the past several years
attempts to create a budget to establish a public preschool system was not approved or was
severely diminished by the Hawaii Legislature. For example, in the 2014-2015 school year, $3
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million of the $8 million requested was appropriated. Additionally, due to the defeat of SB 1084,
which would have amended the Hawaii Constitution to allow public funds to go to private
preschool providers, it is clear that public preschool may not be high on the priority list for the
state. This lack of involvement of public preschool may stem from the unfamiliarity of the
benefits of preschool or that these outcomes will take many years to come to fruition. The initial
cost of a public preschool program in Hawaii may outweigh the expected cost benefits in a
difficult economic and political time.
According to the Annie E. Casey Foundation (2013), the scenario Hawaii is experiencing
is common in the nation. There seems to be a discrepancy between the support of preschool
education and the actual amount of funding in early childhood education across the US.
Although various financial resources are being proposed and policymakers, educators and
business and community leaders acknowledge the impact of preschool education for young
children, support for the investment in financing early childhood education and care does not
correlate (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2013).
Examining this finding of the lack of priority of public preschool and previous research,
it is apparent that Hawaii must continue to educate the public regarding the benefits, particularly
cost benefits, of public preschool. Furthermore, starting public preschools slowly and carefully to
ensure success of the programs will be crucial in winning the public’s support of and belief in
public preschools.
Limitations
In addition to the limitations and delimitations mentioned in Chapter 1, while conducting
this study, another limitation was realized. To complete the modified Evidence-Based Model,
information such as Department of Education employee salaries and benefit facts were essential.
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According to the Department of Education Human Resources Department, this information is
overseen not by the Department of Education, but the respective unions that represented these
employees. Unions seemed to be responsive to offering this information, but did not have the
statistics at hand. Thus, the salaries for the principals, school secretaries, substitutes and
instructional aides were not the average salary of all employees in those positions for 2014, but
the average salary that individuals in those positions could likely make in 2014. This may or may
not significantly change the calculation of the modified Evidence-Based Model.
Implications for Practice
This study draws poignant observations that offer insight to public preschool practice in
Hawaii. Two implications for practice will be discussed in this section based on the findings
produced from this study. First, in the finding linked to Research Questions 1, it was apparent
that educational leaders and policy makers should create concrete plans for public preschool
implementation and determine accurate costs. As revealed in this study, there are many questions
regarding timelines, enrollment requirements and additional costs. Creating a comprehensive
plan will be a significant task as the political climate surrounding public preschool continues to
change in Hawaii. Second, there is an implication that educational and political leaders and the
early childhood community should continue to advocate for the early learning to promote the
value and significance of education for young children. Based on outcomes of the legislature and
recent elections, Hawaii does not put public preschool as a priority. The basis of this suggestion
was from Hawaii not allocating enough funds for adequate education and not placing public
preschool on the top of their agenda. Both of these implications should be addressed in the near
future for public preschool to be a reality in the State of Hawaii.
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Creating a Plan
The first implication is for policymakers and educational leaders to collaborate to create
concrete plans for public preschool implementation, as supported by the first finding of the study
that educational and political leaders of the public preschool movement have a vision, but the
plan for the public preschool system is uncertain. The newly elected Governor Ige and the
possible new EOEL staff have the opportunity to craft a plan aligned with his administration and
the needs of the community. Additionally, the plan would need to include the $2 million
Preschool Development Grant award for preschools in Native Hawaiian culture and language
focused charter schools that will begin in 2015-2016 school year and continue for four years.
This comprehensive plan may include a series of community/town hall type meetings to
obtain input from the communities, especially those communities that have few options for their
preschool aged children. Simultaneously, accurate research on a needs assessment and resource
assessment for public preschool must be completed. With this information, private and public
early childhood educational leaders and political, business, and community leaders can together
make a collaborative decision on a plan for public preschool. This plan will be documented on a
timeline and include the long term and short term goals of public preschools such as the number
of children likely to attend when public preschool is maintained in the state and the course of the
phases involved. The plan may also include enrollment information such as which children
would be eligible to attend and when they may be eligible. Also significant would be the cost of
preschool including all infrastructure costs and development and improvement costs and viable
funding sources. Without this design, educational and political leaders will be unsure of too
many aspects of the topic for public preschool to be a reality in the near future.
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Community Education
The second implication is the necessity of further community education related to public
preschools. This implication is based on the second and third findings of this study: the current
inadequate funding of public preschools in Hawaii and public preschools not being a priority for
the state. This implication is for the early childhood education community, leaders, practitioners
and families alike.
With the defeat of the constitutional amendment and the limited amount of funding
allotted to early childhood education, it is obvious that Hawaii and many of its leaders still
hesitate to invest in young children’s education. Although there is much research about the
amount of return or the benefits of preschool for a child, there is still resistance to fiscally
support young children’s education. This implies a need for more information and awareness
regarding the importance and benefits of providing Hawaii’s children with early education
experiences. These facts are critical at all levels including political figures, business and
