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Improving the transfer rates of minority students: A case study

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IMPROVING THE TRANSFER RATES OF MINORITY STUDENTS: A CASE STUDY
Copyright 2001
by
Sherrie Lynn Guerrero
A Dissertation Proposal Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2001
Sherrie Lynn Guerrero
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UMI Number: 3054741
Copyright 2001 by
Guerrero, Sherrie Lynn
All rights reserved.
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
School of Education
Los Angeles. California 90089-0031
This dissertation, written by
Sherrie Lynn Guerrero
under the direction o f Dissertation Committee, and
approved by a ll members o f the Committee, has been
presented to and accepted by the Faculty o f the School
o f Education in partialfulfillm ent o f the requirementsfor
the degree o f
Doctor o f Education
MAY 23, 2001
•c m
Dissertation Committee
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this dissertation to my husband, George, without whose love, support, and
sacrifice I could not have completed this degree. You were my best editor, my best
challenger, and my best friend. Thank you for sharing your culture and your life with me.
Thank you for loving me unconditionally. Te amo, mi vida.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Linda Hagedom for providing such wonderful
guidance about the community college system and quality teaching. You even got me to like
statistics. I would also like to thank Dr. Estela Bensimon for challenging me to think more
deeply about discrimination and institutional racism in education. You took my
understanding to a new level, and for that I am extremely grateful. Finally, I extend my
deepest gratitude to Dr. William G. Tierney, the chair of my committee. You taught me about
the significance of power relationships in terms of equality and helped me grapple with
difficult issues in education. But most of all, your guidance and encouragement made me a
better researcher and a better writer. Because of you, I have a great deal of pride in this
document. I know I have done good work. Thank you.
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iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION........................................................................................................................ ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................................................... iii
LIST OF TABLES................................................................................................................. vii
LIST OF FIGURES...................................................................................................... viii
ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................... ix
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION...................................................................................... 1
Problem Statement................................................................................................... 2
Significance of the Study.......................................................................................... 5
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................................... 7
Community Colleges and Transfer......................................................................... 7
The Search for Consistency....................................................................... 7
Computations of Transfer Rates................................................... 7
Articulation Agreements................................................................ 9
intervention Efforts Aimed at Transfer...................................................... 1 1
The Role of the Community College: Recommended Structural
Reforms.......................................................................................... 15
Practical Advice for Community College Administrators.......................... 17
Hispanics in Higher Education............................................................................... 19
Hispanic Students in Four-Year Institutions.............................................. 19
Hispanic Students in Community Colleges.............................................. 23
Heterogeneity within Hispanic Students................................................... 29
Analysis of Issues Affecting Hispanic Student Achievement................... 31
Recommendations for Working with Hispanic Students........................... 34
Campus Culture and Climate.................................................................................. 36
Definitions................................................................................................... 36
Importance of Studying.............................................................................. 37
How Culture and Climate Affect Minority Students................................ 42
Historically Black Colleges and Hispanic-Serving Institutions................. 46
The Search for a New Model of Minority Student Success: Changing Cultures
and Climates............................................................................................................ 49
The Cultural Integrity Model....................................................................... 53
Cultural Integrity in Community Colleges.................................................. 55
Conclusions.............................................................................................................. 57
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY................................................................................. 59
Qualitative Research Strengths and Weaknesses................................................ 60
The Value of the Case Study Approach................................................................. 63
Evaluating Validity in Qualitative Research............................................................ 66
Traditional Conceptions of Validity............................................................ 66
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V
Alternative Views of Validity............................................................................... 68
Triangulation....................................................................................................... 69
Research Design............................................................................................... 7 1
Site Selection......................................................................................... 7 1
Site Description....................................................................................... 74
Data Collection....................................................................................... 77
Focus Groups........................................................................... 77
In-Depth Interviews................................................................... 78
Trustworthiness of D ata..................................................................................... 8 1
Limitations........................................................................................................... 83
Conclusions......................................................................................................... 84
CHAPTER FOUR: FINDINGS........................................................................................ 85
Description of the College................................................................................. 85
Themes................................................................................................................ 91
Hiring Faculty.......................................................................................... 91
The Process............................................................................... 92
Diversity..................................................................................... 94
Hiring Adjuncts as Full-Time Faculty...................................... 96
Evaluation.................................................................................. 97
Tenure........................................................................................ 98
Professional Development..................................................................... 100
Definitions and Types.............................................................. 100
Problems................................................................................. 104
Teaching/Learning................................................................................. 108
The Faculty............................................................................... 108
The Students........................................................................... 112
Quality Instruction.................................................................. 113
Accommodation of Learning Styles....................................... 114
Rewarding Teaching............................................................... 116
Student Support Services..................................................................... 118
Types of Services..................................................................... 118
Knowledge of Services............................................................ 123
Customer Service..................................................................... 126
Counseling............................................................................... 128
The Effects of Special Program s............................................ 131
Validation............................................................................................... 132
Encouraging Encounters........................................................ 132
Discouraging Encounters........................................................ 134
inclusiveness of Curriculum.................................................... 139
Freedom of Expression........................................................... 140
Transfer Talk......................................................................................... 147
Cultural Concerns..................................................................... 147
Cultural Capital......................................................................... 149
Relationship with CSUSB........................................................ 150
Articulation................................................................................. 151
Conclusions.......................................................................................................... 153
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vi
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS............. 157
Reviewing the Literature..................................................................................... 157
Transfer.................................................................................................. 157
Hispanic Students................................................................................. 159
Cultures and Climates........................................................................... 160
New Frameworks................................................................................... 161
Reviewing the Methodology................................................................................. 162
Findings................................................................................................................ 164
Findings of Hiring................................................................................... 164
Findings of Staff Development............................................................... 167
Findings of Teaching/Learning............................................................... 169
Findings of Findings of Support............................................................ 173
Findings of Validation............................................................................. 176
Findings of Transfer............................................................................... 179
Applying the Cultural Integrity Model.................................................... 180
Collaborative Relations of Power.............................................. 180
Connections Across Home, Community, & Schooling............. 181
Localized Definitions of Identity............................................. 181
Challenging Remedial Labels................................................... 182
Academic Support..................................................................... 182
Analysis.................................................................................................. 183
Change Embodied................................................................................. 184
Recommendations for Future Research............................................................. 186
REFERENCES.................................................................................................................. 189
APPENDICES................................................................................................................... 202
Appendix I
Transfer Rates for Entire Colleges......................................................... 202
Ethnic Breakdown of Transfer Rates by College................................... 203
Appendix II
Colleges with Puente............................................................................. 210
Appendix III
Six-Year Averages for Articulation........................................................ 211
COD Articulation Agreement................................................................... 212
Appendix IV
Interview Schedule • Individual Interviews............................................ 215
Appendix V
Interview Schedule - Focus Groups...................................................... 216
Appendix VI
Information Sheet for Non-Medical Research....................................... 217
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LIST OF TABLES
2.1 Hispanic and Anglo Values................................................................................. 38
2.2 Retention Strategies and Values...................................................................... 41
2.3 Academic Invalidating/Validating Models.......................................................... 45
3.1 Validation Typologies......................................................................................... 68
3.2 COD Transfer Rates by Ethnic Breakdown...................................................... 75
3.3 Gender and Ethnic Breakdown of Focus Group Participants......................... 78
3.4 Gender and Ethnic Breakdown of Interview Respondents............................... 79
4.1 Faculty Years of Service..................................................................................... 92
4.2 Ethnic Breakdown of COD Staff......................................................................... 95
4.3 Flex Program Categories..................................................................................... 102
4.4 CSUSB Transfer Statistics................................................................................. 151
5.1 Hispanic and Anglo Values................................................................................. 166
5.2 Academic Invalidating/Validating Models.......................................................... 172
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LIST OF FIGURES
4.1 Campus Driveway.................................................................................................. 86
4.2 Front Water Fountain............................................................................................ 87
4.3 MEChA Display Table............................................................................................ 142
4.4 Dia de la Raza Poster............................................................................................ 143
4.5 Mexican Flag Emblazoned with Aztec Warrior..................................................... 144
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Sherrie Lynn Guerrero William G. Tiemey
ABSTRACT
IMPROVING THE TRANSFER RATES OF MINORITY STUDENTS: A CASE STUDY
Minority students are over-represented in California's community colleges, but few
of them transfer to four-year institutions. Although community college leaders have
implemented the reforms recommended by researchers, transfer rates have remained low.
Hispanic students, especially those of Mexican descent, seem to be particularly affected.
Most of the proposed remedies view students as the problem and pressure them to
assimilate into the culture of academia. A single-institution case study was designed
employing the methods of in-depth interviews, focus groups, document review, and
observation. Six themes were culled from the literature and discussed in the findings: 1)
hiring processes; 2) staff development; 3) teaching/learning; 4) support services; 5)
validation; and 6) transfer. Results indicated that although many community colleges may
be designated as Hispanic Serving Institutions, Anglo values and power structures
predominate and contribute to cultures and climates that do not encourage minority students
to transfer.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
As the first in my family who had taken the journey from a community college to a
major research university . . . I began to realize that the transition to college meant
coming to terms with necessary losses~[and] that guilt, pain and confusion can
come from making the transition from one culture to another. . . I felt isolated and
disconnected . . . None of my professors were Hispanic, and I did not feel my white
professors recognized my full academic potential. I also found myself being
perceived differently by my family, and I found that the language of college did not
belong in my family life . . . College was making me different. I was becoming a
stranger to [my parents], a stranger they did not quite understand and might not
even like. (Renddn, 1993, pp 1-3.)
In an address at the National Community College Chairs Conference, Laura
Renddn-now a noted university scholar and researcher-described her feelings and
confusion in attempting to assimilate into the collegiate environment. Her experience is not
unlike that of thousands of minority college students, most of whom enroll in community
colleges. Few of them make it to the "major research university" Renddn described.
I first became interested in the transfer rates of minority students after reading
Burton Clark's (1960,1980) "cooling out” hypothesis in which he asserted that community
colleges actively influenced minority students' educational aspirations by promoting
vocational education over academic pursuits. As a community college faculty member, I
was offended by the suggestion that I was somehow hurting the minority students who
entered my Speech Communication classes. After continuing to research the issue,
however, I had to admit that something was happening. I did not believe there was an intent
to keep minority students from transferring, but the facts were that very few minority students
left community colleges to attend four-year institutions.
Why are minority student transfer rates still low even though community colleges
have successfully implemented the recommendations of researchers for improvement?
Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that most researchers view the student as the problem
and the one who needs to change. Perhaps the "lip service" echoed on community colleges
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about valuing diversity needs to become reality. Simply having large numbers of minority
students on campus does not mean the value of diversity has been incorporated into
curricula, policies, and practices. Campus cultures and climates which view the student as
the problem cannot at the same time be welcoming and supportive.
The primary goal of this study is to identify which elements of organizational culture
or climate may be affecting minority student transfer rates and determine how those factors
might interact to affect student success. I do so by way of a qualitative case study of a
community college which has successfully implemented nearly all of the reforms posited by
researchers as capable of improving transfer rates yet continues to have a low transfer rate.
In this study, campus culture was defined as the "the deeply embedded patterns of
organizational behavior and shared values, assumptions, beliefs or ideologies that members
have about their organization or its work" (Peterson and Spencer, 1990, p. 6). The same
authors identified campus climate as "the current common patterns of important dimensions
of organizational life or its members' perceptions of and attitudes toward those dimensions ..
[and is] more concerned with current perceptions and attitudes rather than deeply held
meanings, beliefs, and values" (p. 7). These aspects of campus environment form the
background for the questions in this study.
Problem Statement
Community colleges enroll more than one-third of all college students in the United
States (Cohen & Brawer, 1996a). According to the 1999-2000 Almanac issue of the
Chronicle of Hioher Education. 60 percent of California's 1,900,099 students were enrolled in
the state's 107 community colleges. Although the student composition of a community
college mirrors its surrounding community, African Americans and Hispanics are consistently
over-represented in community colleges (Astin, 1982; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Mow &
Nettles, 1996; NCES, 1997). More problematic, however, is the fact that few of these
community college students will make the transition to four-year colleges and universities.
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Researchers have documented the fact that a student beginning study in a community
college is less likely to complete a four-year degree (Astin, 1982; Pascarella & Terenzini,
1991). The rate at which community college students transfer to four-year institutions is
estimated at 20 percent nationwide, with African American and Hispanic transfer rates being
much lower, often below 10 percent (Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Rendon & Nora, 1988a,
1988b). The situation may be worsening. In California, the 1996-1997 rates of minority
student transfer to the University of California and California State University systems
dropped (.4 percent and 3.7 percent, respectively) from the 1995-1996 rates (Chancellor's
Office, California Community Colleges, 1999a).
The low transfer rate of community college students has led critics to charge that
community colleges fail to deliver on the promise of educational opportunity made to minority
and low-income students (Brint & Karabel, 1989; Dougherty, 1994; Pincus, 1980; Zweriing,
1976). Citizen's commissions have also sounded the alarm regarding the quality of
education received at community colleges (e.g., California Citizen's Commission on Higher
Education, 1998; Little Hoover Commission, 2000; and Wingspread Group on Higher
Education, 1993). The report from the Uttle Hoover Commission, Open Doors and Open
Minds: Improving Access and Quality in California's Community Colleges, was particularly
critical. Authors of the report claimed community colleges failed to provide access through
inflexible scheduling that is more convenient for faculty than students, had poor teaching,
rewarded students for enrolling in courses rather than completing them, and needed more
state governance and less local control. Community college presidents and faculty have
responded not only with vociferous defense of their institutional goals and outcomes, but
also with varied efforts at improving the transfer rates of minority students (Cohen & Brawer,
1996a; Eaton, 1994; Grubb, 1991,1999). When examining the research on transferrates,
however, three factors should be considered.
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First, although programs developed at individual community colleges have enjoyed
some success, significant increases in transfer numbers nationwide have been elusive.
Those individuals researching community college transfer rates seem to seek a panacea
that will increase the transfer rates of minorities at all community colleges. Perhaps, though,
efforts to find a national cure-all are misguided. Most community colleges are similar in that
they are expected to be "comprehensive," meaning collegiate, vocational,
remedial/developmental, and community education are all parts of the colleges' missions
(Cohen & Brawer, 1996a, Grubb, 1990). However, community colleges are designed to
meet the needs of their respective "communities" and, thus, are naturally quite diverse.
Hence, national, cookie-cutter remedies may not only be inappropriate but they may be
harmful in that they seek to homogenize students.
The second consideration concerning transfer rates involves the issue of
presidential emphasis on transfer. In a study of community college presidents, Eaton (1994)
found that some community college presidents did not believe the collegiate function (i.e.,
that which most directly affects transfer rates) should be the top priority of community
colleges. Moreover, Cohen and Brawer (1996b) noted that the national transfer rates have
remained constant at around 20 percent during the 1990's. When one looks more closely at
the 20 percent figure, however, a conclusion can be drawn that only approximately 20-25
percent of a community college's mission is transfer-oriented. Hence, the sustained transfer
rate of 20 percent seems to correspond well with the divided emphasis community college
presidents may place on transfer. As a result, any effort addressing transfer issues at
community colleges must necessarily explore the role community colleges are to play in
society. Should these institutions be responsible for alleviating social inequalities by
strengthening their emphasis on academic work? Should they become merely job-training
centers? Or, is there an alternative which permits community colleges the freedom to pursue
multiple goals while, at the same time, increasing transfer rates for all students in general
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and minority students in particular? The answers to these questions may shape the
priorities of community colleges and, consequently, may affect their ability to improve the
transfer rates of minority students.
The final factor to consider when examining the transfer rates of minority students is
that when community colleges with high numbers of minority students are compared to
community colleges having high numbers of white students, African American and Hispanic
student transfer rates consistently remain lower in either institution when compared to the
transfer rates of Asian and white students (Hirose, 1994). Perhaps these findings support
the notion that issues of diversity, multiculturalism, and campus culture and climate may
affect minority students' transfer success more seriously than academic problems. Taken
together, these three considerations imply that a new perspective for examining minority
student transfer is warranted.
Significance of the Study
Through my work in this dissertation, I sought to examine the campus culture and
climate of one community college to see how those elements might interact to affect minority
student success. The largest minority group on this campus is Hispanic and some facts
about these students exemplify the timeliness of this study. (As I will discuss in Chapter
Two, I am here defining Hispanic as those individuals of Mexican descent.) Some
researchers speculate that Hispanics will comprise the majority population in the state of
California by the year 2010 (Allen & Turner, 1997). Others predict that California will be the
first "minority majority" state in the continental United States (Renddn and Hope, 1996), with
Latinos comprising the largest, single ethnic group in that state (Gandara and Lopez, 1998).
Moreover, by the year 2012, 24 percent of the under-18 population will be students of color,
and by 2010, this group of students will constitute half the population in the states of
California, Florida, Texas, and New York (Renddn and Hope, 1996). For California, the
bottom line is that "Tidal Wave II" is coming-and it is mostly Hispanic. Finally, Renddn and
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Nora (1988b) assert that Hispanics rely more on community colleges than do Blacks who
have a set of Historically Black Colleges to which they can turn to complete four-year
degrees should they so desire. Consequently, community college leaders must be prepared
to meet the demands of this new "majority" of Hispanic students.
Few scholars have conducted qualitative studies which examined the actual inner
workings of a community college. Fewer still have attempted to assess the impact of
campus culture and climate on minority student transfer rates. If community college leaders
can learn to better meet the needs of students by changing campus cultures and climates,
the democratic mission of community colleges will have been upheld. By examining the
campus culture and climate of this community college, I hope to provide vital information to
help administrators examine their own campus cultures and climates and identify unique
ways their individual institutions can change to better meet the needs of all minority students.
The dissertation is divided into five chapters. Following this introduction. Chapter
Two reviews relevant literature on the transfer rates of minority community college students
by addressing the literature concerning transfer, community college structural reforms,
minority student success in higher education, campus culture and climate, and the calls for
new frameworks of analysis when examining minority student success in community
colleges. In Chapter Three, I elaborate on the specific design I have chosen, presenting its
strengths and weaknesses and explaining why I chose this design over other approaches. I
also discuss the rationale for site and respondent selection as well as the methods used to
support the trustworthiness of the data. The results of my research are presented in Chapter
Four, which is divided by the thematic categories derived from the literature and used as the
framework for analysis. Finally, I present a summary, conclusions, and recommendations
for future research in Chapter Five. I now begin with an examination of the literature.
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CHAPTERTWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
I have divided this chapter into four main sections to bring order to the various
bodies of literature that I review herein. The first section involves the community college
transfer literature in which I review the debate concerning computations of transfer rates,
articulation agreements, intervention programs, and the structural reforms often posed as
remedies for transfer problems. In the second section, I review the literature concerning
Hispanic student success in four-year institutions and community colleges and analyze the
salient issues surrounding their experience. I review some of the literature concerning
campus culture and climate in the third section, and I conclude the chapter with a discussion
of the calls for new frameworks of analysis regarding transfer and address one model in
particular, Cultural Integrity (Tierney, forthcoming). I begin with the community college
transfer literature.
Community Colleges and Transfer
The Search For Consistency
Many researchers believe institutional differences in the reporting of transfer
numbers and articulation policies have exacerbated efforts to draw a clear national picture of
transfer rates (Barkley, 1993; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Cohen & Sanchez, 1997; Laanan &
Sanchez, 1996; Prager, 1994). The most comprehensive effort at standardizing transfer
rates, however, has been through the Transfer Assembly" work of Cohen and his
colleagues.
Computations of Transfer Rates. Arthur Cohen and Florence Brawer (1996b)
explained that the rationale behind the Transfer Assembly project included the following
premises:
• that only those courses which are transferable (e.g., excluding remedial and non-
credit courses) should be included in transfer rate computations
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• that transfer rates should include only those students who have been in college long
enough to have transfer units
• that community colleges should allow a four-year span of transfer since few
community college students transfer in two years.
With these guidelines in mind, "transfer rate" as defined by Cohen and his colleagues is
accomplished as follows:
all students entering the community college in a given year who have no prior
college experience and who complete at least twelve college-credit units, divided
into the number of that group who take one or more classes at an in-state, public
university, within four years (Cohen & Brawer, 1996b, p. 2).
Cohen and Brawer (1996b) believed transfer rates computed in this manner were useful
because they provided "hard data" (p. 4) and a baseline for comparing community colleges
nationally. Many community colleges and government bodies have, in fact, adopted this
model (Cohen & Sanchez, 1997).
The work of Cohen and his colleagues concerning the Transfer Assembly are not
the only efforts to bring consistency to transfer rate numbers, though they are the most
extensive. (See Laanan & Sanchez, 1996 for an overview of traditional transfer rate
models.) Regardless of the model used, the arguments concern who should be included in
the "numerator'' and who should be included in the "denominator" of the formula. What is
less clear is how these computations help minority students transfer to four-year institutions.
One strength of the search for consistency among transfer rate numbers is that the
motivation behind these efforts is to provide community colleges a way of promoting their
actual success (Cohen & Sanchez, 1997). Researchers involved in this effort believe
community colleges are often unfairly criticized for "failures” and seek a way to balance the
scales. The search to establish consistent transfer rates is an attempt to silence the critics.
Judith Eaton (1994), however, implied that the critics and defenders may never come to
agreement since they use different criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of community
colleges. She explained that those within the circle of community colleges often concentrate
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on educational opportunity (e.g., access), while critics focus on the educational attainment
(e.g., transfer and degree completion) of community college students.
Another strength of consistent transfer rates is that these computations allow
community colleges to compare themselves nationally, yet therein lies a key weakness. As
discussed earlier, community colleges are actually quite diverse and efforts to remedy
transfer rate issues through a national cure may be futile. Other weaknesses are inherent in
this approach as well. As noted in chapter one. not all community college presidents or
leaders believe they should be judged solely by transfer rate performance. The implication
here is that transfer is a small part (approximately 20-25 percent) of the mission of
comprehensive community colleges. Hence, additional or alternative methods of examining
community college success should be explored. Frankie Laanan and Jorge Sanchez (1996)
noted that "the underlying policy implication for employing more than one measure is the
notion that the diverse student populations served by community colleges require multiple
measures of success" (p. 42). (For Fonte, 1992, the computation of multiple transfer rates
was the answer one as a pure outcome measure using an existing cohort, one for
vocational students, and another to measure student intent.) Given the divided goals of
community colleges, a drastic increase in transfer rates-regardless of how they are
computed-will probably not be forthcoming. Recognizing this, other researchers have
examined issues of articulation as a means of improving the transfer rates of minority
students. I next turn to that discussion.
Articulation Agreements. Articulation is defined by Dorothy Knoell (1994) as "the
alignment of courses taught and programs offered at different levels to minimize duplication,
overlap, and loss of time and credit by students as they move from one educational level to
another” (p. 123). Articulation agreements become problematic for transfer students when
the courses they have completed at community colleges do not transfer to their chosen four-
year institutions. At the heart of the articulation issue is the perception some faculty at four-
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year universities have of faculty at community colleges (Eaton, 1994; Richardson, 1993).
Four-year faculty often believe curriculum at community colleges has been "watered down,"
and hesitate to accept those credits (Barkley, 1993; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Prager, 1994).
In rare instances community college and university faculty have worked together to establish
academic standards for introductory level courses. More often than not, however, state
bodies and legislators have intervened to force the two educational branches to coordinate
their activities (Prager, 1994).
The explosion of computer technology and the advent of the Internet have provided
more tools for students who seek information on articulation. Two states in particular,
Florida and California, have taken advantage of this technology and now provide students
and counselors with computer databases of articulation data so academic progress toward
transfer can be accomplished more efficiently. One strength of the efforts to make
information available to students and counselors is reflected in the accessibility of that
information through databases. Students are able to check courses and requirements at
will. A drawback to this wealth of information is the fact that many students may not be
familiar with the jargon used in these databases or have access to them. Few faculty, for
that matter, are fluent in "articulation speak."
Another strength of these approaches is the development of transfer centers.
Students have a central location at which they can obtain counseling, support, and
information. These centers are more viable because they combine the needed information
with a staff member who can assist students in understanding the complex articulation rules
and regulations. Knoell (1994) credited transfer centers with a 30 percent increase in
transfers to the University of California system. However, a "30 percent" increase in transfer
to the University of California system may not reflect large numbers of students since most
community college students transfer to the CSU system rather than the UC system
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(California Postsecondary Education Commission, 2000a, 2000b). The key point is that 30
percent of a small number remains a small number.
Perhaps the biggest weakness involves the way two-year and four-year faculty work
together. If legislators must force these two groups to work together to improve student
performance, the future is not bright. Four-year faculty often resent being forced to work
with two-year faculty, and two-year faculty may have difficulty losing their feelings of
inferiority. Most likely, relationships will continue as they are. Those individuals from both
institutions who are genuinely concerned about the successful transfer of minority students
will work together and make transfer smoother. Those individuals who are forced most likely
will not.
Efforts aimed at improving the transfer rates of minority students have not been
focused exclusively on issues of computing transfer numbers or articulation policies.
Programs have been attempted which directly intervene in the lives of minority students to
provide intensive support. I now turn to a discussion of those programs.
Intervention Efforts Aimed at Transfer
Many intervention programs have been sponsored by philanthropic foundation
grants. For example, the Ford Foundation has funded such programs as the Transfer
Opportunities Program (TOP) and the Transfer/Articulation Program. The primary goal of
the TOP program was to increase the percentages of African-American and Latino students
who transfer to four-year institutions. Grants were made to 24 community colleges in 15
states to enable these colleges to provide more support programs for these students (Knoell,
1994). The Transfer/Articulation program focused primarily on African American students.
The Ford foundation also provided money to the United Negro College Fund to make grants
available to community colleges with significant numbers of African-American students for
additional support programs.
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One intervention program aimed at improving transfer involved the concept of
mentoring. Christine Clark (1995) described the efforts at Quinsigamond Community
College in Massachusetts to make mentoring available to all students. She noted that the
program was open to all students in order to remove the stigma of the program for minority
students. Students may voluntarily sign up for the program or be referred by faculty or staff.
For two semesters, the students are assigned to a faculty or staff member, then assigned a
community professional mentor. Community college mentors attend 20 hours of in-service
training at which they obtain comprehensive cultural information and an extensive review of
colleges services. The mentor is then able to help the student receive the assistance he or
she needs. Clark (1995) reported a 30 percent improvement in mentees' academic
performance which was maintained in subsequent semesters and a 23 percent increase in
minority student retention rates.
Perhaps the most successful intervention program is the Puente Project in California
which was developed by staff from Chabot Community College in Northern California.
Designed as a "bridge" to the University of California, Puente addresses three areas which
often prevent Hispanic students from succeeding in college: lack of writing skills, lack of
professional role models, and lack of knowledge about the educational system (Meznek,
McGrath, & Garcia, 1989). Briefly stated, students enroll in a year long English sequence
with the same instructor. An Hispanic counselor works with the students, and each student
is paired with an Hispanic community mentor possessing at least a B. A. degree with whom
they interact outside of class. The driving concept behind Puente is that students learn
academic success is possible without sacrificing cultural identity. According to Knoell
(1994), approximately 40 percent of students who complete the Puente program transfer to a
four-year college or university.
Patricia Gandara (in press) examined the implementation of the community college
Puente model in high schools. She found that Puente provided four key benefits for high
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school students: 1) increased aspirations for educational achievement; 2) more positive
attitudes toward schooling; 3) acquisition of "instrumentar knowledge that teaches students
how to be successful in college and 4) the development of a strong academic identity.
Although this study examined high school students, one can clearly see that these benefits
are the same for community college Puente students.
A final type of intervention involves summer residential programs for potential
students. The first concept builds on the Vassar/Association of American Colleges (AAC)
model which is based on the relationship between Vassar College and LaGuardia
Community College in New York. Harold Wechsler (1991) noted that minority students often
believe colleges like Vassar are "not for them” (p. 5). Hence, the goal of the summer
program is to show students their abilities to succeed in a more selective academic
environment. Students live at the four-year institution for the summer and enroll in two
courses that are team-taught by community college and four-year institution faculty. Peer
counselors and support personnel (e.g., writing specialist) are on hand to assist minority
students. Interestingly, in discussing the results of the programs, Wechsler (1991)
commented that "the most successful programs assumed that racism, sexism, and classism
are facts of campus life [and] addressed these issues in the classroom" (p. 36). No
information was provided on whether students who participated in the Vassar/AAC program
actually transferred to the institutions they visited.
A similar program is the Summer Scholars' Transfer Institute (McGrath & Van
Buskirk, 1998). Students at a community college in Orange County, California volunteer for
an 11-day, residential program at a local university. They are eligible for the program when
they have a GPA of 2.0, have completed more than 30 units, and are eligible for freshman
composition. Students live in dorms on the university campus with the faculty and staff who
are teaching the session. Students enroll in one course for the 11 days, having met one
month prior to receive reading assignments and homework. A community college faculty
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member in the discipline (e.g., Geography, Psychology, English, or Speech) and a
community college counselor conduct the class with the help of two Teaching Assistants
from the university. Students not only earn credit for the course in which they have enrolled,
but they also develop study and time management skills and are briefed on aspects of
university admissions and attendance. Students and faculty members reported
transformational benefits: students learned to challenge themselves and work in a fast-
paced environment, and faculty members learned to use more collaborative learning
strategies. Over 150 students are served by the program each summer.
When reflecting on the strengths and weaknesses of intervention programs, one can
conclude that the more personal attention minority students receive, the more successful
they will be. When that support is coupled with cultural identification as in the Puente
program, the message that minority students can succeed in four-year colleges and
universities is even more powerful. Perhaps the flaw of these programs is that in order to
run intervention programs such as Puente, community colleges must commit significant
resources (e.g., faculty and counselor time) to a relatively small group of students. If
community college presidents desire to put more attention on transfer, they may seek
"bigger and better” uses for their money. Moreover, when any initial start-up funds have
been used, the programs may fade into oblivion.
In summary, community college leaders and researchers concerned with improving
the transfer rates of minority students have attempted to find a consistent way of measuring
transfer, worked to improve articulation agreements, and developed and implemented
intervention programs. Implicit in these approaches is the idea that there is one "fix-it" cure
to help improve transfer rates. However, one approach may not work for diverse community
college campuses. Some researchers believe that improving transfer rate numbers or
conducting intervention programs are merely stop-gap, temporary measures and assert the
only sure way to improve transfer rates is to drastically restructure community college
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education (Brint & Karabel, 1989; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Dougherty, 1994; Eaton, 1994). I
now turn to that discussion.
The Role Of The Community College: Recommended Structural Reforms
Most of the debate concerning the restructuring of community colleges centers
around whether the "collegiate” (e.g., transfer) function of community colleges should be
placed at a higher priority over remedial, vocational, and community education. Within the
context of this discussion, the collegiate function was generally, though not exclusively,
referred to in the literature as a strong liberal arts emphasis (Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Eaton,
1994; Grubb, 1990). Some researchers have documented that the number of liberal arts
courses is positively related to transfer rates (Armstrong & Mellissinos, 1994; Mellissinos,
1993). The more liberal arts courses, the higher the transfer rates; the fewer liberal arts
courses, the lower the transfer rates.
Troni Rifkin (1998) explained that an increased emphasis on liberal arts increases
transfer rates by enhancing the academic abilities of community college students, especially
with regard to critical thinking. Eaton (1994) believed a community college had a strong
collegiate role when its curriculum was characterized by "sequential liberal arts and career
education” (p. 1). She added that the key to determining the strength of a collegiate role is
whether most courses transfer (e.g., are accepted by four-year institutions). Three
proposals have been advanced for strengthening the collegiate role of community colleges.
The first proposal, transforming community colleges into four-year institutions, was
advocated by Steven Zwerling (1976) (as cited in Dougherty, 1994) who believed this put all
students in a more "academic" environment and made it easier for them to progress from
lower to upper division education. Kevin Dougherty (1994) opposed this viewpoint since the
position of community colleges remained unchanged-they were still the bottom rung of
educational ladder. In addition, they would become more expensive, fuel educational
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inflation and over-education, and would not serve the 60-85 percent of community college
students seeking other than academic pursuits (Dougherty, 1994).
A second proposal was to convert community colleges into two-year branches of
state universities. Proponents of this argument (e.g., Brint & Karabel, 1989; Dougherty,
1994; Pincus 1980; Richardson & Bender, 1987) believed that such an arrangement
strengthened the academic role of community colleges and facilitated transfer. Cohen and
Brawer (1996a) acknowledged that "where the two-year colleges are organized as branch
campuses of the state university, the transfer rates are high; where they function as
technical institutes that emphasize trade and industry programs, the transfer rates are low"
(p. 61).
Norton Grubb (1990) disagreed with this approach, believing many students at
community colleges are "experimenters" who were unsure of their educational abilities and
wanted to test the waters, so to speak, without making a major commitment. He stated "as
long as the numbers of students unclear about their educational and occupational goals are
large, the argument for the comprehensive community college remains strong" (p. 9).
Since the comprehensive model is likely to remain intact, calls have been made for
strengthening the collegiate function within that framework-the third option advocated by
Eaton (1994) and Cohen and Brawer (1996a). Eaton (1994) proposed that the curriculum of
this new community college would include liberal arts, general education, and only career
education (e.g., nursing) courses that transferred to four-year institutions. Vocational and
community education offerings, which did not transfer, would be drastically reduced but still
present to some degree.
Other researchers disagreed quite strongly with those who emphasized the
academic nature of community colleges. Dale Parnell (1990), Patricia Cross (1981),
Edmund Gleazer (1979) and David Breneman and Susan Nelson (1981) believed
community colleges should ignore the collegiate emphasis and focus instead on remedial,
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vocational, or community education. This option, they explained, gave community colleges
their niche in higher education, helped remediate learning deficiencies, and prepared
students for viable careers. Dougherty (1994) argued that this option "will leave
baccalaureate aspirants homeless, and it will seriously undermine the capacity of the
community college to provide general education, even to its vocational aspirants" (p. 248).
Concerning the remedial function of community colleges, Eaton (1994) advocated
eliminating it and plating remedial students in "transition schools" until they were ready to
handle college-level work. Eaton (1994) admitted that strengthening the collegiate role in
this manner reduced access but claimed it enhanced the academic preparation of
community college students who could then transfer more easily. Robert Rhoads and
James Valadez (1996) believed Eaton's (1994) proposals "support a form of institutional
racism and tiassism” (p. 36), while Steven Brint and Jerome Karabel (1989) would argue
that Eaton's (1994) plan further exacerbated the vocational tracking they decried.
Although such debates have raged for the last several decades, it is unlikely that
any of these changes in the role of community colleges will occur due to community
colleges' link to educational access (Cohen & Brawer, 1996a). Hence, more practical and
effective means of improving the transfer rates of minority students must be found, and to
this issue I now turn.
Practical Advice for Community College Administrators
The literature surrounding community college transfer rates included lists of advice
for administrators seeking to improve student transfer (Banks, 1992a, 1992b; Eaton, 1994;
Grubb, 1990; Rifkin, 1998; Roueche & Roueche, 1994; Toblowsky, 1998). The implication
was that if administrators followed the proffered advice, transfer rates at their respective
institutions might increase. Grubb (1990), for example, believed colleges first needed to
provide initial assessment and "counseling" to "weed out" the experimenters at community
colleges. He further recommended that community colleges 1) provide remediation centers
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linked to academic and vocational programs so students see the value of remedial
instruction; 2) emphasize coherent curriculum programs; 3) compile information on student
progress; 4) improve instruction; 5) develop placement and transfer centers; 6) compile
follow-up statistics; 7) increase student aid, and 8) increase student preparation through 2+2
programs.
Rifkin's (1998) recommendation list mirrored Grubb's (1990). She explained that
particular services support the transfer function of community colleges and called for
colleges to 1) provide information to students through orientation programs; 2) use transfer
centers to coordinate articulation information; 3) assess student skills, require remediation,
and enforce pre- and co-requisites, and 4) provide "structured" academic advising. Although
other lists existed, Grubb (1990) and Rifkin's (1998) were among the most practical for
administrators.
Laura Renddn and Amaury Nora (1988b) offered an unique solution. They
suggested the development of a Transfer College within the existing community college
framework. This "college within a college" would be characterized by close student/faculty
contact, high expectations for students, peer support and networking, student incentives,
internship experiences, and parental involvement. Their concept was patterned after the
Middle High School College at La Guardia College in New York that brought high school
students onto the community college campus to finish high school courses.
Clifford Adelman (1999) proffered recommendations for those in leadership positions
in community colleges as well. After conducting extensive research on generations of
college students, Adelman (1999) concluded that transfer and/or completion rates were
useless because only students could control them. He believed most of the measures that
improved minority student access occurred in high schools. For community colleges, he
suggested the following:
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• Deans should sense when students are about to leave and do "everything in
their persuasive power" to keep students enrolled in classes or leaving the
institution.
• Colleges should use more on-line courses as a means of keeping in touch with
students. If students do not have computers, colleges should loan them out.
• Faculty and staff should frequently contact students by any means necessary
(e.g., e-mail, phone, letters, etc.).
• Administrators should restrict the extent of withdrawals, incompletes, and no
credit grades as well as monitor student loads more.
Community college administrators have worked diligently to incorporate the
aforementioned advice of researchers. However, the transfer rates of community college
students in general and minority students in particular have remained low. A review of the
literature concerning minority student success in higher education in general and community
colleges in particular may be helpful in understanding why past recommendations have not
worked. In the following section, I review the literature on Hispanics in higher education by
examining their success in four-year institutions and community colleges. I also address the
heterogeneity of Hispanics and analyze the issues surrounding their academic success. I
conclude with a review of the recommendations offered for working with Hispanic students.
Hispanics in Higher Education
As noted in the previous chapter, minorities-especiaily Hispanics-tend to have low
transfer rates and are clustered in community colleges. For the purpose of this study, I am
defining Hispanic as those individuals of Mexican descent who are sometimes referred to as
Chicanos (Renddn & Hope, 1996).
Hispanic Students in Four-Year Institutions.
The majority of studies conducted on Hispanic students at four-year institutions have
addressed the issue of psychological adjustment at predominately white institutions. Louis
Attinasi (1989) conducted a qualitative study of the perceptions of Mexican-American
students as they became acclimated to a four-year institution in the Southwest. Attinasi
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(1989) believed theorists on student attrition (e.g., Tinto, 1993) used frameworks from other
psychosocial phenomenon to explain attrition in general through the use of fixed-choice
questionnaires that ignored the context in which the behavior occurred. After interviewing
eighteen students (13 who persisted, 5 who did not), Atttinasi concluded that the Mexican-
Americans' perceptions fell into two broad categories: "getting ready" (e.g., behaviors
students used to prepare for college) and "getting in" (e.g., behaviors students used once
they were at the institution). Attinasi (1989) found the key concepts these students used
were significant others, anticipatory socialization, and cognitive mapping. Significant others
helped these students create anticipatory socialization of going to college. Most often, the
significant others were parents, and this activity occurred in the "getting ready” phase.
Cognitive mapping, or "sense making" was the construct being used by Mexican-American
students in learning to negotiate the physical, academic, and social rigors of university life in
the "getting in" phase.
Raymond Padilla (1992) sought to expand Attinasi's work on Chicano students by
studying their dialogue. Operating under Paulo Freire's "psycho-social method,” Padilla
(1992) believed that if societal change was to occur, participants must first change their
views of society. Individuals' views about society were evident in their language. Applying
the concept to his study, Padilla (1992) conducted focus group interviews with approximately
24 Chicano students at a large, four-year institution in the Southwest. He identified two
themes in the dialogue of the students, the first of which he called struggle. These students
consistently discussed the amount of energy required to overcome the perceived inter- and
intra-ethnic barriers to their education. The second theme to emerge from the discussions
was that of ethnicity and negotiation of changing roles. Students consistently described the
difficulties they perceived when trying to balance traditional notions of being "Chicano" with
more modem notions of success and upward mobility. They recognized the advantages
they had over earlier generations and were trying to reconcile their ethnic identity with these
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new roles. Padilla (1992) believed the stress involved in negotiating new roles "may function
as the last straw* precipitating higher than normal attrition rates" (p. 178).