community leaders, as well as the voting public to make public preschool and young children’s
education a value in the State of Hawaii.
In order for the public to be educated, first, details of public preschool and the vision of
this system should be transparent to the taxpayers as well as leaders in the state. Additionally,
there are many educational organizations that may have the same goals, but promote their
interests in a variety of ways. There are benefits for these organizations to send one message in
order for the public to truly understand public preschools. Lastly, families of preschoolers and
younger children must get involved. They are the most powerful voice for the children and the
public preschool movement. Families as the core proponents of public preschools may help to
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get the appropriate message across to political figures, business leaders, and community leaders.
A society educated on early education is key to establish public preschool in Hawaii.
Recommendations for Future Research
At the conclusion of this study, it is apparent that further research is necessary to better
determine the true cost of public preschool in Hawaii. Two recommendations are proposed. The
first recommendation is to research and calculate up-to-date start up and capital costs involved in
establishing and maintaining a public preschool program. Calculating these costs will be
important in determining the total operational costs per student, not just the direct costs. The
second recommendation is to continue efforts that will actually implement adequate education as
per the modified Evidence-Based model and what this means in the early education field.
Applying the modified Evidence-Based model will likely establish a better idea of program
adequacy and the price tag that comes with it. This section will discuss these two
recommendations for further research.
The first recommendation is to examine the answer to the questions, “what does Hawaii
need to start a public preschool program and what are the costs of these needs?” and “what does
Hawaii need to maintain a quality public preschool and what are the costs of these needs?” The
direct cost of public preschool for children in Hawaii using the modified Evidence-Based Model
is $9,975. This is an amount to provide adequate direct education for a child. However, as
mentioned by Vast in the interview process, there are start up costs such as workforce
development and data systems development that are essential before the public preschool system
can be maintained. Additional costs are infrastructure, quality improvements in facilities and new
facilities, equipment and materials, and such. Capital costs to sustain a public preschool system
that offers quality education involves facility and program improvements. It is recommended that
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138
future researchers build on these findings and examine start up and capital costs to determine the
total cost of public preschool for children in Hawaii.
A second area recommended pertains to the modified Evidence-Based Model. This study
was the first time the modified Evidence-Based Model was used in Hawaii with this level of
detail and is fairly new to early education around the nation. It would be interesting to apply this
model to new public preschool classrooms around the state to verify adequate preschool
education, if the dollar amounts attached to the components of the model are sufficient for
supporting public preschool education in Hawaii. The results of more research and application of
the modified Evidence-Based Model in Hawaii will be particularly useful to update the weighted
student formula used by the Hawaii Department of Education. Furthermore, this framework may
be even more significant for the discussion of public preschool in the state now since the defeat
of SB 1084, and the only option for public preschool is to create classrooms on Department of
Education campuses. This framework was created especially for preschool on public school
campuses and is a valuable resource for educational and political leaders.
Conclusions
Many changes within the early childhood field in Hawaii occurred as this study was
conducted. First, there was a change of kindergarten age to five years old before entrance into
kindergarten, which left 5,100 children who turned five years of age between August 1 and
December 31 unable to attend kindergarten. Additionally, the elimination of junior kindergarten
meant there were no publicly funded options for these children, and Hawaii passed a law stating
that kindergarten is mandatory as of the 2014-2015 school year. Hawaii also experienced the
creation of public preschool in 18 schools across the state, the first steps of a public preschool
system in Hawaii. However, the loss of a governor who championed early learning and the
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139
uncertainty of the EOEL created significant changes in the momentum of the public preschool
movement. Most recently, the defeat of a constitutional amendment, SB 1084, halted possibilities
for public preschools to be operated by private providers. Currently, the only option for public
preschools is on Department of Education campuses. Finally, the award of a federal Preschool
Development Grant will open preschools in local charter schools in the 2015-2016 school year.
These schools will be operated by charter school leaders and changes the path of the public
preschool system in Hawaii.
The change in political power and ideas and the defeat of the constitutional amendment,
SB 1084, has brought to light that public preschool is not as issue of education and the children
of Hawaii, but is one of politics and money. Politics and the change of leadership impacts
initiatives, in this case, the public preschool movement. This study concludes that there is still
much more work to be done to promote and a public preschool program in Hawaii, as well as to
understand the costs involved in such as system. It is crucial to continue to educate the state
about the importance of early education, its costs and its benefits.
In the end, the results of this study offered estimated costs and funding sources that will
assist Hawaii’s policymakers and educational leaders as they continue to explore and collaborate
on public preschools in Hawaii. The study also revealed that more discussion is appropriate as
educational and political leaders have an idea of what public preschools may look like and agree
on funding sources, but no comprehensive strategy to implement a public preschool program.
The study used a modified Evidence Model for school finance adequacy and asserted that the
current direct cost of funding per child is less than adequate and Hawaii does not have public
preschool high on the priority list. Moreover, further research related to this estimated cost and
the use of the modified Evidence-Based Model would be useful to influence the issue of public
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140
preschools in Hawaii. The information from this study is significant in ultimately ensuring that
young children in Hawaii have the opportunity for a quality early educational experience.