In a similar study, Consuelo Arbona, Carmen Flores, and Diane Novy (1995)
attempted to identify the salience of cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty in 364 Mexican-
American college students at a technical college and a state university in Texas. Working
under the assumption that acculturation level may not predict ethnic identity, Arbona et al.
(1995) sought to test a model of cultural orientation for Mexican-American college students.
Arbona et al. (1995) found that cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty are two "distinct yet
related" dimensions. Of import to this paper, Arbona et al. (1995) noted that ethnic identity
might be a primary issue for Mexican-American students as they leam to navigate the
university environment.
Some researchers have begun to explore the issue of biculturalism in Hispanic
students (Biggs, Torres, & Washington, 1998; Jalomo, 1995; Suarez et al. 1997; Torres,
1999). Shirley Suarez, Blaine Fowers, Carolyn Garwood, and Jose Szapocznik (1997) tried
to determine whether bicultural Hispanic students felt more belonging in four-year
institutions. They noted that one of the factors affecting the levels of loneliness experienced
by young Hispanics was related to acculturation as well as the fact that students
experienced greater tension between what their families demanded of them and what
American society demanded of them. Suarez et al. (1997) hypothesized that those students
who were bicultural (e.g., comfortable with the language and values of two diverse cultural
environments) experienced lower levels of loneliness on campus. After surveying 138
Hispanic college students at a four-year institution in Florida, they found that the more
bicultural respondents were, the less loneliness and alienation they experienced on campus.
Suarez et al. (1997) believed their findings underscored the fact that, for Hispanic students,
maintaining family relationships when away at college was a critical component to successful
adjustment.
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Vasti Torres (1999) worked to validate a Bicultural Orientation Model that showed
the relationship between acculturation and ethnic identity in Hispanic students. After
surveying university and community college students, Torres (1999) was able to validate four
orientations: Anglo, Hispanic, Bicultural, and Marginal. An Anglo orientation existed when
an Hispanic student reported a high level of acculturation and a low level of ethnic identity.
The Hispanic orientation was the opposite, with a low level of acculturation and a high level
of ethnic identity. High levels of both acculturation and ethnic identity characterized the
Bicultural Orientation, while low levels of both described the Marginal Orientation. Those
students exhibiting a Bicultural Orientation seemed to adapt to the educational environment
more easily.
Although they did not specifically focus on Hispanic students, Shirley Biggs, Santos
Torres, and Nancy Washington (1998) took a more theoretical approach and advocated a
bicultural model which emphasized "dual socialization for minorities and cross-cultural
socialization for all" (p. 75). They explained that six factors affected whether or not a
minority student was likely to become bicultural:
• degree of overlap of commonality between the institutional culture and the student’s
culture with regard to noons, values, beliefs, and perceptions;
• availability of cultural translators, mediators, and models;
• amount and type (positive and negative) of corrective feedback provided by each
culture;
• conceptual style and problem-solving approach of minority individuals and their mesh
with the prevalent or valued styles of the majority culture;
• individual's degree of bilingualism;
• degree of dissimilarity in physical appearance from the majority culture.
The authors believed colleges promoting these efforts could help minority students persist in
higher education, perhaps even into graduate school.
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Some Hispanic students, however, have trouble adjusting to college life. Madonna
Constantine, Eric Chen, and Paulette Ceesay (1997) tried to identify the reasons minority
students sought mental health counseling on campus. By reviewing past case studies and
examining the self-reported reasons for seeking counseling, they found that more than half
of the Hispanic respondents at a four-year, Southwestern institution sought counseling for
depression. Continuing with the psychological focus, Scott Solberg and Pete Villarreal
(1997) examined the effect of self-efficacy and social support on the psychological and
physical stress experienced by Hispanic students. They hypothesized that self-efficacy and
social support helped ameliorate the effects of stress. After surveying 311 sophomore and
junior Hispanic university students, they found that because Hispanic students had more
family and peer support groups outside the university environment, they reported lower
levels of stress. However, they were compelled to provide support for family members, thus
decreasing their personal adjustment. Solberg and Villarreal (1997) found that higher levels
of self-efficacy were associated with lower distress ratings and speculated that self-efficacy
may help Hispanic students resolve the dilemma between stress and personal adjustment.
The stress encountered by Hispanic students may cause them to change their
minds about education. Gary Malaney and Michael Shively (1995) examined minority
students' expectations when entering the university as compared to their experiences a year
later. The most compelling finding of the study of relevance to this study is that 70 percent
of the Hispanics said they made the right choice to attend the university as they began their
freshman year. By the end of their first year, however, that figure dropped to about 43
percent. Clearly, some intervening variable lowered these students' educational
expectations. Many Hispanic students, however, never confront university adjustment-they
are lost in community colleges.
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Hispanic Students in Community Colleges.
Because many Hispanic students are from low socio-economic background, they
simply cannot afford the tuition of a four-year institution. As Cohen and Brawer (1996a)
explain, the choice for many minority students is not between a four-year institution or
community college-the choice is between community college or nothing. Unfortunately,
community colleges seem to be the death of educational aspirations for many minority
students (Brint & Karabel, 1989; Dougherty, 1994). In their synthesis of research on
Hispanic students in community colleges, Rendbn and Nora (1989) explained the majority of
students at community colleges received little, if any, encouragement from faculty or staff to
transfer. They added that Hispanic students seemed to have diffuse goals that put them at a
disadvantage over those students with clear goals who managed to transfer and graduate.
A significant body of research on Hispanic community college students has been
conducted with the goal of developing models to explain behavior. The most popular model
used was Vincent Tinto’s (1993) Social Integration Model which essentially posited that
students must integrate academically and socially into an institution if they were to be
successful. William Tierney (1992a, 1992b) believed the purpose of theoretical models is
not just to describe the world but to help change it. Tierney (1992a, 1992b) explained,
however, that Tinto's use of anthropological constructs to describe students' adaptation in
college was inappropriate. He added that the constructs were designed to explain rituals in
individuals' own cultures— they were not designed to explain assimilation into another culture.
Moreover, Tierney (1992a) asserted that Tinto's model was used to describe the traditional
college student (e.g., predominately white, 18-24 years old) and did not accurately describe
the experiences of minorities. The following studies have used Tinto's model as a base but
concur with Tierney (1992a). Nora and his colleagues (Nora, 1990; Nora & Renddn, 1990;
Nora, Attinasi, & Matonak, 1990; Nora, Kraemer, & Itzen, 1997) have done the bulk of this
work.
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Nora (1990) sought to examine whether or not financial aid was related to the
academic persistence of Hispanic community college students. He noted that other studies
involving financial aid considered campus housing and residency-factors that were not
related to community college students. In addition, he cited a study by Michael Olivas
(1986) in which it was found Hispanic students over-estimated their parents' income, causing
them to lose that critical support. It may be that Hispanic students do not necessarily
perceive their low-income status due to their extended familial and peer support groups.
Nora (1990) tested his structural equation model of retention for Chicano students
incorporating campus-based aid. The respondents for his study included 883 Hispanic
community college students in Texas. He found that students who received more financial
aid were enrolled in more semesters of college, earned more course credits, obtained more
credentials, and had higher grade-point averages. PELL grants seemed to have the
greatest impact on Hispanic student retention.
Amaury Nora and Laura Rendon (1990) attempted to determine how background
characteristics, behaviors, and attitudes influenced students' predisposition to transfer.
Using a modified version of Tinto's model, they surveyed 569 community college students,
422 of whom were Hispanic. The remaining respondents were white. Nora and Rendbn
(1990) hypothesized that the higher the levels of congruency between students and their
environments, the higher their predisposition to transfer. They found that community college
students with high initial commitment to both the institution and their educational goals, those
with higher academic and social integration, and those whose parents had higher levels of
education had better attitudes about transfer and engaged in more transfer activities than
those who did not. The surprising finding was that ethnic origin was not a factor in
predisposition to transfer.
Nora and his colleagues (Nora et. al, 1990) tested another modified version of
Tinto's model. In this work, the goal was to test Attinasi's (1989) qualitative findings
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concerning two precollege retention influences: experiences early in life which caused
students to believe they would go to college and pre-matriculation, on-campus experiences
(e.g., visits to universities). After surveying 253 community college students, Nora et al.
(1990) verified Attinasi's "getting ready" construct and found that such behavior actually
resulted in a decreased likelihood of persisting. Prematriculation activities on campus and
early college-going expectations did not significantly impact students' initial institutional and
goal commitment and negatively impacted retention. Nora et al. (1990) speculated that the
negative influence on retention resulted from the fact that students answered the questions
from the community college perspective and saw community college as only a stepping
stone to four-year institutions. In other words, they may not have thought the questions
applied.
In a later work, Amaury Nora, Barbara Kraemer, and Richard Itzen (1997) expanded
their model to include non-traditional Hispanic college students. Non-traditional students are
often defined as those who begin their education later, are ill prepared academically, and
have few financial resources. Nora et al. (1997) used the Student Adjustment Model (Nora
and Cabrera, 1996) which combined elements of Tinto's Student Integration Model (looking
at social and academic integration of individual students) with Bean's student Attrition Model
(examining environmental influences on persistence). Nora et al. (1997) extended Nora and
Cabrera's (1996) design by including four pre-college factors (e.g., mathematic ability, family
responsibilities, financial problems, and encouragement to continue in college) and applied it
to non-traditional Hispanic community college students. Testing their revised model on 324
non-traditional Hispanic community college students in Illinois, they found that the amount of
support and encouragement students received coupled with students' satisfaction with
faculty and instruction, positively affected students' commitment to the institution and their
intent to re-enroll. The authors noted, however, that "something happens between
springtime when [students] say they will return and the fall when they don't" (p. 20).
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While Nora et al. (1997) attempted to find a model of persistence and retention that
was applicable to Hispanic student populations overall, Barbara Kraemer (1993) cautioned
that the best, most useful retention studies were those that were institution specific. In her
study, Kraemer (1993) sought to expand the ways in which Tinto's academic and social
integration concepts were operationalized. She surveyed 277 Hispanic graduates from a
private, bilingual junior college in Illinois and found that academic and social integration
could be reliably measured through other activities. For example, academic integration
included such measures as class participation, use of library, seeking tutoring, and use of
computers, while measures of social integration included interactions with other Hispanic
students, faculty, and staff. Hispanic music included at events, and Hispanic food in the
cafeteria.
In a later study, Barbara Kraemer (1997) applied her model to older Hispanic
students (e.g., over 25). After surveying 217 such students, she found that the concept of
academic integration was not necessarily a single construct for these students. Rather, it
involved the elements of formal faculty-student interaction (through participation in class),
study behavior (through use of the library), and informal faculty-student interaction (through
meetings out of class). With regard to social integration, Kraemer (1997) found that
interactions with Hispanic faculty and staff and other Hispanic students were significant, as
was attendance at Hispanic cultural activities.
Other researchers have examined the impact of "first generation status” on minority
community college students (London, 1989; Padrbn, 1992). Eduardo Padrdn (1992) looked
at Hispanic students as "first generation" college students and addressed their experience
from that perspective. Recounting the experience of the Miami-Dade Community College
system, Padrdn (1992) identified characteristics of first-generation students, reporting that
they needed more guidance (both academic and personal), were often intimidated and
bewildered by the educational system, lacked a home environment conducive to studying,
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were older and most likely recent immigrants, and came from cultures which considered
higher education "frivolous." PadrOn (1992) recommended that institutions remove barriers
and described, for example, how the admissions center at a Miami-Dade campus had no
counters to serve as physical barriers. Staff members sat down with students at tables to
help them complete the requisite paperwork, and the college scheduled "clustered” courses
for the students since this cohort format helped students integrate academically and socially.
Padrdn (1992) believed these students were best served when 1) the hired faculty and staff
of colleges demographically reflected their communities and students had proactive mentors,
2) the students had information about the college they needed, and 3) there were events that
celebrated their culture.
Not all researchers believed the plight of Hispanics in higher education was
deplorable. Linda Chavez (1997) asserted that some Hispanic advocates continued to
spread the message that Hispanics were incapable of succeeding in society. To illustrate,
Chavez (1997) began her article with a quote from an unnamed president of the National
Council of La Raza that reads, "each decade offered us hope, but our hopes evaporated into
smoke. We became the poorest of the poor, the most segregated minority in schools, the
lowest paid group in America, and the least educated minority in this nation” (p.57). In
contrast, Chavez (1997) believed Hispanic success had been "tremendous” and, in fact,
Hispanics represented an "emerging middle class" (p. 57). The key issue for Chavez (1997)
seemed to be the lumping together of immigrants with non-immigrants. She explained:
Increasingly, the Hispanic population, including that of Mexican origin, is made up of
new immigrants who, like immigrants of every era, start off at the bottom of the
economic ladder. This infusion of new immigrants is bound to distort our image of
progress in the Hispanic population if, each time we measure the group, we include
people who have just arrived and have yet to make their way in this society........
No major Hispanic organization will acknowledge the validity of this reasonable
assumption (p. 59).
Chavez (1997) believed Hispanics have assimilated well into society and are becoming
successful. She added as proof the fact that one third of all U. S. bom Hispanics under age
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35 were marrying non-Hispanics. Not all would agree with her notion that assimilation and
marriage of a non-Hispanic significantly improved the social mobility or educational
attainment of Hispanics. One must be careful, however, not to view Hispanics as
homogenous. As noted by Chavez (1997), the issue of heterogeneity is an important one,
and I now turn to that discussion.
Heterogeneity within Hispanic Students.
Chavez (1997) is not the only researcher to raise the issue of heterogeneity within
the Hispanic group. For example, James Allen and Eugene Turner (1997) have documented
several groups of Hispanics in Southern California. These include individuals of Mexican,
Guatemalan, Salvadoran, Cuban, Puerto Rican, and Costa Rican descent, to name a few.
Consuelo Arbona and Diane Novy (1991) recognized this diversity when they explained that
"although information on the Hispanic population as a whole provides a useful overview of
this ethnic group, it also serves to mask the different experiences and problems faced by the
individual subgroups . . . [and] may distort research findings” (p. 335).
Some researchers have focused on the educational success of Mexican-Americans
and immigrants of Mexican descent (Arbona & Novy, 1991; Flores, 1994; Menchaca & Ruiz-
Escalante, 1995; Sosa, 1993). For example, Consuelo Arbona and Diane Novy (1991)
compared Mexican-Americans and Hispanics of non-Mexican descent on a series of
demographic and academic variables in 186 freshmen at a four-year institution in the
Southwest. They found that a larger percentage of non-Mexican students expected to
pursue a graduate degree, while a larger number of Mexican students experienced financial
difficulties. The groups were similar in their academic performance and retention rates.
Perhaps the most compelling finding of the study was that the majority of students in both
groups were unsure whether they would actually graduate with a degree.
Velma Menchaca and Jose Ruiz-Escalante (1995) addressed the needs of migrant
students who were primarily of Mexican descent in the K-12 system, while Susan Morse and
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Patricia Hammer (1998) briefly discussed the needs of migrant college students and noted
that they seemed to perform better at multicultural or Hispanic-Serving institutions
(discussed in more detail later in this chapter). Although aimed at the K-12 system, the
teaching strategies offered by Menchaca and Ruiz-Escalante (1995) could be helpful for
instruction in both systems:
• create a positive environment
• build on migrant students' strengths (such as extensive travel)
• enhance their self-concept and self-esteem
• personalize lessons with students' experiences
• integrate culturally relevant content
• use cooperative learning
• develop students’ metacognitive learning strategies.
These suggestions mirror much of what has been advanced for helping minority students
succeed in community colleges and universities.
Other researchers have explored the educational success of Chicano students
(Aguirre & Martinez, 1994; Gandara, 1995). For example, Patricia Gandara (1995) chose to
examine the patterns of Chicano students who had succeeded in higher education. She
studied over 50 such professionals who earned JD., MD., or Ph.D. degrees from prestigious
institutions. She limited her study to those students who came from low-income "barrio" type
neighborhoods in order to determine what factors helped these students succeed in the face
of major obstacles and barriers. Using questionnaires and interviews, Gandara (1995)
explored five factors: the impact of home influences, family stories, schools and
neighborhoods, peers, and personal characteristics.
With respect to home influences and family stories, Gandara (1995) found that most
of the subjects came from large families and were greatly influenced by siblings who served
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as role models and encouraged them in their educational aspirations. For the most part, the
respondents' parents had little contact with their primary school teachers. Within the family,
"stories" were often told that related to the "myth of the golden past." Gandara (1995)
explained that these stories often recounted how the respondents' ancestors were powerful
or successful in their homeland (e.g., usually Mexico). She believed the stories were strong
motivating forces for respondents.
Concerning schools, neighborhoods, and peers, Gandara (1995) found most of the
respondents lived "on the fringe" of the barrios and, consequently, were able to attend more
white, middle class schools. She believed the respondents' parents moved their families
within a limited area to give their children the best advantage of attending schools outside of
the barrio. A few of these families were able to send their children to Catholic schools.
Because of their tendency to attend middle class, predominately white schools, the
respondents learned to negotiate their experiences in two worlds: that of their white peers
and that of their home/neighborhood environments.
One final area examined by Gandara (1995) was that of personal attributes and
characteristics. She found that these students were raised in homes where Spanish was the
primary language and, thus, were fluent in English and Spanish. She added that literacy in
both languages was a value the respondents had. Gandara (1995) explained the
respondents believed persistence, drive, and motivation were more responsible for their
success than innate ability. Though personal characteristics may be responsible for Chicano
educational success, other factors seemed to affect the educational success of all Hispanics.
Analysis of Issues Affecting Hispanic Student Achievement.
Some researchers articulated clearly that if Hispanic students are to experience
higher levels of success in America's colleges and universities, reform must begin at the K-
12 level (DeNecochea, 1988; Gandara, 1995; Renddn & Nora, 1988b). Renddn and Nora
(1988b), for example, detailed the obstacles and barriers that caused Hispanics to "leak" out
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of the "educational pipeline." The first major leak Renddn and Nora (1988b) identified was at
the pre-college level, especially high school. They explained that Hispanics had one of the
highest high school drop-out rates in the nation— a factor that may be related to the tracking
many minorities experience in the K-12 system.
Jeannie Oakes and Martin Lipton (1996) asserted that tracking practices began
before kindergarten. They described "readiness tests" which were administered to five-year-
old children to select out those who went to "academic" Kindergarten and those who did not.
They added that "these tests place low-income children-a group in which most minority
children fit-at a clear disadvantage since most of them have less educationally advantaged
preschool opportunities” (p. 170). Moreover, the authors explained the tests might not be
accurate as they were never designed for predicting children's success. Oakes and Lipton
(1996) noted that during these early years, all students worked on the same curriculum but
at different speeds. In the middle school years, usually the eighth grade, students were
assigned to different curriculums (academic or non-academic) with different goals and
outcomes. Moreover, other researchers have noted that perhaps because of these tracking
practices, bright minority students were often under-represented in gifted programs,
sometimes by as much as 70 percent (Hams & Ford, 1999; Ford, Baytops, & Harmon,
1997). Given these facts, one is not surprised that so many Hispanic students become
disillusioned and opt out of education at an early age. (See Jun, forthcoming, for an
extensive review of the literature on tracking.)
The second leak Renddn and Nora (1988b) addressed occurred immediately after
high school. They explained that although the number of Hispanics in higher education was
up (especially in community colleges), the increase merely represented the increased
number of Hispanics in society. The third leak was the dismal transfer rate Hispanics
experienced from community colleges to four-year institutions-often below 10 percent~a
factor discussed earlier in this chapter. The fourth leak occurred after students transferred
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and experienced difficulty adjusting, while the fifth and final leak involved the issue of
persistence at four-year institutions. Renddn and Nora (1988a) explained that approximately
75 percent of the Hispanics who transferred to four-year institutions never graduated.
Even if students are successful in getting through four-year institutions, Jairo
Fuertes and William Sedlacek (1993) acknowledged barriers within academe that pre
empted the development of Hispanic leaders in higher education-the primary one being
institutional racism. Paula Rothenberg (1995) explained institutional racism was
discrimination that was embedded in the "well established rules, policies, and practices of
organizations" (p. 72). Although administrators, faculty, and staff may be well intentioned
and non-discriminatory in their personal practices, institutional racism could still hinder
minority student success. Mark Chester and James Crowfoot (1989) explained:
The very point of institutional racism is that organizations can have discriminatory
impact even if individual actors are unaware of such impacts or are non-
discriminatory in their personal beliefs, and even if their behavior appears to be a
fair-minded application of "race-neutral" or "colorblind" rules and norms (p. 11).
They added that institutional racism could be found in the mission, culture, power, structure,
and resources of organizations. As an example, Fuertes and Sedlacek (1993) noted that
many institutions relied on SAT scores as predictors of Hispanic students' success and
argued that these scores were not accurate predictors of Hispanic students' first-year
performance-a fact with which Richard Duran (1986) would agree. Moreover, Patricia
Gandara and Elias Lopez (1998) found that although Hispanic college students may receive
admission to universities in spite of low scores, more often than not these low scores caused
Hispanic students to lose out on opportunities such as scholarships, entry into competitive
programs, or a loss of self-confidence. Exacerbating the issue was the fact that universities
often have one "minority affairs" office. Fuertes and Sedlacek (1993) added that Hispanics
often refused to use services that used the label "minority." They noted that Hispanic
students would take advantage of services if they were tailored to Hispanics.
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The other key factor discussed by Fuertes and Sedlacek (1993) was the difference
between assimilation and integration. They differentiated between assimilators,
accommodators, and isolationists. Assimilators attempted to fit in with whites and were most
prone to attrition because of the denigration of aspects of their culture evident in the
institution. Accommodators learned to adapt to the predominately white culture but still
retained their Hispanic culture. These students understood racism better than assimilators
and knew how to fight it. The final group consisted of isolationists who were less likely to
persist due to their resistance to social integration efforts. Clearly, Hispanic students have
many issues to resolve in their educational pursuits. Some researchers have offered
suggestions to ameliorate these problems.
Recommendations for Working with Hispanic Students
Renddn and Nora (1988b) proffered intervention strategies for pre-college,
community college, and four-year institution levels to help Hispanic students succeed. Pre
college interventions included dropout prevention programs, financial aid, college awareness
programs, and early exposure to fields in which Hispanics were under-represented.
Community college level interventions included academic partnership programs (e.g., with
four-year institutions), more faculty involvement in advising and encouraging students, and
honors transfer programs. Finally, intervention strategies at the four-year institutional level
included more scholarships for transfer students and new policies designed to improve
persistence without compromising quality.
Alberto Cabrera, Amaury Nora, Elena Bernal, Patrick Terenzini, and Ernest
Pascarella (1998) recommended using collaborative (earning strategies with minority
students. In their recent study, they found that minority students, especially Hispanics, were
more predisposed toward collaborative teaching and learning styles. Moreover, the use of
these styles resulted in all students having an increased openness for diversity as well as
predictive gains in cognitive and affective levels.
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In reviewing 15 successful intervention programs aimed at Hispanic student retention in
high schools and colleges and universities, Martha de Acosta (1996) sought to identify the
common characteristics these programs possessed. She explained that the programs had:
• sensitivity to individual students (e.g., not assuming they were all the same)
• sensitivity to students' culture
• sensitivity to the institutional culture and climate with regard to where the program is
located
• pro-active intervention (e.g., went to the students rather than expecting students to come
to them)
• focused on accelerated, enriched learning rather than unchallenging remedial drills
• small program size or individual attention in larger programs
• partnering with families and communities.
Along with these efforts airr.od at keeping Hispanics in education, leadership
development and/or mentoring programs may prove useful for developing more Hispanic
educators. Fuertes and Sedlacek (1993) explained that "it is reasonable to assume that
Hispanics will be more active in college and aspire to leadership positions if they have
advocates modeling and promoting leadership in the educational system" (p. 280). One
program at the University of Illinois seeks to increase the numbers of Hispanic leaders in the
educational system (Serafin. 1998). The program is open to teachers who are bilingual,
teach in bilingual schools, have research interests in bilingualism, serve the bilingual
community, and who want to move into leadership positions. The students take 36 credits of
school leadership courses leading to the M. A.. Five weeks of the program occur on
campus, and two weeks involve an overseas exchange (e.g., Latin America). The founders
hope to recruit more Hispanic teachers to become institutional leaders through this program.
In summary, the factors which appear to enhance Hispanic students' adjustment at
four-year, predominately white institutions included the role of significant others, cognitive
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mapping, negotiating new roles, a friendly campus climate, being bicultural, and having self-
efficacy and social support. Moreover, Hispanics are over-represented at community
colleges, yet few of those students transfer to four-year institutions. The use of Tinto's
model has been called into question, and various researchers are trying to develop
comprehensive theoretical models to improve Hispanic students' experiences. Hispanics
are less likely to get financial aid or support and encouragement from community college
faculty and are more likely to be tracked in the K-12 system. In spite of the tendency to lump
Hispanics into the same category, not all groups under the Hispanic label are the same.
Finally, the issues of institutional racism and assimilation raised in some of these studies
causes one to speculate that campus culture and climate may play vital roles in minority
student success. I now turn to a discussion of that issue.
Campus Culture and Climate
The concepts of campus culture and climate can be confusing and abstract. In what
follows, I first define the terms and address the significance of studying these aspects of
organizational behavior. I then discuss how campus culture and climate may affect minority
student transfer success and explore the impact on Historically Black Colleges and
Universities (HBCU's) and Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSI’s).
Definitions
Marvin Peterson and Melinda Spencer (1990) clarified the two concepts of campus
culture and climate by defining both and discussing dimensions of each. They began by
explaining that campus culture and climate provided organizational members with (p.4):
• a reflection of their understanding of the purpose or meaning of their organizations;
• a mechanism for attracting, selecting, and socializing new members;
• a sense of organizational identity through a sense of uniqueness about their
organizations;
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• a reasonable framework for making sense of the non-rational and informal aspects of an
organization not captured in formal documents and procedures.
Clearly, campus culture and climate permeate all aspects of organizational behavior.
Campus culture can be thought of as "the deeply embedded patterns of
organizational behavior and shared values, assumptions, beliefs or ideologies that members
have about their organization or its work" (Peterson and Spencer, 1990, p. 6). They
explained that culture provided the holistic perspective of an organization and served
instrumental and interpretive functions. Peterson and Spencer (1990) added that elements
of culture included governance patterns, philosophy of education, perspectives on teaching
and learning, ideas concerning the nature of education or the academic community, and the
commitment to the students.
Campus climate, on the other hand, can be described as "the current common
patterns of important dimensions of organizational life or its members' perceptions of and
attitudes toward those dimensions. . [and is] more concerned with current perceptions and
attitudes rather than deeply held meanings, beliefs, and values" (Peterson and Spencer,
1990, p. 7). They explained that climates reflected the psychological and individual focus in
contrast to culture's more "big picture" view of the organization. Elements of climate
included institutional goals, governance and decision patterns, teaching and learning
processes, participants' behavior and interaction patterns, and workplace dynamics
(Peterson and Spencer, 1990). Shanette Harris and Michael Nettles (1996) added that no
two climates were the same and that they tended to vary overtime.
Importance of Studying
Prior strategies to "fix the student" have, according to Francine McNairy (1996),
"ignored the role that institutional policies, faculty, administrators, staff, the curriculum, and
the campus environment play in retaining students of color” (p. 2). She added that
"institutions must examine their organizational cultures and determine which aspects
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contribute to the high attrition rates” (p. 2). Nora and Renddn (1990) have questioned "the
effect of institutional programs and climate conditions" in facilitating predisposition to transfer
in community college students, de Acosta (1996) added that knowing the history of an
institution, including formal and informal organization and how decisions are made "helps in
designing a program that can make a difference. Cookie-cutter programs are not advisable:
to be successful, programs need to be adapted to each college's individual culture and
environment” (p. 7).
Ana Serafin (1998) detailed differences in values between Hispanic students and the
Anglo mind frames that tend to permeate educational institutions when she presented the
following chart:
Table 2.1 Hispanic and Anglo Values
Hispanic Anglo
Values spontaneity Schedule oriented
Group identity comes first Individual identity comes first
Nonverbal communication Verbal communication
Involvement in concurrent activities One thing at a time
The presence of others is stimulation The presence of others is a distraction
Degree of friendship defines level of
help
Degree of usefulness defines level of
friendliness
Need for direction to initiate structure Shows initiative, time on task
People count the most Activity accomplishments count first
Solidarity (interpersonal) Solitary (intrapersonal)
No complaints to authority Expect validation of complaints from
authority
It is not surprising that many Hispanic students perceive a hostile climate when most of their
socialized values were either discounted or opposed.
Another relevant reason to explore campus culture and climate involves the role
these elements play with regard to student identity. Since minority students must negotiate
multiple identities in their educational experience, this connection to campus culture and
climate cannot be understated. Robert Rhoads (1999) explained that "faculty and staff
contribute to the construction of student identities through the interactions they have with
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students and those they have with other faculty about their students" (p. 103-104). He
added that "culture not only establishes the parameters for social interaction, it also provides
a framework for how we define ourselves in relation to others" (Rhoads, 1999, p. 106). For
students on the "margins," the struggle to create one's own identity is a struggle to "seize
control of the centers of language and discourse” (p. 106). Though blatant prejudice may
not occur, Rhoads (1999) noted:
Despite a proficiency for hiding prejudice and disdain of the other, representations
oftentimes emerge from educational programs and pedagogical practices [e.g.,
institutional racism]. To put it another way, the assumptions we have of the other
(and necessarily ourselves) are revealed through the educational interactions and
endeavors we adopt in relation to our students" (p. 107).
Kathleen Shaw (1999) added that community colleges send messages that convey
a particular identity theory through policies and practices. Moreover, she noted that minority
students often described a sense of losing themselves amidst their fragmented identities.
She outlined three identities community colleges can communicate: essentializing,
embracing, and recognizing the multiplicity. The first identity theory, essentializing, was
present when community faculty and administrators focused on personality traits, goal-
setting abilities, and the intelligence of students. Group membership was viewed as the
cause of the differences, and diversity was compartmentalized into token celebratory events.
The second type of identity theory that can be conveyed through community
colleges was that of embracing students' racial, gender, and class identities. Membership in
these groups was seen as the explanation of difference. Shaw (1999) explained that in this
view, power differentials were recognized, and curriculum sometimes exhibited the
contributions of these groups. However, the third type of identity theory, recognition of the
multiplicity of student identities, was the most inclusive and combined the intrinsic qualities of
group membership with the contextual or "choice-based aspects of identity." Such a view
recognized the hardships associated with the negotiation of multiple roles. Shaw (1999)
explained that community colleges exhibited this perspective through such strategies as
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child care centers, support groups for returning adult students, and hiring practices that
reflected a commitment to diversity in faculty and staff.
A quote from Howard London (1989) provided insight into how the campus culture
and climate may affect minority student identities. After speaking to first generation college
students and exploring their life histories London (1989) poignantly commented:
It is only when we see that mobility involves not just gain but loss-most of all a loss
of a familiar past, including a past self-that we can begin to understand the
attendant periods of confusion, conflict, isolation, and even anguish that first
generation students report here. To say it differently, for the students who are the
subject of this article, modernity creates the potential for biographical and social
dislocation, so that the freedom of choice, to whatever extent it exists, can also be
the agony of choice (p. 168).
The agony to which London (1989) alluded was the agony many minority students feel when
they have to leave their home cultures or adopt the culture of their educational institution to
be successful.
Not only do organizational cultures and climates affect student identities, they also
inform educational practice and policies. Leaders are expected to know the culture of their
institutions (Bensimon, 1990, Ramirez, 1996). Blandina Ramirez (1996) commented that
"the leader's fundamental challenge is to understand the institutional culture and to marshal
the resources necessary to shape it to a new vision" (p. 449). She further explained that the
status quo was embedded in the culture of an organization:
"It is into this substratum of beliefs and assumptions that the status quo has dug its
strongest roots, nurtured on a daily basis by the success experiences of those
individuals, departments, research units, and formal and informal governance units
for whom status quo works well” (pp. 449-450).
Clearly, leaders who genuinely wish to institute change (especially with regard to a more
inclusive environment) must attend to matters of campus culture and climate. Richard
Richardson and Elizabeth Skinner (1990) added that when tensions between diversity and
achievement are relatively high, organizational cultures revealed a piecemeal attempt to
resolve the conflict and a reliance on student affairs strategies to resolve problems. When
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academic strategies were combined with student affairs strategies to resolve the "dilemma”
of diversity, a more holistic approach had been taken. Such a phenomenon was evidence
that diversity had been incorporated into the institution, not just compartmentalized
(Richardson & Skinner, 1990).
The attitude toward diversity may be gleaned through an examination of retention
strategies. For example, in her typology of retention strategies, Patricia Beatty-Guenter
(1992) provided a schema for determining the goals behind particular behaviors. She
explained that the strategies used in community colleges could be placed in four categories:
sorting (e.g., grouping students into subsets), supporting (e.g., helping students with life
problems), connecting (e.g., attaching students to each other and the college), and
transforming (e.g.. developing students and reforming the college). She provided the
following table listing the categories and examples of the strategies used:
Table 2.2 Retention Strategies and Values
Category Strategies
Sorting "Best-fit" Admissions
Entry assessment and placement
Program/course planning
Early warning/academic alert
Supporting Child care
Financial aid
Health and wellness programs
Security and transportation
Connecting Student activities, groups
Peer programs
Orientation
Faculty/student events
Attendance policy
Faculty advisors, mentors
Work study
Outreach to high schools, four-year colleges
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Table 2.2 Retention Strategies and Values (Continued)
Transforming Learning assistance, tutoring
Remedial education
Counseling about goals, careers
Curriculum change
Building community, teaching environment
Policy changes
Instructor development programs
In reviewing her chart, one can see that most strategies used in community colleges stop
short of "transforming." Regardless, it may be possible to determine a college's cultural
philosophy by using such a typology of retention strategies.
How Culture and Climate Affect Minority Students
According to Kathleen Shaw, James Valadez, and Robert Rhoads (1999), a
college's commitment to diversity can be gleaned from organizational culture and climate.
Minority students may be in a better position to sense the commitment, or lack thereof, to
diversity. Sylvia Hurtado and Deborah Carter (1997) explained that "minority freshmen
exhibit considerable psychological sensitivity to the campus social climate, including
interpersonal tensions with white students and faculty and actual or perceived experiences
of racism and discrimination" (p. 330). Harris and Nettles (1996) added that when student
characteristics were inconsistent with existing mores and values of the institution, "hostile
climates evolve as the presence of nontraditional students presents demands that
institutions are unprepared to meet” (p. 331). Compounding the problem is the fact that
even when climate or cultural problems are perceived, they may not be remedied. Harris
and Nettles (1996) stated "because of expected discomfort and conflict, even institutional
affiliates who maintain an awareness of climate deficiencies often ignore the impact of
traditional and symbolic university values on educational outcomes of minority students" (p.
342). Hence, although institutional leaders may be aware of harmful cultures or climates,
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they may not act in order to protect the status quo. This refusal to change contributes to a
hostile campus climate and affects minority students.
Hurtado and her colleagues (Hurtado, Carter, & Spuler, 1996; Hurtado & Carter,
1997) used quantitative methods in order to study the impact of campus racial climate on
Hispanic students' adjustment by examining data from the National Survey of Hispanic
Students. The students (n=272) completed the survey when they were sophomores in four-
year universities and then again when they were juniors. Hurtado and Carter (1997)
believed Hispanic students' adjustment in college was affected by campus racial climate and
hypothesized that students who perceived a hostile climate would have a lower sense-of-
belonging score. They found that although peer groups were important in helping Hispanic
students adjust, the peer groups changed as the college level (e.g., freshman, sophomore,
junior) changed. For example, during the sophomore year membership in sororities and
fraternities significantly impacted students' sense of belonging. However, during the third
year membership in religious and social community organizations was most significantly
related to students' sense of belonging. Hurtado and Carter (1997) speculated that it could
be the case that sororities and fraternities helped Latino students "get in" (Attinasi, 1989)
and learn the system (e.g., cognitive mapping) while the third-year organizations helped
Latino students feel "at home" on campus. Another finding was that the students were
"finding ways to become interdependent with their families during college, not completely
independent" (p. 339). As expected, they found that the more hostile the students perceived
the campus climate to be, the less adjusted they were.
Renddn (1993,1994a, 1994b, 1994c; Renddn & Jalomo, 1995) approached the
success of minority students in community colleges by calling for climates of student
validation. Validation occurs when students' diverse experiences are welcomed, valued, and
incorporated into the institutional culture and climate. She explained that through policies
and programs, administrators should help students accomplish three goals: negotiate the
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transition to college, become involved in campus academic and social life, and develop
positive attitudes about their learning abilities. Renddn (1994b) described the institutional
factors that could negatively impact minority student success and create an invalidating
climate:
• white administrators and faculty
• Euro-centered curriculum
• passive, competitive learning environments
• faculty who are detached from students
• campus climate which is perceived as racist or indifferent
• poor counseling and advising
• vocational tracking
In order to overcome these institutional influences on Hispanic student success, Renddn
(1994b) recommended new methods of assessment so that a single test score was not the
basis for decisions. Next, she called for the transformation of curriculum and the
reconceptualization of teaching and learning as well as faculty/student relationships.
Moreover, Renddn (1994b) wanted faculty reward structures redefined so that helping at-risk
students succeed and supporting community service and affirmative action policies were
honored activities.
It is in the classroom, however, where Rendon's validating environment is fully
developed (Renddn & Jalomo, 1995). The following chart contrasted her validating and
invalidating academic models (pp. 3-6):
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Table 2.3 Academic Invalidating/Validating Models
Academic Invalidating Model Academic Validating Model
Students treated as empty receptacles
and/or as incapable of learning
Students bring rich reservoir of
experience and are motivated to
believe they are capable of learning
Students expected to disconnect with the
past
The past is a source of strength and
knowledge
Faculty assault students with information
and/or withhold information
Faculty share knowledge with
students and support students in
learning
Faculty instill doubt and fear in students
Faculty structure learning so that
students are able to see themselves
as powerful learners
Faculty are experts, the sole source of
truth and authority
Faculty are partners in learning with
students
Students are oppressed, silenced, and
cast in subordinate roles
Students are allowed to have a public
voice and share their ideas openly
Faculty focus on abstract thinking
Faculty recognize the importance of
experience as a base of knowledge
and that out-of-class learning is
equally powerful
Students are passive Faculty employ active learning
techniques such as collaborative
learning, demonstrations, simulations,
field trips, etc.
Evaluation instills fear and is objective and
impersonal
Learning standards are designed in
collaboration with students and
students are allowed to re-do
assignments until they master them.
Faculty praise success and
encourage motivation
Faculty and students remain separated Faculty meet students in-and-out of
class, serve as mentors for students,
as well as encourage and support
them
The classroom is fiercely competitive Students work together in teams and
are encouraged to share information
Fear of failure permeates the classroom
environment
A climate of success is fostered by
faculty and students
Teaching is linear, flowing only from
teacher to student
Teachers may be learners; learners
may be teachers
Students validated at the end of the term Students validated early and
validation continues throughout
college years
The core curriculum is male-centered and
Euro-centered
The core curriculum is inclusive of the
contributions of women and minorities
Students encouraged to give automated
and rote responses
Learning allows for reflection, multi
perspectives and imperfection
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Renddn's (Renddn & Jalomo, 1995) model of student validation would require a
paradigmatic shift among administrators, faculty, and staff of community colleges. The
empowerment inherent in her model, however, could transform not only the lives of minority
students, but also the cultures and climates of community colleges.