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APPENDIX A
THREE NOTEWORTHY PRESCHOOL PROGRAMS
In this section, literature regarding three preschool programs will be reviewed as
examples of settings that have substantial benefits to children. Background information and the
impact of the High/Scope Perry Preschool Program, the Carolina Abecedarian and the Chicago
Child Parent Center will be described.
High/Scope Perry Preschool Program
The Perry Preschool Study began in 1962 and followed 123 children from age three to
age 19 who attended Perry Preschool. All participants were African American. Schweinhart and
Weikart (1981) found that children who attended Perry Preschool showed long-lasting
improvements and commitment to school, academic achievement, and school placement. These
children demonstrated higher motivation, paced higher value on schooling and did more
homework. Elementary school teachers rated the children in the experimental group with
increased school motivation. More of these students rated themselves more likely have thought
about college. Additionally, 68% of the Perry Preschool participants versus 40% of the control
group said that schoolwork required home preparation and 87% of the experimental group versus
59% of the control group judged themselves to have more ability than their classmates
(Schweinhart & Weikart, 1981).
In the 8
th
grade, reading, arithmetic and language achievement subtest resulted in
significant difference between the Perry Preschool participants and the control group with no
preschool experience. For children who attended preschool, at age 15, parents were better
satisfied with school performances and higher aspirations for educational attainment. Fifty one
percent of the parents in the Perry Preschool group versus 28% of the parents in the control
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group agreed that their child had done as well in school as they would have like. Seventy one
percent and 60% respectively said they would like to see their child go to college (Schweinhart
& Weikart, 1981).
There was a decrease in teenage delinquent behaviors when the Perry Preschool
participants and the control group were compared. Forty three percent of the Perry Preschool
group and 25% of the control group were non-offenders and one-time offenders. Thirty six
percent of the students who attended Perry Preschool versus 52% of the control group were
chronic offenders with five or more offenses. There was no group difference found at age 15 in
self-concept, general parent-child relationship, social patterns or use of leisure time by youths, or
time used by parents (Schweinhart & Weikart, 1981).
At age 40, these participants were again assessed. Belfield et al. (2006) determined that
the program group was more likely to be employed, had higher earnings, and relied less on
economic support from family or friends. Earnings were 11% to 34% higher than the control
group for males and 19% to 36% higher for females. Another finding was that 48% of the no
preschool program group had been arrested for violent crimes, compared with 32% of the Perry
Program group, and 17% of the control group were incarcerated at the time of interview,
compared with 6% of the program group (Belfield et al., 2006).
In this study, welfare payments were also examined. In general, there were slightly less
program participants receiving any social services by age 40, 71% for the participant group and
86% for the control group. This differential was large for the ages 17 to 27, but narrowed
subsequently with equivalent proportions reporting any services during the ages 33 to 40
(Belfield et al., 2006). Other benefits of Perry Preschool Program attendance include: less
likelihood to stop working for health reasons, less likelihood to have health problems, less
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smoking, less use of soft drugs, less use of hard drugs, and less need for treatment for drug-use
or drinking (Belfield et al., 2006).
The High/Scope Perry Preschool Program enhanced the labor market, directly and
indirectly (Belfield et al., 2006) and is cost beneficial (Schweinhart & Weikart, 1981). The cost
per child for the two-year program was $5984 in 1979 dollars. The benefits were $3353 per child
saved by public school because children required less years of special education, $10,798 per
child in increased lifetime earnings projected from improvement in education status and $668 per
child estimated as value of mothers release time whole their children attended preschool. These
benefits amounted to a 248% return on the original investment (Schweinhart & Weikart, 1981).
Overall, provisions of the program yield benefits, which were 6.15 times the costs (Belfield et
al., 2006).
In a more recent study, Heckman et al. (2010) completed an estimate of rates of return for
the Perry Preschool Program that accounted for locally determined costs, missing data,
deadweight costs of taxation and the value of non market benefits and costs. The estimated
annual social rates of return fall between 7 to 10% and cost benefit of the Perry Program ranges
from $7 to $12 per person, each dollar invested returns in present value term 2012 dollars back to
society. Each dollar invested at age four yields a return of $60 to $300 by age 65 if compounded
and reinvested annually over a 65-year life (Heckman et al., 2010).
The Carolina Abecedarian Project
The Abecedarian Project was a carefully controlled scientific study of the potential
benefits of early childhood education for poor children. Four cohorts of individuals, born
between 1972 and 1977, were randomly assigned as infants to either the early educational
intervention group or the control group. This study started with 111 children, 98% enrolled in
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program was African American. The Abecedarian program had strong supervision, a well-
designed curriculum, well-compensated staff comparable to the public schools, and on-going
evaluation (Barnett & Masse, 2007).
Campbell and Ramey (1994) completed the 12-year follow up test, with 93 subjects of
the original infant sample. The researchers compared this cohort with 56 peers. There was
powerful evidence that better early environments can improve the chances that low-income
children will acquire the preparation they need or academic success. The children that attended
preschool scored higher on IQ and academic test scores and there was a trend for children having
preschool treatment to avoid placement into special education and retained in grade levels less
often (Campbell & Ramey, 1994). Positive effects of preschool treatment on intellectual
development and academic achievement maintained were through age 12 (Campbell & Ramey,
1994). However, the program did not produce gains in social and emotional development that
elsewhere have been found to account for a very large portion of potential benefits (Barnett &
Masse, 2007).
A 30-year follow up study was implemented between 2003 and 2009. Of 111 infants
enrolled in program, 101 took part in 30-year follow up (Campbell et al., 2012). The findings of
the Abecedarian Project at age 30 reinforce the importance of the first five years of life as a key
stage during which cognitive skills are developed to provide a foundation for future success.
High school graduation rates, combining those who earned diplomas and General Education
Development (GED) certificates, were similar across those participating in the Abecedarian
Project and the control groups: 89% of the treated group and 82% of the control group obtained
one or the other. However, Abecedarian participants were 4.6 times more likely than the control