Kathleen Shaw and Howard London (1995) studied community colleges with higher
than average transfer rates. They found that these successful colleges used an holistic
approach to diversity, continually readjusted to address the needs of students, and provided
ample opportunities for student validation. More important was the fact that student-
centered policies were evident and little opposition to faculty or institutional culture was
present. This lack of cultural conflict meant students felt welcomed and included in all
aspects of organizational life. Shaw and London (1995) echoed earlier cautions for
institutions to find their own remedies. They explained that "if these colleges are similar on
any dimension aside from the most superficial, it is that their instructional cultures seem to
mesh with the unique attitudes, needs, and aspirations of their student bodies. The ways in
which this confluence occurs is, we suspect, situation specific" (p. 34). The issue of
validating versus non-validating campus cultures and climates may cause one to wonder
how the cultures and climates of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU's) and
Hispanic-Serving Institutions (HSI's) may differ from predominately white institutions. I next
turn to that discussion.
Historically Black Colleges and Hispanic-Setvina Institutions.
African American students often choose Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCU's) because of the inclusive, supportive campus cultures and climates. Even those
African American students whose academic ability makes them eligible for "ivy league"
colleges choose HBCU's because they "provide a campus climate, atmosphere, and set of
experiences rarely available to students at majority institutions” (Hope, 1996, p. 397). Sylvia
Hurtado, Jeffrey Milem, and Alma Clayton-Pedersen, and Walter Allen (1998) explained that
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"HBCU's provide more social and psychological support, higher levels of satisfaction and
sense of community, and a greater likelihood that students will persist and complete their
degrees” (p. 284). Clearly, not all African American students will attend HBCU's, and the
issue of whether or not these colleges are options for those students coming from low
socioeconomic classes is unresolved. The point to be made here, however, is that these
institutions were created to be "safe havens" where African American students could pursue
their education in bias-free environments.
Hispanic students have no such colleges to which they can turn. The closest
institutional type is that designated as an Hispanic-Serving Institution (HSI). Recent
attention has been given to HSI's as a way of keeping Hispanics involved in higher
education. According to the United States Department of Education (1999), an HSI is
defined as an accredited, degree-granting institution with at least 25 percent of Hispanics in
the student population. However, to be classified as an HSI under federal Title V guidelines
(and, thus, have access to federal funding), the United States Congress defines HSI's as
having Hispanic student populations of at least 25 percent, with half of those students
coming from low-income families.
An important point to consider is that HSI's were not created in the same way that
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU's) were. This point was the subject of a
debate recently in the pages of Black Issues in Hioher Education. More specifically, the
central issue involved the fact that the United States Congress sought to support HSI's by
allocating $80 million annually to these institutions as well as including HSI's within Title III
legislation (which established HBCU's). Administrators of HBCU's feared this allocation
would result in a loss of funds for their institutions and opposed the expansion. They argued
that Hispanics had not experienced the degree of racism that African Americans had and,
thus, were ineligible for the additional money. In the end, Hispanic and African American
leaders compromised, and the recent Higher Education Act increased federal funds to
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HBCU's and HSI's. HSI’s, however, were not included in Title III (Black Issues in Higher
Education. 2/6/97; 3/6/97; 5/28/98;11/12/98a, 11/12/98b).
In terms of the number of HSI's, the United States Department of Education (1999)
reported that as of 1997, there were 742 institutions which had a 25 percent or more
Hispanic population. Of that number, 488 institutions were proprietary. 92 were private, and
162 were public institutions. According to the membership roster of the Hispanic Association
of Colleges and Universities (1999), 164 HSI's exist and are located in Arizona (5), California
(48), Colorado (6), Florida (13), Illinois (10), New Jersey (3), New Mexico (16), New York
(10), Texas (19), Washington (1), and Puerto Rico (33). When looking at the types of
institutions on the membership roster, it becomes clear that the large majority of HSI’s are
public state universities and community colleges. In California, the overwhelming majority of
HSI’s (35 of the 48) are community colleges.
An irony arising from the development of Hispanic-Serving Institutions is that an
institution could be classified as both a "predominately white institution” and an Hispanic-
Serving Institution at the same time. For example, if a community college had a student
population with 60 percent white students and 40 percent Hispanic students, they meet the
Department of Education's definition of an HSI. If the majority of those Hispanic students
come from low-income households, the institution meets the definition of an HSI proposed
by congress and, thus, is eligible for federal funds. This paradox is related to campus
culture and climate in that the set of values driving educational policies and practices are the
values of those in power-most likely Anglo. Hence, even though Hispanics may attend
HSI's, such an environment does not afford Hispanics the "safe havens” African American
students receive at HBCU's.
In summary, campus culture and climate constitute vital elements of organizational
behavior. They implicitly and explicitly inform college practices and programs. Minority
students are particularly sensitive to elements of campus culture and climate since they must
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constantly negotiate multiple identities. Not only are those identities affected by social
interactions, but community colleges promote particular identity theories. HBCU's and HSI's
may provide more welcoming climates for minority students, however, the values of those in
power will determine the tone of the climate. Hence, scholars are now turning their efforts
toward making community colleges more multicultural and, thus, more inclusive and
supportive of minority students by attending to matters of campus culture and climate.
The Search For A New Model Of Minority Student Success:
Changing Cultures and Climates
When one reviews the literature on transfer rates, a conclusion can be drawn that
national remedies to improve minority student transfer will remain elusive (Cohen & Brawer,
1996b; Laanan & Sanchez, 1996). Moreover, the drastic structural reforms that would
inherently alter the various missions of the community college are possible but not probable.
Consequently, some scholars call for changes in cultures and climates of community
colleges. Rhoads and Valadez (1996), for example, believed community colleges currently
were "monolithic" educational institutions that did not truly value diversity. They suggested
that community colleges transform into multicultural institutions from the perspective of
critical theory. When defining critical multiculturalism, Rhoads and Valadez (1996) believed
it "combines the conditions of cultural diversity with the emancipatory vision of a critical
educational practice" (p. 9). They asserted that of all educational institutions, community
colleges-because of the disproportionate representation of minority students-should be the
most multicultural organizations. This multicultural structure, however, is presently absent.
Rhoads and Valadez (1996) noted "we find it striking that of all postsecondary institutions,
community colleges are the least involved in multicultural organizational innovation and that
community college educators are the least involved in debates about multiculturalism"
(P- 50).
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According to Rhoads and Valadez (1996), the problem is that community colleges
embrace the traditional "canon." They defined the canon as "that which is deemed as
appropriate knowledge to be attained by all educated people of a society" (p. 7), a definition
analogous to Pierre Bourdieu's (1977) notion of cultural capital. Many minority community
college students, however, have "border knowledge," which Rhoads and Valadez (1996)
defined as "knowledge that resides outside of the canon, outside of the cultural mainstream"
(p. 7) or the "wrong" cultural capital. The border knowledge brought by minority students is
neither valued nor emphasized in community colleges.
For Rhoads and Valadez (1996), multicultural community colleges embrace border
knowledge and validate minority students' experiences. In addition, if community colleges
adopted this multicultural stance, an ethic of caring (Gilligan, 1982; Mittelstet, 1994; Tierney,
1993) would permeate the campus climate, thus providing a more welcoming environment
that helps minority students feel as though they belong at community college campuses.
Additionally, rather than giving up one particular aspect of their missions, Rhoads and
Valadez (1996) believed community colleges should leam to embrace their multiple
"identities" (e.g., missions), using the connecting thread of multiculturalism to help them
manage the complexity of this multiplicity. Laura Renddn and Janyth Fredrickson (1993)
detailed a way to change the traditional canon to include minority student perspectives.
Expanding on Ernest Boyer and Arthur Levine's (1981) six broad categories of general
education, Renddn and Fredrickson (1993) showed how multicultural concerns could easily
be incorporated into the general education through innovative assignments and curriculum
modification.
The message that community colleges should become more multicultural can be
seen in the work of other scholars as well. Renddn (1999) called for community colleges to
become multicultural rather than monocultural. She explained that monocultural institutions
reflected mainstream values, had staff that was predominately white male and not open to
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collaboration or participation, autocratic power was vested in only a few individuals, and
culturally different views were devalued and excluded. In contrast, Renddn's (1999)
multicultural community college reflected multiple identities, was served by a fully diverse
staff that was open to democracy and fairness, shared power, and worked to build and
promote community. Similarly, Tiemey (1993) called for building "communities of difference"
in which multicultural ideals were incorporated into organizational cultures and climates.
Evidence of "monocultural” philosophies can be seen in educational practices. Scott
Johnson and Carlos Rodriguez (1991) questioned the motives of administrators and leaders
who crafted comprehensive retention programs. They conducted a content analysis of
retention policy documents in Arizona and Texas to determine whose interests were actually
being served. In analyzing the material, they asked six questions:
• Who is authorized to speak on minority student retention?
• Who listens?
• What can be said?
• What remains unspoken?
• Which metaphors, modes of argumentation, explanation, and description are valued?
• Which ideas are advanced as foundations to the discourse?
They concluded that current practices served to reinforce the status quo at the expense of
minority students. Johnson and Rodriguez (1991) explained that these policies "leave intact
the fundamental ideology of cultural deficit and disadvantage and supported existing power
arrangements" (p. 34). Items that were missing from the discourse included curricular
revisions and the nature of the teaching and learning process, discussions of racism, and
academic and economic stratification.
Researchers have begun to call for the development of theory that concerns the
nontraditional students community colleges are known to serve (Hurtado & Carter, 1997;
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McGrath & Spear, 1991; Tierney, 1992a, 1992b). These researchers explained that current
academic models and theories were based on "average" college students who are usually
white and in their early 20's. In contrast, most community college students are minorities
and many are quite older. Tierney (1992a, 1992b), for example, questioned Tinto's (1993)
model of academic and social integration. Tinto (1993) called for college students to
separate from their pre-college environments and assimilate into academic culture. Failure
to become integrated usually results in students leaving college. Tinto's (1993) model was
based on four-year residential institutions, though it has been applied to community colleges.
By his definition, community college students are most likely to leave college because they
have fewer opportunities to integrate into collegiate culture. More recently, Tinto and his
colleagues began incorporating elements of the learning paradigm currently sweeping
community colleges as a possible extension of his integration theory (Tinto, 1997; Tinto &
Love, 1995; Tinto, Russo, & Kadel, 1994). Regardless of this revision, however, Tinto's
model essentially remains the same in that it calls for social and academic integration-
students leaving one culture and assimilating into another. Most of the students who leave
community colleges are minorities. Tierney (1992a, 1992b) and others (e.g., Attinasi, 1989;
Hurtado & Carter, 1997; Nora, 1987) have held that many minority students draw strength
from their familial associations. To ask minority students to divorce themselves from their
cultural and familial backgrounds may be harmful and unethical.
The imperative for institutional change is echoed not only by researchers but by
college presidents as well. Kathleen Ross, president of Heritage College in Toppenish,
Washington stated the following:
As a president heavily involved in minority education, I believe that it is time for white
administrators like myself to speak frankly to other non-minority administrators: This
is our problem. As the leaders of colleges and universities, we need to learn how to
educate minority students. It is not the problem of minority students or the tiny
number of minority faculty who already have their hands full trying to make the best
of our ignorance. We are the persons who have to change— not only ourselves but
also the system (Ross, 1990, p. 12).
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In keeping with this call for change, William Tiemey (forthcoming) advanced a model
of college preparation for urban minority youths in which the cultures of these students are
honored and incorporated into their educational experience-an antithesis to Tinto's
viewpoint. In what follows, I describe the tenets of Tierney's "cultural integrity” model for
student success in getting to college. Additionally, since Tierney's cultural integrity model is,
in essence, a type of college preparation program, I will also discuss the ramifications of
such a model on community college campuses, the goal of which would be getting
community college students to successfully transfer to four-year institutions in higher
numbers.
The Cultural Integrity Model.
Tiemey (forthcoming) explained that the traditional system of higher education has
created "winners and losers:” the "winners" were those who successfully graduate from
four-year institutions, the "losers" were those who do not. He questioned current notions of
"drop-outs” and an educational system that imparted "neutral” facts and figures. Tiemey
(forthcoming) argued that the structures of higher education can be oppressive and convey a
particular culture that must be changed. He commented, "Once we learn that culture exists
through powerful definitions that enable some [the winners] and disable others [the losers],
we are then able to investigate issues such as the hidden curriculum, the social organization
of classrooms, and inherent pedagogical practices that occur every day (p. 7)." In essence,
Tiemey (forthcoming) believed that rather than having the student conform to the current
system (Tinto's integration model), the system needs to change to embrace the cultures of
minority students (cultural integrity model). For Tiemey, the system can be changed by
addressing five key tenets: collaborative relations of power; connections across home,
community, and schooling; local definitions of identity; challenge over remediation; and
academic support.
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In the first tenet of his model, Tiemey (forthcoming) asserted that "power is neither
fixed nor predetermined” (p. 9). He explained that as currently established, groups with
differences (e.g., the powerless) are found to be inferior by those educators and
administrators with traditional mainstream values (e.g., the powerful). Those who do not
possess power in these institutions express resistance by leaving. Tiemey (forthcoming)
explained that rather than calling for "drop-outs” to assimilate into the system, institutions
should "change that system by way of programs, activities, events, and curricula that affirm
and honor individual identities” (p. 10). Alex Jun and William Tiemey O n press) added that
providing students with the requisite academic and cultural capital necessary for success in
higher education was a means of empowering them. They noted, "one way that working-
class and minority youth can enjoy the same advantages as their more affluent and
privileged peers is for educators to act in a manner that generates a socialization process
producing the same sorts of strategies and resources employed in privileged homes and
institutions" (p. 52).
Connections, Tierney's (forthcoming) second tenet, referred to the fact that if
students were to be successful, educational institutions could not ignore their cultural
backgrounds. Rather, the cultural backgrounds should be celebrated, and learning should
work in conjunction with those backgrounds. For Tiemey, this meant beginning education
"where students are" (p. 11), not where we wish they were.
The driving force behind Tierney's third tenet was that of identity. In calling for "local
definitions of identity," Tiemey explained that educators must reconceptualize their
relationships with students, their pedagogical practices, and shape programs within the
contexts of the communities. Tiemey noted:
If one wants to be not merely a purveyor of information and subject matter, but also
a transformative intellectual who seeks to challenge and engage students to perform
to the best of their ability, then of consequence we come to terms with the
backgrounds and forces that have shaped those individuals who sit in our classes
(P -12).
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In essence, rather than viewing cultural differences as deviant, those differences are
embraced in an attitude of inclusion.
Tierney’s (forthcoming) fourth and fifth tenets involved the issue of remediation. By
challenging traditional "at risk” labels or stereotypes, Tiemey called for educators to have
high expectations for student achievement within a supportive climate in which everyone can
learn and succeed (e.g., fourth tenet). Academic support of "at risk” students (e.g., fifth
tenet) must change. Tiemey explained, "programs that see individuals as broken and in
need of repair are less likely to create the conditions for success than those programs that
assume students are a valuable resource to themselves, their families, communities, and
society," (p. 14). When seen from this vantage, students possess knowledge, strength, and
resources.
Tierney's model has been successfully applied in urban neighborhoods with low
college attendance rates. Students who stayed in the program and went to college exhibited
a 62 percent persistence rate-much higher than the national college-going rate for high
school students (40 percent) or that of students from these urban neighborhoods (20
percent). (See Tiemey & Jun, in press, for a full discussion of this project).
In summary, Tierney’s model of cultural integrity calls for educational institutions,
rather than students, to change. Instead of expecting students to assimilate into the
academy, the academy should change to value, respect, honor, and incorporate the wealth
of cultural knowledge and individual identities brought by each and every student
Cultural Integrity in Community Colleges.
Community colleges have long been described as the open access branch of higher
education, admitting all who are "able to benefit" from instruction. Although community
college leaders have worked to improve transfer rates through the measures described
earlier, students are still expected to conform to the academic system. The cultural integrity
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model challenges that notion: rather than viewing students as the problem, the model
suggests that institutional culture and climate (e.g., policy, structures, hidden curriculum, and
pedagogical practices) must change. Each institution needs to incorporate the local cultural
experiences brought by students into organizational culture and climate. In addition, rather
than considering diverse students as "at risk" and in need of help, community college
leaders must help students reach the high expectations that have been set for them.
One example of a program that incorporates elements of the cultural integrity model
is the Puente program discussed earlier in this chapter. In that discussion, I explained that
Puente was designed as a "bridge" to the University of California system and addressed
three areas which prevent Hispanic students from succeeding in college: lack of writing
skills, lack of professional role models, and lack of knowledge about the educational system
(Meznik et a!.. 1989). The driving concept behind Puente is that students learn academic
success is possible without having to lose cultural identity. Puente administrators reported
a 48 percent transfer rate for those students who go through the program as opposed to a 7
percent transfer rate for those who did not (Puente, 2000).
When examining the Puente program, two key elements of Tierney's (forthcoming)
cultural integrity model can be identified: connections and localized identity. Puente
students form lasting connections not only with their Hispanic counselors and English
professors but also with their Hispanic mentors. Through these connections, students
acquire cultural capital (e.g., through field trips to museums, motivational seminars, and
study skill workshops). By honing their writing abilities, these students are helped in the
acquisition of academic capital as well. These connections have the impact of affirming
Puente students' identities. Since the core literature used in the English courses is
comprised of Chicano/Latino literature, students often see their lives described in print and
are able to write about their lives in a supportive, validating environment.
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Although Puente has been successful, one program operating within the traditional
academic environment is insufficient as the sole means of helping more minority students
transfer. More effort is needed to make the ideals of the cultural integrity model evident
throughout community college campus culture. Cultural integrity, however, does not call for
homogeneity in programs. In fact, Jun and Tiemey (1999) cautioned administrators against
such a belief. They asserted that communities must find their own solutions and explained,
"academic success hinges on the ability of a program such as NAI to meet students'
localized femphasis added] needs by affirming the cultural contexts in which they exist,
rather than ignoring or rejecting them." (p. 18). By their very nature, community colleges
are primed for the implementation of such a model.
Conclusions
In summary, few community college students transfer to four-year institutions.
Traditional recommendations for improving the transfer rates of community college students
in general and minorities-especially Hispanics-in particular which are predicated on the "fix-
the-student” mentality have failed because the focus is misguided. Moreover, the search for
national remedies may be futile since the most successful community colleges take
individual approaches to helping their students be successful. The drastic structural reforms
often proposed as national elixirs for low transfer rates are impractical and improbable. The
factors which appear to enhance Hispanic students' adjustment at four-year, predominately
white institutions included the role of significant others, cognitive mapping, negotiating new
roles, a friendly campus climate, being bicultural, and having self-efficacy and social support.
Tracking practices in the K-12 system pose problems for Hispanics, as does the lack of
awareness concerning within-group heterogeneity. Campus culture and climate constitute
vital elements of organizational behavior in that they inform college practices and programs.
Minority students are particularly sensitive to elements of campus culture and climate since
they must constantly negotiate multiple identities. Not only are those identities affected by
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social interactions, but community colleges promote particular identity theories. HBCU's and
HSI's may provide more welcoming climates for minority students, however, the values of
those in power will determine the tone of the climate. Researchers are calling for new
frameworks to analyze the issue of minority student success in community colleges, and for
most, that new framework involves studying the campus cultures and climates of these
institutions. Tierney's (forthcoming) Cultural Integrity model is a template for making that
cultural change.
After reviewing the various bodies of research in this chapter, I concluded that the
following themes should drive the development of the community college case study I
conducted. These themes were used in the development of interview and focus group
protocols, and dictated the types of documents I reviewed and events I observed. The
themes are described as follows:
1. Hiring practices and ethnic composition of faculty and staff (are affirmative action
practices followed, is faculty/staff composition representative of student population).
2. Professional Development (as a tool for presenting new collaborative teaching strategies
and issues of diversity and/or multiculturalism).
3. Teaching & Learning Philosophies and Practices (to see how faculty and administrators
view students and vice versa).
4. Student support programs (to what extent are students sought out).
5. Validating of minority student experiences (what opportunities did or did not exist) and
the inclusiveness of curriculum (to what extent are the experiences of minorities,
women, and other under-represented groups included).
In the next chapter, I will elaborate upon the design of the study and the methodology
employed to obtain and analyze data.
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CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
As discussed earlier, minority students are over-represented at community colleges
(Mow & Nettles, 1996) and few of these students transfer to four-year institutions (Nora,
1999). In reviewing the literature concerning transfer rates, one quickly determines that the
preponderance of researchers used quantitative methods to assess transfer rates (Banks,
1992a, 1992b; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Cohen & Sanchez, 1997; Gabel, 1995; Grubb,
1991; Hirose, 1994; Laanan, 1996; Laanan & Sanchez, 1996; Laden, 1994; Monk-Tumer,
1998) while some (e.g., Meznek et. al 1989) have used anecdotal discussions of intervention
programs. The exemplary work of quantitative researchers has brought the debate to the
current level and enables me to build upon that strong foundation. These efforts have
provided us with a portrait of the current state of transfer rates, however, a clear picture of
why minority students are unsuccessful in community colleges is still missing (Shaw et. al
1999). Moreover, many researchers (Dougherty, 1994; Gabelnick, MacGregor, Matthews, &
Smith, 1990; Nora, 1999; Shaw et al., 1999) believe efforts to find national remedies forthe
low transfer rates of minority students are mistaken attempts to seek a homogenous solution
to a heterogeneous problem. Shaw et al. (1999) added that "generalizations about the
community college sector as a whole are misguided" (p. 1). In other words, leaders of
individual community colleges must find solutions that will work effectively in their respective
institutions.
Further knowledge about community colleges is needed to more fully understand the
academic experience of minority students. Shaw et al. (1999) explained that "our knowledge
of the inner workings of community colleges remains rudimentary, in large part due to the
macro-level, often quantitative analyses that have dominated research on these institutions.
This work, while important, is not enough” (p. 2). They added that community colleges are
"cultural texts" which are open to multiple interpretations by various researchers.
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Consequently, Shaw et al. (1999) called for further qualitative research that can enlighten
our understanding of the operations and intricate workings of community colleges and
complement the existing body of quantitative research. I divide the chapter into two
sections. In the first section, I discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the qualitative
approach. I then explain how the case study method of qualitative research can be a
particularly useful method of inquiry for examining the experiences of minority students on
community colleges and discuss appropriate validity issues. In the second half of this
chapter, I detail the design of the study including site selection and description, interview and
focus group participant selection, documents reviewed, and observations conducted. I also
discuss the practical issues of data collection and interpretation.
Qualitative Research Strengths And Weaknesses
The debate concerning the superiority of the quantitative or qualitative research
paradigms reaches as far back as the late 19t h century (Smith, 1983). Each paradigm has
its strengths and weaknesses. In addressing the strengths and weaknesses of qualitative
research, I first describe the two paradigms in order to provide a framework for comparison.
I then focus on the strengths and weaknesses of qualitative research.
Quantitative research, a derivative of research in the natural sciences, is often
aligned with positivist or modernist traditions. Ray Rist (1977) explained that quantitative
research seeks the development of universal laws and theoretical structures to explain and
predict human behavior. He added that quantitative researchers believe "knowledge is
cumulative and that the verification of what is known through experimentation is central to
the scientific endeavor" (p. 44). Consequently, inherent in the quantitative paradigm is an
emphasis on reliability and a large number of subjects used in studies to enhance that
reliability. The goal of quantitative research is to separate out variables so that cause and
effect relationships can be determined (Rist, 1977). The emphasis, then, is on variables or
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"component” analysis. John Smith (1983) added that for quantitative researchers, reality
exists independently of humans.
Qualitative research, on the other hand, stems from the interpretivist (Mason, 1996)
or idealist (Smith, 1983) movements. Rist (1977) explained that qualitative research seeks
to understand human behavior inside and out, thus enabling greater depth in understanding
of such behavior. He noted, "emphasis is placed upon the ability of the researcher to lake
the role of the other* to grasp the basic underlying assumptions of behavior through
understanding the 'definition of the situation'" (p. 44). Moreover, qualitative researchers are
more concerned with validity rather than reliability. Rist (1977) commented that "the
researcher is encouraged to get close to the data, to develop an empathic understanding of
the observed” (p. 45). Consequently, holistic analysis tends to govern qualitative research.
Theory comes not from experiments but from "grounded events . . . [and] begins not with
models, hypotheses, or theorems, but rather with the understandings of frequently minute
episodes or interactions" (p. 44). From these episodes, broader patterns and processes are
sought. Smith (1983) added that for qualitative researchers, reality is contained within the
mind through the meaning people assign to events.
When contrasting the two methods, Meredith Gall, Walter Borg, and Joyce Gall
(1996) explained that qualitative research may be best for discovering themes and
relationships, while quantitative research provides a confirmatory function. Some scholars
have argued that the paradigms are actually complementary (Gall et al., 1996; Isaac &
Michael, 1997; Morgan & Smirdch, 1980; Rist, 1977; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Both
methods have value in educational research and yield useful information. With regard to the
issue of minority student transfer rates, however, qualitative research may be a bit more
useful if we want to gather "thick description" about the perceptions of students and faculty.
Louis Attinasi and Amaury Nora (1996) are helpful in understanding why this may be the
case. They noted:
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The cultural and subcultural diversity of students calls for the use of methods that
allow the researcher to be sensitive to diverse frames of reference, many of which
may be quite different from the investigator's own. A standardized questionnaire
developed from the researcher's frame of reference will not adequately capture the
experiences and attitudes of students who have diverse racial or ethnic backgrounds
or who are subculturally diverse due to differences in age. sex, special needs,
financial status, orpeer-group affiliation (p. 552).
When considering the strengths of qualitative research, three come to mind:
contextual and holistic study, flexibility, and description. Perhaps the biggest strength of
qualitative research is that those who engage in it seek to study human behavior within a
real-life context and attempt to understand the way participants construct knowledge about
the context and the processes therein. Human interaction does not occur within a vacuum
protected from contextual forces. Qualitative research, consequently, permits a more holistic
exploration of human behavior. A second strength of qualitative research is its flexibility. A
variety of methodological techniques (e.g., participant observation, interviews, document
review, etc.) are at the disposal of qualitative researchers. Consequently, the researcher is
able to use the method that yields the most useful data given a particular situation. In
addition, qualitative research can be thought of as "emergent" (Gall et al., 1996) meaning
that as researchers leam more about the participants and situations they are studying, they
can change the focus of the study and frame new research questions. A third strength of
qualitative research is the use of “ thick" description (Geertz, 1973) which can make the
situation and participants alive and interesting to readers of qualitative reports. Written in
such a descriptive manner, qualitative reports may form the basis of reader comparison not
only with other similar situations but also with their personal lives.
When reflecting on the weaknesses of qualitative research, three seem to be
apparent: researcher bias, lack of generalization, and the constant concern for ethical
behavior. Perhaps the biggest weakness of qualitative research concerns issues of validity
and reliability. Because the researcher is actively participating in a social interaction with
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study respondents, researcher bias is inevitable. Moreover, the researcher uses his or her
mental constructs to make sense of and describe the events he or she sees. Because of the
significance of these weaknesses, the issues of validity and researcher bias are addressed
in more detail later in this chapter.
The final weakness in qualitative research is the need for researchers to be ever
vigilant with regard to the rights and privacy of study participants. Because the researcher
can become quite close to the participants, the participants often disclose personal
information. Should that information be divulged to other parties, however, participants
could suffer serious repercussions. Qualitative researchers also need to be concerned that
they leave no harm in their wake. Concerning their own behavior, researchers must concern
themselves with integrity in data collection, descriptions of accounts, and other social
interactions. Ethical behavior can help guard against falsified or misleading findings or
reports.
In summary, the quantitative and qualitative paradigms have inherently different
goals, methods, and beliefs. Arguments concerning which paradigm is superior are useless.
The paradigms can complement one another and fill gaps in research. The transfer
literature is replete with quantitative examinations of transfer rates, articulation agreements,
and intervention programs. However, the questions of why minority students fail to transfer
or how community college cultures or climates may impact their academic progress remain
unanswered. It is here where qualitative research may yield additional insight. The case
study approach seems particularly appropriate for such investigations. Hence, I now turn to
that discussion.
The Value Of The Case Study Approach
The case study method is a common tool in qualitative research. Robert Stake
(1994) provided a thorough description of the definition and components of case studies. He
defined a "case” as a "bounded system” that has working parts, is purposive, and even has
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a self (p. 236). He identified three types of case studies: 1) intrinsic, 2) instrumental, and 3)
collective. Stake (1994) explained that intrinsic case studies are those in which the
investigator seeks knowledge concerning one particular case. The instrumental case study
plays a supportive role in theory development. Finally, the collective case study is used
when researchers study a number of cases simultaneously.
With respect to the components of case studies. Stake (1994) divided them into two
categories: the conceptual responsibilities and the stylistic options. The first group,
conceptual responsibilities, referred to the elements of 1) bounding the case, 2) selecting
phenomena, themes, or issues, 3) seeking patterns of data to develop the issues, 4)
triangulating key observations as bases for interpretation, 5) selecting alternative
interpretations, and 6) developing assertions or generalizations. With regard to the second
group, stylistic decisions. Stake (1994) listed such ideas as 1) how much the report should
read like a story, 2) how much to compare it to other case studies, 3) how much to formalize
generalizations, 4) how much to describe the researcher as a participant, and 5) whether
anonymity is required. Taken together, the responsibilities reveal that the case study is
clearly a multidimensional technique. The purpose is to "represent the case" in thorough
detail (Stake, 1994, p. 245).
All researchers, however, do not respect the case study method. Robert Yin (1994)
explained that it has been stereotyped as a "weak sibling" among social science methods.
He asserted that the stereotype was incorrect and many researchers have misunderstood
the strengths and weaknesses of the approach. Yin (1994) believed the case study
approach was most useful when 1) research questions are phrased in terms of "how" or
"why," 2) when the researcher has little control over the events, and 3) when the focus of the
study is on contemporary phenomena in a real-life context. In discussing the strengths and
weaknesses of the case study approach, Yin (1994) noted that the case study method could
deal with a full variety of evidence (e.g., documents, artifacts, interviews, and observations);
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consequently, it lent itself well to triangulation and comprehensiveness. In terms of the
weaknesses, Yin (1994) discussed a lack of rigor, the fact that few generalizations can be
made, and the extensive time commitments required to complete one. He added that case
studies were often confused with ethnographies or participant observation. Yin (1994)
commented that research strategies were not hierarchical, and those who created
taxonomies listing case studies at the "bottom" were misinformed.
When using case studies to explore issues of multiculturalism in community
colleges, Rhoads and Valadez (1996) explained that:
The strength of case study research is that it enables researchers to develop a
depth of cultural knowledge within specific organizations. The weakness is that
generalizations based on findings are sometimes tentative . . . Multiculturalism and
related theoretical perspectives on culture and identity help us to link localized
findings to larger issues pertaining to cultural diversity and community colleges (p.
52).
Clearly, the use of case study methodology seems particularly important for examining the
issues of diversity that may be related to the transfer performance of minority students.
Recent scholarship on community colleges revealed that many researchers were
employing case study methodology to explore aspects of minority student academic
performance in community colleges (McGrath & Van Buskirk, 1999; Rhoads, 1999; Rhoads
& Valadez, 1996; Shaw & London, 1995; Tierney, 1992b). From the perspective of critical
multiculturalism, Rhoads & Valadez (1996) used the case study approach to examine
programs affecting minority students at five community colleges throughout the United
States. Similarly, Dennis McGrath and William Van Buskirk (1999) used the approach to
examine the support at-risk women students received in special programs. Rhoads (1999)
employed a longitudinal case study design to explore the extent to which a community
college exhibited "monoculture!” or "multicultural" tendencies. Tierney (1992b) used the
approach when studying the academic experience of Native Americans. (For additional
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research using the case study methodology with respect to transfer, see Banks, 1992a,
1992b; Richardson, 1993; Townsend, 1993; Turner, 1992).
In summary, the case study method may provide an avenue for tapping into the
cultures and climates of community colleges. In addition, they seem particularly useful for
investigating issues of multiculturalism or diversity. A major concern of case study research,
however, is the validity of the findings. I next address that issue.
Evaluating Validity In Qualitative Research
Issues of validity in qualitative research relate to "trustworthiness" or "goodness" of
the data. Several different frameworks have been proposed for examining the validity or
trustworthiness of qualitative inquiry. These frameworks can be grouped into "traditional"
notions of validity and "alternative" views of validity. I begin with the more traditional notions
of validity.
Traditional Conceptions of Validity
Thomas Schwandt (1997) defined trustworthiness as "that quality of an investigation
(and its findings) that make it noteworthy to audiences" (p. 16). Using a typology developed
by Lincoln and Guba (1985), Schwandt (1997) described four criteria that worked to enhance
the value of qualitative research: 1) credibility, 2) transferability, 3) dependability, and 4)
confirmability. Concerning credibility, Schwandt (1997) explained that this standard referred
to whether or not an investigator's portrayal of respondents’ ways of living was accurately
reconstructed. Next, the criterion of transferability addressed how much the findings from
the study generalized to other populations or situations. Dependability, the third criteria,
referred to the issue of whether or not inferences were logical and traceable-in other words,
documented with evidence. The final standard that established trustworthiness,
confirmability, ensured that data and interpretations were not fabricated or imagined.
Catherine Marshall and Gretchen Rossman (1995) used these criteria for evaluating the
soundness of qualitative data.
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Yin (1994) took a more positivist approach to validity concerning case studies. He
discussed four criteria forjudging the quality of case study data: 1) construct validity, 2)
internal validity, 3) external validity, and 4) reliability. Concerning construct validity, Yin
(1994) explained that it involved "establishing correct operational measures for the concepts
being studied” (p. 33). He noted that case studies had trouble meeting this standard. Next,
he defined internal validity as the need to establish causal relationships. He explained this
was only a problem in causal or explanatory case studies and noted that the greater the
number of inferences, the greater the threat to this form of validity.
The third criteria, external validity, addressed whether or not a case study's findings
could be generalized to other populations or situations. Here, Yin (1994) distinguished
between statistical (e.g. analogous to "representative") generalization and analytical
generalization. He explained that researchers often fall into the "trap" of trying to find the
"most representative" (p. 37) case study. However, "no set of cases, no matter how large, is
likely to deal satisfactorily with the complaint" (p. 37; e.g., lack of representative
generalizations). Consequently, Yin (1994) advanced the idea that analytical generalization,
which "generalizes results to theory," (p. 33) was within the purview of the case study.
The final criterion discussed by Yin (1994) was reliability that concerned whether or
not the case study could be repeated. Because of the nature of human interaction inherent
in case studies, true replicability (e.g. in the positivist tradition) was impossible. Qualitative
researchers can, however, document their findings and methods more carefully so they are
prepared for reviewers' challenges. The following chart helps organize the two typologies so
that the consistency between the terms can be more easily identified. ("Note that Lincoln &
Guba's "confirmability” criterion does not correspond with the idea of "construct” validity.)
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Table 3.1 Validation Typologies
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Yin Construct
Validity
Internal Validity External Validity Reliability
Lincoln &
Guba
*
Credibility Transferability Dependability
Not all researchers, however, see issues of validity in this traditional manner. Steinar Kvale
(1996), for example, somewhat sarcastically noted that "the concepts of generalizability,
reliability, and validity have reached the status of the scientific holy trinity" (p. 229). In what
follows, I discuss some alternative views of validity.
Alternative Views of Validity
Schwandt (1997) listed four different positions that could be identified concerning
validity in qualitative research: 1) fallibilistic, 2) relativized, 3) no validity, and
4) nonepistemic. With regard to the first position, he explained that in this view the concern
was whether an account accurately represented what it was meant to, however, no claims
that it "actually reproduces” the phenomenon were made. He added that holders of this view
believe "one can have good reasons for accepting an account as true or false, however, the
account is always fallible" (p. 169). The second view, relativized, included the notion that the
validity of an account "is relative to the standards of a particular community at a particular
place and time" (p. 169). Truth of an account is achieved when the account reflects
concepts and terms about which there is consensus in the literature.
Post-modernists held the third and most radical view, no validity. Schwandt (1997)
explained that for postmodernists, validity was an "empty issue because no single
interpretation or account can be judged superior to any other” (p. 169). In the final view,
nonepistemic, the focus shifted from how true an account was to how it was formed through
interaction between the investigator and the participant. Clearly, the perspective of validity
chosen has different ramifications for the perceived rigor of the case study data. It is not
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enough, however, to have a perspective of validity in mind. The real issue involves the
methods that can be used to improve the validity of qualitative data.
Trianaulation
Most of the concerns raised in the previous discussion on validity can be remedied
through triangulation of data. Schwandt (1997) defined triangulation as a "means of
checking the integrity of inferences" (p. 161). The "means” constituted the use of multiple
sources or methods that converge to reveal "the truth." Norman Denzin (1999) described
more clearly why multiple methods are so necessary in qualitative research:
The realities to which sociological methods are fitted are not fixed. The social world
is socially constructed, and its meanings, to the observer and those observed, are
constantly changing. As a consequence, no single research method will ever
capture all of the changing features of the social world under study (p. 512).
Denzin (1999) further explained that triangulation did not consist merely of multiple methods.
He described four types of triangulation: data (e.g. use of time, space, and persons),
investigator (more than one), theory (multiple interpretations), and methodological (multiple
methods).
Yin (1994) added that the nature of case study research "inherently calls for many
different sources of evidence" (p. 91). In other words, the case study is naturally aligned (at
least theoretically) with triangulation. Yin (1994) explained that researchers using the case
study approach with triangulation must be well versed in all of the research methods they will
be using and will find their studies more expensive. Additionally, some researchers believe
validity concerns could be mitigated (or triangulated) through the research design (Kvale,
1996; Eisenhart & Howe, 1992; Marshall & Rossman, 1995). Kvale (1996), for example,
discussed the notion that the "craftsmanship" of the study design will address issues of
validity. He added, though, that the credibility of the researcher as a person also affects the
validity. For Kvale (1996), a well-crafted study checks, questions, and theorizes.
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Marshall and Rossman (1995) offered several strategies for reducing bias in
interpretation. These suggestions tapped into the actual behaviors of the researcher as well.
Included in their strategies were 1) have a research partner or person who plays "devil's
advocate” and can question the investigator critically; 2) search constantly for negative
instances; 3) check and recheck the data for possible rival hypotheses, 4) practice value-free
note taking, using objective and conceptual sets of notes; 5) devise tests to check analyses
and ask questions of the data, and 6) follow the guidance of previous researchers regarding
quality control. In addition, Marshall and Rossman (1995) advocated keeping thorough
notes and a journal which "records each design decision and the rationale behind it" (p.
146), as well as keeping data in a well-organized, easily retrieved form.
Finally, Margaret Eisenhart and Kenneth Howe (1992) presented five standards
qualitative research should meet when conducted in educational settings. These standards,
they believed, should be implemented into the study design as a means of enhancing
validity. The first standard was establishing a "fit" between research questions, data
collection procedures, and analysis techniques. They explained "research questions should
drive data collection techniques and analysis rather than vice versa" (p. 658). Next, data
collection and analysis techniques should be "competently applied" and credible reasons
must underlie these choices.
The third standard was an alertness to and coherence of prior knowledge. In
describing this standard, Eisenhart and Howe (1992) explained that arguments "must be
built on some theoretical tradition or contribute to some substantive area or practical arena"
(p. 659). A discussion of values and the importance or usefulness of the study constituted
the fourth standard. Finally, comprehensiveness, was the fifth standard. Eisenhart and
Howe (1992) referred to comprehensiveness in three areas: "overall theoretical and
technical quality of the study" (p. 662), the balance of the value of the study versus the risks
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to participants, and the ability to apply knowledge from outside a particular theoretical
tradition.
In summary, qualitative research in general is susceptible to many threats to validity
or trustworthiness. Although various typologies describe criteria data should meet,
qualitative studies need to be designed with triangulation in mind. Such design reduces the
threats to validity.
Research Design
A single-institution case study was the primary design for this study. In what follows,
I describe the process of site selection and the methods used for collecting and analyzing
the data.
Site Selection
The goal in selecting a proposed site for this case study was to find a community
college that had implemented the most recommendations for improving transfer rates yet still
had a low transfer rate. The criteria established for site selection included the following:
• transfer rates computed as closely to the Transfer Assembly method as possible
• the existence of intervention programs
• strong articulation agreements
• the existence of a transfer center
• the existence of an assessment process
• a strong counseling program
• vocational and academic tracks
All community colleges have been mandated by the Chancellor of California Community
Colleges to have transfer centers, assessment processes, counseling programs, and most
have vocational and academic tracks. Thus, the distinguishing characteristics for site
selection became transfer rates, intervention programs, and articulation agreements.
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With regard to transfer rates, figures were obtained from the California
Postsecondary Education Commission (CPEC, 2000a, 2000b) for all community colleges in
Riverside, San Bernardino, Orange, and Los Angeles Counties. The most recent transfer
numbers were for the Fall term of 1998. Only transfers to California public institutions (e.g.,
UC and CSU systems) from community colleges were used. As explained in the last
chapter, Cohen's Transfer Assembly formula for computing transfer rates is:
all students entering the community college in a given year who have no prior
college experience and who complete at least twelve college-credit units, divided
into the number of that group who take one or more classes at an in-state, public
university, within four years (Cohen & Brawer, 1996b, p. 2).
The adapted formula used in this study was accomplished by dividing the Fail term, 1998
transfers to UC and CSU by freshman enrollment for Fall term, 1994. Transfer rates for all
students in a college were obtained. Next, the transfer rates for minority students at
particular colleges were computed by dividing the Fall term 1994 enrollment numbers for
each ethnic group into the Fall term 1998 transfers of the same ethnic group. These
numbers may be lower than actual minority transfer rates because freshman enrollment
figures categorized by ethnicity were not available. A listing of the transfer rates for all
community colleges in these counties as well as their minority student transfer rates can be
found in Appendix I.
The second criterion used was the existence of an intervention program. The
existence of Puente on a campus was selected as the distinguishing element. As noted in
the last chapter, Puente has reported a high degree of success in helping minority students
transfer to four-year institutions. Moreover, Puente was awarded the prestigious Innovations
in Government honor in 1998 by Harvard University. The use of Puente as a sorting factor
narrowed the list to 17. One college was excluded from further consideration to protect
against researcher bias since I am employed at that college. The list of Puente colleges can
be found in Appendix II.
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The final standardized factor used to select a site for this study was the strength of
articulation agreements. Articulation agreements for the remaining 16 colleges were
obtained from the ASSIST (2000) database. The reports from ASSIST showed how many
articulation agreements each college had by academic year with campuses of the CSU and
UC systems. Additionally, the report showed whether or not courses articulated in three
areas: departmental, major, and GE/Breadth. It could be argued that a strong articulation
agreement is one in which community college courses transfer to the highest number of four-
year institutions. However, a more compelling definition of a strong articulation agreement is
one in which courses transfer to a high number of different campuses but also one in which
more courses transfer across all three reporting areas (e.g., departmental, major, and
GE/Breadth). Such an agreement requires that faculty in two and four-year colleges
coordinate their curriculum. This latter definition was used as the sorting criteria for this
study.
For comparative purposes, six-year (1994-1995 through 1999-2000) averages for
each college were computed for the numbers of 1) total articulation agreements, 2) CSU
agreements, 3) UC agreements, and 4) those with the most courses transferring across all
three areas (e.g., departmental, major, and GE/Breadth). Appendix III contains the table
with these averages as well as the articulation agreement for the selected site.
Taken together, colleges from each of the counties could have been selected as the
potential site for this study. However, one college in Riverside County not only met the
requirements but possessed an unique element: the existence of a branch campus of
California State University, San Bernardino on community college property. The allure of
this element, combined with the fact that the college met all of the other criteria, resulted in
the selection of College of the Desert as the potential study site.
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Site Description
College of the Desert has an enrollment of 8,000 and offers courses at its main
campus in Palm Desert as well as at auxiliary sites in Indio and Palm Springs. Fall
enrollment figures from the district show the following ethnic breakdown: 50 percent white,
32 percent Hispanic, 4 percent black, 3 percent Asian, 2 percent Filipino, 1 percent
American Indian, and 8 percent Other. The area surrounding the college includes a vast
agricultural industry in which large numbers of Hispanics are employed. Many other
Hispanics are employed in major hotels that are concentrated in the cities of Palm Desert,
Palm Springs, and Indian Wells.
The college offers 35 certificates, 26 non-transferable degrees, and 40 transferable
degrees in nine discipline areas: Applied Sciences, Business & Hospitality, Communication,
Developmental Education, Fine Arts, Health/PE/Recreation, Health Sciences, Science &
Mathematics, and Social Sciences/Human Services. According to the college's website
(COD, 2000), there are 502 faculty, 244 of who are full-time and 258 of who are part-time.
The full-time/part-time faculty ratio is 48/51. The number of full-time teaching faculty,
however, is 119, putting the full-time/part-time ratio at about 24/76.
College of the Desert (COD) had the highest transfer rate for the county of Riverside
when computed as discussed earlier from CPEC figures:
Total Fall Term Enrollment, 1994: 7,936
Total Freshman Fall Term Enrollment, 1994: 3,395
Transfers to UC and CSU, Fall Term, 1998: 202
Transfer Rate: 5.9
The breakdown of transfer rates by ethnicity from CPEC data is as follows:
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Table 3.2 COD Transfer Rates by Ethnic Breakdown
COD Asian Black Filipino Latino Nat.
Am.
Oth White Non-
Res.
Alien
94 Grp
Pop
110 303 93 1,808 93 31 4,679 1,564
98
Trans.
4 4 6 64 2 10 89 8
Transfer
Rate
3.6 1.3 6.4 3.5 2.1 32.2 5.6 .5
COD does have a Puente program. Interestingly, the President of COD describes the
campus as a "bridge to the 21s t century": Puente means "bridge" in Spanish. Additionally,
the college has a stronger articulation agreement (as defined earlier) than Riverside
Community College as well as the other elements (e.g., transfer center, assessment center,
counseling program, and vocational and academic tracks) established for site selection.
Three additional factors, however, make College of the Desert an attractive site for this
study: the branch campus of California State University, San Bernardino (CSUSB) on COD
grounds, the existence of a new intervention program, Academic, Counseling, and
Educational Services (ACES), and the college's involvement in Partnership for Excellence, a
goal of which is to improve transfer rates.
With regard to the first factor, the Coachella Valley Center (CVC) of CSUSB opened
in 1986 to provide desert residents with the opportunity to obtain four-year degrees.
Information contained on the CVC website (CSUSB, CVC 2000) reveals that in 1984 the
president of COD contacted the Chancellor of the CSU system to inquire about converting
COD into a CSU campus. Believing that conversion inappropriate, the Chancellor agreed to
begin a branch of the CSUSB campus. The center presently is located on COD grounds,
although a new, 40-acre site has been secured a few miles from the COD campus on which
a new campus is being constructed.
The Coachella Valley Center of CSUSB offers Bachelor of Arts degrees in Business
Administration, Criminal Justice, English, Liberal Studies, and Psychology as well as Master
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of Arts degrees in Business Administration, Public Administration, Education, and
Educational Administration. They offer multiple and single subject teaching credential
programs. Enrollment demographics for CVC describe the average student as 36 years of
age and employed full-time. The only information on the website concerning ethnic
breakdown reveals that the number of Hispanic students at CVC has risen from 14 percent
to 26 percent of the student body.
The second additional factor in considering COD was the Academic, Counseling and
Educational Services (ACES) program which was designed to assist first-generation college
students in transferring. The program offers specialized academic and personalized
counseling services such as assessment, counseling, mentoring, tutoring, study group,
college success and career development courses, priority registration, and cultural events
and activities. In order to participate in ACES students must have completed assessment,
have financial need, be a first-generation college student enrolled full-time, have freshman
status (fewer than 30 units) and must have completed a success learning contract. With the
emphasis in basic skills instruction and the inclusion of cultural activities, this program
seems to be a loose expansion of the Puente concept, although formally it is an extension of
the "Upward Bound" program.
The third factor making COD an attractive site is the fact that the college participates
in the California Community College Chancellor's Partnership for Excellence program
(CCCCO, 1999b) that provides additional revenue for community colleges seeking to
accomplish specific goals. Although the program has six goals covering wide topic areas,
the first goal is to increase the numbers of California community college students transferring
to the UC or CSU systems from 69,574 to 92,500. One of COD’s goals for the use of
Partnership for Excellence money with regard to transfer was to hire an articulation officer,
which was accomplished during the 1998-1999 academic year (CCCCO, 2000).
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In summary, College of the Desert exemplifies a community college that has sought
to enhance transfer rates for students by implementing all of the recommended measures.
However, the 5.9 percent transfer rate seems low when compared to the 20 percent national
average. The site seems the best choice when attempting to determine what other factors
may be affecting minority student transfer rates. Again, my purpose here is to determine
why minority students are not transferring in higher numbers even though community
colleges have followed the advice of researchers and to understand how and to what extent
organizational culture and climate may be affecting these students.
Data Collection
Multiple site visits were conducted between June and October, 2000. Data
collection consisted of focus groups, in-depth interviewing, document review, and participant
observation. When determining the numbers of interviews that should be conducted. Mason
(1996) recommended that the number of "units" (e.g. interviews) be the amount that allowed
for "meaningful comparisons" (p. 96). In this study, that number was set at 85. I believed
this number allowed for comparisons in the perceptions of minority faculty, clerks, and
administrators with those of majority faculty, clerks, and administrators. Since one of the
goals of this study is to understand the influence of organizational culture and climate, these
comparisons are crucial in determining the underlying cultural values and norms and
provided a means of triangulation. In what follows, I describe the individual methods in more
detail.
Focus Groups. Eight focus groups were conducted with 36 students. The fewest
number of participants in any focus group was two, the most was seven. Since the purpose
of the focus groups was to hear the perceptions of minority students, ail participants were
minorities. All but two of the students were in the 18-24 age range. The other two were in
the 25-30 age range, and approximately 60 percent of the participants worked part-time.
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Most were receiving some form of financial aid. The ethnic and gender breakdowns of the
participants were as follows:
Table 3.3 Gender and Ethnic Breakdown of Focus Group Participants
Males Females Hispanic Black Asian
19 1 7 33 2 1
Students were selected because of their involvement in organized programs such as
Puente, ACES, and Student Government. Some of the participants recruited other minority
students to participate in later focus groups. None of the students was paid for their
participation, however, they were given lunch. All of the students were guaranteed
anonymity and were given an information sheet detailing their rights and the voluntary nature
of their participation prior to participating in the focus groups. The interview schedule for the
focus groups can be found in Appendix V and a copy of the information sheet can be found
in Appendix VI.
Each focus group lasted between 30 and 45 minutes, and the interactions were tape
recorded with the permission of the participants. The focus groups were held on the COD
campus in the Student Center, the Academic Skills Center, or a classroom.
In-deoth Interviews. Marshall and Rossman (1995) believed interviews were an
efficient method for assessing institutional norms and statuses in that they "allow the
researcher to understand the meanings people hold for their everyday lives" (p.81).
Consequently, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with faculty members,
administrators, and staff on an individual basis. The use of this more intimate method
reduces power differentials that could inhibit disclosure, protects anonymity, and increases
the likelihood that organizational members will express candid opinions. Forty-nine in-depth
interviews were conducted. The specific breakdown of the interviewees is as follows:
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• Faculty (17)
1. Eight full-time COD faculty
2. Eight part-time COD faculty
3. One faculty member teaching at both the CVC of CSUSB and COD
• Academic Senate Members (2)
1. President of the Senate
2. Curriculum Chair
• Administrators (4)
1. Three administrators from COD and one from CVC-CSUSB
A. President
B. Dean of Student Services
C. Dean of Instruction
D. Dean, CVC-CSUSB
• Counselors (8)
1. Eight counselors
• Support Staff (6)
1. Five clerks and/or secretaries who deal directly with students at COD and
one clerk who deals directly with students at CVC-CSUSB
• Specialists/Staff (5)
1. Five specialist and administrative staff members
A. Director of the Academic Skills Center
B. Articulation officer
C. Director of Vocational Education/Cal Works
D. ACES Coordinator
E. Director of Human Resources/Affirmative Action Monitor
• Union Representatives (3)
1. President of the Faculty Union
2. President of the Adjunct Faculty Union
3. President of the Classified Employees Union
• Board of Trustee Members (2)
• Transfer Students (2)
1. Two minority students who transferred from COD to a four-year institution as
identified through Puente or ACES records.
The ethnic and gender breakdown of the interviewees was as follows.
Table 3.4 Gender and Ethnic Breakdown of Interview Respondents
Males Females Hispanic White Black Asian
26 23 15 29 3 2
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The goal in selecting interviewees was to get equal representation from minority and majority
representatives. All but five of the interviews were conducted on campus. Three of the
interviews were done using traditional mail or e-mail at the respondents' requests. The two
off-campus interviews were conducted at alternative sites per the interviewees' requests.
The interviewees were given an information sheet advising them of their rights and the
voluntary nature of their participation (Appendix VI). None of the interviewees was paid for
their participation, and all gave their consent for the interviews to be tape-recorded. A
coding key was kept so that I could organize the tapes and know whose comments were
reflected on each tape. This coding system helped me manage the data more efficiently.
The codes correspond to the above interview and focus group categories. For example,
1AFGN1 is a designation for a particular student in one of the focus groups, while 1FC refers
to a particular full-time faculty member. At no time was the identity of respondents revealed
by name or position. If that occurred, it is only because I obtained that individual's
permission.
After ethnic criteria was met as closely as possible, preference was given to those
faculty and counselors serving as department chairs or program coordinators in academic
and vocational programs (e.g., Puente, EOPS). Additionally, full-time and adjunct faculties
were concentrated in the Communication (English, Speech, and Foreign Languages),
Mathematics, and Developmental Divisions since these are the areas that seem to be most
problematic to minorities (e.g., mathematics and writing courses). I included adjunct faculty
because they often comprise a greater percentage of teaching faculty than full-time faculty
on community college campuses. To ignore their perceptions is to ignore an important
aspect of organizational culture. Similarly, I chose to include individuals from the CVC-
CSUSB in order to check perceptions. I was interested to see if the images COD
administrators, faculty, and staff had of COD was mirrored by the staff at the CVC-CSUSB.
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I chose to include support staff for two key reasons. First, support staff very often
deal directly with students. Not only do their interactions with students often help shape
students' perceptions of the college as a whole, but they may also be the only interactions
students have with campus personnel. The second reason I chose to include support staff is
that their responses could provide a means of triangulation for cultural values. If a culture is
truly entrenched, then members at all levels of an organization should reflect those values in
some manner.
With regard to the transfer students, I believe they may provide what Mason (1996)
described as the "negative instance" or factors that contradicted research findings. In this
study, the "negative instance" reflects minority students who have successfully transferred.
Additionally, the inclusion of these students serves as a triangulation against the perception
of students in more structured student organizations (e.g., focus group participants).
In the focus groups and interviews, I took notes with a pen and notepad in addition
to recording the interactions. I then transcribed each tape verbatim. Quotations which I
believed clearly illustrated the presence or absence of a particular thematic category were
obtained from my transcribed notes (about 275 single-spaced pages), and the code for that
particular interview was added for later verification purposes. Analysis of the data occurred
simultaneously with data collection.
Trustworthiness of Data
As discussed earlier, the muitiple-method focus of the case study enhances the
validity of the findings. Because I did not want to lead respondents to pre-determined
answers, my dissertation committee reviewed the interview protocols and provided feedback
on the questions. The schedules were revised to include their feedback. Additionally, during
the interviews and focus groups, I frequently paraphrased information back to participants in
order to check my perceptions. In some cases, anonymous comments and/or summaries of
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information that did not identify previous interviewees by name and/or position were used in
subsequent interviews for member-checking purposes.
Interview and focus group data were triangulated with observation and document
review whenever possible. I collected or reviewed several documents as a means of
triangulation with regard to organizational culture and noons. These included:
• Organizational chart for communication flow and power relations within the
college.
• Minutes of board and/or committee meetings for policy decisions
• Enrollment, transfer, and Student Right to Know data
• The most recent accreditation report
• Articulation agreements with CSU and UC
• Human resource hiring and affirmative action documents
• Course syllabi to determine faculty expectations for students and as a means of
triangulation for faculty views regarding student success.
• Hispanic Serving Institution Grant application
• Final report of the Academic Skills Task Force
• Special program newsletters (e.g., ACES)
• College catalog and schedules of classes
• Marketing brochures
• Professional development schedules and topics of training
• Information sheets from the transfer and career centers
• Institutional research reports
• CVC-CSUSB programs offered at the facility
Cultural artifacts were examined for evidence of organizational culture, norms, and implicit
messages to students. These artifacts were:
• Posters
• Photographs
• Advertisements
• Student newspapers
Observation serves the purpose of triangulation with regard to what interviewees/focus
group participants say and what they do. Activities that were observed included:
• Department and/or division meetings
• In-service training sessions
• New student orientation
• Puente and ACES classes and events
• Activity in the Academic Skills, Transfer, and Career Centers
• Registration process
• First day of the fall semester
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• Adjunct mixer during Hex days”
• Indigenous Day celebration
• Student interaction in public places (e.g., cafeteria, student center, etc.)
• Classrooms for faculty/student interaction
In these observations, I was seeking to understand processes and watching participants'
reactions and activities. Particular attention was given to assessing the level of congruence
between individuals' verbal and nonverbal communication behavior. One final method of
triangulation was to have key informants read draft reports of the findings.
Limitations
As with any research design, limitations were evident in this study. The first was
that the findings do not easily generalize to other institutions. However, I have argued herein
that institutions must find their own solutions and adjust their institutions accordingly to meet
their students' needs. A second limitation was that the minority students interviewed in the
focus groups were primarily of traditional age. The inclusion of older students would have
explored student perceptions on a more meaningful level. However, my work commitment
precluded their inclusion. Additionally, I would have liked to include the perceptions of white
students as a vehicle for comparison. However, I felt the imperative was to first hear the
voices of minority students. A final limitation was that the perceptions of community
members were not actively sought to more clearly define the relationship of College of the
Desert with the surrounding communities. I believed it was prudent to begin with the college
itself. Future studies could include the views of other groups of students and conduct an
extensive analysis of the college-community relationship.
One point I wish to clarify is that of using the themes in the literature to guide the
development of the interview protocols. Though some may argue that the use of theory to
develop the protocols could guide respondents to preconceived answers, I contend that the
use of this theoretical grounding provides an opportunity to assess the campus culture and
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climate elements most directly related to transfer. Consequently, the data were examined
for the presence or absence of these thematic conceptions.
Conclusion
Qualitative research in general, and the case study method in particular, seems
valuable for exploring the inner workings of community colleges. The single-institution
design employed the methods of focus groups, in-depth interviewing, document review, and
observation. Special attention was given to triangulation to improve the trustworthiness of
the data. Through the design of this study, I was seeking to identify which elements of
organizational culture and climate were affecting minority students and how those factors
interacted to affect student success. In the next chapter, I present those findings.
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CHAPTER 4
FINDINGS
"It seems as if we're in a time capsule.. . .
In some ways, we're like a little cocoon out here."
The above comment from one of the faculty members at COD aptly describes some
elements of the college. In many ways, that "time capsule" results from the geographical
isolation of the campus. In other ways, it results from inflexible, unchanging attitudes on the
part of some institutional members. Regardless, the college has tried to meet the needs of
their students. As I conducted the interviews, examined documents, and observed activities,
I began to see evidence of the key themes drawn from the literature and discussed in
Chapter Two.
In what follows, I first offer a description of the college as presented in college
documents and from my own observations. I then present the evidence that either confirms
or disconfirms the existence of the themes. I have chosen to include many examples of
participants' comments so that their voices may be heard. I begin with a more thorough
description of the college.
Description of the College
Situated in the heart of the 4,100 square-mile area known as the Coachella Valley,
College of the Desert serves everyone from the very affluent to those with the lowest
socioeconomic status. As explained in their grant application for Title V funding (Hispanic
Serving Institution), the valley is located 110 miles east of Los Angeles and San Diego and
100 miles north of the Mexican border. The main economic activity for the Valley stems from
seasonal agriculture and tourism. The same valley houses the simple homes of migrant
farm workers in Thermal and Mecca and five-star resorts in nearby Indian Wells-purported
to be the second richest city in the nation. The valley boasts over 100 golf courses in the
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area, many of which are PGA or championship rated. The college itself is located within the
city limits of Palm Desert, nestled between Palm Springs, Indian Wells, and Cathedral City.
When first driving onto the college grounds, hundreds of date palm trees line the
driveway and parking areas.
Figure 4.1 Campus Driveway
At certain points in the semester, bunches of dates in the trees were wrapped with a
protective coating, since the college cares for and harvests the dates. After parking and
walking onto the campus grounds. I was struck by the oppressive, dry summer heat, usually
around 105 degrees. A large fountain which is in the courtyard formed by the Student
Center, the Communications Building, and the Administration/Counseling Building provides
an oasis of soothing water spray that is beautiful to observe and cools the immediate area.
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Figure 4.2 Front Water Fountain
Another, smaller fountain is located in the courtyard on the opposite side of the
Administration/ Counseling Building, bordered by the cafeteria to the south. Lush, green
grass surrounds much of the campus and the aroma of freshly mowed lawns sometimes
permeates the air.
Most of the buildings on the campus are single story and some have heavy glass
windows and doors that serve as insulation against the heat. From one of these windows,
the president can casually view daily activity as students, faculty, and staff make their way
across the campus. As I walked to the northeast side of the campus. I saw construction
work being completed. I later learned this was the new Math/Social Science building.
Immediately east of this construction were portable trailer-type buildings that house the
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administration, faculty, and classroom space of the Coachella Valley Center of California
State University, San Bernardino (CVC of CSUSB). At the southeast end of the college is
the new, modem library that is a joint venture between the college, the City of Palm Desert,
and the Riverside City and County Public Library. According to the college catalog, the
library houses over 45,000 volumes and 277 periodicals and journals. They expect
periodical and journal access to increase by 20,000 volumes in the next few years.
Before the semester began, I noticed the significant number of Hispanic students
walking on campus. Some walked alone, others were in pairs or small groups. Most of
them animatedly spoke Spanish as they made their way to some unknown destination. They
seemed relaxed and happy to be there. Once the semester started, the diversity of the
student body was more apparent. Still, the large numbers of Hispanics students were clearly
evident. The HSI grant application lists the following facts about the Coachella Valley
population in general and COD students in particular.
• Per capita income of Hispanic residents is about half that of whites ($8,166 to $16,048)
• 35 percent of the population has not gone beyond the ninth grade
• 1 1 percent of high school graduates attend four-year institutions, while only 4 percent of
COD students transfer to such an university
• 86 percent of the students enrolled at COD are first-generation college students
• 61 percent of COD students are considered low income and are eligible for financial aid
• 91 percent of entering students are underprepared in the reading, writing, and/or
mathematics skills required for college courses.
Not all COD students come from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Rather, the income
levels tend to be dichotomous with a great chasm between the "haves" and the "have nots."
A counselor noted, "one minute I could have someone who's very wealthy, and the next
minute the person sitting here is a single parent on welfare." The image of College of the
Desert as a facility for primarily wealthy white students is no longer accurate. One
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unflattering image is exemplified in the nickname "College of the Desperate." In other
words, the college is sometimes seen as the place you go when you cant go anywhere else.
Listed prominently in the college catalog are a faculty code of professional ethics, a
vision statement, and a mission statement. Because of the relevance of the vision and
mission statements to organizational operations, I repeat them here to provide a context for
the ensuing discussion. The vision statement reads:
We as a district endorse these statements as our vision for the future ~
• all students will be encouraged and supported in attaining their educational goals;
• all students will have access to needed services and support;
• all students will have the opportunity to participate in diverse learning experiences that
are responsive and reflective of their needs and those of the community;
• our district will be knowledgeable of workforce, community, and transfer needs and will
facilitate opportunities in these areas for students;
• our district will participate in and collaborate with local communities;
• district planning will be based on thorough knowledge of our diverse student population.
The mission statement reads as follows;
Our primary mission is to provide comprehensive, student-centered community
college education. We prepare students for transfer programs that assure their
access to upper-division education at public and private universities. Of equal
importance, we provide vocational and technical programs of study in order to help
students acquire quality employment. In support of this mission, we provide the
services required to maintain learning programs as well as the basic skills that equip
students to complete transfer and/or occupational objectives. We are committed to
excellence, as measured by student outcomes and student success in their
achievement of transfer and occupational objectives; equal access to opportunity for
our students, our faculty and staff, and the diverse communities we serve; and
community involvement in promoting economic development, intellectual and
cultural enrichment, and encouraging financial support for the fulfillment of the
College’s mission.
In order to accomplish their vision and mission, COD offers courses and support services on
a main campus of 160 acres in Palm Desert, two off-site centers, and a "virtual" center. An
Eastern Valley Center in Indio serves the remote areas of Coachella Valley, including the
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communities of Thermal and Mecca. The 36 courses offered during the Fall, 2000 semester
included those in Accounting, Art, English, Reading, Speech, Spanish, Health, Human
Services, Math, Music, History, Political Science, and Psychology. ESL classes are
provided as part of the college's adult education program.
A Western Valley Center in Palm Springs serves students in the communities of
Palm Springs and Desert Hot Springs. The 39 courses offered during the Fall, 2000
semester mirrored those at the Eastern Valley Center with the addition of Administration of
Justice, Agriculture, Automotive Technology, French, Early Childhood Education, and
Business Courses. The "Virtual Valley Center” is comprised of online courses. During Fall,
2000,17 online courses were offered. English courses tended to be the most popular.
Other online courses included those in Economics, Computer Information Systems, Spanish,
and Math. A branch campus, Copper Mountain, in Joshua Tree broke away from the main
campus a few years ago.
With regard to cost, California residents pay $11.25 per unit at COD, while non
residents and foreign students pay $146.25 and $166.25 respectively. Other fees include
mandatory health fees, mandatory student representation fees, and parking. The policies
and procedures affecting students are clearly defined in the catalog, and the document is
relatively easy to navigate, as is the schedule of classes. A large cadre of support services
is available to students (discussed in more detail later in the chapter).
The college is known for a few flagship programs. The first program that comes to
mind when institutional members are asked about COD is the nursing program which boasts
a pass rate of over 90 percent for students who have completed the program and take state
examinations. A second program often touted is one in alternative fuels. The catalog
explains that COD has "the nation's first training center for technicians who repair and
maintain advanced fuel vehicles such as compressed natural gas (CNG) and liquid
petroleum gas (LPG)." The college brokered a partnership with the SunLine Transit
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Company, the Southern California Gas Company, and several other public and private
sponsors to develop the program. Other key programs include Turf Grass Maintenance,
Horticulture, and Golf Course Management. Given the extensive agricultural and tourism
economies, the existence of these programs makes sense.
In summary, College of the Desert exemplifies a "typical" community college in
many ways. A variety of programs are offered, tuition is relatively low, and efforts are being
expanded to serve outlying communities more effectively. Although this section provides a
thumbnail sketch of COD, it does not explain the inner workings of the college, an issue to
which I now turn.
Themes
In Chapter Two I reviewed relevant literature and culled the appropriate themes
which provided some insight into the workings of the college. In this chapter, I included
those themes, as well as another theme that emerged regarding transfer. Since the focus of
my study was on transfer, I have included this theme to highlight institutional values
pertaining to transfer. In what follows, I discuss each theme in detail and frequently offer the
comments of institutional members and my observations as evidence. I begin this section
with a discussion of how faculty members are hired and evaluated. Next, I discuss the
training that is available to faculty through staff development programs. The third theme
(teaching and learning) is then explored, followed by the support services theme. The fifth
theme, validation, is next addressed. I conclude the chapter with the transfer theme.
Hiring Faculty.
The hiring practices of a college help provide evidence of a college's commitment to
diversifying the staff. One of the most frequent complaints I heard from all levels of
institutional members at COD was the lack of minority faculty. (I should note that counselors
and teaching faculty are all referred to as faculty.)
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The other major complaint I heard involved the age of the faculty with regard to
years of service. The impression seemed to be that the majority of faculty members had
been there 20 years or longer and had lost touch with the students. A report from the Office
of Human Resources at COO provided the following breakdown of service years for the
college's 199 full-time teaching faculty:
Table 4.1 Faculty Years of Service
Years of Service Number of Faculty
30 years or more 10
20 years but less than 30 years 21
10 years but less than 20 years 25
Less than 10 years 63
When reviewing the table, one can see that only 31 (26 percent) faculty members have been
at COD 20 years or more, while 63 (52 percent) were hired within the last ten years. Yet,
comments such as the following seemed to indicate that most faculty were older "We're
finally getting younger, although I'm getting older. We have a few old codgers that stick
around. They won't retire. We'll find them dead in their chairs, I guess." One newer faculty
member commented on the fact that many of the instructors he had at COD were still
teaching. He noted:
Much of the faculty has been here for a long time. I went to school here right out of
high school, and there are faculty members that I took classes with that are still
here. So, they're really a significant part of this institution.
The Process. The hiring process followed by COD is consistent with state law and,
in fact, is quite rigorous. The process begins with a nationwide search for qualified
candidates. While the position is being advertised, a committee is developed. Some
institutional members commented on the size of the committee. An administrator explained,
"I'm talking maybe 12 or more people on the committees... Forgive me, but it scares the
hell out of the candidates sometimes." The majority of the members on the committee are
faculty, with representation from minority faculty and/or staff. The district's Affirmative Action
designee is part of the committee. A counselor added that the Affirmative Action
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representative "indicate[s] if there's anything relative to diversity that we should look at.
Unfortunately, sometimes the committees don't look at that much. They should be more
sensitive to that."
After the closing date for the position, the committee meets and "paper screens” the
applications, and those who meet the desired qualifications are invited for an interview.
When they are notified of the interview, applicants are instructed to prepare a lesson of
some sort that will be presented during the interview. When the applicants arrive for the
interview, they are given another assignment about which they were not informed. Usually,
this assignment requires a written response.
During the actual interview, the committee asks the same questions in the same
order of each applicant. Either before or after the interview, the applicants present their
teaching demonstrations that are evaluated by the committee. Sometimes confederates
(students or staff members) role play parts of the assessment. For a counselor, the student
might be coming to the applicant with problems; for an instructor, a student may have a
"paper” which is written incorrectly. The committee observes as the applicant counsels the
student. At the conclusion of this process, the committee discusses the applicants and
ranks them. A counselor commented:
You might rate someone higher than the other person, and maybe the other one's
kind of in the middle somewhere, but when you add up the points, it tends to kind of
balance out so that usually the better candidates surface to the top no matter what.
It's a nice process.
Clearly, the screening process used at COD focuses on teaching style and is quite
comprehensive in nature. Additionally, the faculty controls the process as prescribed by AB
1725. In describing the process, nearly all institutional members believed the process to be
a particularly rigorous one. In fact, one faculty member noted "we beat the heck out of them.
It's a miserable process." Still, an administrator noted that even unsuccessful candidates
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write and essentially say, "I had a great experience in your selection process. I didn't get the
job, but you do it well."
Diversity. Institutional members at all levels were quite vocal about the lack of
diversity found in full-time, teaching faculty. One student commented, "one thing I dislike is
how faculty do not represent the students . . . I think that has a lot to do with the [transfer]
outcome. Because they don't see themselves [succeeding] in education." Faculty members
said things like, "I think we need to hire more minorities, and I know that was brought up in
accreditation" and "we may be a little under what we should be."
In reviewing affirmative action reports, the lack of diversity among faculty became
readily apparent. The workforce profiles for the fourth quarter of 2000 (April through June)
showed that there were no minority administrators (at the rank of dean or above). There
were two Hispanic managers and one of Asian/Pacific Islander descent. The statistical report
showed an "under-utilization" of one African American.
With regard to full-time faculty, the figures showed the presence of one Hispanic in
the Social Sciences and one African American and three Hispanics in Developmental
Education. The under-utilization for this category included two African Americans, five
Hispanics, and three Asian/Pacific Islanders. Within the non-teaching faculty (i.e.,
counselors) the figures showed two African Americans and six Hispanics, with an under
utilization of one Asian/Pacific Islander. The numbers for adjunct faculty were somewhat
better. This category showed two African Americans, 28 Hispanics, and two Asian/Pacific
Islanders. However, the under-utilization in this category included 12 African Americans and
21 Asian/Pacific Islanders.
Many more minorities filled the ranks of classified employees, especially the clerical
and service maintenance categories. For example, there were one African American clerk,
17 Hispanics, with three Pacific Islanders in the clerical/secretarial category. The report
showed that the affirmative action goals for this area have been completed. In the area of
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service maintenance, there were one African American and 13 Hispanics with no minority
under-utilization. Concerning the technical paraprofessional category, there were three
African Americans, six Hispanics, and five Asian/Pacific Islanders with no minority under
utilization. The skilled crafts area showed only two Hispanics, with an under-utilization of
two additional Hispanics. The final category, part-time classified, showed two African
Americans, 12 Hispanics, and one Asian/Pacific Islander. The following chart is helpful in
making sense of these affirmative action hiring figures:
Table 4.2 Ethnic Breakdown of COD Staff
Category White Black Hispanic Asian/Pacific
Islander
Admin./Managerial 7 0 2 1
Teaching Faculty 81 1 4 0
Non-Teaching Faculty 19 2 6 1
Clerical/Secretarial 46 1 17 3
Tech/Paraprofessional 33 3 7 4
Skilled Crafts 8 0 1 0
Service Maintenance 1 1 1 13 0
Totals 205 8 50 9
To some employees, the number of Hispanics in the classified ranks represented a type of
inequality. One clerk commented:
There's a very definite class system, at least with employees . . . they congregate in
certain groups in certain job categories and they're not considered here [for higher
positions] and they're not included. There's a whole lot of that sort of thing.
Although the college has hired many minority employees, very few are in the teaching or
leaderships ranks.
One instance caused some institutional members to allege that the college was
controlling the number of minorities hired. An African American woman was hired as a full
time, English faculty member in the 1970's. When she retired recently, she was replaced
with an Hispanic male in the Social Science Division. No other full-time minority teaching
faculty members in the major disciplines were hired during that time. One student
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commented, "they just filled their quota for full-time faculty." Minority faculty were more
vocal about the affirmative action process overall. One noted:
The weakest link [of the college] would be the faculty and staff here. We just don't
have enough minority instructors here to deal with the learning styles. . . . I'm not
saying they have to necessarily look exactly the same, but they have to understand
where these students are coming from culturally speaking, you know, as human
beings. Like I said, here it's just strictly the good old boy type system where they
bring in their buddies or friends and it's white upper middle class.. and the majority
of them don't really relate to Hispanic students. They're English only. Well, I speak
Spanish. I'm trying to learn as much as I can to identify with my students. So, that's
the problem.
A minority counselor discussed the devastating effect on the college and students when
other minority faculty and staff ignored their responsibilities or had negative attitudes toward
students. He described one counselor who "almost destroyed Puente” by negating much of
the work which had been accomplished in establishing the program. In his opinion, she
alienated mentors and hurt relations with high schools because she never visited them. He
offered another example of a recently retired minority male who was handling financial aid.
The faculty member commented that this individual "handled financial aid like it was his own
money" and "treated financial aid students like they were dirt, just no respect at all for them."
He added, "sometimes you get people like that and it's an embarrassment [to other minority
faculty]."
When reflecting on the college's hiring practices overall, one faculty member
explained why efforts to recruit more minority faculty have not been successful:
As much as we try to follow our affirmative action plan, we're still lacking in it. I think
we’ve made efforts, although I think some of us would indicate we probably haven't
made the efforts in the right direction when we've made them. It's not an area that a
lot of people would come to live at. Knowing that minorities are in demand, I think
they have better choices. They have a better selection, so they'll choose another
place closer to their homes and so forth. The question is growing people in the area
that are going to stay here. We're not very successful there.
One way of "growing" minority applicants might be to hire existing adjunct faculty.
Hiring Adjuncts as Full-Time Faculty. A point of contention for some adjunct faculty
members was the fact that few of them were hired or considered for full-time positions when
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they became available. In some instances, adjuncts with more experience than other
applicants had not even been interviewed. The hiring process for adjuncts was often not as
rigorous as that for full-time faculty. Some adjuncts reported having a small selection
committee of approximately three members; others had no such formal interview. (Although
the interview panel is smaller, the adjunct must still meet the minimum requirements
delineated in Title V for his or her particular discipline.) This factor may have lead some full
time faculty members to believe adjuncts were not as qualified for positions as other
applicants, and adjuncts were aware of this bias. One explained:
I have talked to many full-timers that I find are very unsympathetic to the part-timers
and just in general principles. They don't think they're good enough, they don't think
they're qualified enough. They think they're good to keep as part-timers because
they need part-timers. These are reasons that are unbelievable, and it worries me
that there's not a way to solve it.
This faculty member also believed that adjuncts who met the minimum qualifications for a
full-time position should at least be guaranteed an interview. She wanted administrators to
pressure full-time faculty to give highly qualified part-timers "a leg up" on outside applicants.
According to this faculty member, only 5 of the 17 new full-time hires last year were former
adjuncts at the college.
Not all faculty members had such a negative view of adjunct faculty. One full-time
faculty member explained that she found adjunct faculty to be stimulating and interested in
curriculum and student behavior. She added, "I think they're really the backbone of this
college. Without adjuncts, you wouldn't be running the place, and the adjuncts are
becoming more vocal, which is great. They want more benefits, they want more
consideration."
Evaluation. As with the hiring process, the evaluation process used at COD is quite
rigorous. AB 1725 required that full-time probationary employees "must, as under current
law, be evaluated at least once each academic year; tenured employees must be evaluated
at least once every three (instead of every two) academic years; and part-time faculty must
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be evaluated within their first year, and at least once every six semesters or nine quarters
thereafter" (Nussbaum, 1989, p. 25). The process must include peer review on a
departmental or divisional basis and, "to the extent practicable, students should be involved
in faculty evaluation."
When faculty members are evaluated at COD, they first meet with their division chair
for a pre-conference to explain the evaluation process. Two peer faculty members are
selected to evaluate the faculty member inside the classroom and prepare their reports. The
chair visits the faculty member's classroom for observation, and the students are given an
opportunity to rate the instructor on a variety of criteria. When all of the data have been
collected, the faculty member again meets with the chair to obtain the results of the
evaluation. Most institutional members believed the process to be thorough and fair, and
some commented that the hiring process usually weeded out those faculty members who
were not good teachers.
Tenure. The issue of tenure resulted in some of the liveliest comments from
institutional members. When asked how a faculty member obtains tenure, one faculty
member noted, "unless a faculty person is really a dumb ox, there’s no way you cannot get
tenure. You really have to be stupid, to put it mildly." Other institutional members noted that
tenure was obtained "by breathing," by "time and grade," and by "not getting into trouble. It’s
time. You survive the first three years and you don’ t get in trouble for three years. That's
how you earn tenure." Again, the rigorous hiring process seemed to weed out those whose
performance was less than stellar. One faculty member explained, "most people who get
into that tenure track position do end up with tenure. I think they choose very carefully from
the beginning.” Some faculty members were denied tenure~a fact that many institutional
members appreciated.
The actual tenure process is explained in AB 1725 and requires a probationary
period for new faculty of two to four years. A one-year contract is awarded for the first year.