participants to have earned college degrees: 23% of this group had earned a bachelor’s degree or
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higher by age 30 compared with 6% of the control group. Educational level for treated
individuals averaged 13.46 years, whereas for those in the control group educational level
averaged 12.31 years (Campbell et al., 2012).
The Abecedarian participants were more likely to have worked steadily over the past two
years and were less likely to have used public assistance to meet basic needs. Overall, 75% of the
treated group worked full time, whereas 53% of the control group worked full time. The treated
group had non-significantly higher incomes. The researchers compared an 89-month time
window of welfare usage. Individuals in the control group were 6 times more likely to receive
benefits for at least 10% of that seven year period than those in the treated group (Campbell et
al., 2012).
There were several factors between the individuals who participated in the Abecedarian
program and control group that raised no statistical significance. This includes ranking their own
health, criminal activity, marriage rates, substance use and abuse, and mental health concerns
(Campbell et al., 2012).
The Abecedarian program had positive effects on educational attainment, productivity
and earnings improved overall social equity (Barnett & Masse, 2007). Barnett and Masse (2007)
completed a benefit cost analysis on 104 of the 111 students who attended Abecedarian program.
The participants were up to 21 years old. Economic benefits included increased maternal
earnings, decreased K-12 schooling costs, increased lifetime earnings and decreased costs related
to smoking (Barnett & Masse, 2007).
The estimated cost of providing the Abecedarian Project is $11,000 in year one per child,
$16,000 in years two and three per child, and $12,000 in years four and five per child (Barnett &
Masse, 2007). According to Dickens and Baschnagel (2009), if an Abecedarian-type program
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were to currently exist, calculating the benefit cost, federal revenues would increase by $150
billion in 2007 dollars, 75 years after the program’s inception (with a 3% discount rate). Costs to
the federal government net savings at that point would be $199 billion. Total government
revenue would potentially be $295 billion larger, 75 years after the program’s inception at which
time total costs minus savings are $136 billion. Increase in total government revenues overtakes
net costs 44 years after the start of the program (Dickens & Baschnagel, 2009). The Abecedarian
program pays for itself. However, the benefits accumulate primarily for lower income
participants (Barnett & Masse, 2007).
Chicago Child Parent Center (CPC) Program
The Chicago Child Parent Center was designed to provide long-term experience of early
childhood education starting at age three. The CPC began in 1965 and operated six programs
each serving 50-120 children. Centers had 15 to 25 children in each classroom and hired a part
time social worker, part time nurse/nutritionist, part time speech therapist, part time teacher to do
science, music and art and a full time school and community worker. The program was funded
by Title 1 funds and served the lowest socioeconomic population of children and families in the
city (Fuerst & Fuerst, 1993). The program was located in areas not being served by other
preschool programs (Reynolds et al., 2011).
Fuerst and Fuerst (1993) did research on 680 children who attended CPC for four to six
years. Girls exposed to CPC’s four to six year program showed significant changes. More than
75% of the girls graduated from high school (Fuerst & Fuerst, 1993). Benefits lasted for girls,
but much less for boys and boys responded to seven to nine years of schooling (Fuerst & Fuerst,
1993). In more current research by Ou and Reynolds (2006), it was determined that males
benefitted more from the preschool program than females in terms of high school completion.
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Reading scores for girls and boys were similar to one another and equal to local and national
norms. Studies of the CPC program indicate that the problems of inadequate performance can be
remedied by enough early childhood education (Fuerst & Fuerst, 1993).
More recent studies by Ou and Reynolds (2006) and Reynolds et al. (2011) showed
further benefits for children who attended CPC. Preschool participants had significantly high
rates of high school completion and completed more years of education (Ou & Reynolds, 2006;
Reynolds et al., 2011). Results from Ou and Reynolds’ (2006) research indicate that CPC
preschool participation was significantly associated with more years of education. At age 22,
61.8% of the study sample had completed high school. More than one-fifth of the sample
(22.2%) completed more than 12 years of education. The CPC preschool group had about five-
percentage points higher rate of college attendance than the comparison group after adjustments
(Ou & Reynolds, 2006).
The effects of CPC attendance were enduring into adulthood. The students that attended
CPC had a significantly lower rate of felony arrest, a 25% reduction over the comparison group.
This finding is consistent with other measures of involvement in the criminal justice system such
as number of felony arrests, incarceration, and conviction (Reynolds et al., 2011). Preschool
participants also had higher rates of health insurance coverage and lower rates of depressive
symptoms as assessed from ages 22 to 24, a 26% reduction over the comparison group.
Furthermore, the reductions in substance misuse and daily smoking were 19% to 24% over the
comparison group. Preschool participants had a lower rate of substance misuse by age 26
(Reynolds et al., 2011).
When examining the cost benefit, the CPC preschool was associated with an average
economic return to society of $92,220 at an average cost of $8,512 per participant. Finding from
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a complete cohort of over 1400 program and comparison group participants indicated that the
CPCs had economic benefits in 2007 dollars that exceeded costs. The preschool program
provided a total return to society of an average of $10.83 per dollar, in 2007 dollars invested at
an 18% annual return. The primary sources of benefits were increased earnings and tax revenues
and averted criminal justice system costs (Reynolds et al., 2011). The societal return for one year
of preschool was higher than for two years at $13.58 versus $8.54 per dollar invested. This
indicates that the added cost of the second year provided positive but comparatively lower
lifetime returns (Reynolds et al., 2011). Another point of interest is that male preschool
participants had a comparatively higher return than females, at $17.88 for males versus $2.67 for
females. The main sources of this difference were the greater effects for males on educational
attainment and crime prevention (Reynolds et al., 2011).
Summary
These three preschool programs, the High/Scope Perry Preschool Program in Michigan,
The Carolina Abecedarian Project in North Carolina, and the Chicago Child Parent Center
Program in Illinois are evidence that preschools attendance benefits children, their families and
society, especially the economy. These benefits include long-term educational attainment and
better income, as well as less crime and increased economic benefits for society. The cost-
benefits for these programs are immense. These principal preschool studies offer powerful data
that implies the necessity of preschool education for young children.