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If the faculty member has performed well, a second, one-year contract is offered during the
next year, and another evaluation is conducted. If that evaluation is also positive, the faculty
member is awarded a two-year contract to cover years three and four. AB 1725 requires
that faculty members have at least a Bachelor's degree to obtain tenure. At COO, the same
evaluation process is used, albeit more frequently, during the probationary period. There is
an extra committee of the evaluating faculty members who recommend tenure to
administration.
Not all faculty members and counselors, however, are eligible for tenure. As one
staff member explained, "none of the folks I have under me can go for tenure because
they're on soft money. You have to be on hard money to get tenure." Unfortunately, most of
those on "soft money" seem to be minorities. One administrator, however, believed it was
better to have them employed on soft money than not at all.
Most institutional members seemed to think that classroom teaching was the
criterion being used in evaluating faculty for tenure. One administrator noted, "I think it's fair
to say that the most important criterion is the effectiveness of that instructor in his or her
classroom." Another administrator hinted at a slightly different criterion by stating, "I think
we're using the criteria that you fit in with your peers the best... I should think it would be
based more on your ability to assist students with learning." A counselor seemed to imply
that getting along with colleagues was also important. He noted:
I think the tenure process is fairly traditional. So, just getting to work everyday, doing
your job, doing it well, getting along with your colleagues, getting along with
students, just the whole professionalism that goes along with the person doing their
job and doing it well.
It would seem, then, that effective teaching, time, good evaluations, and professionalism
lead one down the successful path to tenure.
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After faculty members obtain tenure, some become more willing to voice their
opinions. One faculty member described the change in someone who recently obtained
tenure by commenting:
He did everything he was told, suffered through it all. Now he can say what he
wants to say and he's okay with it. So, he's getting his voice. I appreciate that, I
said, "well, good, now we can talk."
Once a faculty member gains tenure, he or she is more likely to become actively involved in
organizational matters and voice opposing views.
In summary, the hiring evaluation at COD was particularly rigorous and effective for
weeding out weak faculty members. Institutional members at all levels were cognizant of the
lack of minority teaching faculty. Adjunct faculty, in particular, felt left out of the hiring
process. Some were hired as full-time faculty while others were never interviewed. The
evaluation process is thorough and is used in tenure decisions. Although some institutional
members were skeptical of the tenure process, ineffective newer faculty have been denied
tenure. One faculty member's comments seemed to summarize the issue well. He noted, " I
think we're moving in the right direction. Again, the proof of all that really comes back to who
you hire." In an effort to increase the quality of faculty, extensive training opportunities are
available for in-service training. I now turn to that discussion.
Professional Development.
Definitions and Types. Community colleges in California received a significant influx
of money for staff development subsequent to the passage of AB 1725. The Chancellor for
California Community Colleges reported that community colleges were the first segment of
education to receive such formula-based funding for "locally developed and implemented"
staff development programs (Nussbaum, 1989). In order to receive this funding, each
community college district must have an advisory committee, a human resources
development plan, and a reporting system of actual expenditures. Nussbaum (1989)
detailed the authorized uses for this money (p. 15). They included:
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• improvement of teaching
• maintenance of current academic and technical knowledge and skills
• in-service training for vocational education and employment preparation programs
• retraining to meet changing institutional needs
• intersegmental exchange programs
• development of innovations in instruction and administrative techniques and program
effectiveness
• computer and technological proficiency programs
• courses and training implementing affirmative action and upward mobility programs
• other activities determined to be related to educational and professional development
pursuant to criteria established by the Board of Governors
Clearly, the State of California gives great latitude to individual community colleges with
regard to their staff development programs. The college's foundation has augmented staff
development funding with a multi-million dollar "Academic Enrichment Fund." The college
recently began to draw from that trust fund for staff development purposes.
Respondents had strong comments on COO's staff development program. In order
to help define the concept of staff development, I should first explain that it is divided into two
key components. The first area is called professional development and consists of money
available to faculty to attend workshops and conferences off campus. Most of the faculty
and counselors I interviewed seemed satisfied with this portion of staff development,
although they wanted more money for conferences. Additionally, professional development
funds have been used for the development of special projects. One administrator explained,
"[Professional development] is notoriously used for travel, but it's wide open to the ways that
[faculty] can invent to use." Not all faculty members avail themselves of this money,
however. One faculty member commented, "you know which ones are going to apply . . .
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You know which ones aren't going to apply, and you know which ones you really want to
[apply], as much as you would want to push them and praise them, they still didn't do it."
The other side of professional development is called "flex” and consists of anywhere
from one to three days per semester of workshops provided on campus. It is this aspect of
staff development that was most contentious. One counselor noted that the flex programs
offered a "very unusual potpourri of flex workshops” while a staff member noted that the
organization of the flex activities has "been piecemeal, hodgepodge."
When I reviewed the flex programs for the past few years, I noticed that the majority
of the sessions seemed to center on four key areas: technology; informational workshops
explaining how particular programs worked; meetings of divisions, the senate, and various
committees; and personal enrichment workshops. Programs pertaining to teaching, transfer,
and diversity occurred but were in the minority when compared with the volume of activities
offered in the above four areas. It should be noted that many of the technology-based
workshops included the use of technology in the classroom, and many of the informational
workshops included orientation sessions for adjunct faculty and new employees. I informally
categorized the flex programs from Fall, 1996 through Fall. 2000 and noticed the following
breakdown of the workshop types:
Table 4.3 Flex Program Categories
Tech. Teaching Informational Meeting
s
Transfer Diversity Personal
36 20 75 55 6 3 40
Examples of flex activity for each area included, Using PowerPoint in the Classroom, the
Learning Revolution, Basic Skills Grant Update, Senate Committee Meetings, Transferring
and Advising, Assistance in Diversity, and Golf Practice.
I attended one of the informational meetings-the Communication Division Meeting
and a subsequent meeting of the English professors. During the divisional meeting, I
noticed about 43 faculty members were present. The main objective of this meeting was to
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attend to administrative responsibilities. New faculty members were introduced, and all
faculty members were reminded to complete their flex contracts. Committee assignments
were confirmed, and faculty were warned to check pre-requisites for students who would be
"crashing” their classes (i.e., attempting to add the class on the first day it meets).
After about 30 minutes of the full divisional meeting, the faculty broke into smaller
discipline-specific groups. I sat in with the English instructors who discussed their efforts
with the Puente program, cohort programs, and on-line instruction. They discussed how to
compassionately deal with students who may not perform well on the diagnostic tests given
at the beginning of their courses. They were reminded that they were not alone when
addressing such problems, that they constituted a cadre of support for one another. This
meeting lasted approximately half an hour.
At COO. the flex activities for the academic year generally begin with a "state of the
college" type address by the president. For example, the Fall, 2000 semester began with
the president introducing the leadership of the college as well as newly hired faculty and staff
members. He updated employees on the recent activities of the COD Foundation (including
their raising two million dollars per year) and detailed recent gifts to the college from private
citizens, the foundation, and local government that totaled $975,000. The president
discussed key performance indicators for respective divisions and outlined new grants and
programs in which the college was involved. These included:
• Title V Hispanic Serving Institutions ($1.8 million over five years).
• National Science Foundation ($515,000 over 3 years)
• Math, Engineering, & Science Achievement ($80,000 annually from the Chancellor's
Office)
• Assistance in Diversity ($18,000 from the Fund for Instruction Improvement for one year)
• Online Staff Development for New Adjunct Faculty Consortium ($600,000 Fund for
Student Success Grant).
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As he presented each grant, he reviewed the goals of the grants and identified the
institutional personnel who were responsible for administering them.
The president concluded his presentation with an update on the International
Student Program. He reported that 73 new students had joined the college, bringing the
complement of international students to 230-240. He then listed the countries these
students were from. They included: Austria, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, France,
Germany, Hong Kong, Haiti, Italy, Japan, Kenya, Korea, Krygyzstan, Macao, Malaysia,
Mauritania, Mexico, Norway, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Romania,
Russia, Sweden, Switzerland, Tahiti, Taiwan, Thailand, Turkey, United Kingdom, and
Vietnam. Most faculty members seemed to appreciate the president's address. One
counselor mentioned the effect of his presentations when she noted:
One [flex activity] I always try to attend is the president's message because that
gives us the vision, the kind of where we're going, that I've always appreciated. I
appreciate his vision and [his] doing a good job of understanding where the college
is heading and communicating where the college is heading. So, I think just forme,
that's the most inspirational and important [activity] to get things going.
Problems. Although faculty and staff appreciated the variety of staff development
workshops available to them, many were somewhat disillusioned with the content of flex
activities. The key complaint was the inability of the workshops to meet their instructional
needs. "It's been largely philosophical or just patting you on the back, you know, welcome
back and get back to work and nothing of content whatsoever." The numbers of personal
enrichment workshops seemed to bother faculty members as well. These activities included
nature hikes, astronomical stargazing parties, field trips to various parts of the Coachella
Valley, trips to museums in Los Angeles, stress relieving workshops, and learning/playing
golf. One faculty member named some of the workshops he believed to be a waste of time
and hinted at the issues he needed to be addressed: "throw rocks to make me feel better.
Golf. But we've got curriculum issues, we've got some buildings we've got to address . .
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we've got stuff we need to talk about." Other faculty members gave positive comments on
the value of these activities. One noted:
If you can take people out on a walk and be around people you don't spend time
with a lot, in a setting that's not where they are normally, you create friendships that
weren't there before. You give them the opportunity to visit outside the *what do you
do for ', and that's important You ought to know something about the
side of our valley that nobody sees. Yeah, it's field crops and turf and all the rest of
this kind of stuff, if you know some of that, you know more about our community.
Another faculty member stated, "I feel that the teacher's mind as well as the body needs to
be addressed."
Some institutional members were concerned that flex and professional development
activities were not tied to institutional goals. One faculty member noted:
I think I like other people are extremely critical of the institution because a majority of
those flex activities are not substantive and are not directed at a real sense of
putting together a flex program that addresses issues and concerns that go to the
very heart of how we can be a better institution, collectively and individually. In other
words, much of that flex I could throw out the window and it wouldn't make a damn
difference.
A board member also noticed the lack of coherency, commenting:
I don't see any systematic, ongoing, thoughtful, comprehensive plan for faculty
development. It's as though everybody who's hired should know all there is to know
about teaching and learning and hence we don't need to do a whole lot because
everybody knows how to teach.
Clearly, the lack of a comprehensive plan regarding the content of flex activities was
problematic for some faculty and staff members.
The scheduling of flex activities posed problems as well. For counselors, these
activities were least helpful because they were invariably scheduled at their busiest time of
the semester-just before classes begin. Other institutional members questioned the
scheduling of some flex activities on graduation day. One staff member commented:
They had one on graduation day . . which seemed rather odd and ineffective to me.
I mean, who's going to want to attend a flex activity on graduation day? I couldn't
understand that, but I don't know the decision that went into that. It seemed kind of
silly.
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It was apparent through these comments and others that the current scheduling of flex
activities did not accommodate a significant amount of faculty members. I should note,
however, that the process is entirely controlled by the faculty.
Adjuncts were included in flex activities and were paid for six hours of attendance,
however, one full-time faculty member commented that the activities available frequently did
not meet the needs of his adjunct staff. He explained that the adjunct faculty usually attend
the division meetings, at which they hear "the division chair who's carrying the message of
the administration to all the faculty. Adjunct faculty have to be there and they hear the same
thing every time." He added his ideal adjunct flex activity would be as follows:
I would prefer to take the six hours [of] adjunct faculty [time] and have a retreat and
take the curriculum and open it up and say okay, we're all teaching different courses,
however, they integrate with one another. How do students fare from one course to
the next? What do you see as problems for students with skills coming from one
course to another? Do we need to upgrade skill development in one course and
prerequisites and those things? It seems like it would be something that’s simple to
do, but they're stuck on this institutional flex day.
I did have the opportunity to attend the "Adjunct Mixer,” a dinner flex activity. I
noticed about 75 adjuncts seated at round tables of eight. The adjunct faculty members
were given information from the Dean of Instruction, the Librarian, and the President of the
Academic Senate. Most of the information involved current programs and plans for
expansion in the Eastern portion of the Coachella Valley. They received an update on their
rights from their union president and had the opportunity to ask questions of the presenters.
They were reminded of the influence of self-empowerment with regard to working conditions.
Discussions of teaching and/or learning strategies were absent.
One final point that should be made pertaining to flex is the idea that faculty were
aware existing flex was not meeting the needs of many institutional members. The Faculty
Development Committee conducted a survey of division chairs, full-time faculty, and adjunct
faculty in order to determine interests and priorities for the flex and professional development
program. The survey had four categories with topics underneath each category (faculty
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development, instructional support, organization development, and professional
development). Respondents were asked to rank the topics in order of importance and were
provided with space for comments.
Division chairs (n=5) ranked interpersonal skills (including conflict resolution) as the
most important issue under faculty development, with wellness management/stress
management/time management a close second. The chairs overwhelmingly wanted more
knowledge in the information services area under the category of instructional support. The
key issue under organizational support was administration policies followed by safety and
security. Overall, the chairs were very satisfied with the flex and professional development
program, although they commented that the graduation day flex "was wasted" and that they
needed more division time as opposed to college-wide time.
Full-time faculty (n=30) ranked student interaction as the most important issue under
faculty development, followed closely by curriculum design and presentation. Under the
category of instruction support, faculty wanted to increase their knowledge of the academic
skills center and counseling. Like the division chairs, faculty wanted more opportunity to
discuss administrative policies in the organization development category. Twenty-nine
respondents reported that professional development was very important, however, only 18
were somewhat satisfied with flex day activities-five were very satisfied, nine were not
satisfied.
Adjunct faculty (n=26) also ranked student interaction as most important under
faculty development, followed by computer skills. Under instructional support, adjunct
faculty overwhelmingly wanted to increase their knowledge of media services. With regard
to organization development, however, safety and security were of prime importance to
adjunct faculty members. Like the full-time faculty, only 18 were somewhat satisfied with flex
day activities-three were very satisfied, five were not satisfied.
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In summary, COD receives funding from the State as well as their foundation for
staff development programs. Few workshops are offered on actual teaching strategies,
diversity, or transfer activities. Although faculty members appreciated the variety of
professional development and flex activities, there was an overwhelming sense that these
events were not meeting their instructional needs. For some, scheduling was an issue; for
others, the lack of substantive content was more in question. The faculty controls the flex
calendar, and adjuncts are only paid for six hours of activity. Since staff development
programs are not meaningfully addressing instructional needs, an appropriate discussion
centers around the types of teaching and learning that are occurring at COD, the issue to
which I now turn.
Teaching/Learning.
In many ways, the instruction that occurs at COD is traditional of community
colleges in general. Students are quite often unprepared academically for the rigor of
college work and must devote a significant amount of time to developmental and prerequisite
courses. Faculty teach a contract load of five classes per semester. In what follows, I
describe the faculty and students in more detail, again using liberal amounts of quotations so
that their voices may be heard. Next, I develop their ideas of quality instruction that
emerged from my interviews and discuss the extent to which various learning styles are
addressed. I conclude by detailing some of the issues concerning the institution's
acknowledgment of excellence in teaching. I begin with the faculty.
The Faculty. When describing the faculty, many institutional members noticed a
division in their ranks. This division was described different ways. For example, one staff
member described it as follows;
I think there's kind of an old guard and there's a new guard. The new guard are
typically the ones that are more concerned about student learning and kind of
improving campus climate. The old guard, as is traditional, is more concerned with
kind of keeping status quo. So, every once in awhile, you run into a faculty member
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that maybe doesn't have the best interests of students at heart, or we hear these
horror stories from our students.
An adjunct faculty member commented that "some are caring, some couldnt give a damn"
while a student in one of the focus groups broke the faculty into percentages. She noted:
There's about two percent which just don't know to teach worth a damn. There's
that three percent which are just waiting to fail students. And there's that five
percent that are just waiting for any chance they get to kick a student out of class.
Shut the door in their face.
This student deemed the remaining 90 percent of teachers effective. Clerks noticed the
difference as well. One explained that ” 2 out of 20" instructors will not work with her to
resolve students' problems.
In general, faculty were harsher in their descriptions of themselves than students.
Overall, the impression was one of a good, strong faculty with excellent credentials, most of
whom care deeply about students. The more negative comments addressed some of the
frustrations faculty members were experiencing. One faculty member commented:
We still have a mentality among many of the faculty, and I won't say all of them, of
this being a junior college, a transfer type institution that's going to only deal with
those students that are really going to transfer.
Similarly, a staff member commented he believed the faculty were quite often frustrated with
teaching what they considered to be "high school” rather than college courses. He
commented:
There are some faculty who don't want to be teaching high school level courses.
They want to be teaching college. That's what they got their degree for. I think a lot
of them are very frustrated with the huge numbers of students that have to be taught
high school level courses.
Other institutional members explained the effect of having few minority faculty members. A
counselor explained:
[We have a] good strong faculty, a lot of conservatives. We have one Latino tenured
teaching faculty [member]. One. We have no tenured black teaching faculty. From
the standpoint of minority students, I think our faculty is not very much in tune with
them. It seems to me like they could give a dam. They're just not compatible with
the type of student and environment we have. They're still in a conservative mode,
so that in one way kind of hurts our college.
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Still others noticed that the faculty was changing. A board member commented that the
faculty was "in an evolution” while a staff member commented, "I was going to say this is an
aging faculty, but we have had a recent influx of younger faculty."
Students' comments seemed to highlight the approachability of most instructors as
well as the quality of their teaching. Although they did have some negative experiences.
they, too, were largely complimentary of the faculty. A transfer student commented:
I found a lot of my professors and counselors at COD willing to offer a lot of help and
were easy to talk to when I had questions. They didn't make me feel dumb, which
made me feel comfortable asking them [questions] after class.
A current student commented, "they try to inspire me to go the direction that would suit me
best." In another focus group, one student explained, "every teacher I've had has motivated
me."
Students had different ways of identifying the "good" teachers. One student
commented on the word-of-mouth network. He noted, "I've talked to other students and
they've told me which teachers are good." Another student discussed the fact that she knew
which teachers were popular because their classes "filled within the first week" of
registration. Another student described a more innovative approach:
Well, the ones that are advisors of the programs, I like their classes better. When I
look in the schedule to schedule my classes, I usually check to see if they’re the
advisors of the programs so that I can take the class with them, because they're
usually more into it than the others.
Students noticed the difference between full-time and adjunct faculty. One student
explained, "when you get adjunct instructors for your classes, they don't have office hours
and it's really hard to communicate with them when you want to because there's nowhere to
meet." A student in another focus group commented, "sometimes they're good teachers, but
then you realize they're not full-time" and went on to explain that one of his professors, an
adjunct, was not available noting, "you can't talk to him."
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An issue that seemed to particularly disturb faculty and students was the fact that
very few faculty teach on Fridays. One faculty member commented, "God forbid a faculty
member has to teach on Fridays. We're one of the few institutions where there are literally
no Friday classes. To ask them to work on Friday? No." A clerk commented, "they hate
working on Fridays [andl don’ t keep office hours," while a student elaborated on the problem:
A lot of instructors don't like to teach on Fridays. We have very limited Friday
classes. And I think if we had Friday classes, you could balance your schedule
more and maybe just come to school 8-12 everyday in the morning or from 12-5.
The student believed that if courses were scheduled more traditionally, for example,
Mondays-Wednesdays-Fridays, more courses could be offered at key times. This more
flexible schedule helps them deal with work and other responsibilities.
I reviewed the Fall, 2000 schedule of classes to see how many Friday classes were,
in fact, offered. I found a smattering of departments that offered courses either in a MWF
format or Friday only sessions. None of the off-sKe centers had Friday or Saturday classes,
and the vast majority of fall course offerings did not meet on Fridays.
This issue would not be as significant were it not for the fact that students have an
extremely difficult time getting the classes they need. One student commented that "when
you want to get a class, it's full. And, you have to take it because if not, you can't complete
whatever [you are pursuing]. They're always full and you have to wait till somebody drops
out or something." Another student explained, "certain classes are only offered at certain
times, and you can't come at night or you can't come in the morning."
A faculty member saw the issue of class unavailability another way. He believed
students were not enrolling in courses simply because they chose not to. He explained:
I'm wanting to give the students all the classes. I want them out there. But they
don't want to be here at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. Now, I've got lots of seats at 2:00
o'clock in the afternoon. Don't tell me there are no seats available just because you
don't want to be here then You may have to take that class at 2 o'clock, [even
though] you want to go swimming in the afternoon.
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He added that he has been advised to add additional sections in the mornings, but he
explains, "the fact that you have no space for them, the fact that you can't find faculty" are
overlooked. This mind frame, however, overlooks the real need students have to be
employed and meet other familial obligations.
The Students. Perhaps the most common word used to describe the students at
COD was "diverse." The diversity described ran the gamut from ability levels, ethnicity,
backgrounds, and more. Some institutional members commented on the fact that although
most students were serious and wanted to come to college, others were being pushed by
parents or other family members and did not know why they were there. One faculty
member described the ebb and flow of student attendance this way:
Some of them come here and they're not here very long, or they come here and they
seem to take forever to make progress, or they come here for a semester or two and
then they're gone because there's a crisis at home. Then, we see them back a year
or two later. . . They're finding themselves. Once they do, they find they can be
excellent students.
Another faculty member commented that students often came from "relationships that
perhaps have not been the best." Other faculty members felt that "the older they are, the
better they are,” that students were "very hard working, very serious, but a lot of fun," and
that some were "looking for a second chance." One counselor was concerned that students
"come in with low expectations for themselves" and added that it sometimes took a couple of
semesters for them to realize their potential.
The students described themselves as socially active and cooperative provided they
were connected to special programs or clubs. One student explained that when she was not
connected to a dub or program, "I wouldn't talk to anybody, maybe the person sitting next to
me in my dass, maybe.” An interesting discussion centered on the issue of age with the
students. The younger students believed they were being compared to older students. One
student explained:
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Another factor is the age difference. We have a lot of older students that come here,
and they'll be wise and know more than we do. When we're in class, [faculty]
compare us to them, so it's harder for us to be up to their standards, to be up to the
older students. I guess in a way it's good because you're exposed to more
intelligent people.
On the other hand, faculty and counselors often described the apprehension older students
experienced as they returned to college after long absences. Faculty and students shared
similar conceptions of quality instruction.
Quality Instruction. When listening to descriptions of quality instruction, it soon
became apparent that faculty and students held the same ideals. The key elements seemed
to be caring, respect, variety, activity, motivation, and patience. Quality instruction was not
necessarily technologically based. One faculty member believed quality instruction began
with awareness and explained it was an:
Awareness of the students: where they come from, how they learn, being focused
on lessons and demanding of students, requiring them to do what they need to do
but being very attentive to their needs and not being prejudiced in any way.
Another faculty member commented on the importance of a comfortable atmosphere and the
reduction of status or power differences. He commented:
Quality of education in the classroom is one where you establish a comfortable
learning environment. You don't intimidate, you don’t use power, you don't use
authority to get your way. You try to make the students feel as comfortable as
possible and as relaxed as possible.. . Try not to make the students feel less than
intelligent for asking questions. When they ask a question, not to be at all upset or
irritated by things. . It makes them feel dumb.
Other comments from faculty included the notion that "quality instruction is something that
motivates," instruction which makes "the content come alive in the classroom so students
have interest," and is often exhibited by a faculty member who's "willing to try a lot of
different things to get the material across and is available and approachable by students."
Although some institutional members believed quality instruction was equated with keeping
up with technology, not everyone agreed with this position. One faculty member explained:
We have to realize we're dealing with students who have human emotions and
human needs and if we lack the compassion and understanding of what they need,
these students are going to fall out because technology is not going to do it for us.
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We can be super technocrats in our instructional presentations, but we don't relate
stories. That's probably what we bring to the classroom, an expertise and
experience that students can relate to.
Hence, although technology was important in classroom instruction, it did not supplant
instructors’ one-on-one contact with students.
Students most often described quality instructors by describing good and bad
experiences they had in the classroom. One student described a professor who "put
students and the professor on the same page” and "tried to work with each student's
learning style.” Another student commented on a faculty member who "knows what he's
doing and loves to teach.” Being described as an "easy” instructor did not enter into
students' definitions of quality. Students were not afraid of high demands provided the
environment was supportive and encouraging.
For students, poor teaching occurred when instructors relied primarily on lecturing,
were impatient with students, and made them feel less than intelligent when they asked a
question. One described a teacher by saying, "well, one of the teachers I had, it's not just
me personally, but everyone in the class doesn't understand what she's talking about. And,
when you try to ask her, she gets mad.” Another student defined quality instruction as a lack
of frustration, explaining:
[Quality instruction is] a teacher that interacts with you. Doesn't just write on the
board, doesn't just have you report what he says, but truly takes time with you.
Doesn't get frustrated with you when you make a mistake, but takes your time and
corrects your mistake and tells you how you made you're mistake, not just that you
need to work on it.
Other students added that good teachers motivated them, had enthusiasm, were secure and
confident, had a sense of humor, and cared about their success. For some students, the
inclusion of activities made lessons fun and interesting. Attention to learning styles in some
form was appreciated by the students.
Accommodation of Learning Styles. Most of the faculty with whom I spoke intuitively
incorporated elements in their teaching which addressed different learning styles. For many
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of these teachers, attending to learning styles was merely a way of being an effective
instructor. Those faculty members who accommodated different learning styles said things
like, "I do a lot of workshop activity .. I have students do a lot of things in small groups
together, I have students do things apart, I have students do things at the board, verbal
responses, written responses;” "we've used games;" "I use classroom assessments all the
time;” or "I tend to avoid lectures.”
Much of their flexibility came in how they managed the day's activities or what they
accepted for an assignment. One counselor explained that for a particular journal
assignment, he allows students to write, draw, or paint-whichever form of expression suits
them best. Another faculty member added that if class discussion "goes off on a tangent" of
students' interest, he reassured students it was appropriate and relevant. He added that
they would get back to the topic at hand after they explored their topic of interest.
The value of group work as an alternative form of instruction was described
eloquently by one faculty member who explained:
I find that students often learn more when they're given authority over their own
learning and education. So, sometimes I develop projects so that they get into their
groups and present something to me that they've done themselves. When they
break up into groups in the classroom, they're talking to each other as peers. If you
[as faculty] ask a question, students often hesitate because they feel you know so
much more than they do and they don't want to feel that they're stupid or whatever.
They'll even tell you that. But when you put them in groups with their peers, the
hesitancy tends to diminish, and they're more willing to express their opinion and to
feel that what they're saying is just as valid as [what] anybody else [says].
Other faculty members were not as convinced that accommodating different learning
styles was the answer. One faculty member commented, "I'm going to be politically incorrect
on that and say that I think that's bullshit." The primary motivation behind his statement was
his thinking of students’ future employers, to whom the students would have to adapt. He
added, "I think that it is more important that they leam how to live in those environments than
we keep adjusting." Clearly, some instructors have adapted their styles, others have not and
probably never will. One faculty member commented, "I suspect revolutions of teaching
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probably happen by waiting for a generation of teachers to retire... Changing how people
teach is very difficult. An hour in flex doesn't do it. A seminar doesn't do it." Perhaps the
perception that excellence in teaching was not valued contributed to the reluctance of faculty
to put forth the effort to change.
Rewarding Teaching. Perhaps no other issue was as elusive as trying to determine
whether or not the institution rewarded teaching. Although there are mechanisms in place,
confusion seemed to abound concerning who sponsored which awards and whether those
awards were indeed meritorious or merely popularity contests.
One administrator provided the best description of the available avenues of
recognition. The first way faculty and staff are recognized is through the Alumni Association
who recognizes employees for key periods of service. Next, the Alumni Association
acknowledged excellence in teaching by recognizing one outstanding full-time faculty
member and one outstanding adjunct faculty member. These awards are presented at a
banquet, and recipients are given plaques and gift certificates. A third way faculty are
recognized is by student selection of an outstanding faculty member. Finally, the Academic
Senate typically selects another outstanding faculty member who is invited to speak during
graduation.
Most institutional members knew that some recognition occurred but they did not
believe it truly recognized excellence in teaching. A board member acknowledged:
I dont think good teaching is necessarily rewarded, and it pains me to say that.. ..
This is another delicate area, because what do you call good teaching? How many
students got A's? The popularity of the teacher? How does the administration
recognize it in a way that's acceptable to the faculty? And does the faculty have a
process for recognizing good teaching?
The answer to the question of whether or not the faculty have a process for recognizing
good teaching is no. One faculty member explained that the issue that had been recently
debated. He noted:
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There's always human da da da da, therefore we shouldn't do it. Well, then we
wont because there is no way. All of those things are judgment calls, value
judgments, perceptual issues, and all that type of stuff. Excellence is a part of
that... Several of our divisions dont participate because it's unfair to single out a
person and by its nature it is arbitrary . . . Most of us believe we know our colleagues
who are truly excellent, and we try our best to make sure they know that. .. But
some people wont come to the dance because the dance card's not fair. The only
answer is to not have a dance. I mean that is the choice we've made, no, you dont
reward anybody. We're all good teachers.
His comments shed light on the philosophical issues that are embedded in the process of
recognition. Others took a more sarcastic view of the process. After acknowledging the
problem of an elusive definition of excellence, one faculty member commented, "generally,
we kick [the good ones] in the eye because they start sticking out like a sore thumb." He
added, "I think we've got some excellent teachers, but we don't know how to demonstrate
they're excellent teachers."
The most meaningful recognition seemed to come from peers. One faculty member
explained:
I think they make you feel really good about being here... I mean, people go out of
their way to make you feel good. That's what I like . . . It really means a lot when a
colleague goes out of [his or her) way to say something nice about you.
Clearly, the opinion of colleagues was more important to him than an institutional award. In
a similar vein, another faculty member believed someone was rewarded when they were
asked to chair various committees on campus. Administrators, however, had slightly
different views on the forms of recognition. One believed creating a positive environment in
the classroom and in faculty offices was a vehicle of recognition. Another administrator
believed the use of stipends and grants provided a means of recognizing excellence in
teaching
In summary, the faculty tend to be thought of highly with regard to their credentials
but perhaps not as available during office hours as they could be. Part of this image
stemmed from the fact that few classes were offered on Fridays. Students were generally
complimentary of faculty members. Both groups shared the same sense of quality
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instruction, in that it was characterized by caring, respect, variety, activity, motivation, and
patience. Some faculty members accommodated students' diverse learning styles~a fact
which students appreciated. Finally, although there were some formal mechanisms for
recognizing excellence in teaching, most efforts were viewed as popularity contests or
political inventions which failed to acknowledge quality teaching. Whether or not quality
teaching is recognized, it is occurring as attested to by the students in their praise of faculty.
Faculty alone, however, are not the sole instigators of student success. Students have a
wealth of support services from which they can draw to enhance that success. I now turn to
that discussion.
Student Support Services
Perhaps one of the biggest strengths of COO is the degree institutional members
have gone to provide support services for students. The college has a history of
aggressively seeking grant funding for special programs, and the amount of services
available to students is impressive. In what follows, I describe the types of support services
offered by COD. Next, I discuss the extent to which students are aware of these services as
well as their overall perceptions of them. I then address the role of counseling and faculty
advising and conclude with an examination of the effects of these special services.
Types of Services. COD has most of the traditional programs you will find at any
community college. There is an Admissions and Records Office which provides registration
services as well as financial aid. The catalog lists several different forms of financial aid
available to student, including Pell grants, Cal Grants, and scholarships as well as other
financial support in the form of book vouchers and living stipends through programs such as
the Cooperative Agencies Resources for Education (CARE) and Extend Opportunity
Program Grants and Services (EOPS). Work study and loan programs are also available.
The college provides extensive services for those students with learning and/or
physical or mental disabilities. The Counseling Center helps students deal with the myriad
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of choices available to them, while the Transfer Center helps students obtain information on
four-year universities. Those students who knew about the Transfer Center found it useful.
The majority of the students with whom I spoke, however, were unaware of its existence.
I had occasion to visit the Transfer Center and Career Center a few times. Both are
housed in one large office with sliding glass doors on the north and south sides. To the east
are two hallways that lead to the counseling center. A student may enter the centers
through either the sliding doors or through the counseling center. No physical barrier
separates the transfer center from the career center. A secretary's desk is in the middle of
the room along the eastern wall and computer terminals line the western wall. Some of the
chairs face north for the transfer center, and some of the chairs face south for the career
center. Both portions of the room have rows of information sheets detailing their specific
programs and resources. The room was well kept, and the furniture looked new. On the
occasions that I visited the transfer/career center, there was little activity. Although the
Transfer and Career Centers may be helpful, COD truly excels in programs above and
beyond these typical support measures.
The first effort that provides a wealth of support for students are the TRIO programs.
TRIO programs are federally funded programs aimed at student success. At COD, two of
these programs are the Upward Bound and the Academic Counseling and Educational
Services (ACES) programs. Upward Bound is traditionally aimed at helping high school
students transition to four-year institutions, however, COD acts as an intermediary to
facilitate that transfer from high school, through community college, to four-year institutions.
The ACES program is the most unique program at COD.
Although ACES was designed as an extension of the Upward Bound program, it
mirrors Puente in a number of ways. ACES is designed to serve first-generation college
students, which comprise the majority of students at COD. The program is funded for 175
students, but they service anywhere from 200-250 students per year. Although these
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students are not given significant amounts of money, the perks they receive are quite
substantial. First, and probably most important, ACES students receive priority registration.
With the aforementioned difficulty in obtaining classes, priority registration is of prime
importance. The second most critical benefit for ACES students is the assignment of their
own individual counselor. As will be discussed in the next few paragraphs, the opportunity to
see the same counselor time after time is a luxury. A third benefit students receive is a
personalized college success class offered by counselors specifically aimed at transfer. In
order to enhance students' vision, the ACES staff take students on field trips to four-year
institutions and cultural events. If the students choose to participate, they can be assigned
to a faculty mentor who counsels them with regard to their chosen professions. Finally,
ACES provides students access to laptop computers for e-mail use. All ACES students get
free use of an e-mail account. One of the counselors associated with the program reported
that 35 students had transferred in the last two years. He acknowledged that the number
was small, but added that a major portion of the program is to track these students
throughout their baccalaureate pursuits.
Another key support program offered at COD is Puente (discussed in detail in
Chapter Two). Although a program that boasts a 40 percent transfer rate, Puente has had a
rocky start at COD. The Hispanic counselors and staff members who initially wanted to
bring the program to the college were told by the administration to secure their own funding.
After making presentations in the community, they were able to obtain that funding from the
Carreon Foundation and the Cabazon Indians. One staff member commented:
My whole thing was if it's a program that works, and there's evidence that it works,
then why are we out there having to hustle the money for it? The college should be
funding it. It's a viable program that will only help the students succeed and transfer
which is one of our missions.
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After establishing the program, the aforementioned problem with a counselor all but
destroyed the success of the program. It has only been this academic year that the college
has been able to recruit a new counselor and a new English professor to run the program.
I sat in on a class session of Puente students early in the fall semester in part to
observe what occurred in the class. I also wished to solicit their involvement in focus groups
I was planning for later in the semester. I noticed the counselor attended each class session
and greeted students by name. The instructor called roll, using each student's first name.
As the instructor took roll, the students worked on responding to some statements he had
written on the board. Those statements were:
• Write what you know about copyright laws.
• Explain what you think they are.
• Explain why you think they were enacted.
• Explain what you think about them.
He advised the students to "write what you know and what you don't know. That way, when
you're researching, you'll know what to look for." As students worked on the assignment, he
passed back folders with assignments, continuing to learn students' names.
After the students had been accorded sufficient time to respond to the statements he
wrote on the board, the instructor began to discuss the purpose of copyright laws. Although
he traced the historical underpinnings of copyright laws, he was able to tie the discussion to
issues revolving around Napster, the Internet site at which students can download free
music. I noticed the students seemed to become more interested when he did this.
While interacting in the class, students freely volunteered information in response to
the instructor's questions. Even when students provided the wrong answer, they were
corrected in a supportive manner. The students were then given an article to read from
which they were to select the thesis statement of the article. The instructor carefully
explained legal terms (e.g., amicus brief) that were found in the article and had the students
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evaluate whether or not the article's author took a position. After a discussion of the article,
he gave the class a homework assignment that incorporated the principles he had discussed
during the class session. I noticed that when some students did not understand the
assignment, other students volunteered to help them. In explaining his view of Puente
students, the instructor commented:
I would say I expect more from Puente students. When they come in, we have to
sign a contract. .. Because of that contract, I feel like I can set the bar a little bit
higher, and I've noticed that when I do that, most students rise to that occasion, they
appreciate that. They know when they're being patronized.
The Puente students meet the high expectations placed on them because of the supportive
environment in which they are placed.
Another aspect of the program is the College Success class that is taught by the
counselor assigned to Puente. All Puente students are required to attend the class and
meet with the counselor at least twice a semester. The mentoring component of Puente is
still being re-established, however, many community members have expressed interest in
participating. A couple of Puente students participated in later focus groups.
One other fundamental area of support offered to COD students is the Academic
Skills Center which houses the computer labs for math, reading, English, ESL, and foreign
languages in addition to the college's tutoring facility. The center makes available computer,
video, and audio-based instruction for various programs. A staff member in the center
explained that "instructors have the option to select precisely what they want their students
to be working on in here and correlate it with their classroom instructions.” The center earns
FTE (i.e., full-time equivalent) funding for all students who use the center.
The final jewel in the cap of COD student support services is the awarding of a Title
V Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI) grant by the U. S. Department of Education. Eleven
goals are detailed in the five-year grant proposal, including revising curricula, increasing the
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use of alternative course delivery, increasing the success of Basic Skills students, increasing
sensitivity to students' cultural values, and tracking student success more effectively.
Institutional members put great faith in the ability of this funding to enable them to better
meet the needs of Hispanic students. Many students have either not known about services
or have had negative experiences trying to obtain them.
Knowledge of Services. As in other community colleges, staff at COD expected
students to know and understand all of the services that are available to them. Many
students, however, lacked such knowledge. Institutional members commented on the
reasons students were unfamiliar with the services offered. One was the fact that the
majority of COD's students are first-generation college students. They may not have had a
family member explaining the college pathway to them. In fact, a faculty member explained,
"you've got families that live out there [eastern end of the valley] who live in third world
conditions. They have little contact with the west end. Their whole lifestyle, socialization is
quite different." Consequently, they often are unaware of the processes established for
obtaining the needed resources.
It was apparent that most institutional members relied on the college's orientation
program to help inform students of the services available to them. Some, however, believed
the orientation program was "a dinosaur" and needed changing. Others believed the
language used in the program posed a problem. A staff member commented:
I think that one of the things that a college like ours needs to do is have a training
program for our faculty, our counselors, everyone, to sensitize them to the fact that
we all speak in a highly specialized language that we're all accustomed to because
we either grew up with it or we've been working at it for so long. We dont recognize
that the terminology we use is like a foreign language to many of these students. It’s
hard to find other ways to explain it when you're so used to rattling off all these
terms.
A counselor saw the effort as "talking at" students. She explained:
I would change our orientation process to be more intensive. I think we basically
have a two-hour information session where we talk at the student. We dont even
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give them a college tour. I know we're a small college and it's not very easy to get
lost on campus, but that begins to bring in a [sense of] community.
Students did not value orientation much, either. One student noted:
They're not useful. They try to do like a college success type of thing and it doesn't
work. It's only two hours, and it's done by the Counseling Center. I went to one of
the orientations this semester, and they pretty much said what you're to do and what
you're not to do in college. And they had little lists. They tell you read page
something in the college catalog and follow the steps. It's just not useful at all.
Clearly, the orientation program was not meeting the expectations institutional members had
for it.