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APPENDIX B
FIVE NOTEWORTHY PUBLICLY FUNDED PRESCHOOL PROGRAMS
Five examples of public preschools will be reviewed. These programs were chosen as
they are significant to the history of early childhood education in the US. The Lanham Act was
the first universal childcare program (Herbst, 2013), and Head Start was the first federal funded
preschool program (Barnett, 2013; Deming, 2009; Gelber & Isen, 2012; Office of Head Start,
n.d.) Georgia’s Pre-K (Barnett et al., 2012; Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013; Peisner-Feinberg,
LaForett et al., 2013; Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, & LaForett, 2013; Peisner-Feinberg et al., 2014)
and Oklahoma’s Pre-K (Barnett et al., 2012; Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013; Gormley et al., 2008;
Gormley et al., 2009; Hustedt et al., 2010) programs are the first two present-day universal
preschools in the nation and have been successful in terms of access and quality. Lastly, Abbot
Pre-K, New Jersey’s system, is another model program that serves all children in the Abbot
district of New Jersey (Barnett et al., 2012; Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013; Barnett, Jung et al.,
2013; Barnett & Frede, 2010; Frede et al., 2009; Mead, 2009). All five publicly funded programs
generate evidence that there are public preschool benefits for all preschool aged children
regardless of economic status. Individual benefits as well as externalities are discussed for each
program. Many of these examples are from longitudinal studies that illustrate the long-term
effects of public preschool.
The Lanham Act
The first universal childcare program was established though the Lanham Act of 1940
and administered throughout the US during WWII, starting in 1942. The Lanham Act was first
and only federally administered program to serve children regardless of family income. This act
was considered a temporary war emergency measure. From 1943 to 1946 the Lanham Act
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dispensed over $1 billion, in 2012 dollars, for construction and maintenance of childcare
facilities, to train and pay teachers and to provide meal service for children. Childcare was for
children ages 0 to 12 in various care facilities. Centers were open long hours dependent on the
needs of the community and the facilities provided meals and educational materials. The teacher
child ratio was 10 children to 1 teacher. There was a maternal work requirement and parents
required to contribute $0.75, $9.50 in 2012 dollars, per child per day. Variations in quality across
state and localities were substantial. The Lanham Act spending in the average state totaled about
$58 per child annually (a median of $39) in 1942 dollars (Herbst, 2013).
Herbst (2013) completed a study with a cohort that attended Lanham Act program and
born in Georgia where the Lanham Act funding was high in comparison with a cohort born in a
state where spending was low. The Lanham Act had significant positive effects on a large
number of long run outcomes related to educational attainment, family formation, and labor
market participation. The outcomes persisted into adulthood. Nine individual outcomes were
measured: high school drop out, degree (Bachelor’s) attainment, married, unmarried parent,
employed, employed full time, employed last year, earnings last year, use of public assistance.
Georgia, the state with high Lanham Act program spending had an overall effect size of .36
standard deviation (increase) on the outcome index. Additionally, as a result of the Lanham Act,
mother’s paid work increased substantially following the introduction of the childcare program
and was detectable approximately five years after the program ended (Herbst, 2013).
Head Start
Head Start is a federally funded preschool for low-income children birth to age five.
Head Start was established in 1965 (Office of Head Start, n.d.) and is regulated by the U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services (Gelber & Isen, 2012). Head Start provides
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education, health, nutrition, and parent involvement services to low-income children and their
families (Gelber & Isen, 2012) by contracting with public and private agencies at the state level
(Office of Head Start, n.d.). The goal of Head Start is to enhance children’s cognitive, social and
emotional development and be responsive to each child and family’s ethnic, cultural and
linguistic heritage. All Head Start facilities must serve in accordance to the Head Start
Performance Standards (Office of Head Start, n.d.).
There are various benefits of mixed intensities of the Head Start program. In the area of
academic and school success, children who attended Head Start had strong gains in language and
literacy in 2009 (Barnett, 2013). In a study by Gelber and Isen (2012), there were data that
children’s cognitive scores improved. Across Head Start programs, those programs that raised
children’s cognitive test scores more also tended to raise parents’ involvement with their children
more. There was a positive, large, and highly significant effect of treatment on the estimated
amount of time spent reading with children in the period of preschool attendance. The increase in
amount of time spent reading in response to treatment was 18.71 minutes (20.4% of the mean of
this variable), with a standard error of 4.79 minutes (Gelber & Isen, 2012). Also, there was an
increased in parent involvement in math activities, culturally enriching activities, and tracking of
child development (Gelber & Isen, 2012). According to Barnett (2013), in 2009, math scores
among children who attended Head Start was erratic. In the category of academic and school
success, National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, found that on average, children who attended
Head Start programs had less grade repetition and less learning disability. Also, these children
had higher high school graduation rates and at least one year of college attempted (Deming,
2009).
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Other benefits of children who attend a Head Start program include increase number of
days spent with a father not in the home during (18.7% of the mean, with a standard error of .45
days) and after enrollment (10.2% of the mean, with a standard error of .58 days) (Gelber & Isen,
2012). Head Start attendance was also associated with less likelihood of being idle, less teen
parenthood and less poor health. However, the statistics in crime was higher (Deming, 2009).
The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth from 1986 to 2004 also concluded that the
long term impact of the program is equivalent to about one-third of the gap between children
with median and bottom quartile family income with larger impacts for African Americans and
relatively disadvantaged children (Deming, 2009). These results also suggest that large returns to
investment in preschool are possible without costly scaling up of model, highest-quality
preschool programs. The average cost of one year of the program in these years is about $6,000.
Under these assumptions, the internal rate of return is 7.9% (Deming, 2009).
Georgia Pre-K Program
Georgia offered the first universal preschool program in the nation in 1995 (Barnett et al.,
2012). Georgia Pre-K serves 4 year olds with no fees for program participation regardless of
family income levels. The program served over 81,000 children in 2012-2013 and has a waitlist
for children who would like to enroll (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013). Children are served in a
variety of settings across the state, including local school systems, private providers, and blended
Head Start/PreK classrooms. About 45% of the classrooms are located in public settings and
about 55% in private settings (Peisner-Feinberg, LaForett et al., 2013).
Georgia Pre-K is based on a school year model and comprises 160 days of instruction for
6.5 hours per day (Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, & LaForett, 2013). The state spends $3,599 per
child, per year or over $290 million on public preschool annually (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
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The Georgia Department of Early Care and Learning oversees the Pre-K program at the state
level and provides operating guidelines for local programs. According to the program guidelines,
class sizes are of 20 to 22 children with a lead and assistant teacher. Lead teachers are required to
have at least a bachelor’s degree in early childhood education or a related field (unless
previously approved), and assistant teachers are required to have at least a Child Development
Associate (CDA) credential. Program guidelines provide minimum salary requirements for lead
teachers based on credentials, 90% of which is funded by the state, as well as minimum salary
requirements for assistant teachers meeting the credential requirements. Additionally, to maintain
quality standards, annual training is required for all staff directly associated with Georgia’s Pre
K Program (Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, & LaForett, 2013).
Guidelines for classroom instruction are provided through Georgia’s PreK Program
Content Standards, which are aligned with Georgia’s Early Learning Standards and Georgia’s
Kindergarten Performance Standards. Georgia’s PreK programs also are required to use an
approved curriculum; provide written lesson plans which include educational experiences in
language/literacy, math, science, social studies, creative (music, art, and drama), social and
emotional, and physical development; implement individual child assessments using the
Georgia’s PreK Child Assessment which is based on the Work Sampling System; offer meals,
rest time, and both indoor and outdoor play time; and provide support services or referrals to
families as needed. Staff from the Georgia Department of Early Care and Learning provides
consultation and technical assistance and make announced and unannounced visits throughout
the year to monitor and evaluate program progress (Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, & LaForett, 2013).
According to Barnett et al. (2012), Georgia Pre-K meets eight of ten quality benchmarks set by
the National Institute for Early Education Research.
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In a very recent two-part study, researchers concluded that children who attended
Georgia Pre-K had increased school readiness. In the first study conducted by Peisner-Feinberg,
Schaaf, and LaForett (2013), children made positive gains from the beginning to the end of the
preK program year on all of the assessment measures, including the areas of language and
literacy (letter knowledge, letterword identification, vocabulary, phonological awareness,
phonemic awareness), math (math problem solving, counting), general knowledge (basic self-
knowledge), and behavioral skills (social skills, problem behaviors). Children who were
Spanishspeaking dual language learners showed growth in skills in both English and Spanish,
although their growth tended to be greater in English (Peisner-Feinberg, Schaaf, & LaForett,
2013).
The second phase of that study was conducted in 2012-2013. A treated group, children
who attended Georgia Pre-K, and an untreated group, children who did not attend Georgia Pre-
K, was examined and the results were that the treated group had increased skills across the
domains of learning. Improvements were found in measures of language and literacy (letter
knowledge, letterword identification, phonological awareness, phonemic awareness), math
(math problemsolving, counting), and general knowledge (basic self-knowledge). The effect
sizes for these results were in the moderate to large range, suggesting that these are meaningful
differences. Additionally, there were no differences in these effects on the basis of family income
or children’s gender and for most measures; there were no differences in terms of the effects of
the program on the basis of children’s level of English language proficiency. The only area
where there was a difference was in phonological awareness. Positive effects of program
participation were found for children who were fluent in English, whereas there were no
differences for children with no or limited English fluency (Peisner-Feinberg et al., 2014).
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Oklahoma Pre-K Program
Similar to the program in Georgia, Oklahoma’s Pre-K program generated attention
because the program is universal, is based in the school system and reaches a high percentage of
four year olds (Gormley et al., 2008). A pilot preschool program started in 1980 and in 1998,
Oklahoma become the second state in the nation to offer free, voluntary access to preschool for
all four year olds (Barnett et al., 2012). The program expanded quickly between 2006 and 2010
due to annual increases in state appropriations for preschool (Hustedt et al., 2010). In 2012,
Oklahoma was ranked third in the nation on access to four year old children (Barnett et al.,
2012).
Oklahoma’s state funded preschool program channels funding to local school districts,
which are free to run full-day programs, half-day programs, or both. Federally funded Head Start
programs and private day care centers are also eligible for state funding if they establish
collaborative relations with their local school district (Gormley et al., 2008). The state spends
$3,611 per child, per year or almost $150 million on public preschool annually (Barnett, Carolan
et al., 2013).
According to Gormley et al. (2008), Oklahoma’s Pre-K program has relatively high
standards compared with those of other states and offers relatively high pay and benefits to well-
qualified teachers. Every lead teacher must have a Bachelor’s degree and must be certified in
early childhood education. The student teacher ratios of 10 children to 1 teacher and class sizes