I sat in on one orientation session to get a sense of what it was like for students. I
noticed there were about 40 students nervously waiting for the session to begin. The ethnic
mix of the students was split nearly in half, with half being Anglo students, the other half
being minority. As the students entered the classroom where the orientation was held, they
were given a folder with information that included a coupon for a catalog, student parking
information, a schedule worksheet, a brochure on COD, and a new student handbook. As
some students drifted in, the counselor waited at the front of the room in silence, reviewing
his notes and occasionally glancing up at students and smiling.
When the session began, the counselor previewed the topics he planned to discuss.
He began by referring students to several pages in the catalog. He then reviewed the
purpose of the assessment test and informed students that a low assessment score did not
necessarily mean they would fail in college. The counselor next gave students a "top ten
list" in the style of comedian David Letterman that included the following tips for being
successful:
10. Sit in front of the class. It helped the teacher's ego and they'll remember
and respond to the students.
9. Go to class. Some instructors wont take attendance, but they could get
placed on probationary status for not going.
8. Register early. He noted this was not an option they had for this first
semester.
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7. Figure out your major and plan your career. Here he explained that those
students with goals were more successful.
6. See counselor or advisor every semester.
5. Set transfer goals early. For this item there was a "good news/bad news"
scenario. The good news offered was that COD transfer students do well
when they transfer. The bad news was that it is a complicated process
because of general education requirements.
4. Cant put math off forever.
3. Dont let work take priority. About half the students raised their hands to
indicate that they were working.
2. Dont take classes you're not ready for. He explained that it was easier to
get into the higher classes, but they were harder and they would not be
successful if they were not prepared. He also advised them to allow extra
time to complete courses.
1. Dont fall in love. He told them to wait a few years so they could focus on
their education.
The counselor offered a bonus tip that was for the students to party at the end of the
semester, not at the end of the first week.
The counselor next explained the difference between high school and college and
then moved to discussing the college catalog. He listed several pages for them to examine
later on that included where the degrees and certificates were located as well as the transfer
and IGETC (Intersegmental General Education Transfer Curriculum for UC and CSU)
information. An explanation of how to interpret their assessment scores followed that helped
them identify the reading, math, and English classes their scores indicated they should
register for. When none of the students had questions, the counselor provided other tips
with regard to transfer skills, schedule dates, etc. However, the transparencies he used
were too small to be seen from the back of the room.
Prerequisites were discussed next. When the counselor asked what a prerequisite
was, he was met with silence. One student finally volunteered an answer. The counselor
then reiterated that if they had any doubts, they needed to ask questions and listed some of
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the services that were available to them. He discussed the Career Center in depth and
mentioned the Transfer Center briefly.
In reflecting on the orientation session I observed, I can see how students became
overwhelmed and felt like they were hearing a foreign language. Although I am sure the
students had many questions, their fear kept them from speaking up. I am sure, too, that
many left the session confused about the new information they had been provided. As
students sought information to clear up the confusion, the customer service attitude they
encountered may have been discouraging.
Customer Service. One area about which institutional members at all levels had
many comments was the level of customer service offered at the college. A faculty member
commented that some staff members had the attitude that "things would be great if students
didn't get in the way." Another faculty member echoed this fact when he noted "sometimes
students are seen by classified staff as more of a problem than they are as issues to be
solved. Sometimes they see students as being in the way. They lack patience and
tolerance in some cases." A clerk noticed that the problem was particularly salient for
Spanish-speaking students. She noted:
If [students] find someone who doesn't speak Spanish, there is an attitude that we
wont talk to you if you wont speak English. That's discouraging to them, and that
does happen. I wouldn't say it's in the majority, but it does. I've received complaints
about it.
Apparently, an attitude of intolerance has been part of the history of COO. A board member
explained:
Not always in the history of COD has the environment been real friendly. I tend to
think we're better now than we were ten years ago. It was a disaster [then]. I had
students in tears, families in tears. They were treated rudely at the registrar's office,
rudely at the bookstore, rudely at the dining hall-you name it. It was not an
accepting environment.
Students were very much aware of the improvements needed in the customer service arena.
For the most part, they talked about the need for more employees behind the "desk” or the
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"computer" when they are trying to register or pay for their fees. They described impatience
on the part of some staff, prompting one student to ask, "why do they work there if they dont
like the job they do?"
One particular area of confusion for students involved completing financial aid forms.
The following exchange occurred in one of the focus groups as students described the
frustration they felt with the process:
Student 1 They give you an application... .They should tell you right away
[what information you will need]. What they do is they give you a
form, they make you come more than five times.
Student 2 They make you come back and forth, back and forth. You don't
even know the process or what you're going to do.
Student 1 Just sign here. So you leave. They send you a letter [saying] this is
not done, you need to come back.
Clearly, the students were unfamiliar with the process and sought efficient assistance in
completing the forms. They mentioned that staff at other colleges helped them complete the
forms. Some staff members at COD did that as well, however, those incidents seemed to be
in the minority. Other areas that were problematic for students included classes that were
canceled at the last minute and the college "losing” their paid fees and subsequently
dropping their hard-to-get classes.
Not all staff members provided poor customer service. Many of the clerks with
whom I spoke described staff members who went beyond the bounds of ordinary service.
One clerk explained she goes out of her way to help younger students coming from high
schools. She noted, "I do give them my name, my telephone number... I go overboard
sometimes but I do that for young students because I want them to continue with education."
Another clerk described how she tried to teach students "what to expect and how to go
about getting [financial aid]," even helping students fill out the forms.
Institutional members were in agreement on what constituted quality service.
Although various definitions were discussed, the characteristics of quality service seemed to
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be respect, patience, efficient, caring, and sometimes going above and beyond the ordinary.
One counselor commented, "I expect the same service you get at the top service-oriented
shop. I want to be treated fairly, I want to be treated courteously, and I want people to be
problem solvers." Other institutional members said quality service meant "helping the
student get all the help they can so they won’ t be discouraged" and was "geared to the
needs of the student." Students wanted staff to "give you the attention that you want, look
you in the face, at least, and not blow you off to the side."
Counseling. Perhaps no other issue is examined more in the transfer debate than
the role of counselors. They have been vilified as those who "cool out" students, and they
have been lauded for their one-on-one contact with students. I suggest that the counseling
center at COD is not really different from other community college campuses. Counselors
are overwhelmed with the numbers of students they must see. Five full-time counselors
must care for 8,000 students, putting the counselor/student ratio at about 1 to 1,600.
Currently, students see counselors on a drop-in basis. The result is that a student most
often sees a different counselor every time. Recognizing the problems inherent in that
approach, the Dean of Student Services has shifted the counseling regimen from drop-in to
alphabetic assignments, with each counselor responsible for students whose names fall
within a selected range of the alphabet. The dean explained:
My thrust is that each counselor shepherd designated students through the system.
We dont do that now. A student comes for counseling, they see whoever is on duty
at that moment. I think that detracts from retention and success because the
students have to reinvent themselves every time. I'm hopeful this will give the
opportunity for counselors to really do what they want to do, which is to counsel and
be responsible for seeing a certain group through to success. I'm hoping that will
make a positive and significant difference.
Some counselors were concerned that "good" students were able to use telephone
registration and never saw a counselor. One counselor wanted more blocks on students'
records so they were forced to get counseling.
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Students had mixed reactions to counselors. I noticed those students who were in
special programs and were assigned to one specific counselor spoke highly of their
counselors. Those students who were the recipients of drop-in counseling had more
negative views. Some of their comments included "I think the counselors are good, it's just
that you have to ask them specific questions for them to tell you. They don't tell you you're
going to need this and this and this" and "you have to go through a lot of stuff just to talk to
one. Even it it's a small little question. You just end up not even asking." One student
observed, "a lot of the counselors are in a hurry and it seems like they want to get out." The
following exchange occurred in one of the focus groups:
Student 1 They give you the information and expect you to learn it right there
and then.
Student 2 Sometimes you don't understand it. For me, she was giving me
classes I already took. I knew I wasn't going to need them. I just
got my stuff and went to another counselor. She was so nice. She
gave me the information I needed. I'm comfortable with this now.
She didn't motivate me but she was more pushing me forward. She
made me feel comfortable in this environment moving back here.
Student 3 If a counselor does it right the first time and motivates you, one time
is enough. You don't have to go again. Because if she's mean,
you're going to come back again and again.
In another focus group, one student explained to his peers that counselors were only for
general questions and Liberal Arts majors, a fact the other students did not know. Another
student explained he relied on friends who had transferred to counsel him with regard to his
course work because he did not understand information when he went to see a counselor.
He explained, "I'm not the kind of person to get confused easily. I tried to understand my
best, but each one confused me." Perhaps the jargon alluded to earlier was a contributing
factor to his confusion.
Students were wary of taking courses they did not need. Some had stories about
friends who took ail the courses recommended by counselors only to find they had taken the
wrong courses. Even a maintenance worker with whom I spoke told me students had
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shared similar concerns with him. He explained that a lot of Spanish speaking students
asked him questions about the college and its services when they saw him on campus
because he spoke Spanish. He added that most of these students were of Mexican descent
and explained:
I've seen a lot [of students] come back and say, "Well here I am, back." I say,
"Why?” They say, "Because I took the wrong class. The counselor advised me
wrong." Since I've been here, I've talked to a lot of kids. They talk to me. I make
friends. And they tell me that’s a big problem here. The counselors are not doing
their job.
For other students, the issue became financial. One student explained the ”150 percent"
rule for financial aid. In essence, financial aid is available for the number of units required
for a degree plus another half. For example, if a degree is 60 units, financial aid is available
for 90 units. Although that sounds like ample support to finish a degree, the numbers
dwindle as students take developmental and prerequisite courses many of which do not
apply to the 60-unit degree. The matter is exacerbated when students take other,
unnecessary courses. Whether a counselor recommended the course or whether they took
it because they never met with a counselor is open for debate. Regardless, students are left
high and dry when it comes to financial aid once they reach that 150 percent limit.
Many institutional members, recognizing the dilemma in counseling, believe the
answer to the problem lies in the use of faculty advisement. Most of the proponents were
faculty. At one time in the institution's history, faculty advisement occurred. Now, certain
faculty members serve as advisors to specific programs and receive a stipend for that
additional responsibility. A faculty member commented, "we don't do enough on an
individual basis to monitor the students . . . In my opinion, every faculty member ought to do
it." A staff member noted:
I think one of the weakest links is faculty advising. It's gotten to be, everything you
want me to do, I'm going to nickel and dime you to death. What happened to I'm a
professional? Are you an hourly employee or are you a professional employee?
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She went on to explain that if faculty members became active in advising, they would
become more knowledgeable and current in their fields.
The Effects of Special Programs. Community college students often have trouble
balancing the multiple demands placed upon them. The students at COD are no different.
One student explained that in order to balance all of the demands, "you need to stretch
yourself out, even when you think you cant stretch yourself out anymore. That's when
you've got to do more." Another student described her effort to balance work and school by
noting:
For me it's just draining. I'll just work and go to school. The next thing you know, I'll
just miss a whole day of school because I'm just so tired. Fridays, you think it's your
day off. But no, you've got to go to your job. If it's not school, it's work.
The challenge is particularly great for single parents. One student described her schedule
by saying:
I'm here on campus everyday. My first class starts at 9:30, and I either finish class
or work, depending on what day it is, at 5:00. Then, it's an hour drive [home]. I do
my homework basically at home, but I put in some hours [of homework] here on
campus. I just see my baby from 5:00 to 10:00 when he goes to sleep. He actually
goes to sleep at 11:00. . . . I do a lot of reading at night. That's when I'm more
awake, more focused.
For students like these, the special programs, especially EOPS, CARE, and ACES helped
them persist from one semester to the next.
Many institutional members believed students in these programs fared much better
than students who were not so positioned. One student explained why this might be the
case when she noted:
You get to know a lot of people being in the programs, and I see those students who
are in the programs have a better advantage. They're taking the right courses,
they're getting out of here sooner than the ones that are just left out there I can
always walk into my counselor's office, because we have assigned counselors, and
talk to him about anything and he's usually very helpful.
The students of one program, fed up with the costs of books, developed a network for a
book exchange. The only other book-lending program restricts support to vocational
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courses, not general education courses. The students in this network pooled their texts to
make them available to students who may be taking those particular classes next. They
began an Academic Transfer Club to help students who were not in programs have access
to transfer information because they were unhappy with the efforts of the transfer center.
In summary, COD offers a wide range of support services to students, and there are
ample opportunities to obtain financial aid. However, orientation programs fail to inform
students on all necessary aspects, and some students leave confused by the unfamiliar
jargon. Many institutional members are unhappy with the level of customer service
experienced on the campus. Although counselors can be useful, their effectiveness has
been mixed. Faculty advisement was seen as one alternative. Special programs such as
Puente, EOPS, CARE, and ACES helped students balance their schedules and obligations.
What these services and programs cannot counter, however, are discouraging encounters
sometimes experienced by students. I now turn to that discussion.
Validation.
The idea of validation used in this theme consists of those encounters students had
which either encouraged them or discouraged them as they pursued their education. Those
incidents included encounters with instructors and family members, other incidents on
campus, the extent to which minorities were included in the curriculum, and the degree to
which administrators and faculty allowed students to have a voice.
Encouraging Encounters. Institutional members at all levels described incidents that
provided encouragement for minority students in particular. One faculty member articulated
his belief that faculty should provide an environment of support in all interactions. He
explained:
[Students should] feel comfortable enough to come in and say I'm having a problem
. . . I should, without immersing myself completely or too much in the personal lives
of students, be there to listen and at least counsel if I can.
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One minority faculty member described his efforts with students of his own ethnicity. He
commented:
When students from my own background .... are in the classroom having difficulty,
maybe with the language, maybe with the culture in the classroom or the whole
academic culture, I try to single them out and try to talk to them as we're walking out
of the classroom to put them more at ease. [I try to] give them a sense that "Hey,
this isn't such a big deal. You can do it."
The influence of praise had a profound effect on some students. As noted by this same
faculty member, some students thrived on it and for others it was not as important. He
explained for those who need the praise:
I try to find something or other that they did well or in which they excelled, whether it
was a comment or a particular thing in the classroom . . . Sometimes, it's the very
first time that person has been singled out for praise for an achievement that they
did. Their whole attitude changes in the classroom and they become more
interested. They start coming to class all the time, they start asking questions, they
start coming into the office. I think that makes a difference.
A counselor described the importance of minority faculty in the classroom as role models.
He explained that although there were minorities in other positions on campus, they weren't
in the classroom. He noted:
That is where we need people, in the classroom to provide the role models that our
students need. Because many of our faculty are still very traditional, they see the
world through their own tunnel vision. In fact, some of them aren't real sensitive to
diversity. If anything, they might be the reverse. We have rednecks around here,
within the ranks, too.
One staff member believed issues other than ethnicity were important in an instructor. This
point was made clearer when I spoke with an Anglo faculty member in the nursing
department who described the lengths she went to in order to help her students be
successful. In essence, she promises her students employment at the end of her course if
that is what they need. She has established an elaborate network of support for students,
including uniform exchanges and reduced cost physical examinations. She explained:
I have had students living in their car, literally, taking showers in our gym. They had
nowhere to live, nowhere to go. I got two of them private duty jobs in someone's
home so at least they had a room and a bath. They're so happy. It's a whole new
world for them... Sometimes, I don't have to make too many calls and I'll find
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somebody and the situation will just fit... I haven't found anyone I wasn't able to
help who was really that desperate.
Clearly, her extensive support network and the assistance she provided was beyond the
scope of her classroom responsibilities.
Students echoed the comments of caring and approachability with regard to faculty
and described the encouragement they received from family members. One student
explained that he was able to work for his father's company and get his work hours
scheduled around his studies. Other students described in more detail how their families
helped them. The following exchange occurred in one of the focus groups:
Student 1 My husband, we talked about it. We knew that he was going to
have to help out a lot because we had a goal that once I was
halfway through school, then he would start so we could both have
college educations for our own children. We're the first people in
our families to do this . . . When I say I need time, he tries to do his
best....
Student 2 My parents are very supportive. My mom bought me a car so I can
come to school. My dad, basically, he just works and works. All my
sisters, everybody in my family, is very supportive. They say, "If you
ever need child care, if you want to go study in the library, whatever
you need, let us know."
The encouragement that many students received gave them vision for their own success
and the success of their children. However, some encounters at COD were not so
encouraging for students.
Discouraging Encounters. Many institutional members and students described
incidents that left students discouraged. One faculty member commented that "a lot of the
first time encounters [for students] can be very traumatic." He added that some students
complained about being slighted or ignored by teachers and talked about prejudice, stating,
"there was some prejudice involved in the process. You cant escape it. It's there, and we
haven't found the right way to communicate to faculty and staff how to deal with people."
Another faculty member described student complaints about faculty members by explaining,
"I've heard from some students that faculty members here stifle any type of dialogue in the
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classroom because of the way they respond. It makes them feel like they're dumb.” One
faculty member described students who had been told they were not "college material.” She
commented:
They've been given all of the negative vibes as to why they shouldn't go, or "you're
not smart enough, or "you can never make it." So, they need to meet people who
are encouraging. I don't want to set someone up to fail, but I meet a lot of people
who could do very well in school with just the slightest bit of encouragement.
Students echoed those comments. Many talked about messages they had been given in
high school that essentially said they would not be successful in college. An Hispanic
female student explained that a high school English teacher questioned her presence in a
college prep course and told her, "you shouldn't be here." When the student asked why, the
teacher's response was, "First of all, you're a woman and you're Hispanic, and I don't think
you're going to be graduating from high school." The student commented:
She was supposed to encourage us to keep on going and instead she was just
pushing us down... . I just let it go, and I got a B in her class. Last year when I
graduated, I went up to her and told her, "you're invited to my graduation." I proved
to her that I could graduate even if I was a woman or an Hispanic.
Another male student in the same focus group told me, "I was never instructed in high
school to go to college or anything. Actually, I was kind of told not to. basically." He
described his experience of attending continuation school to catch up on credits yet feeling
like he knew more than many of his instructors. He relayed information about one instance
with an English instructor who "told me everything I did was wrong." He took his work to
other teachers whom he respected and they told him he had completed the work correctly.
This student also described being accused of cheating because of the quality of his work.
He relayed one incident involving a research paper. He explained:
I was accused of that paper not even being mine because it was so well written. I
failed my English class because of that. They had a conference meeting, without
me being present, without my parents being present... I failed the course and
because of that I had to repeat that whole damn year. They put that in my file. So,
any time I turned in any paper whatsoever, it was questioned. How did that make
me feel? Why write a paper if they're just going to question me. At least show me
proof that I copied off something. They didn't have that. It was just their perception
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Students felt they had been mislead by COD personnel who went to their high school to
administer the COD assessment test. The following exchange occurred in one of the focus
groups:
Student 1 We're mislead. They tell you not to worry about [the assessment
test].
Student 2 When these people [from COD] go to the high school, they tell you
"don't worry about it, just go and take it." And you listen to them—
you don't worry about it. But then those tests [form the basis] of
your education.
Student 3 They make you feel like you're behind college level, yet when you
take a class, it's like ”l already know this stuff."
One student explained that he was in honors English in high school yet was placed in
English 50 (two levels below freshman composition). He added that he was back to learning
nouns and verbs when he had advanced beyond that level.
The students talked about the need for COD role models to visit high schools to
provide validation and encouragement. A student described the need for role models of all
ethnic backgrounds. She explained:
We need students from here [COD], and counselors, to really enforce students from
high school furthering their education... We needed more of the Latino, Hispanic,
and also Anglo and African American [individuals] to go and speak to students and
just give them their experience, their perspective.
Students provided descriptions of discouraging encounters they had experienced at
COD. One student commented "some teachers don't even know your name." Another
discussed an encounter with a particular instructor. She explained that she had earned an
"A" in an earlier, required course. When she began to falter, she went to the instructor. She
described his reaction as follows:
I went to him several times and said, "I'm not getting it. I'm shocked at myself
because I'm not where I should be." He said, "Well, if you feel like that, then you
should just drop the class." So, I dropped his dass.. .. He just didn't care and he
was very sloppy with himself. It was hard to take him serious, it was hard to
understand him.
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Other students described instructors who were "rude," "prejudiced," and "just plain nasty."
One student explained that a faculty member was rude because he "shut us up” when they
made comments in class, adding, "he didn't really like us."
Discouraging events were not limited to the classroom. One staff member described
how potential students who were trying to enroll in college were treated. He explained:
They had gone to the counseling center asking for information. They were not
enrolled and they were basically asking, "how do I get enrolled, what do I need to
do.” The counselor basically said, "You're not enrolled, I cant deal with you."
A transfer student also noticed the lack of encouragement. He noted:
What was discouraging at COD was that many students drop out because they do
not have the proper encouragement needed for their success. I was fortunate
enough to QUALIFY [emphasis his] for a program that gave me this encouragement.
However, those students who do not qualify for these programs lose out. When a
student goes and speaks to a counselor, they are seen by just anyone. Students
have a different counselor every time they walk into the counseling office.
Another student hinted at a more blatant incident of discrimination, however, she was not
willing to discuss the details. She explained that she had gone to the dean, but the faculty
member "just happened to be his friend and he didn't really take care of the situation."
For the most part, students described overwhelming support and encouragement
from their families. However, they acknowledged some pressures when familial and
educational goals collided. One student explained that her father told her "it was a waste of
time for me coming to school because a woman has to focus on being a perfect wife and
mother.” She added that her father now supported her decision to return to school. Another
student described the fact that her seven-year-old son disliked her being away from him so
much due to her educational pursuits. She added, "he's not even pretending to like it. He's
being honest with that he's not lying to me." Other students described the pressures
more generally. The following exchange occurred in one of the focus groups:
Student 1 When we have to invest so much time in our studying [during finals],
sometimes they get mad and say, "You're not paying any attention
to us. All you're doing is paying attention to yourself." Sometimes
it's pretty stressful.
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Student 2 Sometimes they demand time and you have to like please this and
that but please that, too.
Student 3 Same thing with my family, too. We have a day care at our house
and they need me to be there but I can't because I'm either at
school studying or at work. I don't have time for my family.
A student in another focus group provided a compelling description of why the family
pressures may be present:
They try to understand but they can't really quite understand. My parents never
went to school. All they know is work. To tell them I have to do some work, they try
to understand, but they say, "Oh, you can do it later." But they try.
Clearly, these students sometimes struggle in stressful environments when pursuing their
education.
Instances involving finances were discouraging for students as well. One student
explained that although the fall semester started in August, financial aid checks were not
dispensed until October. Consequently, students were unable to purchase their books until
mid semester and had trouble keeping up with reading assignments. An administrator
described an attempt to remedy this problem by explaining that copies of every textbook
used on campus were purchased and placed on reserve in the library for students' use.
Transportation posed another problem. One student explained that she took six buses from
La Quinta to get to school, while those students from Thermal and Mecca who did not have
cars needed to catch the bus at 6:30 a.m. to get to school by 8:00 a.m., even though their
classes met later in the day. But the financial area that caused students the most grief was
the cost of food in the cafeteria.
Although many may look on this issue as superfluous, the dilemma was very real—
and sometimes painful-to students. Most of the student comments included things like "the
prices are too high;" "too expensive;” "they sell everything a la carte .. We're living off, what,
$4,000 a year, some of us, and that's not enough. The cafeteria could help with that a little;"
and "I think the food should be cheaper here because there's a lot of people that struggle to
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have money." The comments of two students, however, provide poignant reminders of the
significance of this issue. One student noted, "Sometimes you're hungry and you cant even
eat anything because you only have two dollars and it's like five dollars for a hamburger.
McDonald's is cheaper than that." Another student explained, "Sometimes I dont want to
come to school because I dont have lunch money. What's the point? You're not going to go
to class because you're hungry."
I had several opportunities to observe activity in the cafeteria. The sales area was
to the west, and a large eating area of approximately 20 round tables was to the east. The
building in which the cafeteria is located is immediately south of the Counseling/
Administration building. The atmosphere seemed to be subdued, and I never saw more than
20 students in the cafeteria. The students who seemed to frequent the cafeteria appeared to
be either international students or older students who were sitting by themselves. Most of
the younger students I saw consumed fast food purchased off campus and which they had
taken to the student center or munched on bags of chips and sodas from vending machines.
One additional area of discouragement was the lack of minority representation in the
curriculum.
Inclusiveness of Curriculum. Some institutional members seemed to have great
hopes for the HSI grant in improving the inclusiveness of the curriculum. One faculty
member noted "a lot of that [grant] has to do with looking at the curriculum and making
[faculty] more sensitive to the demographics.” Another faculty member commented on the
lack of ethnic studies programs when he noted:
It seems as if we're in a time capsule. It just hasn't changed. (We have
experienced] the frustration of trying to get a Women's Studies, an Ethnic Studies
program here to be much more innovative as a campus, to begin to look much more
seriously at the Latino student and the community and what that means for this
campus because the handwriting's on the wail.
The events surrounding one incident seemed to illustrate the frustration of institutional
members at various levels. An Hispanic adjunct had been teaching a Chicano Literature
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course on a regular basis. One semester, however, he was removed as the instructor and
the course was given to a full-time, Anglo instructor. The students were outraged and took
the matter to the president, after which the course was again given to the original adjunct
instructor. One counselor noted, "They should have done it at the very beginning! But, a lot
of times these people are not sensitive, they dont care, and sometimes they're kind of
hostile toward the minorities for some reason." Students did not comment on the incident
directly but discussed the lack of Ethnic and Women's Studies programs.
One attempt to increase the inclusiveness of the curriculum was to add a "Traditions
and Cultures” requirement to the occupational/vocational associate degree. Some of the
courses listed in the catalog that met this requirement included Introduction to International
Relations, International Agriculture, Chicano Literature, African American Literature, Cultural
Geography, Religions of the World, etc. The connection to the requirement was clear for
those courses. However, some courses listed seemed to focus on other elements. For
example, courses such as General Psychology, Papermaking, Sign Language, and Public
Speaking were included on the list. Although these courses may include cultural elements,
their entire focus was not on cultural diversity. Perhaps because there were no organized
Ethnic or Women's Studies programs, some students wished to speak out on cultural issues.
They perceived, however, that their rights to freedom of expression had been "chilled."
Freedom of Expression. Students explained that they try to have activities on
various occasions, however, administration frequently "shuts us down.” They described
incidents in which they followed the "rules" for holding activities, yet the activities were
canceled at the last minute. One such incident involved "club rush." The following
exchange occurred in one of the focus groups:
Student 1 We had a band out there, we had a DJ. What happened? The
dean comes up [and says] "you've got to turn that down."
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Student 2 How do you have a band out there when there’s classes going on?
I mean why would you have it all loud so you can't even pay
attention pn class]?
Student 1 No, no no. We do have bands, but it’s at the end of the classes or
for the ones who are on break . . . But yet, the classes are way out
there.. There aren't classes going on here. We' not disturbing any
students.
The students explained that although the deans tell them they should have more activities,
the administration failed to cooperate when the students arranged such activities. One
student perceived such behavior as "connotating discrimination." One student described a
message he had been given by administration when he noted, "you cant say this, you cant
say that... It wouldnt look nice."
I had the occasion to observe one of the students' activities and the interaction with
administration. The students had planned an "Indigenous Day" celebration as a protest
against Columbus Oay activities. They had arranged for guest speakers, including poetry
readings, speeches, and a band. The activity was held in the quad area between the
cafeteria building and the counseling/administration building. The nearest classrooms were
approximately a football field’s distance north of the activities, with the administration
building and the large water fountain contained within that space and acting as a buffer.
The students had approximately 40 chairs facing west toward a small, raised stage.
Two tables were set up on the south side near the cafeteria. One table displayed student art
work of masks, vases, paintings, and drawings. The other table contained books by
Hispanic authors. As depicted in the following photo, some of the titles included, "Lies my
Teacher Told me: Everything Your American History Text Got Wrong" by James Loewen,
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"House Made of Dawn" by N. Scott Momaday, and The House on Mango Street" by Sandra
Cisneros. There was a notebook that had copies of journal and newspaper articles on
issues of identity and culture.
Figure 4.3 MEChA Display Table
As shown in the photo below, a hand painted red, white, and green sign was placed near the
administration building detailing the purpose of the event:
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143
Figure 4.4 Oia de la Raza Poster
rtS-yvt ;
rV b tre a fW
A t n * r i c < L gf|ti
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Representatives from the area's Spanish-language television station arrived to interview
students and film some of the activities.
A microphone had been placed near the stage that one of the students used to
announce to what was occurring. After he made a few announcements, the student
activities coordinator arrived to tell the students they were not to amplify their proceedings
"outside those times" (i.e.. the designated activity times). The students were then told they
could not use any amplification, not even for the speakers. The students objected and went
to plead their case with the president of the college When they returned, they told me they
could use amplification for speeches and were given 15 minutes every hour (the passing
time between class) for non-amplified band music. As the students waited for their allotted
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time to arrive. I noticed one student wrapped a Mexican flag around his shoulders. The
message 'proud of my heritage" was imprinted on it over a famous cultural painting of an
Aztec warrior carrying a woman. He later taped the flag to a bulletin board.
Figure 4.5 Mexican Flag Emblazoned With Aztec Warrior
The students began the ceremonies by having various members of student
government speak. Although only a handful of students sat in the chairs, many others were
on the margins of the quad, watching and listening. When the band began to play, two
students started dancing in the "salsa" style. As the music played. I watched counselors and
the student activities director stroll by the area, standing on various sides of the quad After
the band played, poetry and short stories were read by Hispanic leaders who had been
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invited to the celebration, and one of the minority faculty members formally addressed the
group. For the remaining time allotted the group, the band played 15 minutes on the hour.
Approximately five minority faculty members and counselors came out to visit with the
students and support their activities. The students were appreciative of their support.
I was curious as to the level of noise generated by the activities. I walked into the
administration/counseling building that has heavy sliding glass doors as insulation. I could
hear the faint sound of music when the doors were closed, but I was surprised at how much
of the noise was filtered out by the design of the building. When I walked to the nearest
classrooms, I could not hear any noise emanating from the festivities. The activities were
about 100 yards away, and the water fountain closest to the classroom building was the only
other sound I noticed. The impression I formed after observing the event was that it seemed
as though some unnecessary restrictions were imposed on the students. Though these
actions were well intentioned, I understood how students perceived a silencing of their rights
to free speech.
The paternal attitude taken towards the students' activities was evident in two other
arenas as well. The student center was to be a place for students to convene, study,
socialize, and relax. The students told me, however, that their activities and noise were
restricted there as well. The following exchange occurred in one of the focus groups:
Student 1 The student center is a place for the students to kick back, to have a
good time between classes, to unleash their stress. But at the same
time, no music, no making any noise, no talking very loud... So, we
are restricted now in what we can do and what we can say and what
activities we want to do.
Student 2 Basically, [it's] supposed to be a student center, but it's not.
Student 3 They've taken over.
Although the students were unhappy with the shared use of the student center, the idea had
merit. The second floor of the building has classrooms around the inner quad, and classes
seemed to always be in session. The Developmental Education Department was also
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housed in this building. Given the space limitations of the campus, administration had
chosen to use every available space for classrooms.
One final area that seemed to perturb students was the lack of availability of e-mail.
They explained that although there were many technological advances, they felt excluded
from receiving the benefits. One student explained:
Here at COO they dont allow you to have an e-mail account, and I think that's a big
thing. The future's leading up to e-mail. [Yet] you see the signs around us saying
"No E-Mail." A lot of instructors communicate through e-mail, and that's one barrier
that's keeping people away.
She explained she had been accepted at California State University, San Bernardino, and
“ the first thing they mailed me was an e-mail account." Students in ACES, however, were
given access to e-mail through computers belonging to the program.
In summary, students at COD have experienced encouraging and discouraging
encounters with faculty, staff, and family members. Incidents involving finances, such as
being unable to afford the food in the cafeteria, also proved discouraging for some students.
The college lacked comprehensive Ethnic or Women's studies programs but had included a
cultural requirement for their associate degree. Students felt they had no true place of their
own, their voices were silenced, and they had been excluded from the use of technology as
a means of communication.
Earlier themes helped present a view of the inner workings of COD. However, the
comments of institutional members brought foith the final theme, transfer. Institutional
members wished to discuss issues of transfer with me, and because of the transfer focus of
my study, I engaged in that dialogue. In what follows, I present their views on cultural
concerns and cultural capital that affect transfer, the significance of articulation, and their
relationship with the CVC of CSUSB.
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Transfer Talk
Cultural Concerns. Many institutional members believed elements of the Hispanic
culture seemed to form barriers for many students. One of the key ideas was the
importance of the family. Compounding that issue for students of the desert area was the
fact that four-year institutions were a great distance from their homes, with the exception of
the Coachella Valley Center (CVC) of California State University, San Bernardino (CSUSB).
They had to leave the Coachella Valley to attend such institutions, and that posed
tremendous personal burdens for them. An administrator believed the geographical isolation
was more at issue and commented:
Our kids have to move far, far away. If you're in a city situation, you don't even have
to leave home to go to a university. You see it, you feel it, you touch it, you're
involved in it. You dont give up much. Our students have to give up. That's very
difficult when you're looking across the cultures of our valley. For some, it's a piece
of cake. But I can tell you, having watched over the years, it does not matter the
cultural background, it's the nature of our geography. When our students leave, I
dont care how well prepared they are, they have horrendous bouts of homesickness
because they’re not exposed to and used to having university in their life.
Students were quick to echo the theme that one of the things they liked about COO was that
it was "close to home" or provided "the possibility of being close to home.” One faculty
member commented, "I think probably the key thing in the Hispanic culture is la familia.
And, la familia keeps kids at home or near the family. The thought of leaving that and going
outside the valley is a serious deal." Many institutional members described the pressures
students felt from families to stay close to the family. A staff member at the CVC of CSUSB
described the issue in this manner
Mom and dad had a hard life. They picked in the fields. That's all they knew...
You've got to break that cycle... i've had a few students tell me, "I have to stop."
They may have had a business [in which] 100 hours, 80 hours are expected of them
for the working week. They say, "This isn't what I want." They have a hard time.
The minorities that you work with in the desert, their family is everything. It's hard
breaking that.
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An administrator explained:
There are still ethics at work, and I know they're at work right here in the Coachella
Valley, particularly for young females... I could put you in contact with probably
dozens of young females and males who are not so young anymore who have been
told by their families, "Dont go. You can go down to business thus and such and
get a job paying you $10 an hour and help support the family."
Students discussed the pressures of wanting to use financial aid to help their families and
feeling the pain of assimilation. One student commented:
It sometimes [involves] adapting to the focus on education [in the United States].
The background you come from is not acceptable . . . I know a lot of students [who
are] the main source of income in their house. And they're still coming to school.
They're only taking one or two units a semester. Why? Because they're the only
source of income. Income becomes a priority and not so much education.
Another student explained that family problems were always on his mind and at times
interfered with his learning.
One counselor believed the issue was the level of assertion in the Hispanic culture
which precluded first-time Hispanic students from asking questions to get the information
they needed. He explained he had to extract the questions from them and likened the
process to "practicing a dental occupation." Other institutional members saw the problems
faced by Hispanic women as being much harder than those faced by Hispanic men. An
adjunct faculty member explained she regularly received complaints from women whose
husbands and families did not want them pursuing their education.
I found some Hispanic students who had the opportunity to attend four-year
institutions immediately after high school. When asked why they had instead gone to COD.
one student explained she hoped to save money. She had watched her brother and sister
go to four-year universities and accrue debt from loans and wanted to avoid that pitfall.
Another student who had been accepted at the University of California, Riverside told me,
"for some reason, I guess [I was] scared or something. That just brought me here."
A transfer student described the confusion and isolation he experienced after
transferring to UCLA. He explained:
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I was told that COO would be similar to a university. They were wrong. I find myself
at this time contemplating as to whether or not I should remain in school.. .. I find
myself struggling to finish my work, and the culture shock of not seeing any
Hispanics makes matters worse. I feel a program should be offered in which the
reality of the university life is revealed rather than painted as being similar to COO.
Clearly, many Hispanic students feel tom between fulfilling their familial obligations and
continuing their education. A lack of information about the purpose of college and the
demands required by it were another area of concern for many institutional members.
Cultural Capital. Students and staff members from all levels described a lack of
information about how to be successful in college on the part of students and their parents.
One faculty member explained:
You have to remember that not everybody you're teaching grew up with a daily
newspaper coming to their house. Everybody didn't have a library card. There's so
many things that some of our students didn't have that it puts them at a huge
disadvantage... So, they're always feeling like they're behind the eight ball.
Students described learning how to plan assignments and manage their time once they got
to COD. Other institutional members commented that students did not understand the value
of an education. One staff member explained:
They don't understand how large an undertaking a college education is. They don't
have a clear picture of where it leads to in terms of better jobs. I don't think their
experience in the valley gives them any notion of the range of opportunities that are
available to them in the world.
An administrator described it this way, The kids have no imprint of the university. It's an
unknown. So, as long as it stays an unknown, it's not going to be in their vocabulary. It's
either going to be frightening or just a vacant [space]."
Some institutional members saw community education as the answer in helping
Hispanic parents support their children's desires to continue their education. One staff
member told me:
I would start with a community education outreach program targeted to the at risk
students. The idea would be to inform parents and students about the range of
opportunities that a college education opens up to them and what they mean in
terms of better jobs, a better life, and all the rest of that stuff.
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A faculty member echoed this notion by commenting:
I would try to shape the culture. I would have classes of parents of [students in]
middle school and high school in two languages or all in Spanish. We have that
right now in Coachella, but it's limited to getting kids through K-6. I would just
extend that so when the parents see the classes and learn what's going on or realize
that it is important to continue with your education.
Other institutional members believed taking students on field trips to four-year universities
provided them with the "imprint" of such institutions. Such trips were part of the ACES and
Puente programs. One staff member told me that they have taken students to colleges from
Santa Barbara to San Diego and average about six trips a year. One university was within
their grasp, and many institutional members saw the presence of the CVC of CSUSB as a
viable link to transfer. I now turn to that discussion.
Relationship with CSUSB. As mentioned earlier in this dissertation, the Coachella
Valley Center, a branch campus of California State University, San Bernardino, is positioned
on COD property. This fact was frequently cited as one of the best things COD had
accomplished to help transfer. One adjunct faculty member believed this "should bring in
more transfer students” since the plans are for the CVC of CSUSB to be only junior, senior,
and graduate level instruction. A counselor commented:
Having San Bernardino here in the valley, I can't tell you how many students that
gives hope to... I think that's a big plus for giving a lot of students the motivation to
continue that normally dont think they'd be able to do it because they cant leave.
A board member explained:
The students have access to Cal State SB by walking across the campus quad and
going into another office right there. They can see it, they can touch it, feel it, if it
just so happens that some of the things they want to study are there.
Although the presence of Cal State on COD grounds was thought of as a positive factor,
students were not always aware of its presence. One Cal State staff member commented:
The one advantage that the COD students have over most transfer students is that
we are here. They can see us if they’re walking anywhere near us, so they know
that they can stop in and track the information. But the funny thing about it is that
even though we're on their premises, it’s like we're not here. They have no idea that
we're just there. I think it's back again to being uninformed.
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The lack of information has not been due to a lack of effort. One Cal State administrator
explained that he wanted to be able to send mailed announcements to potential COO
transfers. That way, a relationship could be established so students were tracked and
contacted throughout their COD experience, thus providing a more seamless transfer
experience. However, he explained that the registrar at COO refused to provide Cal State
with the names and addresses of the students, citing student privacy violations. He added
that every other college in the Riverside/San Bernardino area provided that service to the
main campus of Cal State.
The administrator believed that lack of cooperation limited the outreach he was able
to conduct. The following chart obtained from California State University, San Bernardino
shows the numbers of COD students who transferred to that institution by ethnicity. Figures
for students transferring specifically to the CVC branch of CSUSB were not available.