of 20 must be maintained. According to Barnett et al. (2012), Oklahoma meets nine of the ten
quality standards as set forth by the National Institute for Early Education Research.
Gormley et al. (2008) asserts that the Tulsa Public Schools Pre-K program in Oklahoma
significantly improved children’s cognitive development, letter word identification, spelling, and
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applies problems. This study compared the Tulsa district pre-K with Tulsa Head Start and found
that the gains were above and beyond those that otherwise occur through aging and maturation.
There were statistical differences in pre-reading and prewriting scores, but not in pre-math
scores. Another study of Tulsa preschools found positive effects for all income groups. Effects
for the highest income group were, on average 87% as large as those for the lowest income
group. Similar statewide study of universal preschool in Oklahoma found test score gains for
children who did not qualify for free or reduced lunch were 74% as large as the gains for
children who did qualify (Barnett & Frede, 2010).
The Tulsa Public Schools Pre-K program also yielded results in social and emotional
outcomes. Participation in the program was associated with lower timidity ratings, lower ratings
on attention-seeking behavior and apathy, and higher ratings on attentiveness and engagement in
learning (Gormley et al., 2009). Children who experienced pre-K had been socialized into the
engaged, attentive interactive role of kindergarten student to a greater extent than children who
did not experience these programs. The magnitude of statistically significant effect sizes ranged
from .11 to .22, smaller than those reported for cognitive outcomes, but comparable to those
found in other efforts to assess social-emotional impacts of early childhood programs (Gormley
et al., 2009).
Abbott Pre-K Program
New Jersey’s public preschool system started with classrooms in the Abbott district with
19,000 children in the first year and grew close to 44,000 across the state nine years later (Frede
et al., 2009). In 2012, New Jersey enrolled over 51,000 children and is ranked second in the
nation in state spending. The state spends $12,070 per child, per year or almost $625 million on
public preschool annually (Barnett, Carolan et al., 2013).
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New Jersey’s Abbott districts public preschool program offers high-quality preschool to
all children in 31 New Jersey communities with high levels of poverty and about a quarter of the
state’s children. It is noteworthy that the Abbott program serves all children in the Abbott
districts, not just those who are low income (Barnett, Jung et al., 2013). Services are delivered by
a combination of providers, including public schools, community based childcare centers and
Head Start programs. School districts directly operate only one-third of Abbott preschool
classrooms (Frede et al., 2009; Mead, 2009).
Rather than replacing the existing system, the Abbott Pre-K approach was to transform
the existing system, providing education and training to improve teachers’ expertise as well as
boosting pay and raising standards (Barnett, Jung et al., 2013). Basic program standards for this
program include a maximum class size of 15, teachers with certification in early childhood
education, assistant teachers in every classroom, support services for children and families, and a
developmentally appropriate curriculum that fully addressed the state’s learning standards
(Barnett, Jung et al., 2013). Each district selected one developmentally appropriate preschool
curriculum from a list approved by the state Department of Education and all preschool providers
must use the curriculum. The Abbott system details requirements for preschool quality, early
learning standards, implementation guidelines, developmentally appropriate curriculum, and
measures of ongoing quality improvement (Mead, 2009). According to research by Frede et al.
(2009), quality has increased from an average rating of just better than minimal quality to
statewide scores considered good to excellent. New Jersey meets nine out of ten National
Institute for Early Education Research quality standards benchmarks (Barnett et al., 2012).
Districts are responsible for ensuring that eligible children have access to preschool,
whether in public schools or community based programs, providing professional development
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174
opportunities for preschool teachers, and do assessments on children. The state has contracted
with independent researchers to complete evaluations on classroom quality and children’s
learning outcomes (Mead, 2009). Further aims for the Abbot Pre-K program include raising
teacher educational credentials, attaining literacy by third grade and connecting preschool with
the elementary years (Mead, 2009).
The Abbott Preschool Program Longitudinal Effects Study (APPLES) assessed the
impact of this New Jersey preschool program on children’s learning and development based on a
cohort of children who completed their four-year-old year in 2004-05. Conducted when these
children were in the second grade, results revealed that children who attended Abbott Pre-K
outperform their peers. Also, there were advantages for those who had two years of preschool
compared to just one. Effects on receptive vocabulary, math and reading were increases and test
scores were statistically significant. Two years of Abbott Pre-K attendance had larger effects for
language and math, but not for reading (Frede et al., 2009).
The fourth and fifth grade APPLES follow-up found that Abbott Pre-K programs
increased achievement in Language Arts and Literacy, Math, and Science. Also, data showed
that Abbott Pre-K attendance reduced the likelihood of in-grade retention by 40% and reduced
the necessity of special education placement by 31%. The magnitude of the test score gains from
one year were equivalent to roughly 10 to 20% of the achievement gap between minority and
white students. The gains from two years were equivalent to 20 to 40% of the achievement gap.
These gains were an even larger portion of the typical learning gain that occurs in year (Barnett,
Jung et al., 2013). It is expected that there will be lasting benefits for the children who attended
Abbott Pre-K and an eventual pay-off to society in the reduction of school costs, decreases in
delinquency and crime, and increased productivity in the workforce (Frede et al., 2009).
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Summary
In summary, the data from the Lanham Act, Head Start, Georgia, Oklahoma and Abbott
Pre-K programs show the strong effects of public preschool, especially on children’s school
readiness and academic skills. There is also direct and indirect evidence that points to
externalities of public preschools. Although there is little research done on public preschool
programs, these data could create groundwork for states to implement similar public preschool
programs.

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APPENDIX C
INTERVIEW PROTOCOLS
Interview Protocol for Executive Office of Early Learning Directors

• Please tell me about current issues surrounding public preschool in Hawaii.
• What are the current plans for public preschools in Hawaii?
• What are the plans for which children will be eligible for public preschool in Hawaii?
o Which children and their families would have priority?
o What are the eligibility requirements that the EOEL is considering?
o Is Hawaii’s long term goal to create a universal program?
 What would the timeline be for this kind of goal?
• What is the number of children likely to enroll in public preschool?
o How was that number calculated?
• Please describe a prototypical preschool program in Hawaii?
• What are the elements/guidelines for a public preschool program in Hawaii?
o Are these elements the same as the prototypical preschool program?
• What is the estimated cost of preschool (per child/per year) and how was it computed or
derived?
o What is included in this cost?
o What would the start up costs be?
 What does this start up cost include?
o Does this cost include the elements that are in the prototypical preschool program
in Hawaii?
o Who calculates these costs?
o Show components from modified evidence based model and see if any of these
components are included in the cost
• What is the anticipated funding source for this current plan?
• Are there other options for funding for public preschool in the future?
• Could you recommend anyone else that I could interview relating to this topic?

Interview Protocol for Legislators

• Please tell me about current issues surrounding public preschool in Hawaii.
• Why is the State Legislature interested in creating a public preschool for children?
• What are the current plans for public preschools in Hawaii?
o What do you think the state should do in terms of providing preschools?
• What are the plans for which children will be eligible for public preschool in Hawaii?
o Which children and their families would have priority?
o What are the eligibility requirements that the EOEL is considering?
o Is Hawaii’s long term goal to create a universal program?
o What would the timeline be for this kind of goal?

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• If possible, please share cost or financial information regarding public preschool in
Hawaii.
o What is the anticipated funding source for this current plan?
o Are there other options for funding for public preschool in the future?

Interview Protocol for Early Childhood Consultant

• Please tell me about current issues surrounding state funded preschool in Hawaii.
• What has your role been in this process?
• What is the estimated cost of state funded preschool in Hawaii (per child/per year) and
how was it computed or derived?
o How is that cost computed?
o What is included in this cost?
• What would the start up costs be?
o What does this start up cost include?
• Who calculates these costs?
• Where did you get salary figures, and is that (or another) a good source for today?
o How did you incorporate benefits costs into the salary figures?
• What is the anticipated funding source for this preschool plan?
o Are there other options for funding for state funded preschool in the future?
o What would the ideal sources of funding be?

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This study applies a modified version of the Evidence-Based Model for school finance adequacy as a framework to estimate the overall cost as well as the per child cost of public preschool in Hawaii. The purpose of the study was to assist educational leaders and policymakers as they discuss and explore options for public preschools in Hawaii. This study also aimed to determine the estimated number of children who would enroll in public preschool as well as consider possibilities for funding. A mixed method approach: qualitative data from five educational and political leaders’ interviews

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Asset Metadata

Creator Abeshima, Ann Sachiko Domingo (author)

Core Title The estimated cost of public preschool in Hawaii

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 03/06/2015

Defense Date 02/20/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag early childhood education,evidence-based model,Hawaii,OAI-PMH Harvest,Preschool,public preschool

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Picus, Lawrence O. (committee chair), Brewer, Dominic J. (committee member), Datta, Monique C. (committee member)

Creator Email abeshima@hawaii.edu,abeshima@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-537769

Unique identifier UC11298478

Identifier etd-AbeshimaAn-3220.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-537769 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-AbeshimaAn-3220.pdf

Dmrecord 537769

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Abeshima, Ann Sachiko Domingo

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Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

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