Table 4.4 CSUSB Transfer Statistics
Ethnic Group 1996-1997 1997-1998 1998-1999 1999-2000
Native Amer. 3 2 1 2
African Amer. 1 2 2 5
Hispanic 38 47 56 64
Asian 4 6 3 4
White 54 58 67 48
Unknown 10 18 21 23
TOTALS 110 133 150 146
The chart shows that although minorities are transferring, the overall numbers are quite
small when compared to COD's enrollment of over 8000 students. Moreover, although Cal
State may be on COD property, the relationship is not used to its full potential. It seems as
though the institutions are operating in separate worids-on the same property. Regardless
of whether students attend CSUSB or other universities, the issue of articulation is of critical
importance. I next address that concern.
Articulation. Many institutional members believed improved articulation practices
were the key to improving student transfer. One faculty member explained:
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We haven't done a very good job in articulation. We've tried. But it is a very time
consuming process that involves faculty with other faculty from other institutions and
a commitment on their part to keep abreast of things.
A board member commented that "we don't seem to be able to build a lot of faculty-to-faculty
relationships between our faculty and the closest universities." One staff member explained
she wanted stronger articulation agreements and noted, "I would like to see the faculty gear
their transfer courses . . . to courses in the primary [transfer] schools where those majors are
offered and try to do a better job of matching the curriculum." She added that articulation
had been a "record keeping nightmare." Compounding the problem was the fact that "faculty
wont do their outlines. If you want the authority, you have to have the responsibility. It
comes hand in hand. Anytime you separate those out, you create conflict."
Although the state chancellor's office has ultimate authority over all courses offered
at community colleges, that authority has been delegated to faculty at individual community
college districts, who are required to update course outlines and review prerequisites every
six years. The outlines to which the staff member was referring were the content review
outlines that are required by state officials and become critical in matters of accreditation. In
order to streamline articulation, COO used Partnership for Excellence funding to secure a
full-time slot for an articulation officer and assigned a staff member to that position. One
faculty member appreciated the efforts of the new articulation officer. He explained:
She's a bulldog. She'll get in and she'll articulate an agreement. She'll hold other
institutions' feet to the fire, and in our case, the faculty's feet to the fire and say,
"Look, we can make this happen, but you've got to do this. I do the rest, but you've
got to do this." To her credit, that's good.
The problems that can occur through lax articulation policies were brought home by an
official of CSUSB. He explained that at CSUSB business majors take two quarters' worth of
accounting classes. However, COD students were taking three semesters of accounting:
one bookkeeping level course and two accounting courses. Faculty from CSUSB wanted
COD faculty to include managerial accounting into COD's final accounting class to meet
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university standards and align the curriculum. COO's response was to develop a fourth
accounting course addressing managerial accounting-thus expanding the number of
courses students were required to take. The CSUSB official commented, "their justification
was, and it may be true to some extent,.. that upwards of half the students in the second
accounting class would drop out... I think perhaps they're also selling their students short."
Finally, one COD administrator believed the articulation answer lay in the creation of
a statewide transfer degree that was universally accepted at any CSU or UC campus. That
would be his "utopia" that would fix the transfer problem. Clearly, articulation issues could
be improved, although steps have been taken in the right direction
CONCLUSION
College of the Desert exemplifies a "typical" community college in many ways. A
variety of programs are offered, tuition is relatively low, and efforts are being expanded to
serve outlying communities more effectively. The hiring evaluation at COD is particularly
rigorous and effective for weeding out weak faculty members. Institutional members at all
levels are cognizant of the lack of minority teaching faculty. Adjunct faculty feel left out of
the hiring process, although some are hired as full-time faculty members while others are
never interviewed. The evaluation process is thorough and is used in tenure decisions.
Although some institutional members are skeptical of the tenure process, ineffective newer
faculty have been denied tenure.
In an effort to increase the quality of faculty, extensive training opportunities are
available for in-service training. COD receives funding from the State as well as their
foundation for staff development programs. Few workshops are offered on actual teaching
strategies, diversity, or transfer activities. Although faculty members appreciated the variety
of professional development and flex activities, there was an overwhelming sense that these
events were not meeting their instructional needs. For some, scheduling was an issue; for
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others, the lack of substantive content was more in question. Faculty control the flex
calendar, and adjuncts are only paid for six hours of activity.
The faculty were regarded highly with respect to their credentials but perhaps not as
available as they could be during office hours. Part of this image stemmed from the fact that
few classes are offered on Fridays. Students were generally complimentary of faculty
members. Both groups shared the same sense of quality instruction, in that it was
characterized by caring, respect, variety, activity, motivation, and patience. Some faculty
members accommodated students' diverse learning sty!es~a fact which students
appreciated. Although there were some formal mechanisms for recognizing excellence in
teaching, most efforts were viewed as popularity contests or political inventions which failed
to acknowledge quality teaching.
COD offers a wide range of support services to students, and there are ample
opportunities to obtain financial aid. However, orientation programs fail to inform students,
and some students leave confused by the unfamiliar jargon. Many institutional members are
unhappy with the level of customer service experienced on the campus. Although
counselors can be useful, their effectiveness has been mixed. Faculty advising was seen as
one alternative. Special programs such as Puente, EOPS, CARE, and ACES helped
students balance their schedules and obligations.
Students at COD experienced encouraging and discouraging encounters with
faculty, staff, and family members. Incidents involving finances, such as being unable to
afford the food in the cafeteria, prove discouraging for some students. The college lacks
comprehensive Ethnic or Women's studies programs but has included a cultural requirement
for their associate degree. Students felt they had no true place of their own, their voices
were silenced, and they were excluded from the use of technology as a means of
communication.
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Institutional members discussed their views of transfer. They explained the
significance of culture for many Hispanic students and described the lack of information or
cultural capital that some students and their parents had. Although the CVC of CSUSB was
on COO grounds, it was as though they operated in a different world. Many COD students
were unaware of their presence.
As I close this chapter, I wanted to share student views on the factors that helped
them transfer and present some of the advice they had for new students. Students in one
focus group offered their list of strategies, including
1. money
2. time management
3. learning from others' mistakes (word of mouth)
4. good counselors
5. clubs (to meet a variety of people and have different experiences)
6. diversity of professors and professors who can relate to your experience
7. never take no for an answer in your class
8. ask a lot of questions; if you don't ask, they won't tell you
9. have your priorities straight-do things that you have to do
10. have short term goals-you don't just say "I'm going to be a doctor"-and get some
satisfaction from short term goals.
Their list was not ranked in order of preference, but it was illuminating. The students with
whom I talked were on track to transfer and had hopes of achieving that goal. The following
excerpt from one of the focus groups summarized their philosophy well
Student 1 We're going to be the exception and transfer. Hopefully.
Student 2 Ganas, how do you say this in English?
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Student 3 Willpower. If somebody has that, you get anywhere. That's the
whole thing, no matter how smart you are.
Student 2 If you have the will to, you’ll do it.
Is willpower, or ganas, enough? Or, do cultural, economical, and educational
barriers overwhelm the will? Are there more measures COD can employ to help students
develop the willpower and be successful? In the final chapter, I summarize the data and
overlay the literature findings to develop policy implications for COD. I conclude the chapter
with some recommendations for future research.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS. AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Our students, in and of themselves, are leading the institution. Not necessarily
through classic leadership, but in as much as they're letting us know what they need.
Whether we pay attention or not is going to be our problem. But the students are
helping the institution forge ahead because they're telling us what we need to do. If
you dont listen, you dont hear it.
As noted in the above quote from an administrator at COD, the students are trying to
tell the COD campus community what institutional changes need to be made. Will
administrators, faculty, and staff listen? Only time will tell. The institution is presented with a
golden opportunity for positive organizational change. The current president is retiring at the
end of this academic year (2000-2001), and the arrival of his replacement brings that
opportunity. Although this president has been well respected and instrumental in bringing
about positive change, much of his work has been necessarily devoted to repairing the
damage of past presidents who brought scandal and embarrassment to the college. A new
president has been selected who is female and of Hispanic descent. Ideally, she should
build upon his work by listening to students' voices and implementing the changes that can
help COD transform into a truly multicultural community college. Before discussing these
changes, however, a review of my dissertation is in order.
In this chapter, I will 1) review the literature discussions concerning minority student
transfer success, 2) review the methodology, 3) revisit the data and present some findings
based on analyses, 4) apply the Cultural Integrity Model to the findings, and 5) outline
suggestions for future research.
Reviewing the Literature
Transfer.
In Chapter Two, I first reviewed the literature concerning minority student transfer
rates. I discussed the community college transfer literature, including the search for
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consistent transfer rate computations and streamlined articulation agreements, intervention
efforts aimed at improving transfer success, and the structural reforms often advanced as
remedies to the low transfer rates. Some researchers believed a solution that accurately
reflected the success of community colleges was the consistent computation of transfer
rates. I documented how researchers were relying on Cohen and Brewer's (1996b) transfer
definition as a model. What was less clear in the literature, however, was an explanation as
to how these computations helped minority students transfer. Other researchers believed
the answer lay in streamlined articulation agreements that decreased the amount of
duplicate work students had to perform because courses did not transfer. Although such
agreements are critical, faculty at four-year institutions and community colleges rarely work
together to accomplish such feats unless coerced by others (Eaton, 1994; Richardson,
1993). Intervention efforts such as Puente and summer residency programs proved
effective but at significant cost to institutions. Consequently, community college presidents
may prefer to fund efforts that result in a wider distribution of services.
Critics and defenders of community colleges debated the societal role of these
institutions. Many researchers believed restructuring community colleges provided the
means of improving transfer rates. The efforts advocated most frequently included
converting community colleges into four-year institutions (Zweriing, 1976), transforming them
into two-year branch campuses of state universities (Brint & Karabel, 1989; Pincus, 1980;
Richardson & Bender, 1987), and strengthening the collegiate function of community
colleges within their existing framework (Cohen & Brawer, 1996a; Eaton, 1994). The
impetus behind these changes was the desire to emphasize liberal arts training that
promoted critical thinking and, by extension, academic success. In other words, the transfer
or collegiate mission of community colleges would be emphasized at the expense of
vocational, community, or developmental education. Although these suggested refoims are
possible they are not probable. The role of community colleges in balancing social
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inequalities through their open access design precludes such changes from ever happening.
Recognizing this, researchers recommended more practical reforms such as transfer
centers, increased financial aid, stronger assessment practices, and better tracking of
students as they negotiate their path to higher education. The focus of these efforts,
however, was an attempt to find one national solution for a multifaceted transfer problem.
Hispanic Students.
I next reviewed the literature concerning Hispanic students in four-year institutions
and community colleges and addressed the heterogeneity of Hispanic students. I provided
an analysis of the issues affecting Hispanic students and reviewed the suggestions for
improving their experiences in higher education. For the purpose of my study, I defined
Hispanic students as those being of Mexican descent. The factors which appeared to
enhance Hispanic students' adjustment at four-year, predominately white institutions
included the role of significant others, cognitive mapping, the ability to negotiate new roles,
being bicultural, and having self-efficacy and social support (Attinasi, 1989; Padilla, 1992;
Suarez et. al, 1997; Torres, 1999). Few Hispanic students make it to four-year institutions,
however, and are lost in community colleges. In an effort to determine why this may be the
case, researchers used modified versions of Tinto's (1993) model--which called for the
academic and social integration of students into universities-in order to explain the
phenomenon. Hispanics were less likely to get financial aid (Nora, 1990) and those who had
encouragement from community college faculty increased their commitment to persist (Nora
et al., 1997). Many of these Hispanic community college students had first generation status
and needed extra attention to allay their fears about higher education (Padrdn, 1992). In
spite of the tendency to lump Hispanics into one, homogenous category, the students were
actually quite diverse. The majority of the solutions proposed to help Hispanic students
succeed centered on the idea that the student was the problem, not the institution.
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After analyzing the issues concerning the success of Hispanic students in higher
education, it was apparent that Hispanics tended to be tracked in the K-12 system (Oakes &
Lipton, 1996), had few Hispanic role models in higher education (Serafin, 1998), and
experienced the effects of institutional racism. The pressure to assimilate into a
predominately white organizational culture and climate posed problems for these students
(Fueites & Sedlacek, 1993). The use of collaborative learning strategies, leaders and faculty
who displayed sensitivity to students' culture, pro-active intervention efforts, and a
challenging yet supportive environment seemed to help Hispanic students succeed (Cabrera
et al., 1998; de Acosta, 1996).
Cultures and Climates.
The third body of research I reviewed concerned campus culture and climate.
Drawing on the research of Peterson and Spencer (1990), I defined both terms and
explained how they were exhibited in institutional practices. Briefly stated, organizational
culture provides the "big picture" view of the institution while organizational climate attends
more to an individual's view of the institution. By attending to matters of campus culture and
climate, researchers are able to identify organizational practices that may be hindering
student transfer (de Acosta, 1996; McNairy, 1996; Nora & Rendbn, 1990b). Campus
cultures and climates convey a particular identity to students which may or may not be
consistent with students' identities (London, 1989; Rhoads, 1999; Shaw, 1999). Moreover,
minority students were more sensitive to campus culture and climate (Hurtado & Carter,
1997) and often experienced "invalidating" encounters (Renddn, 1993,1994a, 1994b,
1994c; Renddn & Jalomo, 1995). Administrators were not always willing to fix negative
cultures and climates (Hams & Nettles, 1996).
Although Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU's) provide a safe haven
of sorts for African American students (Hope, 1996; Hurtado et al., 1998), Hispanic students
do not have such institutions. The creation of Hispanic Serving Institutions (HSI's) was
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supposed to help ameliorate the effects of discrimination embedded into institutional
practices, however, the power structure of these institutions remain steeped in Anglo values
and power structures. Consequently, although enough Hispanics may be present to
designate a campus as HSI (e.g., 25-40 percent), these institutions are, at the same time,
"predominately white." In other words, the institutions do not provide the safe haven
afforded African American students in HBCU's.
New Frameworks.
I concluded the chapter with a review of the literature in which researchers called for
new frameworks of analyses when examining community colleges. Many of these new
frameworks revolved around the notion that campus cultures and climates must be changed
if more students are to transfer (Renddn, 1999; Rhoads & Valadez, 1996). One vehicle of
achieving this goal was to depart from Tinto's (1993) integration model that called for
students to change in favor of a framework that called for institutions to change (Hurtado &
Carter, 1997; McGrath & Spear, 1991; Tierney, 1992a, 1992b). I showed how the Cultural
Integrity Model (Tierney, forthcoming) provided a means of changing campus cultures and
climates to improve the transfer success of minority students. Tierney's (forthcoming)
model called for collaborative relations of power; connections across home, community, and
schooling; using local definitions of identity, challenging remedial practices, and providing
academic support.
Five themes were culled from the literature, and another theme surfaced in the
comments of institutional members. Those themes were
1. Hiring practices and ethnic composition of faculty and staff (are affirmative action
practices followed, is faculty/staff composition representative of student population)
2. Professional Development (as a tool for presenting new collaborative teaching strategies
and issues of diversity and/or multiculturalism).
3. Teaching & Learning Philosophies and Practices (to see how faculty and administrators
view students and vice versa).
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4. Student support programs (to what extent are students sought out).
5. Validating of minority student experiences (what opportunities did or did not exist) and
the inciusiveness of curriculum (to what extent are the experiences of minorities,
women, and other under-represented groups included).
6. Transfer philosophies and discussion.
I designed a study that explored these themes and their relationship to organizational culture
and climate. In the next section, I review the elements of that design.
Reviewing the Methodology
The focus of my study was the transfer experience of minority students. I wondered
why transfer rates remained low even though community college leaders had implemented
the recommendations of researchers. I wanted to see how and to what extent campus
culture and climate affected minority student success and designed a qualitative study to
explore that issue. In Chapter Three, I reviewed the strengths and weaknesses of the
quantitative and qualitative approaches. The majority of research investigations into the
transfer issue were quantitative in nature (Banks, 1992a, 1992b; Cohen & Brawer, 1996a;
Gabel, 1995; Laden, 1994). These efforts have provided the academic community with an
accurate portrait of the transfer situation. However, explanations as to why transfer rates
remained low or what measures institutions could employ to improve them have remained
elusive. Qualitative research can fill in existing gaps in the transfer literature. When
including issues of diversity or multiculturalism into the transfer picture, qualitative designs-
and the case study method in particular-were found to be useful (Rhoads & Valadez, 1996;
Shaw & London, 1995; Tierney, 1992b). Moreover, the nature of the case study design
inherently addressed issues of validity (Yin, 1994).
I selected a community college that had implemented all of the researchers'
recommendations for improving transfer yet still had a low transfer rate. Although many
factors contributed to my selection of COD as a study site, by far the most alluring element
was the presence of the Coachella Valley Center, a branch campus of California State
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University, San Bernardino (CVC of CSUSB) on its property. In essence, two colleges from
two different branches of the California educational system were operating at the same
location. I was curious to see what affect the presence of CSUSB might have on the transfer
rates of COD students.
The case study design called for the use of multiple methods. Following that design,
I used focus groups to interview students and in-depth interviews to glean information from
faculty, administrators, and other staff members. A total of 85 institutional members were
interviewed. The students were selected primarily based on their participation in organized
groups (e.g., Puente, Associated Students, and MEChA), while other institutional members
were selected based on their leadership positions and/or access to cultural values and
norms. All of the student interviewees were minority (mostly Hispanic), and every effort was
made to ensure the other respondents were divided evenly between majority and minority
members.
As discussed earlier, the muitiple-method focus of the case study enhanced the
validity of my findings. Because I did not want to lead respondents to pre-determined
answers, my dissertation committee reviewed the interview protocols and provided feedback
on the questions. The schedules were revised to include their feedback. Additionally, during
the interviews and focus groups, I frequently paraphrased information back to participants in
order to check my perceptions. In some cases, anonymous comments and/or summaries of
information that did not identify previous interviewees by name and/or position were used in
subsequent interviews for member-checking purposes. In my observations, I was seeking to
understand processes and watching participants' reactions and activities. Particular
attention was given to assessing the level of congruence between individuals' verbal and
nonverbal communication behavior.
I noted three limitations with my design. First, the findings may not easily generalize
to other institutions. However, I argued that institutions must find their own solutions and
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adjust accordingly. Next, I interviewed students who were primarily of traditional age. The
inclusion of older students would have explored student perceptions on a more meaningful
level, however, my work commitment precluded their involvement. Finally, I did not seek out
perceptions of parents and other community members. I believed it was prudent to start with
the college itself.
Findings
The data presented in Chapter Four have been compared against the existing
research to detect similarities and differences. In an effort to make sense of the data, I have
continually tested the voices of institutional members against theories and findings of
previous researchers. The comments of all interviewees were recorded, coded, analyzed
and grouped according to the previously mentioned thematic categories.
Findings of Hiring.
After reviewing the findings for the hiring theme, the rigor of the hiring, evaluation,
and tenure processes was evident. With regard to the hiring process, all applicants are
treated the same concerning interview questions and opportunities, and the screening
committees seem to be large enough to ensure a diversity of voices with regard to qualified
candidates. The top candidates are sent to the president who has the authority to hire the
new faculty member. The area that seems problematic, however, is the representation of
minority, full-time teaching faculty.
Of 119 such faculty, only one Hispanic male was in the Social Science area. Four
other minority faculty members are found in the Developmental Education Division.
Affirmative action documents revealed that there should be 10 more minority full-time faculty
members: two African Americans, five Hispanics, and three Asian/Pacific Islanders. The
diversity among part-time teaching faculty was more evident, with 32 such faculty hired-28
of whom were Hispanic. Affirmative action documents revealed that there should be 33
more: 12 African Americans and 21 Asian/Pacific Islanders. Finally, the counselors (e.g.,
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non-teaching faculty) had the most diversity given their numbers, with two African Americans
and six Hispanics. Affirmative Action documents called for one additional Asian/Pacific
Islander.
Although the remoteness of the Coachella Valley may deter some minority
applicants from applying, the perception of many institutional members was that the
administration controlled the number of minority faculty by employing a quota system. They
offered as proof the fact that one minority faculty member in English retired and was
replaced with another minority faculty member in Social Sciences, yet no other minority
faculty members had been hired in the major disciplines. Faculty and students saw this as
an attempt to keep minorities out of the full-time ranks. Administrators, however, strongly
disagreed with this perception.
Although seemingly innocuous, the lack of minority faculty members and
administrators harms Hispanic students in a number of ways. First, they have no cultural
role models to guide them in their academic pursuits (Fuertes & Sedlacek, 1993; Padrdn,
1982). If students do not see other members of their culture in teaching and leadership
roles, how will they know they, too, can succeed? When their academic journeys become
difficult, Hispanic students may sense that they do not belong in higher education.
Next, many Hispanic students may feel as though they are outsiders in a foreign
land since the absence of minority faculty creates an organizational culture that is at odds
with the culture of the students. The value differences of those in power will determine the
culture of the institution. Serafin (1998) detailed the differences in the culture of Anglo
leaders and Hispanic students that inherently created conflict. I again list those values to
clarify my point;
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Table 5.1 Hispanic and Anglo Values
Hispanic Anglo
Values spontaneity Schedule oriented
Group identity comes first Individual identity comes first
Nonverbal communication Verbal communication
Involvement in concurrent activities One thing at a time
The presence of others is stimulation The presence of others is a distraction
Degree of friendship defines level of
help
Degree of usefulness defines level of
friendliness
Need for direction to initiate structure Shows initiative, time on task
People count the most Activity accomplishments count first
Solidarity (interpersonal) Solitary (intrapersonal)
No complaints to authority Expect validation of complaints from
authority
When every aspect of students’ cultures are diametrically opposed to the values of those in
power, students may sense hostility embedded within the organizational culture and climate
(Rendon, 1994b). If the clash of values becomes overwhelming, Hispanic students may
choose to leave school-they have no one within the institution to encourage them otherwise.
A few Anglo faculty members may try to fill the void created by the lack of minority faculty
members, but Hispanic students most likely cannot speak Spanish to these instructors when
they have difficulty expressing themselves in English. They cannot have truly meaningful
conversations about their cultural customs and values when the frames of reference are so
different.
Finally, the lack of minority faculty members means the curriculum will not be
inclusive (Renddn, 1994b). If there are no advocates for the inclusion of diverse points of
view, few changes will be made. Moreover, minority faculty may be in a better position to
select courses and material that would be most meaningful to their respective students. For
example, an Hispanic instructor may intuitively realize that some Chicano literature choices
might be more enticing for students than others. An Anglo instructor may not be cognizant
of these subtle nuances.
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Clearly, the absence of minority faculty members represents a challenge to COD. If,
in fact, few minority applicants apply to COD, it may be possible for COD to ’ ’grow their own”
minority faculty members. One obvious pool of qualified minority candidates from which to
draw is the adjunct faculty pool. Other efforts could include mentoring minority students and
encouraging them to obtain their education and return to COD as institutional leaders. The
college is primed for such an opportunity given the operation of such programs as Puente
and ACES and the presence of CSUSB on their property. If students had clearer information
about such opportunities and were guided through the process, some might return to COD to
eventually teach and lead the institution. In the meantime, educating faculty as to the
significance of this issue and helping them be more sensitive to the needs of minority
students is a viable course of action.
Findings of Staff Development.
One of the most contentious issues I found on campus involved staff development.
The vast majority of institutional members were unhappy with the "flex” portion of staff
development, or that portion of the training designed by faculty. The scheduling of the flex
activities caused problems for some faculty members, but the largest complaint was the fact
that the offered programs did not serve institutional needs. Faculty members were
particularly critical of such flex programs as golf, museum, trips, or other personal
enrichment activities. A review of AB 1725's goals for Staff Development training brings this
point home forcefully-personal enrichment is not on the list (Nussbaum, 1989). Again, the
goals included improving teaching, academic and technical knowledge and skills, retraining
to meet changing institutional needs, intersegmental transfer programs, and affirmative
action and upward mobility programs. Topics on the list that are more relevant to COD
include retraining to meet changing institutional needs and the development of innovations in
instruction and administrative techniques. Consequently, COD could use staff development
money, along with that of other grants, to reorient institutional members to their changing
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student population. Instead, faculty seemed to use this valuable training time as a
convenience for meetings rather than an opportunity for real training. Because of the lack of
substantive content or coherent program planning in the flex activities, one is left with the
impression that the only purpose served by these programs is reinforcement of the status
quo.
COD students are struggling with a myriad of difficult issues. Most students are first
generation and have little information as to how to navigate the educational system. Nearly
all of them experience economic and familial pressure and must function in a culture which
makes them feel like outcasts. The students of COO have changed dramatically while the
institution has not. In fact, some faculty members believed others pined for a time when the
college was a "junior college" and the students were of a "better” caliber. One can take this
statement two ways. First, one can conclude that this issue involves the lack of preparation
of students bring to the college. A second, often unvoiced conclusion is that the desire for
the "junior college" mentality means a desire for more white students-since fewer minorities
were in community colleges "back then." The reality is that COD's students are less
academically prepared and need faculty and staff members who are well trained.
The presence of the HSI grant provides COD with an opportunity to revamp their
staff development program to address two issues. First, the faculty needs to come to terms
with the fact that their existing flex program is not helping them meet students' needs nor
teach more effectively. They may need to experience a paradigmatic shift with regard to
flex. The topics offered in these programs need to be aligned with student and faculty
needs. Rather than using the time to meet Academic Senate obligations, the time should be
used to leam students' cultural values, explore what it means to be a first-generation college
student, or explain how they can help students transfer.
The other issue is the fact that more flexibility needs to be included in the process.
Rather than having one or two days of flex at the beginning of the semester-when many
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faculty cannot attend-they need to explore alternative training configurations. For example,
they could require that faculty members put in a specific number of hours of training per
contract year but leave the types of the training open-to be determined by individual faculty
members. One faculty member may choose to attend a conference or read some current
books on teaching and/or students. Another may choose to engage in curriculum workshops
with adjunct faculty to make sure his curriculum is responsive to student needs. Yet another
may choose to make her curriculum more inclusive and validating for minority students. A
faculty committee could oversee the training requirements to ensure they were consistent
with AB 1725’s goals.
Clearly, the flex activities as presently configured at COD meet the needs of few
institutional members. The activities merely indoctrinate new faculty and staff into the status
quo and reinforce the same with returning faculty every semester. Students are the ones
who ultimately suffer from such rigid practices. Some faculty members, however, were
cognizant of the needs of students and sought to meet those in their instructional practices.
Findings of Teachino/Leamino.
After talking with institutional members, a portrait of a divided faculty seemed to
emerge. The "old guard” was concerned with preserving the status quo, while the ” new
guard" seemed to be more concerned with student success. Some faculty members
believed they were teaching "high school” courses and were frustrated. Classes were hard
to come by for students, and one of the factors that surfaced repeatedly was the fact that
there were few classes on Fridays. Students believed that if classes were offered in the
more traditional format-Monday, Wednesday, Friday, for example-they could take more
courses and accommodate their work schedules more effectively. However, faculty
resistance to teaching on Fridays means that students must conform to faculty
conveniences, rather than vice versa.
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Students and faculty held the view that quality instruction consisted of caring,
respect, variety, activity, motivation, and patience. Attention to learning style differences
was also included in quality instruction. Poor instruction was characterized by a reliance on
the lecture format, an impatience with students, responses which made them feel "dumb” for
asking a questions, or getting angry with them for doing so. By and large, quality instruction
went unrewarded. In other words, existing reward structures were perceived as merely
political endeavors. Moreover, some faculty believed "we're all good teachers" and, thus,
recognition programs unnecessarily introduced friction into the faculty ranks. Students
disagreed and had their own mechanisms for sorting the "good" teachers from the "bad."
Three problems are embodied in the instructional style of the "old guard" faculty.
First, it elevates a particular canon above all others. Rhoads and Valadez (1996) defined
canon as "that which is deemed as appropriate knowledge to be attained by all educated
people of a society" (p. 7). The knowledge that many Hispanic students at COD bring to the
classroom-especially those from migrant backgrounds~is not valued and is viewed as
inferior to the canon being taught at COD. Many minority students possess, "border
knowledge" or that knowledge "that resides outside of the canon, outside of the cultural
mainstream” (Rhoads & Valadez, 1996, p. 7).
Faculty could choose to personalize lessons so that students are able to analyze
and talk about their own experiences (Menchaca & Ruiz-Escalante, 1995). For example,
students could be given more freedom when choosing reading and/or writing assignments in
a variety of topics. An English instructor could have a list of Chicano literature from which
students may choose reading selections. A history instructor might allow students to
research issues relevant to Mexican culture. A business instructor might allow students to
explore minority-owned businesses. Making these changes does not mean faculty are
lowering their standards-just expanding options for students. Moreover, these changes
could be made with relatively little effort and would encourage minority students to become
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more engaged in their academic work, making the classroom experience more rewarding for
instructors and students.
The second problem resulting from the "old guard" mentality is the over-reliance on
the lecture method of instruction. Although not inherently bad in and of itself and needed
from time-to-time, the over-reliance on the method means that those students who may not
be good auditory learners will not process information as effectively as possible. Some
instructors at COD use collaborative learning, and such strategies seem to complement
Hispanic students' learning style preferences well (Menchaca & Ruiz-Escalante, 1995;
Cabrera et. al, 1998). Those who are not using collaborative learning can easily incorporate
small techniques into their lecture formats which help students process information more
efficiently. For example, Bonwell (1996) described the "think-pair-share” activity which can
be included in lectures and requires very little in the way of preparation. After speaking for
approximately 10-15 minutes, the instructor stops and has students choose partners. The
students take turns summarizing the instructor's information to one another. The instructor
then answers any questions arising from the process. Such a simple technique helps
students identify what they leamed-and what they didn't leam-and provides them the
opportunity to get clarification before the instructor continues with the lecture.
Finally, the "old guard” at COD seems to be using an "academic invalidating model"
which discourages student participation while the "new guard" seems to be striving for the
"academic validating model” which encourages student participation. In order to clarify my
point, I again present Rendon and Jalomo's (1995) chart:
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Table 5.2 Academic Invalidating/Validating Models
Academic Invalidating Model Academic Validating Model
Students treated as empty receptacles
and/or as incapable of learning
Students bring rich reservoir of
experience and are motivated to believe
they are capable of learning
Students expected to disconnect with the
past
The past is a source of strength and
knowledge
Faculty assault students with information
and/or withhold information
Faculty share knowledge with students
and support students in learning
Faculty instill doubt and fear in students Faculty structure learning so that students
are able to see themselves as powerful
learners
Faculty are experts, the sole source of
truth and authority
Faculty are partners in learning with
students
Students are oppressed, silenced, and
cast in subordinate roles
Students are allowed to have a public
voice and share their ideas openly
Faculty focus on abstract thinking Faculty recognize the importance of
experience as a base of knowledge and
that out-of-class learning is equally
powerful
Students are passive Faculty employ active learning techniques
such as collaborative learning,
demonstrations, simulations, field trips,
etc.
Evaluation instills fear and is objective and
impersonal
Learning standards are designed in
collaboration with students and students
are allowed to re-do assignments until
they master them. Faculty praise success
and encourage motivation
Faculty and students remain separated Faculty meet students in-and-out of class,
serve as mentors for students, as well as
encourage and support them
The classroom is fiercely competitive Students work together in teams and are
encouraged to share information
Fear of failure permeates the classroom
environment
A climate of success is fostered by faculty
and students
Teaching is linear, flowing only from
teacher to student
Teachers may be learners; learners may
be teachers
Students validated at the end of the term Students validated early and validation
continues throughout college years
The core curriculum is male-centered and
Euro-centered
The core curriculum is inclusive of the
contributions of women and minorities
Students encouraged to give automated
and rote responses
Learning allows for reflection, multi
perspectives and imperfection
Clearly, the type of instruction a student experiences depends on the faculty
member he or she takes. The problem with this philosophy is that COD should make a more
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concerted effort to embed the academic validating model in its institutional practices to
ensure all students have the opportunity to excel. The goal of support services is to help
students obtain the missing encouragement from other avenues.
Findings of Support.
As discussed in Chapter Four, COD has created an impressive list of services
available for students. The impact of two programs, however, deserves further discussion.
First, the college has the renowned Puente program in place. The program, however, had a
tumultuous history at COD. Initial proponents were forced to seek outside funding for the
program, and other personnel problems exacerbated efforts to the point where the program
was discontinued. Within the last academic year, the program was resurrected and
supported by institutional funding. Puente's success has been steeped in the fact that
students receive personal attention from one instructor and one counselor and are paired
with community mentors who can help them navigate their educational journey. The
mentoring component has yet to be implemented at COD this second time around.
The second program, Academic Counseling and Educational Services (ACES) is a
federal program designed to assist first generation college students. When reviewing the
precepts of the program, it soon became clear that the goals were to impart academic and
cultural capital to these students. Students are assigned to one of two counselors, they
attend cultural events and visit four-year institutions, and they have the opportunity to be
mentored. Technology is at their fingertips~a benefit not extended to most COD students.
The program creates cohesiveness among the students and they extended that bond into
other avenues, such as the book exchange program and the Transfer Club mentioned in
Chapter Four.
Many institutional members assumed students knew what services were available to
them because they attended orientation sessions. The students, however, clearly did not.
Some faculty and staff members believed students heard a type of foreign language when
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they attended the orientation and were overwhelmed at the amount of information they were
expected to absorb in a matter of hours. Students talked about their confusion resulting from
the orientation sessions and the fact that they were not helpful. When students tried to get
information, they ran into hostile customer service encounters. They described clerks who
would not look them in the eye or ignored them. They described counselors who were
irritable, in a hurry, and who sometimes gave incorrect information. The students
commented that if they knew what questions to ask, they could get the information they
needed. If not, the counselors were not forthcoming with it. Those students who were in
organized programs with assigned counselors consistently described their counselors as
helpful and knowledgeable. Those who used the "drop-in" services of the counseling center
felt their needs often went unmet and sought advice from friends or relatives who had
attended COO.
Rather than waiting for the students to seek out support services, COO staff should
engage in more proactive strategies (de Acosta, 1996). Those intervention programs which
were proactive (e.g., Puente, ACES, EOPS) seemed to be the most successful support
programs. As mentioned in the last chapter, some Hispanic students at COD may be
coming from environments that typify "third world conditions." They may not fully understand
all that is involved in obtaining a college degree, they hear a "foreign language" when they
are on campus, and no one has ever explained to them the types of services available to
them. A one-shot orientation program is insufficient and is certainly not "proactive." One
strategy for being proactive is to create cohorts of students through "clustered" scheduling
(Padrdn, 1992). Such programs allow students to form supportive bonds with each other
and help keep them involved in their academic pursuits. COD has used this model
successfully in the past with grant funding and should continue this course of action.
Perhaps the most significant impact of supportive programs is on Hispanic students'
identities. As Hispanic students come from the Coachella Valley to COO, they experience
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isolation, loneliness, and stress (Suarez et. al, 1997). The cultural values they bring with
them are diametrically opposed to the ones operating at COO. Their language is neither
spoken nor valued. The knowledge base they bring is not esteemed and may be denigrated.
They experience subtle forms of discrimination and implicit messages that they do not really
belong in college. Consequently, students must come to terms with the choice to assimilate
into the academic culture and assume a new identity of sorts or retain their cultural identity
and adopt a more isolationist view (Padilla, 1992; Torres, 1999). When COD students
interact with those who may be unappreciative of their culture-such as the customer service
encounters they described-the pressure to assimilate becomes stronger. Those students
who can adapt to both environments, thus becoming "bicultural," tend to be more successful
(Torres, 1999). Those who cannot adapt usually leave.
Institutions promote particulate identities through social interactions (Rhoads, 1999;
Shaw, 1999). When examining the overall cultural identity advanced through the practices
and policies of COD and the "old guard” attitudes, I would suggest that the "essentializing
identity-the least tolerant-is the most prevalent at COD (Shaw, 1999). Faculty and
administrators frequently discussed students' lack of goal-setting abilities and speculated on
which personality traits students either possessed or lacked that affected their academic
success. The attitude of the "new guard” seemed to lean more towards Shaw's (1999)
"embracing' identity in which institutional members worked to be inclusive in their
pedagogical practices. The philosophies of the Puente and ACES programs exhibited these
tendencies.
The type of retention strategies found at COD supported the "essentializingf’ and
"embracing identities. Most of the support strategies exhibited by COD fell into Beatty-
Guenter*s (1992) "sorting" and "supporting" categories. "Essentializingf activities included
assessment, early warning systems, childcare, and financial aid and displayed the least
amount of investment toward welcoming diversity. Only programs such as Puente and
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ACES seemed to offer services that were indicative of a "connecting" value that supported
an "embracing' identity. These services included student activities, faculty/student events,
faculty advisors, and peer programs. Although there was some evidence of learning
assistance, tutoring, and remedial education that were indicative of Beatty-Guenter's (1992)
"transforming" value, COO fell short in terms of curriculum change, building community, and
policy changes designed to truly transform students' lives.
Support programs such as ACES or Puente can help minority students negotiate the
identity tightrope with more balance and stability, thus preventing the "fragmenting" Shaw
(1999) described. For example, the Hispanic mentors and counselors in Puente can provide
cultural translators, mediators, and models to help students make sense of their new
environment and show students the commonality between their culture and that of the
institution (Biggs et. Al„ 1998). Such programs enhance students' self-esteem which
increases their self-efficacy (Solberg & Villarreal, 1997). By helping students become
"bicultural" (Torres, 1999), these programs prove to be a great resource. Encounters
outside of support programs, however, were less encouraging.
Findings of Validation.
The students at COD described encouraging and discouraging encounters.
Encouraging encounters consisted of those times when instructors went out of their way to
praise them, motivate them, or help them with other basic needs. Discouraging encounters
occurred when students felt the sting of prejudice and discrimination. They described some
faculty as "rude," "prejudiced," and "just plain nasty." Many students explained that they had
been told in high school that they were not college material, and they felt deceived by COD's
testing procedures in the high schools. They had been told "not to worry" about the test, but
later found the test to be important with regard to their placement in courses. They
described instances in which customer service representatives were rude, biased, or
indifferent. They noticed the lack of minority experiences contained within the curriculum,
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and they talked about the burden of financial need-sometimes precluding them from eating
lunch on campus.
The volumes of invalidating experiences at COD painted the portrait of a hostile
culture and climate in which institutional racism was embedded. One example involved the
Indigenous Day celebration. As explained in Chapter Four, the students were initially
prohibited from using amplification for speakers and/or musical performances. However,
after pleading their case with the President, they were able to amplify speakers'
presentations. Staff members frequently "policed” the area in which the students held their
activity to enforce the regulations. The excuse often used was that such events disrupted
classes; however, the nearest classrooms were approximately a football field's distance
away. A building and a water fountain helped drown out the noise. From what I could tell,
there was no disruption to classes because of their event. The students' attempt to exercise
their rights to free speech may have been an attempt to move from their marginal position
and "seize control of the centers of language and discourse" (Rhoads, 1999, p. 106), for with
language comes power.
The paternal attitude and the restrictive policies on student speech have several
effects on the students. First, the discouragement they face as they try to celebrate their
culture and make political statements underscores their "difference" and provides yet
another subtle message that perhaps they do not belong at the campus. Next, such policies
seem to promote conflict instead of cooperation. Rather than allowing even the "token
celebratory events" characteristic of an "essentializingf identity, these policies seem to
deepen the chasm between students and administration and promote hostility. Finally, and
perhaps most importantly, the students believe they have no voice-that their opinions are
neither sought nor heard. Although they have a student trustee, that person is a non-voting
member of the board. The lack of voice and the restrictions placed on students underscore
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the hostility of the campus racial climate for them. Minority students are particularly sensitive
to such climates (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).
The seeming indifference of the administration to the needs of students with regard
to exercising their voice seemed to underscore Harris and Nettles' (1996) point that leaders
often ignore intolerant campus cultures and climates to avoid the conflict and discomfort an
institution must experience in order to change those institutional elements. However, those
institutions where campus culture and climate are more tolerant and that were not in
constant cultural turmoil had higher transfer rates (Shaw & London, 1995). In other words,
these institutions had addressed the conflict and come to terms with the diversity reflected in
their student bodies.
It seems as though a line in the sand has been drawn: on one side stand the "old
guard" faculty (many of whom are in leadership roles) and most of the administration; on the
other side stand the students and the "new guard" faculty (many of whom are newer
employees). Those who hope for the COD of the past are waiting for a time that will never
arrive. The student body of COD will be changing-it will be more Hispanic in the years to
come. However, just as waves wash the lines from the sand, so can tolerance, patience,
and understanding dissolve the pointless conflict between students and administration. A
good starting point is for faculty and administration to have ongoing discussions with
students. If COD were to engage in such meaningful conversations and begin to share
power, a stronger, more tolerant COD could emerge. Administration, faculty, and students
should not be at odds over cultural expression. Nor should institutional members seek to
acquire personal storehouses of power which preserve the status quo. Empowered students
can make the college more lively and attentive to diversity. Such a model is more consistent
with COD's mission and vision statements. The vision statement included the following
statements:
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• aH students will have the opportunity to participate in diverse learning experiences that
are responsive and reflective of their needs and those of the community.
• district planning will be based on thorouoh knowledge of our diverse student
population (emphasis mine)
The mission statement mentioned that the college sought to provide "student-centered"
education. Prohibiting students’ freedom of speech, having a rude, indifferent customer
service attitude, and devaluing minority student experiences do not support these
statements. These attitudes impact students' ability to transfer.
Findings of Transfer
As discussed in Chapter Four, institutional members described elements of COD's
transfer philosophy. They discussed the fact that many Hispanic students did not have an
"imprint" of a university, suffered from cyclical (e.g., generational) disadvantage, and lacked
knowledge on the extent of work involved when pursuing a four-year degree. Institutional
members relied on orientation programs to provide information to students, but these
programs assumed a knowledge base many students were lacking. Faculty and staff were
concerned about this dilemma and wanted to develop community outreach programs for
parents and students to help them acquire the cultural capital necessary for obtaining a
degree. Many institutional members placed great emphasis on the presence of the CVC of
CSUSB on COD grounds, but it seemed as though it didn't exist in the minds of students.
There has been a lack of coordination with regard to outreach to potential transfers. Finally,
faculty have not engaged in much faculty-to-faculty contact in order to streamline
articulation.
Although some programs at COD have created strong articulation agreements,
others have not. Many course outlines were old and had not been updated for years. When
an articulation problem arises, such as the accounting example mentioned in the last
chapter, another course is added rather than modifying the existing course. Consequently,
students take longer to complete their programs and lose credits when they transfer (Knoell,
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180
1994). This affects students' motivation and their ability to pay for their education as their
financial aid is wasted on courses that may not count towards their degrees. COD must
work more closely with the CVC of CSUSB to help students leam of the programs and
receive support as they pursue that transfer goal.
Applying the Cultural Integrity Model.
As detailed in Chapter Two, Tierney’s (forthcoming) model questioned the structures
of higher education that can be oppressive to students. He explained that the current
system created "winners" (e.g.. those who succeed) and "losers (e.g., those who do not) and
tried to impart "neutral" facts and figures. In what follows, I review his five tenets and explain
how they might provide COD with a blueprint for change.
Collaborative Relations of Power. Tierney's (forthcoming) first tenet, questions
current power arrangements within higher education. He explained that the powerful (e.g.,
those in leadership) view the powerless as inferior. The powerless (e.g., usually students)
express resistance by leaving. Tierney (forthcoming) asserted that power relationships
could be changed through programs, activities, events, and curricula that affirmed and
honored students' identities. These activities would impart academic and cultural capital.
The culture and climate of COD is such that autocratic power is invested in a few individuals,
most of whom are Anglo. Minority students at COD seem to feel powerless and voiceless.
Those students in the ACES and the MEChA programs were more conscious of the power
differentials. By giving students a voice, the college could at least begin discussions on how
to share the power. Having one conversation here and there, however, would not result in
significant changes and would be perceived as a token attempt to include students. A
consistent, long-term dialogue is required. Administrators could encourage students to have
cultural activities and events-which they do-but remove the restrictions that operate behind
the scenes and rob students of their voice. Moreover, students should have input in the
programs and curriculum. They want more inclusive curriculum that reflects their
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181
experiences. They want Ethnic and Women's Studies programs. These curricular changes
provide validating experiences. If administration, faculty, and students worked together,
these changes could occur. If cost were an issue, the HSI grant funding provides a viable
opportunity to support these changes.
Connections Across Home. Community, and Schooling. In his second tenet,
Tierney (forthcoming) posited that institutions cannot ignore the cultural backgrounds of their
students. Rather, these backgrounds should be celebrated and used in the learning
process. Perhaps no chasm is greater than that which exists between COD and the
communities of Thermal, Mecca, and Coachella-the communities from which the most
needy students come. These students face seemingly insurmountable familial pressures to
help support their families financially by working instead of attending college. Although
counselors at COD visit high schools for recruiting, no outreach is accomplished to the
parents of the new teen students who graduate high school and come to COD. As stated
earlier, institutional members already had the insight and desire to develop outreach
programs that help parents and students acquire cultural capital. COD could recruit current
students and faculty to visit high schools and serve as role models. The goal would be to
make transfer from high school to community college as seamless as possible.
COD is making strides with regard to connection in other areas. The Puente and
ACES programs are prime vehicles for helping students make connections with institutional
and community members to help further their education. These programs, however, serve
few students (e.g., 250-300) when compared to COD's overall enrollment of 8,000.
Localized definitions of identity. Tierney’s (forthcoming) third tenet, calls for the re
conceptualization of faculty/student relationships. In other words, the faculty needs to
rethink their views of students, their pedagogical practices, and relate their curriculum to
community contexts. First, COD faculty should think about resuming their advisory practices
with students. Presently, the faculty seems to convey the attitude that courses will be
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182
offered at the convenience of faculty, not students, and office hours are not always kept.
Moreover, faculty should strive to include culturally relevant assignments. Mexican-
American or Chicano literature can form the basis of reading assignments beyond Puente or
a Chicano Literature class. Social issues such as the efforts of Cesar Chavez and other
migrant leaders or the economic stratification of the Coachella Valley could be analyzed.
Moreover, pedagogical practices such as collaborative learning and cohort scheduling which
have been shown to help Hispanic students could be used more extensively. Such
practices, however, require more of an investment on the part of the faculty. The payoff
would be more solidified identities on the part of students as well as more self-confidence
and self-esteem. Again, conversations with students could help faculty identify culturally
relevant material for possible inclusion in assignments and curriculum.
Challenging Remedial Labels. Tierney's (forthcoming) fourth tenet concerns the
values about remedial students. First, academic leaders need to question the "at risk" label
(fourth tenet) and challenge students with high expectations in supportive climates. COD is
accomplishing this through the Puente program. The Puente instructor mentioned how he
holds Puente students to a higher standard because of the contract they signed. He added
that the students knew when they were being patronized and were appreciative of the fact
that he had high expectations for them. This philosophy could easily be expanded
throughout the COD campus provided the supportive climate existed to facilitate students'
achievement. Presently, this supportive climate seems to be absent outside of special
programs. COD has an extensive Leaming/Tutoring center, however, few faculty members
coordinate activities for their students at the lab.
Academic Support. The other value change with regard to remedial education
involves the view of remedial students in general. Rather then viewing minority students as
"broken" and in need of fixing, educators should look at students as possessing knowledge,
strength, and resources (fifth tenet). In other words, the students are "broken” because they
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183
lack the cultural capital or traditional canon valued in higher education (Rhoads & Valadez,
1996). To accomplish this goal, COD would need to start where students were by
determining what cultural knowledge they had and identifying ways that their existing
knowledge base could be expanded or merged with the "traditionar knowledge. Presently,
students receive implicit messages that what they know and what they value are worthless-
clearly a demeaning factor for students.
Analysis. The Cultural Integrity Model can help COD review its practices concerning
the issues most connected to campus culture and climate. The first three elements of
Tierney's (forthcoming) model seem to provide insight into these key areas at COD. The
remaining two, however, may not inform practice as much. Institutional members can
change how they view "at risk” students, but that does not change the fact that 91 percent of
COD's incoming student population lack college level reading, writing, and mathematics
abilities. Although the knowledge these students bring to COD can be validated through
pedagogical techniques and culturally sensitive instructors, the fact remains that their lack of
academic skill puts them "at risk.” Students reading at the fifth to eighth grade levels quickly
lose interest when college textbooks are written at much higher levels.
Another factor to consider is that extensive academic support may be necessary but
not sufficient in getting students to make use of the facilities. A stigma permeates the culture
of COD-and most community colleges, for that matter-concerning remedial work. Many
students simply refuse to use these facilities. COD has invested literally hundreds of
thousands of dollars into academic support for remedial students by buying the best
technology and the most recent audio, visual, and computer aided programs. The extensive
labs usually held but a handful of students at any given time. Instructors and staff members
can change their values about remediation and encourage students to make use of these
resources, but they cannot make students actually go. The activities can sometimes be
incorporated into class requirements, but how can that work when a class has students who
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184
require remedial work and those who do not? I suggest that COD is battling a much
stronger force-that of identity. Many of these remedial students are confronting the painful
fact that their skills are not college level for the first time. The shock and disbelief may
strengthen their resolve to avoid such instructional support mechanisms. Clearly, the issue is
more complex than the Cultural Integrity Model would imply.
Change Embodied. I have argued in this chapter that COD needs to change their
campus culture and climate, particularly with regard to empowering students, becoming
more multicultural, and valuing students. Although these changes are designed to help
minority students be more successful, it is important to note that all students would benefit
from such measures. Some individuals may believe these changes could never occur and
such an institution could not exist. In response, I describe one community college which
seems to exhibit many of the characteristics I have advocated. In what follows. I detail these
characteristics and compare them to COD's practices to show the difference in campus
cultures and climates.
As explained in Chapter Two, Shaw and London (1995) studied community colleges
that had higher than average transfer rates. One such college was Palo Alto College in San
Antonio, Texas. Although the actual transfer rates were never revealed, the characteristics
of the colleges were discussed. Palo Alto College (PAC) has a predominately Hispanic
student population. One of the most striking features of the college is the fact that a full 25
percent of the faculty is Hispanic, including Hispanic administrators. By comparison, COD
has no Hispanic administrators and less than one percent of its full-time faculty is Hispanic.
PAC has an underlying philosophy of critical multiculturalism, and the college was
formed ten years ago in response to pressure from a "grassroots" Hispanic organization to
serve the "neglected educational needs" of the Hispanic community. The college's
commitment to its Hispanic students was intermingled in curricular and extra-curricular
activities. Faculty and administrators talked with students about racial and ethnic
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185
stereotypes inside and outside of the classroom. Also included were discussions of cultural
heritage and how it is or is not valued in American culture. The college stressed strong
liberal arts preparation over non-terminal degree programs. COD seemed to prevent cultural
expression and racial discussions by strictly regulating students' activities. The balance of
liberal arts and non-terminal instruction at COD seems to be about even, but the programs
that were promoted more publicly were the non-terminal ones.
Shaw and London (1995) explained that administrators spoke of "nourishing a
critical consciousness" among students and recognized the dual identities common to
minority students and faculty. Students were not forced to choose between their culture or
that of the college. One instructor explained how he encouraged students to speak to him in
Spanish if it made them feel more comfortable. In other words, the college proactively
"legitimizes" Hispanic culture for the entire campus community. At COD, when students
speak Spanish, they sometimes are met with hostility on the part of institutional members.
Such actions serve to legitimize the status quo-not Hispanic culture.
The college's connection to the community was particularly striking. Their official
slogan. "El Carazon de la Communidad” (The Heart of the Community), was taken to
"heart." The college held workshops such as high blood pressure screenings, tax
preparation workshops, and cultural festivals to draw community members onto the college.
One staff member who planned such events explained:
I want them to feel comfortable with bringing their abuelita (grandmother) to school
even though she may not speak any Engiish. Or for some students who say, "My
dad trabaja levantando basura (works as a garbage man)." Well that's OK, that
doesn't matter. I want them to feel comfortable with their family background and
culture and not feel ashamed.
Shaw and London (1995) added that PAC "intentionally and consistently attempts to blur the
line between family, community, and school, thereby reducing the discomfort that students
feel when they cross this border." By comparison, COD's derogatory label is "College of the
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186
Desperate," while the more official one is "building bridges." However, the bridges do not
seem to extend fully into the communities of Thermal, Mecca, and Coachella.
With regard to power structures, one institutional member of PAC explained that
students were allowed to develop the college’s structure rather than having a structure
imposed on them. In other words, PAC leaders had "faith in students and their ability to
know what is best for them." COD, on the other hand, adopted a more paternal attitude with
regard to knowledge of student needs. Palo Alto College resisted pressure to create a
vocational institution. As one staff member noted, "if you lock it into vocational, that's it.
You’ ve made a decision for them."
Although COD does not have the luxury of developing a brand new institution, many
of the changes described herein would not require much in the way of financial resources.
Existing grants may provide whatever financial resources needed. Faculty and
administrators would need to make the greatest investment. They must change their views
of students and their values about what community college is for. Tierney's (forthcoming)
Cultural Integrity model and the example of Palo Alto College can help COD forge a new
institutional culture and climate-one which embraces minority students rather than
denigrates them.
Recommendations for Future Research
I have argued in this dissertation that national, cookie-cutter remedies to the low
transfer problem of minority students are misguided. Although I advocate Tierney’s
(forthcoming) model as a means to examine and change campus culture and climates, I am
not promoting a cure-all remedy. Each institution can use the model as a mechanism to
assess institutional culture and climate to identify institution-specific needs. The model
points to the processes that need to be examined and gives insight into transformational
thinking. It does not provide a "quick fix" list of remedies. Campus cultures and climates
profoundly affect minority student success in community colleges and must be examined.
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187
As I stated in Chapter One, simply having large numbers of minority students on a
community college campus will not make that institution "multicultural." The power
structures must be multicultural as well. We need to stop viewing students as the ones with
the problem and in need of changing. Cultural Integrity provides a model for accomplishing
that while, at the same time, recognizing the heterogeneity of institutions.
If I were to conduct this study again, I would make a number of changes. First, I
would bring faculty and students together, possibly in a focus group format, to discuss
curriculum and cultural values. Similarly, I would bring administration and students together
to discuss the empowerment of students. Although I heard different points of view from
respective groups, I did not observe their interactions together. I think hearing the dialogue
of these groups would prove insightful. Another item I would change, as discussed earlier,
would be to include a wider array of students for focus groups and include the perceptions of
community members. I would have visited the communities of Thermal and Mecca and tried
to speak with some of the parents and community members to get their sense of COD.
Future scholars could begin to explore other community colleges as "interpretive
texts" (Shaw, Valadez, & Rhoads, 1999). More research conducted at individual institutions
has the potential to help colleges assess institutional cultures and climates and improve the
transfer success for their students. Again, the focus is on the process, not quick-fix
remedies. In this case, COD might learn from the experiences of Palo Alto College in San
Antonio, Texas. Other examples may not be as useful. However, if there were more
examples in the literature, community college leaders could identify the models of success
most applicable to their own institutions.
Another area ripe for examination in such investigations is the decision-making
process at all levels within the institution. To accomplish that, however, the researcher
would need access to the most private conversations within a college. Such an endeavor
could produce a dearer conception of how power is enacted through these decisions. The
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188
issue of student empowerment remains an interesting topic as well. Future scholars could
explore students' conceptions of empowerment and determine how and to what extent
students would use their power to change the academic environment.
One final area of exploration which remains untouched is the role Hispanic Serving
Institutions (HSI's) fulfill for Hispanic students. I was unable to find any studies that
specifically examined these institutions. I am curious to see whether the Anglo power
structure remains with higher proportions of Hispanic students. Is there a point at which the
power dynamics change? If so, when and how does that occur? How, then are transfer
rates affected? These issues may shed light on the usefulness of this type of institution in
meeting Hispanic's educational needs.
In dosing, COO has the potential to become a model community college if they
listen to their students and make the recommended reforms. They cannot afford to wait-nor
can the students. The wasted human potential of students who were discouraged or
frightened away due to intolerant campus cultures and dimates demands that we take the
transfer success of minority students seriously. Only then can community colleges realize
their true, democratic mission and enhance every student's potential.
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189
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202
APPENDIX I
TRANSFER RATES FOR ENTIRE COLLEGES
Los Angeles County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
College of the Canyons 7.3
Santa Monica 6.7
L. A. Pierce 6.2
Mt. San Antonio 5.8
L. A. Valley 5.5
El Camino 4.9
Pasadena 4.8
East L. A. 4.3
Glendale 4.1
Citrus 4.0
L. A. Harbor 4.0
Long Beach City 3.7
Rio Hondo 3.3
West L. A. 3.2
Antelope Valley 3.1
Cerritos 3.0
L. A. Southwest 2.3
L. A. City 2.2
L. A. Mission 2.2
L. A. Trade Tech 1.8
Compton 1.5
Orange County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
Orange Coast 7.6
Fullerton 6.5
Irvine Valley 5.8
Saddleback 4.9
Goldenwest 4.8
Santa Ana 4.6
Cypress 4.3
Coastline .6
Riverside County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
College of the Desert 5.9
Riverside 4.9
Mt. San Jacinto 3.8
Palo Verde 1.2
San Bernardino County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
Crafton Hills 5.7
San Bernardino Valley 4.9
Chaffey 4.6
Barstow 2.7
Victor Valley 2.7
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203
ETHNIC BREAKDOWN OF TRANSFER RATES BY COLLEGE
LOS ANGELES COUNTY
AVCC
(3.1)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
330 812 227 1,264 127 90 4,564 63 1,446
98
Transfers
10 12 13 33 3 5 99 0 29
T. Rate 3.0 1.4 5.7 2.6 2.3 5.5 2.1 0 2.0
CERRITOS
(3.0)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,672 1,371 783 7,621 274 675 4,710 1,354 3,059
98
Transfers
78 22 21 169 2 8 73 17 31
T. Rate 4.6 1.6 2.6 2.2 .7 1.1 1.5 1.2 1.0
CITRUS
(4.0)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
645 624 318 2,850 80 152 3,994 610 361
98
Transfers
32 10 8 64 2 9 113 20 20
T. Rate 4.9 1.6 2.5 2.2 2.5 5.9 2.8 3.2 5.5
COLLEGE
OF
CANYONS
(7.3)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp
94 Grp
Pop
267 146 142 1,007 64 57 4,256 92 0
98
Transfers
15 2 4 27 1 14 158 2 44
T. Rate 5.6 1.3 2.8 2.6 1.5 24.5 3.7 2.1 0
COMPTON
(1.5)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
76 2,878 30 1,572 16 24 159 358 17
98
Transfers
1 27 0 15 0 0 0 0 6
T. Rate 1.3 .9 0 .9 0 0 0 0 35.2
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204
EAST
L.A. (4.3)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
2.410 339 192 8,539 41 57 476 964 244
98
Transfers
70 4 0 245 3 10 3 34 17
T. Rate 2.9 1.1 0 2.8 7.3 17.5 .6 3.5 6.9
EL
CAMINO
(4.9)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
2,840 4,336 758 4,485 171 573 6,706 1,154 695
98
Transfers
138 75 32 117 3 18 201 29 62
T. Rate 4.8 1.7 4.2 2.6 1.7 3.1 2.9 2.5 8.9
GLENDALE
(4.1)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 1,420 322 828 3,459 58 83 6,698 2,315 1,257
98
Transfers
63 5 27 49 1 66 154 19 51
T. Rate 4.4 1.5 3.2 1.4 1.7 79.5 2.2 .8 4.0
LONG
BEACH
(3.7)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
2,748 3,064 1,158 4,288 225 235 6,923 1,070 449
98
Transfers
76 41 23 73 4 14 174 13 41
T. Rate 2.7 1.3 1.9 1.7 1.7 5.9 2.5 1.2 9.1
L. A. CITY
(2.2)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,621 2,156 816 5,102 66 150 2,671 2,482 451
98
Transfers
29 38 14 83 1 1 40 13 22
T. Rate 1.7 1.7 1.7 1.6 1.5 .6 1.4 .5 4.8
L. A.
HARBOR
(4.0)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
579 1,136 639 2,560 51 55 2,247 439 265
98
Transfers
14 16 12 65 3 5 53 8 20
T. Rate 2.4 1.4 1.8 2.5 5.8 9.0 2.3 1.8 7.5
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205
L.A.
MISSION
(2.2)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
215 368 95 3,742 37 40 1,280 308 144
98
Transfers
3 4 2 37 1 1 17 3 12
T. Rate 1.3 1.0 2.1 .9 2.7 2.5 1.3 .9 8.3
L. A.
PIERCE
(6.2)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,893 657 517 2,283 102 319 7,368 863 627
98
Transfers
64 13 16 60 4 42 212 26 83
T. Rate 3.3 1.9 3.0 2.6 3.9 13.1 2.8 3.0 13.2
L.A.
SOUTH
WEST
(2.3)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
48 4,245 12 1,121 0 15 41 374 38
98
Transfers
2 62 0 16 1 1 0 0 6
T. Rate 4.1 1.4 0 1.4 0 6.6 0 0 15.7
L.A.
TRADE
(1.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,070 3,991 336 5,030 63 66 866 754 229
98
Transfers
9 38 1 65 0 2 4 6 9
T. Rate .8 .9 .2 1.2 0 3.0 .4 .7 3.9
L.A.
VALLEY
(5.5)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,516 1,161 726 4,114 88 280 6,397 1,280 777
98
Transfers
55 24 14 144 3 36 189 7 68
T. Rate 3.6 2.0 1.9 3.5 3.4 12.8 2.9 .5 8.7
MT. SAC
(5.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
4,137 1,741 1,302 8,792 226 478 8,711 1,786 1,249
98
Transfers
187 38 41 195 3 17 168 50 72
T. Rate 4.5 2.1 3.1 2.2 1.3 3.5 1.9 2.7 5.7
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
206
PASADENA
(4.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 5.486 1,953 915 7,518 190 835 4,928 1,598 1,078
98
Transfers
262 26 25 171 4 24 110 81 55
T. Rate 4.7 1.3 2.7 2.2 2.1 2.8 2.2 5.0 5.1
RIO
HONDO
(3.3)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,027 277 244 7,559 81 1047 1,948 610 120
98
Transfers
46 3 8 164 2 10 23 16 12
T. Rate 4.4 1.0 3.2 2.1 2.4 9.5 1.1 2.6 10.0
SANTA
MONICA
(6.7)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
2,061 2,206 433 3,511 146 297 8,165 3,299 1,735
98
Transfers
118 62 13 104 7 37 298 183 141
T. Rate 5.7 2.8 3.0 2.9 4.7 12.4 3.6 5.5 8.1
WEST
L. A. (3.2)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
483 4,049 109 1,144 41 125 1,159 336 324
98
Transfers
10 71 2 25 0 4 16 5 22
T. Rate 2.0 1.7 1.8 2.1 0 3.2 1.3 1.4 6.7
ORANGE COUNTY
COASTLiNE
(6 )
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 1,826 211 146 970 107 49 6,543 364 1,579
98
Transfers
17 1 1 3 0 1 18 5 4
T. Rate .9 .4 .6 .3 0 2.0 .2 1.3 .2
CYPRESS
(4.3)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
2,359 582 813 2,537 134 143 6,676 519 256
98
Transfers
138 4 21 68 2 5 163 15 35
T. Rate 5.8 .6 2.5 2.6 1.4 3.4 2.4 2.8 13.6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
207
FULLERTON
(6.5)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 2,132 558 427 4,172 160 199 9,250 774 441
98 Transfer* 123 15 18 140 5 25 361 7 66
T. Rate 5.7 2.6 4.2 3.3 3.1 12.5 3.9 .9 14.9
GOLDEN
WEST
(4.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
3,194 184 188 1,292 174 79 6,111 860 378
98
Transfers
181 5 8 44 3 12 176 9 38
T. Rate 5.6 2.7 4.2 3.4 1.7 15.1 1.8 1.0 10.0
IRVINE
VALLEY
(5.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
1,626 235 197 979 68 91 5,549 647 464
98
Transfers
74 10 8 36 2 8 175 30 37
T. Rate 4.5 4.2 4.0 3.6 2.9 8.7 3.1 4.6 7.9
ORANGE
COAST
(7.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
4,014 381 333 2,500 176 167 12,06
8
1,523 593
98
Transfers
292 5 16 95 11 30 447 34 122
T. Rate 7.2 1.3 4.8 3.8 6.2 17.9 3.7 2.2 20.5
SANTA
ANA (4.6)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
3,086 554 266 6,423 281 594 8,036 1,584 68
98
Transfers
171 7 5 124 2 5 129 34 39
T. Rate 44.3 1.2 1.8 1.9 .7 .8 1.6 2.1 57.3
RIVERSIDE COUNTY
COLLEGE
OF
DESERT
(5.9)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
110 303 93 1,808 93 31 4,679 1,564 571
98
Transfers
4 4 6 64 2 10 89 8 15
T. Rate 3.6 1.3 6.4 3.5 2.1 32.2 5.6 .5 2.6
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
208
MT. SAN
JACINTO
(3.8)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
110 176 66 990 147 63 3,864 57 140
98
Transfers
3 6 3 45 3 4 91 1 11
T. Rate 2.7 3.4 4.5 4.5 2.0 6.3 2.3 1.7 7.8
PALO
VERDE
(1.2)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
7 53 3 379 10 0 463 6 6
98
Transfers
0 0 0 2 0 0 4 0 0
T. Rate 0 0 0 .5 0 0 .8 0 0
RIVERSIDE
(4.9)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 1,063 2,043 452 4,172 300 284 10,39
5
484 274
98
Transfers
43 42 20 145 9 13 268 17 61
T. Rate 4.0 2.0 4.4 3.4 3.0 4.5 2.5 3.5 22.2
SAN BERNARDINO COUNTY
BARSTOW
(2.7)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp Pop 45 228 39 364 37 19 969 24 0
98
Transfers
4 3 3 8 0 0 16 0 2
T. Rate 8.8 1.3 7.6 2.1 0 0 1.6 0 0
CHAFFEY
(4.6)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
655 1,379 350 3,431 119 108 5,746 639 336
98
Transfers
24 23 13 107 3 11 162 19 43
T. Rate 3.6 1.6 3.7 3.1 2.5 10.1 2.8 2.9 12.7
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
209
CRAFTON
HILLS (5.7)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
152 162 29 755 72 112 3,315 27 62
98
Transfers
8 3 1 26 2 1 120 0 15
T. Rate 5.2 1.8 3.4 3.4 2.7 .8 3.6 0 24.1
SAN
BDNO
VALLEY
(4.9)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
565 2,053 198 2,832 1,217 234 3,522 164 90
98
Transfers
24 39 2 102 2 9 78 0 26
T. Rate 4.2 1.8 1.0 3.6 .1 3.8 2.2 0 28.8
VICTOR
VALLEY
(2.7)
Asian Black Filipino Latino Native
Amer.
Other White Non-
Res.
Alien
No
Resp.
94 Grp
Pop
156 581 121 1,474 114 43 5,426 115 18
98
Transfers
2 6 5 29 2 5 95 1 11
T. Rate 1.2 1.0 4.1 1.9 1.7 11.6 1.7 .8 61.1
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
210
APPENDIX II
COLLEGES WITH PUENTE
Los Angeles County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
Mt. San Antonio 5.8
L. A. Valley 5.5
El Camino 4.9
Pasadena 4.8
East L. A. 4.3
Long Beach City 3.7
Rio Hondo 3.3
Cerritos 3.0
Orange County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
Orange Coast 7.6
Fullerton 6.5
Goldenwest 4.8
Santa Ana 4.6
Cypress 4.3
Riverside County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
College of the Desert 5.9
Riverside 4.9
Mt. San Jacinto 3.8
San Bernardino County Transfers 98/Freshman Enrollment 94
"San Bernardino Valley 4.9
"Excluded to prevent researcher bias.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
211
APPENDIX III
SIX-YEAR AVERAGES 11994-199S through 1999-20001 FOR ARTICULATION
AGREEMENTS
College
Total
Agreements
csu
Agreements UC Agreements
Agreements
over all 3
areas
Cerritos 14.8 9.6 5.1 4.1
Cypress 13.5 8.1 5.3 4.1
COD 12.1 7.1 5.0 3.5
ELAC 15.5 10.0 5.5 3.6
El Camino 14.0 8.5 5.5 4.0
Fullerton 14.0 8.8 5.1 4.3
Goldenwest 14.1 8.8 5.3 3.5
Long Beach 13.6 8.3 5.3 4.3
L.A. Valiev 12.3 7.5 4.8 3.0
Mt. SAC 13.3 8.0 5.3 4.6
Mt. San
Jacinto
11.1 6.6 4.5 2.8
Orange
Coast
13.3 7.8 5.1 4.0
Pasadena 13.6 8.3 5.3 2.6
Rio Hondo 11.6 7.0 4.6 3.6
Riverside 13.1 8.0 5.1 2.8
Santa Ana 14.6 4.6 5.3 4.3
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
212
COD ARTICULATION AGREEMENT
(http://www.assist.ora1
01/31/00 ASSIST
Page 1 ASSIST Articulation Database Summary
College of the Desert
Indicates a New or Modified Agreement For This Month
UCOP TCA IGETC CSU Bacc/CSU GE Cert
98-99 99-00 99-00
97-98 98-99 98-99
96-97 97-98 97-98
95-96 96-97 96-97
94-95 95-96 95-96
92-93 94-95
87-88 93-94
92-93
91-92
99-00 Articulation Agreements Departmental Major
To: CSU Dominguez Hills X
*To: CSU Fresno X
To: CSU Fullerton X
To: CSU Long Beach X
*To: CSU Sacramento X X
To: CSU San Bernardino X X
To: Humboldt State X X
T o : San Jose State X
To: UC Berkeley X X
•To: UC Davis X X
To : UC Riverside X X
To: UC San Diego
98-99 Articulation Agreements Departmental Major
To: Cal Poly San Luis Obispo X
To: CSU Fresno X
To: CSU Fullerton X
To: CSU Hayward X X
To: CSU Long Beach X
To: CSU San Bernardino X X
To: Humboldt State X
To: San Jose State X
To: Sonoma State X
To: UC Berkeley X X
To: UC Davis X X
To: UC Irvine X
To: UC Riverside X X
To: UC San Diego
GE/Breadth
X
X
X
X
GE/Breadth
X
X
X
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
213
Indicates a New or Modified Agreement For This Month
97-98 Articulation Agreements
To: Cal Poly San Luis Obispo
Departmental
X
Major GE/Breadth
To: CSU Chico X X
To: CSU Dominguez Hills
To: CSU Fresno
To: CSU Hayward
To: CSU Long Beach
X
X
X
X
X X
To: CSU San Bernardino
To: Humboldt State
To: San Jose State
X
X
X
X X
To: UC Berkeley X X
To: UC Davis X X X
To: UC Riverside
To: UC San Diego
To: UC Santa Barbara
X X
X
X
To: UC Santa Cruz X X X
96-97 Articulation Agreements Departmental Major GE/Breadth
To: CSU Dominguez Hills
To: CSU Fresno
To: CSU Hayward
X
X
X
X
To: CSU San Bernardino
To: Humboldt State
To: San Diego State
To: San Francisco State
X
X
X
X
X X
To: UC Berkeley X X
To: UC Davis X X X
To: UC Riverside
To: UC San Diego
To: UC Santa Barbara
X X
X
X
To: UC Santa Cruz X X X
95-96 Articulation Agreements
To: Cal Poly Pomona
To: Cal Poly San Luis Obispo
To: CSU Fresno
To: CSU Fullerton
Departmental
X
X
X
X
Major GE/Breadth
To: CSU San Bernardino X X X
To: UC Davis X X
To: UC Riverside
To: UC San Diego
To: UC Santa Barbara
X X
X
X
To: UC Santa Cruz X X X
94-95 Articulation Agreements
To: Cal Poly Pomona
To: CSU Fresno
Departmental
X
X
Major GE/Breadth
To: CSU Fullerton X X
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
214
To: CSU San Bernardino X X X
To: San Francisco State X
To: UC Davis X X
To: UC San Diego X
To: UC Santa Barbara X
To: UC Santa Cruz X X X
93-94 Articulation Agreements Departmental Major GE/Breadth
To: Cal Poly Pomona X
To: Cal Poly San Luis Obispo X
To: CSU Fresno X
To: CSU Fullerton X X
To: CSU San Bernardino X X X
To: UC Irvine X
To: UC San Diego X
To: UC Santa Barbara X
92-93 Articulation Agreements Departmental Major GE/Breadth
To: CSU Fullerton X
To: CSU San Bernardino X X X
To: UC San Diego X
91-92 Articulation Agreements
To: Cal Poly San Luis Obispo
To: CSU San Bernardino
To: UC San Diego
90-91 Articulation Agreements
To: UC San Diego
89-90 Articulation Agreements
To: UC San Diego
Departmental
X
Departmental
Departmental
Major
X
X
Major
Major
GE/Breadth
X
X
GE/Breadth
GE/Breadth
X
01/31/00 ASSIST Page 3 ASSIST Articulation Database Summary College of the Desert'
Indicates a New or Modified Agreement For This Month---------------------------------------------
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
215
APPENDIX IV
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - INDIVIDUAL INTERVIEWS
Questions for All Interviewees
1. How do you identify and recruit potential students?
2. What services do you offer potential students?
3. How would you describe the students at COD?
4. What is COD's area of specialization?
5. How would you describe the faculty at COD?
6. How do you define quality instruction? Quality service?
7. What types of flex or professional development activities are available for faculty?
8. What efforts have you taken to accommodate different learning styles?
9. How do you reward or acknowledge excellence in teaching?
10. What efforts have you made with regard to alternative course delivery (e.g. distance
learning, weekend college, etc.)? What have been the results?
11. How does a faculty member earn tenure at COD? Which criteria are most
significant in tenure decisions?
12. How are prospective teachers evaluated during the hiring process?
13. What efforts have been taken to ensure students complete courses and programs of
study?
Questions for Special Organizational Members
1. Which types of flex/professional development activities do you personally attend and
what value have you gained from them?
2. How often and to what extent do you discuss teaching strategies with other faculty
members?
3. What, in your opinion, contributes to the low transfer rates of all community college
students in general and minority students in particular?
4. What has been COD's most successful strategy in increasing the transfer rate? What is
the
weakest link in COD's ability to transfer more students?
5. Given unlimited funding or power, what would you do to help more students transfer?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
216
APPEMDIX V
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - FOCUS GROUPS
1. Tell me about College of the Desert. What do you like about COD? Dislike?
2. What did you know about "college" before arriving at COD?
3. Describe some of the challenges you have faced while attending COD.
4. College can be expensive. How do you manage the financial challenges of higher
education?
5. Describe how your family has reacted to your attending COD.
6. How do you balance the demands of work, family, and school?
7. Describe the students at COD. Tell me a story about the students at COD.
8. Describe the faculty at COD. Tell me a story about your experience with them.
9. How would you define quality instruction? Quality service?
10. What obstacles do you foresee which could slow your academic progress?
11. Describe for me one thing you would change about COD.
12. What has been encouraging/discouraging to you at COD?
13. What services could COD provide to help you transfer more smoothly?
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
217
APPENDIX VI
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education, Center for Higher Education Policy Analysis
INFORMATION SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
Why Traditional Recommendations for Improving Minority Student Transfer Rates
have Failed: A Case Study Employing the Cultural Integrity Model
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Dr. William G. Tierney and
Sherrie L. Guerrero from the Rossier School of Education, Center for Higher Education
Policy Analysis at the University of Southern California. The results of this project will be
presented in a dissertation. You were selected as a possible participant in this study
because you may be able to shed light on issues pertaining to the transfer rates at College
of the Desert.
We are asking you to take part in a research study because we are trying to learn more
about why traditional recommendations for improving minority student transfer rates have
failed. We are also seeking to identify how and to what extent organizational culture and
climate may be affecting minority student transfer.
You will be asked to serve as an interviewee, either in one-on-one, in-depth interviews or
small focus groups. Students will be assigned to focus groups based on their availability,
and interviewees will be selected based on their positions within the organization and
interviewed on dates of their convenience. The focus groups will last approximately 90
minutes, and the interviews should last approximately 30-45 minutes. All focus groups and
interviews will be conducted on the campus of College of the Desert. Neither focus groups
participants nor interview subjects will be required to do any preparation prior to the
interviews.
Although the anonymity of all interviewees will be protected, some interviewees may
feel discomfort in responding to certain questions. At no time will interviewees be
compelled to provide information they do not wish to disclose.
Although no direct benefits will result to individual interviewees, a portrait of the campus
culture and climate may shed light on the success of all transfer students at College of the
Desert in general and minority transfer students in particular.
None of the interviewees will be paid for their participation.
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with
you will remain confidential and will be disclosed only with your permission or as required by
law.
All interviews and focus groups will be audio tape recorded. The tapes will be maintained at
the home of Sherrie L. Guerrero and transcribed. After six months,
the tapes will be destroyed. You have the right to review/edit the tapes should you wish to
do so. No one else will have access to the audio tapes.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
218
When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no information
will be included that would reveal your identity. If photographs, videos, or audio-tape
UP IRB# 00-09-257
recordings of you will be used for educational purposes, your identity will be protected or
disguised. Although coding of the transcripts will link your identity to your comments for the
benefit of the researcher, at no time will your identity be disclosed without your permission.
A. After the focus groups and in-depth interviews have occurred, the data will be coded
by assigning a student number and/or a position and interviewee number at the
beginning of each interaction. For example, 1FG1 would be used to identify a
particular student in the first focus group. 1F would signal one particular faculty
member. A master list of the codes and names, addresses, and phone numbers will
be stored with the transcribed data for the researcher's use only. This information
will be stored on the personal computer of Sherrie L. Guerrero, and a back-up disk
will be maintained. No one else will have access to the information, and the coding
sheet will be destroyed along with the tapes. There are no other users of this
personal computer.
B. In the event that other uses are contemplated or permission is desired, the name of
the subject will be obtained from the coding list, and the participant will be contacted
by phone or e-mail if preferred.
C. All audio tapes and identifying information will be destroyed after six months
following analyses of the data.
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, you
may withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse to
answer any questions you don't want to answer and still remain in the study. The
investigator may withdraw you from this research if circumstances arise which warrant doing
so.
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact
Principal Investor Or. William G. Tierney, (213) 740-7218, Rossier School of Education,
Center for Higher Education Policy Analysis, Waite Phillips Hall 701, Los Angeles, CA
90089-0031 or Student Investigator Sherrie L Guerrero (909) 845-2148, 39709 Baldi Ct.,
Cherry Valley, CA 92223 (home) / (909) 888-6511, Ext. 1543, San Bernardino Valley
College, 701 S. Mt. Vernon, San Bernardino, CA 92410 (work).
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty.
You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this
research study. If you have questions regarding your rights as a research subject, contact
the University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research, Bovard Administration
Building, Room 300, Los Angeles, CA 90089-4019, (213) 740-6709 or upirb@usc.edu.
UP IRB #00-09-257
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Guerrero, Sherrie Lynn (author)

Core Title Improving the transfer rates of minority students: A case study

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, bilingual and multicultural,education, community college,Education, higher,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Tierney, William G. (committee chair), Bensimon, Estela Mara (committee member), Hagedorn, Linda Serra (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-157198

Unique identifier UC11334339

Identifier 3054741.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-157198 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3054741-0.pdf

Dmrecord 157198

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Guerrero, Sherrie Lynn

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA