Power of the purse: estates and the religio-political influence of Japanese royal women, 1100-1300

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Content i POWER OF THE PURSE: ESTATES AND THE RELIGIO-POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF JAPANESE ROYAL WOMEN—1100-1300 by Sachiko Kawai A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (HISTORY) May 2015 Copyright 2015 Sachiko Kawai ii Acknowledgement I am truly grateful for my mentors, colleagues, and friends, who assisted me in completing my dissertation. I especially feel thankful to my advisor, Professor Joan Piggott, who continuously supported me with her instruction, encouragement, and patience to help me go through this long PhD path. I am also very grateful to my other dissertation committee members, Professor Judith Bennett and Professor Lori Meeks, who provided me with valuable suggestions and helpful guidance. I would like to express sincere gratitude to Dr. Janet Goodwin who read my entire dissertation and helped me strengthen my arguments. I would like to show my gratitude to the Japan Foundation and the Project for Premodern Japanese Studies for supporting my primary research in Japan from 2011- 2013. During my stay, many institutions and people supported me. I am grateful to the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo and Meiji University where I conducted archival research. My gratitude to the Kyoto University Museum for allowing me to examine primary documents including the miscellaneous dues of the Rokujō Estates is also beyond words. I especially want to thank the professors at the Historiographical Institute, including Professor Yoshida Sanae, Professor Endō Motoo, Professor Takahashi Toshiko, and Professor Banse Akemi, who continuously helped me sharpen my analytical skills by letting me attend their seminars and workshops. I’m indebted to professors Professor Yamaguchi Hideo and Professor Ebara Masaharu who tremendously helped to broaden my scholarly network at the Historiographical Institute. In addition to the professors above, I express sincere gratitude to USC Kambun Workshop instructors and participants, Professor Ishigami Eiishi, Professor Katō iii Tomoyasu, Professor Kawashima Masao, and Professor Matsumoto Ikuyo. I also thank Professor Ōyama Kyōhei, Professor Sakurai Eiji, Professor Kimura Shigemitsu and Kimura Yumiko, and Professor Ihara Hiroshi, for giving me warm and helpful guidance. Additionally, I thank Professor Yoshimura Takehiko, Professor Sasaki Ken’ichi, and Takeuchi Azusa, who helped me conduct archival research at Meiji University. I am also grateful to Professor Kinda Akihiro, the Suzuyaki specialist Yoshioka Yasunobu, and the director of Ishikawa History Museum, Hamaoka Shinya, for providing me with rich information about Suzu earthenware and premodern estates in Ishikawa. I am very lucky to have been able to meet the head monk of the Chōkō Temple in Kyoto and discuss the temple’s history with him. I’m very grateful to specialists in Japanese women’s history and gender studies, including Christina Laffin, Anne Walthall, Yoshie Akiko, Fukutō Sanae, Ijūin Yōko, Nomura Ikuyo, and Ebisawa Miki, for giving me insightful suggestions and encouragements. I am also greatly indebted to Noguchi Hanayo, Takamatsu Momoka, Itō Rumi, and Kuriyama Keiko, who had many meetings to analyze primary documents with me and inspired me with excellent research questions. I also thank to Professor Furuse Natsuko and Somei Chika, who supported me in presenting my paper at Ochanomizu University and published it in its Comparative Japanese Studies Annual Bulletin in 2014. Additionally, I want to say many thanks to Professor Hitomi Tonomura, Professor Ethan Segal, Dr. Yoshiko Kainuma, Professor Samuel Yamashita, and Professor Charlotte von Verschuer, who helped me develop analytical skills and gave me tremendous insights to improve my nyoin research. iv I want to express my special thanks to Erin Brightwell and Michelle Damian, who have been great supporters of me as my colleagues and best friends. Without their warm support and encouragements, I could not complete this dissertation. I am also greatly thankful to Viktor Shmagin and Makiko Ogawa, Yōko Takau-Draubin, Park Su-Cheol, Michael McCarty, Daniel Schley, Sherry Funches, Kim Yeonok, Ōhashi Akiko, Gerhard Leinss, and Lieber Detlef, for their warm support as my friends and researchers. I am indebted to Karen Gerhart, Aileen Gatten, and Miki Wheeler, who have been wonderful supporters of me since I met them during the USC Kamubun workshops. And I cannot neglect to say many thanks to my parents for all of their support for many years. Very special thanks to the members of USC—particularly to graduate students who gave me meaningful critiques and suggestions since the dissertation prospectus writing stage to the completion. Especially, I really appreciate the great help of Nadia Kanagawa for giving me extended help to revise my chapters. Also, many thanks to other graduate students and my colleagues from USC, Kevin Wilson, Dan Sherer, Jillian Barndt, Cassandra Dierolf, Jesse Drian, Andrew Kamei-Dyche, Rieko Kamei-Dyche, Kristina Buhrman, Luman Wang, Monica Pelayo, Max Felker-Kantor, Keith Pluymers, Justin Clark, Justin Haar, and Nicholas Gliserman, for all of their suggestions given at different moments of my dissertation research. I feel truly grateful to Professor Brett Sheehan, Professor Bettine Birge, Professor William Deverell, and Professor Lisa Bitel for their continuous support and guidance. I also give thanks to the USC History Department staff, Lori Rogers, Sandra Hopwood, Simone Bessant, and Melissa Borek, for their generous help and kindness. I wish to thank the East Asian Studies Center, the Shinso Ito Center of Japanese Religions and Culture, and the East Asian Languages and v Cultures Department, especially to Grace Ryu, Kana Sugita, Shannon Kakushi, and Christine Shaw, for their assistance. With their support, I was able to continue my projects and present my insights at conferences. Over and above this, I wholeheartedly thank my husband, John Mehringer, who encouraged me with generous love to overcome many challenges. My deepest thanks to him and all of you above. vi Table of Contents Acknowledgement ii Abstract viii Introduction 1 Part I: Early Medieval Court and Nyoin Estates 16 Chapter 1: The Status of Nyoin and Their Religious Roles 17 Historical Development of the Nyoin Institution 17 Prerogatives of the Nyoin Title 27 Religious Roles and Vow Temples 34 Memorializing Deaths of Family Members 42 Making Pilgrimages to Local Religious Sites 48 Conclusion 67 Chapter 2: Nyoin Power, Estates, and the Taira Influence: Trading Networks Within and Beyond the Archipelago 70 Hierarchical Rights and Responsibilities of the Medieval Estate System 71 Studies on Nyoin and Their Estates 74 Estate Locations and Taira Connections: the Case of Jōsaimon-in 78 The Production Center and Maritime Trade Networks of Hachijō-in and Kōkamon-in 93 Kōkamon-in’s Wakayama Estate and Its Black Wares 103 Empowerment through Strategic Alliances 112 Conclusion 121 Part II: Case Study of Senyōmon-in 123 Chapter 3: The Early Life of Princess Kinshi 124 The Critical Moment of Her Life: Attaining the Nyoin Status 125 Becoming Go-Shirakawa’s Major Heir 132 Chapter 4: The List of Rokujō Estates: Layers of Information Revealing the Gap Between Authority and Power 149 Chapter 5: Senyōmon-in’s Livelihood and Her Estates 172 Manpower Collected from the Rokujō Estates: the Security System and Due Delivery Strategies 173 Material Goods from the Estates and Senyōmon-in’s Influence 193 Interior Furnishings: Blinds 194 Interior Furnishings: Drapes 204 Flooring Materials 212 Seasonal Festivities: Torches, Sweets, and Event Materials 227 Monthly Food Service 237 Senyōmon-in’s Cultural Salon and Political Ties 244 vii Senyōmon-in’s Religious Roles and Her Use of the Rokujō Estates 247 Conclusion 262 Chapter 6: Senyōmon-in’s Final Years, and Passing on Her Estates 264 Conclusion 294 BIBLIOGRAPHY 303 viii Abstract In the early spring of 1129, the courtier Minamoto no Morotoki (1077-1136) recorded this complaint: These days, the female attendants and retainers of the nyoin [Retired Queen Consort Taikenmon-in] have been grabbing lands all over the archipelago from powerful families and various households. Relying on their ties with the nyoin and searching for further opportunities, these people have cared little whether such acts were right or wrong. 1 Twelfth- and thirteenth- century Japan was an era of warfare, which ultimately led to the emergence of a diarchy comprising the existing royal court in Kyoto and a newly formed warrior government in Kamakura. Interestingly, this same era witnessed royal women with the title of nyoin (retired queen consort) inheriting and accumulating landed estates. My dissertation closely examines successful and unsuccessful cases of such premodern female landholders in maintaining their estates and exercising land-based power. The medieval estate system consisted of a vertical chain of rights and responsibilities, involving various groups who jointly took part in administering and sharing income from the estate. What a nyoin “owned” in this system was “supreme proprietorship,” the highest authority (socially sanctioned rights) in this estate hierarchy. I argue that supreme proprietorship did not always guarantee a nyoin an ability to influence; she had to used this authority effectively to wield political, economic, religious, and military power. Examining nyoin and their land-based power is crucial for gaining a comprehensive picture of Japan’s medieval age (1050-1600). My dissertation consists of six chapters. In Part I (Chapters 1 and 2), I explain my research goals and the intersections of women’s history and estate holding in medieval 1 Chōshūki, the entry of Daiji 4 (1137)/3/24. ix Japan. Chapter 1 explains the development of the nyoin institution while introducing individual nyoin important for my study. This chapter also looks at nyoin’s religious roles, which were closely tied to their landholdings. Chapter 2 develops the story of nyoin estate management, by discussing two crucial strategies used to obtain power from their estates: first, securing access to trading, manufacturing, and transport; and second, how these royal matriarchs empowered themselves through alliances with other power-holders. Part II (Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6) consists of a case study of the unmarried royal daughter, Senyōmon-in (1181-1252). Chapter 3 begins with Senyōmon-in’s childhood and explores how she attained the status of nyoin and became an heiress with considerable property. Chapter 4 introduces The List of Rokujō Mansion Estates, the main primary source that I use to examine Senyōmon-in’s life and the resources that supported her economic, political, religious, and military power. Through qualitative and quantitative analyses of a list of miscellaneous dues levied on her estates, Chapter 5 explores the challenges and coping strategies that Senyōmon-in used in estate management. It also reconstructs her livelihood at the Rokujō Mansion, which became the center for her political and economic power. Chapter 6 focuses on the latter part of her life, her growing religious activities, and new challenges such as succession problems within her family line. By analyzing the life cycle and influence of this specific nyoin from her birth to death, these four chapters provide a more nuanced and complex picture of a nyoin’s land-based power. 1 Introduction During the late Heian and Kamakura periods (c. 1080-1333), a male heavenly sovereign (tennō) reigned, but his father or grandfather, who had abdicated to ensure a smooth transfer of the throne to his chosen heir, maintained political influence as a retired monarch (in). Given this pattern, modern historians have focused on these male rulers, supporting the view that the early medieval Japanese court was becoming more patriarchal and male-dominant. 2 To cite an instance in the English-language historiography, G. Cameron Hurst has investigated the roles played by male retired monarchs. His study, however, does not closely examine royal women’s participation at court because “female rule did not occur” during the Heian period (794-1185). 3 Although it is true that no women ascended the throne during that time, female in, who held socio- political status almost equivalent to that of retired sovereigns, began appearing one century before male in increased their control over the court. Specifically the nyoin ( 女院) title, which was formed by adding the modifier nyo (female) to the title in, elevated 2 In this regard older scholarship tended to assume that royal women were under the control of retired sovereigns and not themselves involved in political affairs. For example see Takeuchi Rizō, "Insei," in Seijishi, ed. Fujiki Kunihiko and Inoue Seijin (Toyko: Yamakawa Shuppansha, 1965). For a critique to such an assumption, Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka," Nihonshi kenkyū, no. 374 (1993): 47. Also see the entry for “Kōshitsuryō” (皇室領) in the historical dictionary Kokushi daijiten, vol. 5 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1984), 371. 3 See Cameron G. Hurst, Insei: Abdicated Sovereigns in the Politics of Late Heian Japan, 1086-1185 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), esp. 579. In Japanese Kokushi daijiten provides multiple scholarly views of the timing of the “insei” period when retired monarchs led the court. Older scholarship tended to define it as starting from 1086 when Sovereign Shirakawa (1053-1129, r. 1072-1086) abdicated to his young son while still retaining political power. Some historians have seen the starting point as 1072, when the monarch Go-Sanjō (1034-1073, r. 1068-1072) abdicated early to his designated heir. Others use the early 1100s because that was when Shirakawa began to dominate the court. Despite disagreement over the starting point, historians largely agree that the period spans from the late Heian well into Kamakura times. See the entry for “Insei jidai” (院政時代) in Kokushi daijiten, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1979), 889-90. Also see Mikawa Kei, Insei: mō hitotsu no tennōsei (Tokyo: Chūō Shinsho, 2006), 91-116; Motoki Yasuo, Inseiki seijishi kenkyū (Tokyo: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1996); and Kōchi Shōsuke, Hōgen ・ Heiji no ran (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2002). In English see G. Cameron Hurst, "Insei," in The Cambridge History of Japan: Heian Japan, ed. Donald H. Shively and William H. McCullough (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 125-177; and Mikael S. Adolphson, The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000). 2 royal wives and daughters to one of the most prestigious positions in the realm despite their lack of ruling experience as monarchs. As nyoin these royal women often inherited and accumulated estates (shōen) that provided them with livelihood and opportunities to increase their political, economic, and military power. This dissertation explores the nyoin—why the nyoin title emerged, and what influence and power nyoin actually exercised, especially in terms of their landholdings. As privileged court members capable of giving official approval to “the establishment of estates” (risshō), we will see that nyoin played significant roles in twelfth-century estate expansion. 4 A nyoin often supported her followers in redeveloping barren fields or acquiring reclaimed fields from others, and then encouraged them to commend these lands to her. Indeed some nyoin accumulated so many estates that contemporary courtiers began to complain. For instance in the early spring of 1129 the courtier Minamoto no Morotoki (1077-1136) criticized the nyoin Taikenmon-in (1101- 1145; became nyoin in 1124) for collaborating with her followers to expand her landholdings at the expense of estates belonging to others: These days, the female attendants and retainers of the nyoin [Retired Queen Consort Taikenmon-in] have been grabbing lands all over the archipelago from powerful families and various households. Relying on their ties with the Nyoin and searching for further opportunities, these people have cared little whether such acts were right or wrong. 5 4 As explained later in this chapter, only special members at court could authorize the establishment of estates. Kimura Shigemitsu also argues that the process of defining borders became important for estate proprietors, when the court began levying extraordinary dues on all the estates as well as public lands in assigned provinces. He claims that the main reasons for defining official borders were to be exempted from extraordinary dues and to prohibit the state dues collectors from entering the estate. See Uejima Susumu, "Shōenkōryō-sei ka no shōryō nintei: risshō to fuyu ・ funūken to ando," Hisutoria, no. 137 (1992): 26, 31- 35; Kimura Shigemitsu, "Funyūken no seiritsu ni tsuite," Tokyo gakugei daigaku kiyō dai 3 bumon, shakai kagaku 32 (1980). 5 See the entry of Daiji 4 (1129)/ 3/24 of Chōshūki, the journal by Minamoto no Morotoki (1077-1136). 3 It is curious that despite Morotoki’s concerns, no existing record indicates that the court tried to stop this activity by Taikenmon-in’s associates. And a decade and half later when her death drew close, Taikenmon-in successfully transferred most of these properties to another nyoin, her daughter Jōsaimon-in (1126-1189; became nyoin in 1159). The legacy included the estates of the Hōkongō Chapel, which was a vow temple established at Taikenmon-in’s request. 6 Jōsaimon-in thus became the landlord of more than sixty estates distributed across the Japanese archipelago, quite a few of which were located in politically important areas close to the capital. 7 Similarly in 1156 Jōsaimon- in’s half sister, Hachijō-in (1137-1211; became nyoin in 1161), inherited twelve estates from her father, the retired sovereign Toba (1103-1156, r. 1107-1123). Although this initial inheritance appears to have been smaller than that held by Jōsaimon-in, Hachijō-in accumulated landholdings rapidly over the course of her life. In 1160, she inherited additional estates upon the death of her mother, Bifukumon-in (1117-1160; became nyoin in1149); and by 1176 the number of estates under her control expanded to one hundred and two. 8 “A List of Vow Temples and Estates Left by Hachijō-in,” an estate list made after her death, suggests that she had transferred at least two hundred estates to her heirs. 9 6 Taikenmon-in also established another temple, Enshō-ji. He husband, Retired Sovereign Toba, inherited this temple. See Teishitsu Rinya-kyoku, ed. Goryōchishikō (Tokyo: Teishitsu Rinya-kyoku, 1937), 134. 7 No existing record shows the exact number of estates which Jōsaimon-in inherited from Taikenmon-in, but the total amount of the estates that Jōsaimon-in accumulated by her death exceeded sixty. See ibid., 135-139. 8 See Yamashinake komonjo and Kōzaniji komonjo. For printed versions, see Heian ibun (Historical Materials from the Heian Period), doc. 5060, vol. 10, 3904 and Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, ed. Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Kodai 3 (Kōbe: Hyōgo Prefecture, 1986), 474-476. Also see “Genpei sōranki no Hachijō-in ryō: ‘Hachijō-in no chō monjo’ wo chūshin ni’ in Ishii Susumu, Ishii Susumu chosakushū, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2005), 253-258, 338-339. This study was originally published in Nagahara Keiji and Sasaki Junnosuke, eds., Nihon chūseishi kenkyū no kiseki (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1988). 9 Hachijō-in’s grand nephew, Go-Toba (1180-1239, r. 1183-1198), received her estates upon the death of her heir, Shunkamon-in. These estates, however, were confiscated by the Kamakura bakufu (warrior government established in eastern Japan) that defeated Go-Toba at the Jōkyū War in 1221. See Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, ed. Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Chūsei 7 (Kōbe: Hyōgo Prefecture, 1993), 345. Also see Kamakura ibun (Historical Materials from the Kamakura Period), doc. 2912, vol. 5, 80. 4 Meanwhile late-Heian and Kamakura nyoin—Kōkamon-in (1122-1181; became nyoin in 1150), Senyōmon-in (1181-1252; became nyoin in 1191), and Muromachi-in (1228-1300; became nyoin in 1243) to name a few—also held a number of estates. All of the above has led modern historians to view nyoin as ‘medieval billionaires,’ emphasizing their wealth. 10 Nevertheless some medieval sources suggest otherwise. As we shall see, an important issue is whether landownership always guaranteed these nyoin economic success. For example the memoir of Hachijō-in’s female attendant, Tamakiwaru, describes the condition of her mistress’s storehouse during the 1180s to 1190s: 11 Whenever [my Lady Hachijō-in was going to hold] a special event, her caretakers would report that goods in her storehouse were already gone. They made no report that various goods [had been sent from her estates] at that moment although we later found written consents from these estates [to procure necessary resources for the event]. Moreover, notable treasures had been taken away upon the requests of retired sovereigns Nijō and Go-Shirakawa. Even though we heard that nothing besides dust remained in her storehouse, my mistress did not care a bit. 12 The contradiction between Hachijō-in’s enormous number of properties and her financial problems suggests a large gap between the lands she owned and the actual 10 For example, Gomi Fumihiko explains that a large number of estates held by an individual nyoin served as economic foundations of the nyoin and her followers by supporting their economic, political, and cultural activities. Mikawa Kei argues that during the mid twelfth century, Hachijō-in held a politically and economically stronger position than the reigning monarch, Go-Shirakawa, not only because she had a stronger tie to the main group controlling the political affairs of the state but also due to a considerable degree of her economic affluence. See “nyoin to nyōbō ・samurai” in Gomi Fumihiko, Inseiki shakai no kenkyū (Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppansha, 1984), 375-97; Mikawa Kei, "Kyō ・Shirakawa ・Toba: inseiki no toshi," in Insei no tenkai to nairan, ed. Motoki Yasuo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2002), 250-251. 11 The author, Kengozen, served Hachijō-in from1183 to 1195. After that, she also served Hachijō-in’s adopted daughter, Princess of the blood Shōshi, until 1199. See Ōkura Hiroshi, Murata Noriko, and Sukeno Kōzō, eds., Chūsei nikki kikō bungaku zenhyōshaku shūsei, vol. 2 (Tokyo: 2004), 92. 12 For printed versions, see Tamai Kōsuke, ed. Nihon koten zensho: Kenjugozen nikki (Tokyo: Asahi Shinbunsha, 1954), 199; Kobara Mikio et al., Tamakiwaru zenchūshaku (Tokyo: Kasama Shoin, 1983), 60; Misumi Yōichi and Satake Akihiro, eds., Shin nihon koten bungaku taikei: Towazugatari, Tamakiwaru, vol. 50 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1994), 300; Ōkura Hiroshi, Murata Noriko, and Sukeno Kōzō, Chūsei nikki kikō bungaku zenhyōshaku shūsei, 68. 5 benefits she gained from them. In this dissertation a key issue is, did land ownership always guarantee the nyoin economic success? In fact, we will see that it did not. In order to understand the difficulties that a nyoin faced and strategies she used to manage her estates, we need to challenge the simplified idea that the more estates a nyoin owned, the greater was her financial, political, and religious influence. My study rethinks the relationship between “owning land” and “gaining power.” I explore how different factors—political networks, religious beliefs, consumption habits, and expected gender roles—shaped the ways in which supreme proprietors obtained benefits from the land. To analyze the complex tie between landownership and the exercise of land-based power, I will emphasize the difference between the concepts of authority and power. I define “authority” as socio-politically sanctioned rights, and “power” as the ability to exercise those rights effectively to get things done. 13 Theresa Earenfight has put it slightly differently: for her, authority in the context of monarchy is “any capacity to secure obedience or conformity that is derived from a title to do so and that follows a hierarchical chain of command.” 14 For Japan’s nyoin, authority in the context of the medieval estate hierarchy consisted of socio-culturally recognized privileges that allowed those who held estate proprietorship to justify their actions, whether they were appointing estate officials or demanding dues from estate residents. In contrast, power is closely related to action and can be exercised with or without authority. Power in the Weberian sense is generally understood as “the probability that 13 I am following Western feminist scholarship from the late 1980s to define authority and power. See Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski, "Introduction," in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed. Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens and London: The University of Georgia Press, 1988), 1-17. 14 Theresa Earenfight, "Partners in Politics," in Queenship and Political Power in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, ed. Theresa Earenfight (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), xviii-xix. 6 one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests.” 15 This translation, which was proposed by Talcott Parsons and A. M. Henderson in 1965, is touted frequently as a good encapsulation of Weber’s original thinking. However sociologists since the 1980s have gone further. Isidor Wallimann, for example, claims that the English translation fails to indicate that power can be a collective action that works dynamically. 16 Wallimann’s emphasis on power as a dynamic process is useful because the power of a nyoin was dynamic. 17 An early medieval nyoin did not automatically obtain resources from her estates by relying on her privileged rights; neither did she gain economic power due to random opportunities. Rather, she strategically used both her inherited authority and socio-political ties over the land as best she could. Defining power as a process that calls into account “structural and interactive dimensions” allows us to examine how nyoin struggled to achieve their goals through a course of negotiation, compromise, and decision making in response to changing socio-political conditions and shifting power relations among members of the royal court. 18 By examining power as a result of collective endeavors by officials in Kyoto and the countryside including estate custodians, local estate officials, and residents, this dissertation explores complex relations between the authority of nyoin and their ability to wield power. 15 Previous scholars provided different translations to the definition of Weber’s “power.” See Dorothy Yoder Nyce and Lynda Nyce, "Power and Authority in Mennonite Ecclesiology: A Feminist Perspective," in Power, Authority, and the Anabaptist Tradition, ed. Benjamin W. Redekop and Calvin W. Redekop (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001). 16 Wallimann argues that Talcott and Henderson’s use of “probability,” instead of the original German term “chance,” weakens Weber’s implication that power encompasses “quality associated with the givenness of the social environment.” See Isidor Wallimann et al., "Misreading Weber: The Concept of 'Macht'," Sociology 14, no. 261 (1980): 264. 17 Ibid., 272. 18 Ibid., 273. 7 Initial studies of nyoin power were a reaction to the existing assumption that premodern women were powerless and therefore less important historical subjects than men. Researchers attempted to retrieve ‘women worthies’ who had been forgotten despite their significant accomplishments. 19 During the 1990s, this ‘women too had history’ approach sometimes turn into ‘the weak too had power.’ 20 Meanwhile the idea that women’s power had steadily declined during the medieval period was also challenged. Even while women’s claims for posts, inheritance, and other socio-politically acknowledged rights weakened, women were still able to find ways—formal and informal—to wield power in political, economic, and religious realms. 21 19 For examples in Japanese women’s history, see E. Patricia Tsurumi, "Visions of Women and the New Society in Conflict: Yamakawa Kikue Versus Takamure Itsue," in Japan's Competing Modernities: Issues in Culture and Democracy, 1900-1930, ed. Sharon A. Minichiello (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998); Michiko Y. Aoki, "Jitō Tennō: The Female Sovereign," in Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan, ed. Chieko Irie Mulhern (New York: M. E. Sharpe Inc., 1991); Margaret Fukazawa Benton, "Hōjō Masako: The Dowager Shōgun," ibid. 20 For example, see Barbara Ruch, ed. Engendering Faith: Women and Buddhism in Premodern Japan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2002); H. Mack Horton, "Portrait of a Medieval Japanese Marriage: The Domestic Life of Sanjōnishi Sanetaka," Japanese language and literature 37, no. 2 (2003); Fukutō Sanae, "From Female Sovereign to Mother of the Nation: Women and Government in the Heian Period," in Heian Japan, Centers and Peripheries, ed. Mikael S. Adolphson, Edward Kamens, and Stacie Matsumoto (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007). Also see Deniz Kandiyoti, "Bargaining with Patriarchy," Gender and Society 2 (1988). This scholarly trend in premodern Japanese history resonates with that in women’s and gender history in general. 21 For example, Martha Tocco challenged the idea that Japanese women’s status had gradually declined and reached its nadir during the Tokugawa era (1600-1868). By providing examples of highly educated Tokugawa women from different social backgrounds, she argued that both samurai and commoner women played important roles in teaching Japan’s future generations as instructors and school administrators. See Martha C. Tocco, "Norms and Texts for Women's Education in Tokugawa Japan," in Women and Confucian Cultures in Premodern China, Korea, and Japan, ed. JaHyun Kim Haboush Dorothy Ko, and Joan R. Piggott (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 2003), 194. During the 1960s and 1970s, historians of medieval Europe had emphasized that European royal and aristocratic women suffered decreasing power during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They depicted the beginning of 1000 as the turning point in terms of royal and aristocratic women’s power, based on the idea that women’s power resulted from their ‘official’ claims over land and office. Questioning this belief of late-medieval women’s diminishing power, studies from the 1990s have moved beyond a simple ‘loss or gain’ perspective and instead examine the complexities of women’s power. For 1960s and 1970s scholarship see Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society, trans. Cynthia Postan (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980); Marion Facinger, "A Study of Medieval Queenship: Capetian France, 987-1237," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 5 (1968). Facinger’s article was groundbreaking in the way that it problematized a lack of unified research on queens, especially on “queenship as an office.” Newer scholarship, however, has disagreed with her idea that medieval French queens steadily lost their power. For newer scholarship see Pauline Stafford, "Women and the Norman Conquest," Transactions of 8 To explain women’s power in a nuanced manner, new scholarship also examined women’s agency and networks. For instance through her study of the circumstances that led Heian women to take religious vows in the Kyoto urban setting, Kyōraku Mahoko argued that becoming a nun was one of the means available for women to combat economic and political challenges. Nunhood provided women, even the most impoverished ones (i.e. female mendicants), with a chance to survive by receiving material and residential support as alms. 22 These new scholars demonstrate that women without authority maximized available resources, managed to wield power, and used it to attain authority. While being attentive to these feminist analyses and recognizing the importance of recent scholarship that has highlighted women’s access to power, my project also acknowledges the limit of women’s power. It is important to explain the possibility that women with authority struggled and sometimes even failed to wield power despite their privileged positions. Specifically, rather than assuming that power always comes first and authority follows, I conceptualize the mechanisms of authority and power working bilaterally. This allows me not only to show that it is possible to access power without authority but also to explore how early medieval royal women in Japan used their authority to wield power. the Royal Historical Society 4 (1994); Susan M. Johns, Noblewomen, Aristocracy and Power in the Twelfth-Century Anglo-Norman Realm (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003); Theodore Evergates, The Aristocracy in the County of Champagne, 1100 – 1300 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007); Margaret Howell, Eleanor of Provence: Queenship in Thirteenth-Century England (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998); Miriam Shadis, "Blanche of Castile and Facinger's 'Medieval Qeenship': Reassessing the Argument," in Capetian Women, ed. Kathleen Nolan (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); Craig Taylor, "The Salic Law, French Queenship, and Defense of Women in the Late Middle Ages," French Historical Studies 29, no. 4 (2006). 22 Kyōraku Mahoko, "Taking the Tonsure in Eleventh-Century Heian-Kyō," in Gender and Japanese History: Religion and Custom; the Body and Sexuality, ed. Wakita Haruko, Anne Bouchy, and Ueno Chizuko (Osaka: Osaka University Press, 1999). 9 The holders of the nyoin title possessed acknowledged rights to demand that others carry out their will. For example, early medieval nyoin were sanctioned to establish large-scale administrative headquarters, submit their nominees for court promotions, and receive annual stipends from the state. Many of them inherited a substantial number of properties, with the authority to collect rents and other dues from their lands. Although individual nyoin received different sizes of stipends and estates, all nyoin enjoyed authority that was stronger than that of most men and women at court. That authority, however, fluctuated during the course of their lives due to changing factors including their political ties, age, and marital status. From time to time, a nyoin could be successful or unsuccessful in using her available authority to exercise power, and as a result she could strengthen or weaken her authority. For example, when a nyoin received an estate through commendation, she acquired authority over the new land. But the new rights she gained did not necessarily generate adequate power to exercise those rights. She could fail to maintain strong control over local officials and estate residents, and eventually she would lose her right to demand estate rents and dues. Rather than uncritically accepting women’s empowerment from their landholdings, this study investigates the ways in which nyoin struggled to successfully wield land-based power. In this regard, I consider Judith Bennett’s cautionary concept of “patriarchal equilibrium” useful. Bennett argues that, “despite many changes in women’s experiences over the centuries, women’s low status via-á-vis men [of the same social standing] has remained remarkably unchanged.” 23 This perspective reminds us to compare the 23 Judith M. Bennett, History Matters: Patriarchy and the Challenge of Feminism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 4. 10 situations of nyoin with those of male royals before being too optimistic about the privileges supposedly enjoyed by nyoin. This dissertation advances and connects two sub-fields of Japanese history— nyoin studies and estate studies. Studies of medieval nyoin began emerging at the end of the twentieth century, but few scholarly works investigated nyoin’s shifting power during the transitional phase between classical and medieval times in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Likewise, Western scholarship on estates has experienced limited progress during the past twenty-five years, even though medieval society and economy depended on estate holding and management. 24 By exploring the extent to which nyoin benefited from their estates, my project enhances our understanding of early medieval mechanisms for wielding power and gaining wealth. Although earlier scholars overlooked the nyoin’s participation in promoting estate commendations, in the 1990s researchers began paying attention to initiatives by nyoin in estate establishment. For instance his 1991 article Uejima Susumu claimed that only special members at court—the monarch, retired monarchs, nyoin, and the head of the regental family—could define estate borders and approve new estates by issuing authoritative orders from their household administrative offices. 25 The regental family (sekkanke) was a sublineage of the Northern Branch of the Fujiwara house whose 24 Including English translations of works by Japanese historians, a limited number of studies on medieval Japanese estates in English have been published since the 1990s. See Ōyama Kyōhei, "The Medieval Shōen," in The Cambridge History of Japan: Medieval Japan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,, 1990); Nagahara Keiji, "The Decline of the Shōen System," ibid., ed. Yamamura Kozo (Cambridge, New York, and Melbourne: Cambridge University Press); Thomas Keirstead, The Geography of Power in Medieval Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992); Judith Fröhlich, Rulers, Peasants and the Use of the Written Word in Medieval Japan (Bern: Peter Lang, 2007). In an attempt to remedy this situation, leading scholars of premodern Japanese history organized an international conference on the theme, Reassessing the Shôen System: Society and Economy in Medieval Japan, at University of Southern California in 2013. A volume of essays will be published. 25 Uejima Susumu, "Shōenkōryō-sei ka no shōryō nintei: risshō to fuyu ・ funyūken to ando." 11 members, starting in the eleventh century, held the hereditary right to serve a young monarch as his regent or to serve an adult monarch as his chief-of-staff. Drawing on Uejima’s idea, Kawabata Shin and Takahashi Kazuki proposed that through receiving commendations, powerful nobles including nyoin was well as religious institutions established new estates that were completely different in scale from earlier estates. 26 By pointing out that these great power holders could transform small-scale estates into gigantic territories, Kawabata argued that bringing about such transformation was quite beyond the capabilities of local lesser elites. My goal here is to investigate how nyoin took part in late-Heian estate expansion and thereby made substantial attempts to empower themselves. It is important to note, however, that there is debate concerning this top-down perspective. Kamakura Saho, for instance, claims that historians should examine multidirectional power dynamics to understand the complex characteristics of the premodern estate system. She examines both top-down and bottom-up dynamics by analyzing and assessing the government policies concerning reopening lands and local reactions. Specifically she examines environmental conditions and argues that in response to natural disasters such as volcanic eruptions and floods during the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, the establishment of new estates increased. Agreeing with Kamakura, Morita Hayato examines the estates of religious institutions and underscores the need to study interactions among capital-based estate proprietors, regional power holders, and local communities to develop a full picture of estate operation in medieval 26 Kawabata Shin, Shōensei seiritsushi no kenkyū (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2000); Takahashi Kazuki, Chūsei shōensei to Kamakura bakufu (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 2004). 12 Japan. 27 In my project, I incorporate both capital- and local-level perspectives to examine how nyoin enhanced their financial and religio-cultural power through successful management of their estates. Despite its significant contribution, the newer scholarship on nyoin has left an important question unexplored—the complex relationship between nyoin authority and power. The objective of Banse Akemi’s study was to investigate nyoin authority, but studies succeeding her work interpreted her argument that “nyoin held ‘authority’” as “nyoin held ‘power,’” without examining the degree to which these women were actually capable of wielding authority and thereby exercising power. Recent studies have failed to acknowledge unsuccessful cases and to explain why some nyoin occasionally failed to expand their estates, experienced difficulties in protecting their estates from invaders, or even gave up managing their estates. Herein I will problematize the image of powerful and independent nyoin by examining not only the privileges these women enjoyed but also the challenges they encountered in estate management, due to regional differences, types of estates, surrounding historical circumstances, and the effects of their individual personalities. During the last decade, the historiography of nyoin developed in tandem with the study of premodern royal women. 28 Since the turn of the twenty-first century, historians 27 Morita Hayato, Nihon chūsei shakai seiritsushiron (Tokyo: Azekura Shobō, 2010). 28 Scholarship on premodern Japanese women since the 1980 has broken from a tradition which had either dismissed women as peripheral historical figures or depicted them as victims deprived power in the course of the medieval period. For example, Ivan Morris considers the mid-Heian Period as the ‘golden age’ for Japanese aristocratic women because they were culturally and economically ‘well-off,’ but he defines the succeeding era as a ‘dark age’ in his article, "Women of Ancient Japan: Heian Ladies," History Today 13, no. 3 (1963). Reacting against the assumption that all women suffered under the patriarchal family system in medieval ‘feudal’ society, post-1980 scholars attempted to retrieve ‘women worthies’ who had been forgotten despite having significant accomplishments. The essays in Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan represent this scholarly trend. See Chieko Irie Mulhern, ed. Heroic with Grace: Legendary Women of Japan (1991: M. E. Sharpe Inc., 1991). New scholarship also challenged the idea of a steady 13 in Japan have shed more light on the lives and roles of royal princesses, inspired by the birth of the current crown prince’s only child, Princess Aiko ( 愛子内親王) in 2001. There has been heated debate over the possibility of a future female monarch, and it has encouraged historians and folklorists to explore female rulership in Japan’s past. New scholarship expanded the discussion beyond pre-ninth-century ruling royal daughters to examine the roles of Heian and Kamakura royal princesses who became nyoin. For example, an edited volume, Royal Daughters in Japanese History (Rekishi no naka no kōjotachi), provides case studies of individual royal princesses as well as a biographical overview of all documented royal daughters from the sixth to the nineteenth centuries. 29 Kuriyama Keiko has also studied unmarried royal daughters who received the status of “equivalent mother” (junbo) to strengthen the monarch’s lineage because the monarch’s real mother was often of a lower status. 30 Kuriyama argues that as junbo these women played significant political roles as sisters or aunts of monarchs and crown princes. Because most of the women on whom she focused became nyoin and held numerous estates, Kuriyama’s study generated useful questions concerning nyoin roles in the royal family and at court. But while the possibility of a modern female monarch encouraged scholars to investigate royal women’s distant past, the heated debate somehow lost its buzz after the decline of women’s status during the Kamakura Period, by examining the differences among women. They examined the marriage system, female inheritance, sexuality, women’s religious roles, and their literary achievements. For example, Wakita Haruko is critical of historians who see the establishment of patriarchal authority in the fourteenth century for failing to analyze differences between classes. She argues that that women’s status should be explained through examining the complex interrelationship between differences not only in gender, but also in class, economic status, and age. See Wakita Haruko, "Marriage and Property in Premodern Japan from the Perspective of Women's History," Journal of Japanese Studies 10, no. 1 (1984); Women in Medieval Japan: Motherhood, Household Management and Sexuality, trans. Alison Tokita (Victoria and Tokyo: Monash University Press and University of Tokyo Press, 2006). 29 Fukutō Sanae, ed. Rekishi no naka no kōjotachi (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2002). 30 Kuriyama Keiko, "Junbo ritsugō-sei ni miru chūsei zenki no ōke," Nihonshi kenkyū, no. 465 (2001). 14 birth of the first grandson of the current tennō in 2006. I hope that my study of nyoin and their land-based power will help rekindle scholarly interests on royal women in Japan while encouraging Western historians to look more closely at them as well. Female rulership existed historically and still exists across the globe today. Meanwhile female landownership has influenced the history of family and business throughout the world. By asking questions about globally significant issues related to women’s political leadership and property management, I want to stimulate interdisciplinary discussions about women’s power and authority across time and cultures. In the first part of this dissertation, I build the foundation for my case study of specific nyoin in Part II. Chapter 1 discusses the development of the nyoin institution and introduces nyoin important to my study. It also looks at nyoin’s religious roles, which were closely tied to their landholdings. Chapter 2 develops the story of nyoin estate management, by discussing two crucial strategies for obtaining resources from their estates: first, securing access to trading, manufacturing, and transport; and second, making alliances with other power-holders. Part II consists of a study of the unmarried royal daughter Senyōmon-in. Her case provides significant information about royal women’s estate management and their changing abilities to wield power because we have relatively rich primary sources, including royal orders, courtier journals, estate lists, and testaments, for examining her life over a long period. Chapter 3 begins with Senyōmon- in’s childhood and explores how she attained the status of nyoin and later became an heiress with considerable property. Chapter 4 introduces The List of Rokujō Mansion Estates, a key primary source for examining Senyōmon-in’s life and resources—and her ability to wield economic, political, religious, and military power. Then in Chapter 5, 15 through qualitative and quantitative analyses of a list of miscellaneous dues levied on her estates, I explore the challenges and coping strategies that Senyōmon-in and her household officials used in estate management. I also reconstruct aspects of her life at the Rokujō Mansion, which was the headquarters for her political and economic authority and power. Chapter 6 focuses on her latter years, her growing religious activities, and new challenges such as her need to establish an heir. By analyzing the life cycle and influence of this nyoin from her birth to death, this case study in four chapters provides a nuanced and complex picture of a nyoin’s land-based power. 16 Part I: Early Medieval Court and Nyoin Estates 17 Chapter 1: The Status of Nyoin and Their Religious Roles Despite recent progress in nyoin research, the master narrative of medieval Japanese history in scholarly works and textbooks alike focuses mainly on the roles played by retired male sovereigns during the late Heian and Kamakura periods. 31 As a result, only a small number of students, even those specializing in Japanese history, understand what kinds of roles nyoin played, how the nyoin institution developed, and how it differed from that of a retired sovereign. This chapter provides an overview of the historical development of the nyoin institution and explores how the definition of nyoin changed over time. I examine what types of prerogatives a nyoin gained after receiving the title, in comparison with those of retired sovereigns. I also explore the religious activities of nyoin, since these royal women built Buddhist temples, made pilgrimages, and sponsored religious ceremonies. Historical Development of the Nyoin Institution In the early spring of 991, Dowager Queen-consort Fujiwara no Senshi (962-1001) lost her husband, Retired Monarch Enyū (959-991, r. 969-984) when her son, Ichijō Tennō (980-1011, r. 986-1011), was still ten years old. Her failing health and her decision to 31 For example, Takamatsu Momoka explains that high school textbooks in Japan lacked information about nyoin, and this condition has continued to the present. History textbooks in English also tend to lack information about nyoin. See Takamatsu Momoka, "Heian jidai no joseizō no tenkan wo: Inseiki no kokumo ・ nyoinron," Rekishi chiri kyōiku, no. 678 (2004); William Wayne Farris, Japan to 1600 : A Social and Economic History (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009); Conrad Schirokauer, A Brief History of Chinese and Japanese Civilization, 4th ed. (Boston, MA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2013); Andrew Gordon, A Modern History of Japan : From Tokugawa Times to the Present, Third edition. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014); Andrew Edmund Goble, Kenmu: Go-Daigo's Revolution (Cambridge, Massachusetts: the Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1996); Adolphson, The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan; Gordon M Berger et al., eds., Currents in Medieval Japanese History: Essays in Hornor of Jeffrey P. Mass (Los Angeles: Figueroa Press, 2009). 18 become a nun motivated her to retire from her queen-consort position, but she also had a political reason: her son needed a powerful individual to oversee his rule. With a royal edict issued by Ichijō Tennō in the ninth month of the year, Senshi became the first nyoin, Higashisanjō-in, and supported the tennō as a royal mother and retired queen consort. This was the start of the eight century-long history of nyoin. Genealogy 1: Royal Family and Fujiwara (Regental) Family The beginning of the nyoin institution coincided with the increasing power of Higashisanjō-in’s natal family, the Northern Branch of the Fujiwara family. This nyoin not only supported her son’s rule but also consolidated the political influence of her male relatives as regents and as the tennō’s private inspectors (nairan). She especially Higashisanjō-in (962-1001) Jōtōmon-in (988-1074) Yōmeimon-in (1013-1094) Sanjō Tennō (976-1017) Go-Sanjō Tennō (1034-1073) Go-Suzaku Tennō (1009-1045) Ichijō Tennō (980-1011) Fujiwara no Michinaga (966-1027) Minamoto no Rinshi (964-1053) Fujiwara no Kenshi (994-1027) Fujiwara no Kaneie (929-990) Enyū Tennō (959-991) : royal offspring : the regental family head : regental family daughter : nyoin Go-Ichijō Tennō (1008-1036) 19 supported her younger brother, Fujiwara no Michinaga, and helped him become a leading figure in court politics (see Genealogy 1). The second nyoin was Michinaga’s daughter Shōshi (988-1074). She became Ichijō’s queen consort, gave birth to two successive monarchs, Go-Ichijō (1008-1036, r. 1016-1036) and Go-Suzaku (1009-1045, r. 1036- 1045). In 1026 she became a nyoin with the name Jōtōmon-in and supported her father and her younger brothers. 32 The cases of these early nyoin show that Fujiwara regental daughters wielded significant political influence as royal wives and mothers during the tenth and eleventh centuries. In contrast, the third nyoin was a royal daughter, Princess Teishi (1013-1094). 33 She married Go-Suzaku Tennō, the second son of her aunt Jōtōmon-in, and gave birth to his heir, Go-Sanjō Tennō (1034-1073, r. 1068-1072). Upon withdrawal from her queen- consort status in 1069, she received her nyoin title, Yōmeimon-in (see Genealogy 1). Although her mother was from the regental family, Yōmeimon-in supported her paternal family and created an opportunity for her husband and son monarch to avoid unwanted interference from the regental family. Despite the difference between Yōmeimon-in and her predecessors, early nyoin shared certain characteristics—holding the position of queen-consort and having given birth to a monarch—and set the precedents for obtaining the title (see Table 1). 32 Shōshi had given birth to two successive monarchs, Go-Ichijō (1008-1036, r. 1016-1036) and Go-Suzaku (1009-1045, r. 1036-1045). She received her title when her first son was still on the throne. 33 Yōmeimon-in’s mother, Fujiwara no Kenshi, was a younger sister of Jōtōmon-in. For further information about Yōmeimon-in, see Kunaichō, ed. Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1991). For studies on these early nyoin, see Kuge Hirotoshi, "Nyoin ni tsuite: sōsetsuki no Senshi ・Shōshi wo chūshin to shite," Gakuen 805 (2007); Hashimoto Yoshihiko, Heian kizoku (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1986); "Nyoin no igi to enkaku," in Kodaishi ronsō: Inoue Mitsusada Hakase kanreki kinenkai-hen (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1978); Maki Michio, "Yōmeimon-in no seijiteki tachiba to sono yakuwari: insei seiritsu katei no ichikōsatsu," in Insei jidaishi ronshū, ed. Maki Michio (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 1993); Takamatsu Momoka, "Inseiki sekkanke to jōtōmon-In kojitsu," Nihonshi kenkyû 513 (2005). 20 Table 1: The Early Nyoin Name Year of Becoming Nyoin Prior to the Nyoin Position Parental Relationship to the Throne 1 Higashisanjō-in 991 Queen-consort (Wife of Enyū Tennō) Biological mother of Ichijō Tennō 2 Jōtōmon-in 1026 Queen-consort (Wife of Ichijō Tennō) Biological mother of Go-Ichijō Tennō and Go- Suzaku Tennō 3 Yōmeimon-in 1069 Queen-consort (Wife of Go-Suzaku Tennō) Biological mother of Go-Sanijō Tennō In comparison to regental daughters who achieved political power and prestige through marriage, daughters of the tennō during this time often remained single. Only a few royal daughters became royal wives during the Heian period, and Yōmeimon-in was the sole case from this era in which a royal princess became a nyoin by having already attained the queen consort position and given birth to a monarch. The episode of the Third Princess in the mid-Heian literary work, the Tale of Genji, depicts this trend. When the princess’s senior nurse is discussing the future of her mistress, she states that, “an Emperor’s daughter often remains unmarried.” 34 The princess’s ailing father, Retired Monarch Suzaku, expresses his concern by saying, “the third is still very young, and she has no one but me. I worry that she may be quite lost once I have left her.” 35 He adds: Imperial daughters like mine are not always settled at all happily in life, and besides, once a woman has given herself to a man, no lofty rank can shield her from one thing or another…. Nowadays one never knows what wanton outrage to expect next. A daughter who only yesterday was at home with her noble parents 34 Murasaki Shikibu, The Tale of Genji, trans. Royall Tyler, vol. 2 (New York: Viking Penguin, 2001), 581. 35 Ibid., 578. 21 and enjoyed all their affection and esteem, today, they say, may well have her name bandied about by the most tedious gallants, sully her late father’s honor, and cover his name with shame. In short, one choice is as bad as the other. 36 Suzaku laments that neither marrying down nor serving at court could bring bliss to royal daughters, and that even royal daughters could face economic predicaments after the loss of their fathers. Despite this bleak fate depicted in the Tale of Genji, the criteria for becoming a nyoin became more fluid during the mid eleventh century, thus providing an opportunity for royal daughters to sustain their social prestige and to pursue political power even after the deaths of their fathers. The fourth nyoin, Princess Shōshi (1026-1105), had served as a queen-consort, but she was childless and received her nyoin title (Nijō-in) in 1074 without being a royal mother (see Table 2). 37 And two decades later further changes occurred. Retired Monarch Shirakawa’s unmarried royal daughter, Ikuhōmon-in (1076- 1096), became a nyoin in 1091 because she was the “equivalent mother” (junbo) of her full brother, Horikawa Tennō (1079-1107, r. 1086-1107) and had also been promoted to queen-consort. She was neither a royal wife nor the biological mother of a monarch. Seventy years later, another unmarried royal princess, Hachijō-in, further undermined existing precedents by becoming a nyoin in 1161, holding not the title of queen-comsort but that of (jugō 准后), which was considered equivalent to that of a queen-consort. She did, however, establish a quasi mother-child relationship with Nijō Tennō (1143-1165, r. 1158-1165) before becoming a nyoin. Finally, her niece Senyōmon-in became a nyoin in 1191 without even building a quasi mother-child tie with any monarch. She was the first woman to become a nyoin only as a jugō or “equivalent queen-consort.” 36 Ibid., 582. 37 See Table 2 and Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 14-15. 22 Table 2: Later Nyoin into Kamakura Times Name Year of Becoming Nyoin Prior to the Nyoin Position Parental Relationship to the Throne 4 Nijō-in 1074 Queen-consort (Wife of Go-Reizei Tennō) None 5 Ikuhōmon-in 1093 Queen-consort (Unmarried royal daughter) junbo (“equivalent mother” of her brother, Horikawa Tennō) 6 Taikenmon-in 1124 Queen-consort (Wife of Toba Tennō) Biological mother of Sutoku Tennō 7 Kaya-no-in 1139 Queen-consort (Wife of Toba Tennō) None 8 Bifukumon-in 1149 Queen-consort (Wife of Toba Tennō) Biological mother of Konoe Tennō 9 Kōkamon-in 1150 Queen-consort (Wife of Sutoku Tennō) Adoptive mother of Konoe Tennō 10 Jōsaimon-in 1159 Queen-consort (Unmarried royal daughter) junbo (“equivalent mother” of her brother, Go- Shirakawa Tennō) 11 Hachijō-in 1161 Jugō (Unmarried royal daughter) junbo (“equivalent mother” of her nephew, Nijō Tennō) 12 Takamatsu-in 1162 Queen-consort (Wife of Nijō Tennō) None 13 Kujō-in 1168 Queen-consort (Wife of Konoe Tennō) None 14 Kenshunmon- in 1169 Queen-consort (Wife of Go-Shirakawa Tennō) Biological mother of Takakura Tennō 15 Kenreimon-in 1181 Queen-consort (Wife of Takakura Tennō) Biological mother of Antoku Tennō 23 16 Inpumon-in 1187 Queen consort (Unmarried royal daughter) junbo (“equivalent mother” of her nephews—Antoku and Go-Toba Tennō—and her grand nephew, Juntoku) 17 Shichijō-in 1190 Jugō (Wife of Takakura Tennō) Biological mother of Go-Toba Tennō 18 Senyōmon-in 1191 Jugō (Unmarried royal daughter) None Notably, contemporaries viewed later nyoin who failed to satisfy the original precedents as less prestigious than the earlier nyoin. According to the thirteenth century compilation of historical records, Hyakurenshō, Fujiwara no Koremichi (1093-1165) opined that Hachijō-in, who never became a queen-consort, held a less esteemed position than those who had once achieved such status. 38 He also thought that Koichijō-in, a male in, who received his in title without ascending the throne, held a lower status than that of a queen-consort. 39 Koremichi’s comments suggest that contemporaries discriminated against holders of an in title on the basis of their previous standing. Despite contemporary courtiers not honoring all nyoin equally, Heian historical tales indicate that at least in the early days, the nyoin title made its recipient the female equivalent of a retired monarch. 40 For example, Eiga monogatari explains that Higashisanjō-in became a nyoin “like a sovereign who had stepped down from the throne 38 Hyakurenshō is a collection of courtier journals and other records that cover the reigns between Reizei (r. 967-969) and Go-Fukakusa (r. 1246-1259). Hyakurenshō recorded Fujiwara no Koremichi’s opinion as a “mōshijō,” which seems to have been reported to the throne as part of the Council discussion on Ōhō 1 (1161) 12/16. See Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・Hyakurenshō, vol. 11 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2004), 75-76. 39 Prince Atsuakira (994-1051), the first son of Sanjō Tennō, became a crown prince in 1056, but in the following year, he resigned the position due to the pressure from Fujiwara no Michinaga. Although the prince never ascended the throne, he received his in title, Koichijō-in, in 1017. 40 For example, see Kawamata Keiichi, ed. Shinkō Gunsho Ruijū, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki, 1930), 702; Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 6-9. 24 (orii no mikado).” 41 Ōkagami also states that her status was “the same as that of a retired monarch (daijōtennō).” 42 Likewise, the second nyoin, Jōtōmon-in, appears in Ōkagami as a woman with “the same rank as a retired monarch.” 43 Furthermore as noted later in this chapter, nyoin received special economic support from the state. As these historical tales emphasize, a female in was considered parallel to a male in at the incipient phase of the nyoin institution. Now, let us examine another aspect of a nyoin, her administrative headquarters (nyoin no chō). Although Heian historical tales claim that a nyoin received status equivalent to that of a male in, institutional rules defining her office were not exactly the same as those for a retired monarch. We do not have primary sources exclusively discussing a nyoin’s administrative headquarters, but the medieval handbooks Shūgaishō and Renchūshō provide records concerning the retired sovereign’s office, and they include supplementary notes describing the differences between his office and the nyoin office. The following is a list of officials and offices that a retired sovereign could include in his administrative headquarters. 44 41 See Eiga monogatari episode 4: “Mihatenu yume” in Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Eiga monogatari, vol. 20 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2004), 90. Also see Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 8-10. 42 See Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 8. 43 See Ōkagami, the episode of “Fujiwara-shi no han’ei” in Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Nihon kokushi taikei: Mizukagami ・Ōkagami, vol. 21-1 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2003), 164. 44 See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 316-17. This information is based on Shūgaishō and Renchūshō. Renchūshō is a collection of precedents and rules related to courtly society, and provides valuable information about manners, rituals, costumes, ranks, titles, and laws (yūsokukojitsu-sho). It is said that Fujiwara no Suketaka wrote Renchūshō at the end of the Heian Period, but others kept adding more entries until the era of northern and southern courts (1336-92). Jinten ainōshō (塵添壒囊鈔) says that Renchūshō was written for Princess Shōshi (Hachijō-in). The sixth section in the first volume (1 6 ) and the thirty-second section of the thirteenth volume (13 32 ): Hamada Atsushi and Satake Akihiro, eds., Jinten Ainōshō ・Ainōshō (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1968), 6, 285. Shūgaishō is an encyclopedia used for courtiers’ education. The compiler is said to be Tōin Kinkata or Tōin Sanehiro. There are also different theories regarding the date of compilation. Wada Hidematsu argues that it was compiled before 1294, but Kawase Kazuma argues that it was done between April and August in 1341. For a photocopy of Shūgaishō (the list of officials and administrative units of a retired sovereign 25 A retired sovereign’s officials: - Directors (bettō 別当) - Administrative chiefs (shitsuji 執事)* - Chiefs for the current year (nen’yo 年預)* - Supervisors of the fifth, fourth, or sixth rank (hōgandai 判官代) - People authorized to enter the retired sovereign’s courtier hall ([in no] tenjōbito [ 院の] 殿上人) - Secretary-provisioners: four members (kurōdo 蔵人) 45 - Assistant secretary-provisioners (hikurōdo 非蔵人) - Clerks (shutendai 主典代) - Clerical assistants (chōkan 庁官): kumon (officials in charge of document processing) and in-no-shō (officials in charge of miscellaneous duties). A retired sovereign’s headquarters included these administrative units: - Servants’ Bureau (Meshitsugi-dokoro 召次所) - Attendants’ Bureau (Tsukae-dokoro 仕所) - Special Storehouse (Bechinō-dokoro 別納所) - Bureau of Ceremonial Dress (Gofuku-dokoro 御服所) - Culinary Bureau (Mizushi-dokoro 御厨所)* including supplementary notes), see Maeda Ikutokukai Sonkeikaku Bunko, ed. Shūgaishō, Sonkeikakubon eiin shūsei (Tokyo: Yagi Shoten, 1998), 107-08. 45 Another English translation for kurōdo might be “aides.” 26 - Bureau of Offerings (Shinmotsu-dokoro 進物所) - Secretariat (Fudono 文殿)* - Miscellaneous Attendants at the Kurōdo-dokoro (Shosū 所衆) - Warriors’ Bureau (Musha-dokoro 武者所) - Bureau of Bodyguards (Mizuishin-dokoro 御隨身所) - Stable (Mimaya 御厩)* Note: A nyoin’s administrative headquarters should include the same officials and administrative units, except for the Warriors’ Bureau and the Bureau of Official Bodyguards, which are not included. 46 * Officials and offices mentioned only in Shūgaishō. Although the structure of a nyoin headquarters was almost identical to the one belonging to a retired sovereign, the note added at the end of the list highlights a critical difference: the lack of military bureaus in the nyoin’s headquarters. And yet, despite this difference, Heian and Kamakura nyoin resorted to other means, namely their estates, to recruit military power. Hachijō-in, for example, supported Prince Mochihito in this way during his rebellion of 1180 against the Heishi. Not only her followers residing at capital but also warriors who came from her estates fought for the prince. 47 Maintaining security during ordinary times was also important. For a nyoin who had no official bureau of bodyguards, it was a challenge to train and organize guards on a 46 The quote is a translation of the note included in Shūgaishō. Renchūshō also has a similar note specifying that a nyoin headquarters was equivalent to that of a retired sovereign, but it lacked the Warriors’ Bureau and the Bureau Official Bodyguards. See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 316-317. 47 See my MA thesis, Sachiko Kawai, "The Lady of the Eighth Ward: Political, Economic, and Military Power of Nyoin During the Twelfth Century, Japan" (University of Southern California, 2007). 27 regular basis. But her estates served as an indispensable source to collect manpower. First, a nyoin could request her estates to send guards to protect her residence. Second, owning an estate helped a nyoin to establish and maintain trusted relationships with her followers. 48 Specifically, custodians or managers (ryōke or azukari dokoro) of nyoin estates often served as her officials and female attendants. By maintaining reliable ties with them through her estates, she could gather a sufficient number of attendants around her. Later in Chapter 5, we will look at the case of Senyōmon-in, who regularly requested gate guards and laborers from her estates all over the archipelago. I will closely examine her strategies to protect her residence in Kyoto and the Buddhist Hall in its precincts. Prerogatives of the Nyoin Title In addition to the privilege of establishing a large-scale headquarters, the court provided a nyoin with economic prerogatives: the right to receive taxes from sustenance households (fuko), and the right to nominate candidates for annual promotions. 49 Medieval ritual handbooks including the Saikyūki and Hokuzanshō did not discriminate between the prerogatives given to a retired monarch and those given to a nyoin when listing promotion types and the number of nominees. 50 This protocol, however, did not always match actual practice. First, let us closely examine the sustenance households provided to a nyoin. According to Nihon kiryaku, when Higashisanjō-in became a nyoin after retiring from the 48 Ishii Susumu, "Genpei sōranki no Hachijō-in shūhen: Hachijō-in monjo wo tegakari ni," in Chūsei no hito to seiji, ed. Ishii Susumu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1988); Noguchi Hanayo, "Ankamon-in to Nyoinryō Shōen: Heianmatsu ・Kamakuraki no Nyoinryō no Tokushitsu," Nihonshi Kenkyū, no. 456 (2000); Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite," Rekishi 100 (2003). 49 See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 251-268. 50 See Shintōtaikei Henshūkai ed. Shintōtaikei chōgi saishi hen 2: Saikyūki (Tokyo: Shintōtaikei Henshūkai 1993), 74; Shintōtaikei chōgi saishi hen 3: Hokuzanshō (Shintōtaikei Henshūkai 1992), 193. 28 position of grand queen-consort (taikōtaigō), she was allowed to keep her sustenance households “as before.” 51 This implied that she continued to receive support from the same number of households as she had been receiving as a grand queen-consort. At a glance, Higashisanjō-in appears to have been well provided for, since the state let her keep her allowance even after she retired from the queen-consort position. But in fact she might not have been as generously supported as was her male counterpart. Despite a lack of records directly comparing Higashisanjō-in’s condition to that of her husband, Enyū, other cases suggest that a queen-consort of a retired sovereign received a smaller number of sustenance households than her husband. For example, in 823 when Retired Sovereign Saga (786-842, r. 809-823) received 1500 households, his grand queen-consort, Tachibana no Kachiko, received only 1000. 52 The gap in the number of households granted to later retired sovereigns and their wives expanded. The households given to retired sovereigns grew to 2000 as seen in the case of Retired Sovereign Junna (786-840, r. 823-833) and others, but the amount granted his wife remained at 1000. 53 If Higashisanjō-in’s circumstances reflected these precedents, her allowance must have been less than her husband’s share when he retired from the throne in 984. 54 Because of the gender inequality between a queen-consort and her husband, it is likely that the mid- Heian court provided a smaller allowance to a nyoin than to a retired sovereign. 51 Nihon kiryaku, Shōryaku 2 (991)/9/16. See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 263. 52 Nihon kiryaku, Kōnin 14 (823)/6/2. See Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Dajō tennō 1 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1978), 305. 53 For example, see ibid., 305-310. Also see Shoku nihon kōki, Jōwa 2 (835)/3/12, Sandai jitsuroku, Jōgan 18 (876)/12/8, and Daigoji kiroku, Tengyō 9 (946)/12/11. Shoku nihon kōki (completed in 869) and Sandai jitsuroku (completed in 901) are two of the Six National Histories (rikkokushi) that were compiled upon royal commands. 54 Six years later, on the same year of her husband’s death, she became a nyoin and continued to receive the same number of households as when she was a queen-consort. 29 The cases of Higashisanjō-in’s successors, however, show that differences were based not only on gender but also on socio-political standing. As in the case of Higashisanjō-in, Jōtōmon-in continued to receive the same number of sustenance households as when she was a queen-consort, which was likely half of those given to a retired sovereign. 55 Less than two months after her promotion, however, the court granted this new nyoin additional households, for a total of 1,325 households. 56 A late-eleventh century nyoin, Ikuhōmon-in, who followed Jōtōmon-in’s precedent, was also granted additional sustenance households (1,500 in total) upon receiving her nyoin title. The contemporary courtier, Ōe Masafusa, explains that Ikuhōmon-in was granted a larger amount because previously she had been entitled to receive economic support as a royal princess of the blood. 57 Later nyoin Shichijō-in (1157-1228; became a nyoin in 1190) and Shōmeimon-in (1171-1257; became a nyoin in 1207) were also granted 500 additional households to supplement their queen-consort stipends when they became nyoin. 58 Since these sources introduce only a limited number of nyoin who acquired additional households, we cannot generalize that all nyoin enjoyed such special treatment. Ikuhōmon-in’s case implies that unmarried royal princesses received more economic support if they had attained the position of queen-consort before becoming a nyoin. But others such as Hachijō-in and Senyōmon-in did not meet that condition and might have 55 Ruijūfusenshō, in Manju 3 (1026)/1/19. See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 263. 56 According to Ingōsadame buruiki, Jōtōmon-in received 200 additional households on Manju 3 (1026)/2/13. If she had been receiving only 1000 households when she was a queen-consort, the figures do not add up. She must have already increased her allowance prior to her receipt of a nyoin title. See ibid., 263-264. 57 See ibid., 264. 58 See Sadanaga kyōki, Kenkyū 1 (1190)/4/22 and Sukezane kyōki, Kenni’n 2 (1202)/1/15 in ibid., 264-265. Sadanaga kyōki (or Sanjōki) is a courtier journal written by Fujiwara no Sadanaga (1149-1195), and Sukezane kyōki is a courtier journal written by Hino Sukezane (1162-1223). 30 received less. Most importantly, even the nyoin who were granted additional households still received fewer sustenance households than did retired sovereigns. In addition to sustenance households, the nyoin title gave its recipient the privilege of influencing court appointments. This privilege included the right to become a provincial proprietor and make annual nominations for the governor position of the province (inbunkoku 院分国). 59 For instance, Fusōryakki states that when Higashisanjō- in and Jōtōmon-in became nyoin, the court provided them with the right to recommend provincial governors (nenbun zuryō) in provinces, from which they also received taxes. Some sources specify provinces for which each individual nyoin held such a privilege. For example, Chūyūki states that Yōmeimon-in was the proprietor of Izumi Province in 1093, and Gotoba Tennō shinki states that Shumeimon-in (1182-1264; became nyoin in 1207) was the proprietor of Bitchū Province in 1214. 60 Similar to the case for sustenance households, however, not all nyoin received the right to nominate provincial governors and officials. For example, the fourth nyoin, Nijō- in, did not receive such a prerogative despite her receipt of the nyoin title in 1074. The reason, according to Eiga monogatari, was that she was not the biological mother of a monarch and therefore she was considered a less prestigious nyoin. Her grandmother, Jōtōmon-in, felt pity for Nijō-in and provided this less privileged nyoin with some of her own allowance. 61 It is important, however, to note that within two decades from Nijō-in’s promotion to nyoin, unmarried royal princesses began receiving the nyoin title, and they were granted provincial proprietorships without having borne royal sons. For example, 59 More inclusive terms, chigyōkoku (知行国) and gobunkoku (御分国), were also used to refer to the provinces in which court nobles and religious institutions held proprietorships. 60 See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 268. 61 Eiga monogatari episode 39: “Nunobiki no taki” in Kuroita Katsumi, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Eiga monogatari, 753. 31 Ikuhōmon-in was the proprietor of Tanba and Awaji provinces in 1093, and Jōsaimon-in was the proprietor of Noto Province in 1183. 62 As the definition of “nyoin” continued to develop, their prerogatives became more varied. We cannot view all nyoin as a unified group. In addition to the authority to appoint provincial governors, a nyoin received the right of nenkyū, meaning that she could nominate candidates for court position or rank, and then receive nominating fees. On extraordinary occasions such as a royal accession, a nyoin was also able to submit letters listing her nominees to the senior nobles of the Council of State. Nenkyū consisted of two categories, nenkan and nenshaku. The former helped nominees to achieve a desired post while the latter helped them to be promoted to the fifth rank, which was the starting point for advancement to higher court positions. Although ritual handbooks and historical tales state that a nyoin had the authority to nominate a candidate for a court appointment, such nominations were not always successful. For instance in 1200, Fujiwara no Teika criticized an annual appointment made at the new year. I found [yesterday’s] court promotion in rank unreasonable and against common sense. Responding to My Lord Kujō [Kanezane]’s request, Hachijō-in decided to use her right of annual nomination to promote Sir Yoshisue. <Last year [Lord Kujō] did not ask this favor of the nyoin, [but this year he did so] to make up for [Yoshisue’s previous chance to get promoted], which Lord Tsunesuke wrested away from him. This occurred when the nyoin was applying her unused right of nomination from the royal accession ceremony.> 63 62 See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 269-270. 63 The angle brackets < > in this quote are my editorial additions, used to identify supplementary remarks written by the author, Fujiwara no Teika. Such supplementary notes inserted into Classical Chinese (Kambun) texts were often written in a smaller font. See Meigetsuki, Shōji 2 (1200)/1/6. Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1970), 126. 32 We can infer from this passage that Kujō Kanezane had a political tie with Yoshisue and wanted to help him achieve a higher court rank. Kanezane, who served Hachijō-in, negotiated with the nyoin and won her consent to recommend Yoshisue this year. Yoshisue, who had allegedly lost his chance for promotion in a previous year because “Lord Tsunesuke wrested [it] away,” must have felt relieved after hearing about the nyoin’s consent. The following passage, however, explains that his joy was short lived. [Lord Kujō] also asked Retired Sovereign [Go-Toba] through Lord Muneyori to [promote Yoshisue] many times…. Yesterday late at night, a second-level manager of the Back Palace [and Go-Toba’s wet nurse], Lady [Fujiwara no Kenshi], sent her letter to Hachijō-in. She wrote, “Since Yoshisue would outstrip many senior courtiers [if he advances his rank], we should not give him a promotion. I propose that the nyoin’s nomination should be given to Akitoshi because I would feel sorry for him if he were outstripped by juniors.” Although Hachijō-in disagreed with Kenshi’s proposal, I heard that the court carried out the promotion against the nyoin’s request. 64 This course of events shows three important aspects regarding nyoin nominations for court appointments. First, the key to actualizing one’s political advancement was to build a favorable relationship with a nominator (i.e. Hachijō-in) or those who were close to a nominator (i.e. Kanezane). Since courtiers competed with each other to obtain agreement in advance from nominators, if a nyoin effectively used her nomination right, she could enhance courtiers’ incentives to serve her. Second, Kanezane not only approached the actual nominator, Hachijō-in, but also tried to convince Go-Toba (1180- 1239, r. 1183-1298) to promote Yoshisue by pressing Lord Muneyori who closely served the retired sovereign. This implies that early Kamakura courtiers assumed that the consent of Hachijō-in was not enough because the retired sovereign held significant influence over annual appointments. Third, Hachijō-in had the authority to choose her 64 See Meigetsuki, Shōji 2 (1200)/1/6. Ibid. 33 nominees for promotion, but she ultimately failed to influence the court decision. In contrast, Fujiwara no Kenshi, who had closely attended Go-Toba as his wet nurse, convinced him to override the nyoin’s will even though she did not have the authority to present her own nominees. Since the court was under the control of Go-Toba in 1200, his wet nurse wielded more influence than the nyoin in this matter of court promotion. Similar limitations can be seen in estate management. As discussed in the introduction, nyoin held the highest authority over their estates (supreme proprietorship), but under her proprietorship multiple groups—custodians, local estate officials, and residents—participated in administering the estates. Because of these layers of management, we cannot assume that nyoin were always successful in using their authority to recruit human resources and collect material goods. By analyzing the gap between such authority and actual power, we can further advance our understanding of nyoin influence. Additionally, the two seemingly unrelated acts—influencing court promotions and managing estates—were in fact interrelated and affected the ways in which a nyoin gained power from her estates. Her officials and female attendants were often her estate managers. Since medieval nyoin held authority to make nominations for court appointments, she could strengthen a mutually beneficial relationship with her estate managers by helping them advance their political careers. As seen in Hachijō-in’s case, however, even though a nyoin had authority to affect court promotions, she was not always successful in using it. In later chapters, I explore how a trusted relationship with her followers was crucial for a nyoin to guarantee income from her estates. I will also closely examine the 34 challenges nyoin faced and the strategies they used to overcome problems in estate management. Religious Roles and Vow Temples As shown in the previous sections, although nyoin did not always optimize their authority to wield power, the nyoin status provided them with many institutional and financial advantages. The following sections will examine another important element associated with the nyoin status—religious roles and responsibilities of early-medieval royal women. According to Nihon kiryaku, the first nyoin took the tonsure as a Buddhist initiate and subsequently received her nyoin title. On the sixteenth day of the ninth month in 991, Ichijō Tennō visited the office of [his mother] Grand Queen-consort [Fujiwara no Senshi] because she had fallen ill. At the hour of dog (around eight o’clock at night), she cut her hair and became a nun…. [The court shall accept] her retirement from the office of grand queen- consort and let her become Higashisanjō-in. 65 Higashisanjō-in recovered from her illness. Despite her decision to renounce the world, she continued to wield political influence at court as a widowed royal mother and senior daughter of the regental family. At the same time she participated in Buddhist activities. 66 Then having been a nyoin for ten years, she passed away at age forty. Following Higashisanjō-in’s precedent, the second nyoin, Jōtōmon-in, also took the tonsure just before receiving her title. 65 Nihon kiryaku, Shōryaku 2 (991) 9/16 in Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・ Hyakurenshō, 172. 66 For Higashisanjō-in’s political influence, see Kazuhiro Kuramoto, Ichijō Tennō (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2003). 35 On the nineteenth day of the first month in 1026, Senior Grand Queen-consort [Fujiwara no Shōshi] cut her hair and entered the Buddhist Way <[she was] thirty- nine years old>…. Based on [Go-Ichijō] Tennō’s written command, [the court] cancelled [Shōshi’s] queen-consort title and she was named Jōtōmon-in. 67 Because both Higashisanjō-in and Jōtōmon-in renounced the world as they became nyoin, it appears that the two actions—taking the tonsure and receiving a nyoin title—coincided. But in fact, this was not the case for many nyoin. Some had already renounced the world before receiving the title while others remained secular for years after receiving the title. The age of becoming a nyoin and taking the tonsure also varied among different nyoin. For example, Princess of the Blood Shōshi ( 禎子内親王) was tonsured in 1047 at age thirty-three. Twenty-four years later, she received her nyoin title, Yōmeimon-in. 68 Another example was Hachijō-in, who became a nun at age twenty and became a nyoin four years later. 69 In contrast, Taikenmon-in became a nyoin in her twenties and waited seventeen years to take the tonsure in her early forties. 70 Likewise, Senyōmon-in became a nyoin in at age nine and fourteen years later took the tonsure. 71 These examples show that although becoming a nun was associated with the first two nyoin receiving the title, taking Buddhist vows was not required. 67 Nihon kiryaku in Manju 3 (1026) 1/19 in See Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・Hyakurenshō, 264. Heian and Kamakura nyoin titles were often derived from the royal palace gates. For example, Fujiwara no Shōshi’s name, “Jōtōmon-in,” was named after the Jōtō Gate, one of the gates for the outer enclosure of the palace. For a recent study on choosing nyoin names, see Takamatsu Momoka, "Heian kizoku shakai ni okeru ingō sadame: nyoin gō no kettei katei to sono giron," in Onna to kodomo no ōshōshi: kōkyū girei en, ed. Fukutō Sanae (Tokyo: Shinwasha, 2007). 68 See Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 7. Also see Nyoin shōden in Hanawa Hokiichi, ed. Shinkō gunsho ruijū, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Naigai Shoseki, 1930), 701. 69 See Sankaiki, Ōhō1 (1161)12/16 and Nyoin shōden in Shinkō gunsho ruijū, 702. Also see Kunaichō, Kōshitsu seido shiryō: Kōhi 5, 105. 70 Taikenmon-in became a nyoin on Tenji 1 (1124)/11/24 and took the tonsure on Kōji 1 (1142)/2/26. See Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-903, 14, 183 (drafts for the uncompiled volume). The Dainihon shiryō series is an ongoing attempt of the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo to compile primary records categorized by major historical events between 887 to 1867. For the online version, see the database of the Historiographical Institute (http://wwwap.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ships/db-e.html). 71 See entries of Meigetsuki, Hyakurenshō, and Nyoin shidai in Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-8, 475. 36 So then, did the status of nyoin have no religious connotations at all? Medieval records show that Heian and Kamakura nyoin played important religious roles although nunhood never became a prerequisite for the title. These women were often serious devotees of Buddhism. They participated in Buddhist events by sponsoring rites or attending those organized by others, and they also built their own temples while supporting those built by their family members. Additionally, they took religious responsibility as female royals that consoled the spirits of their deceased family members. Their role in memorializing deaths of certain royal ancestors conveyed significant political messages as well as religious ones to court society. Finally, early medieval nyoin made pilgrimages to provincial religious sites such as the Kumano shrines in Kii Province as well as those in the Kinai region. Their frequent pilgrimages boosted the prosperity of their favorite religious sites by making these sites more visible. For example, throughout their career as nyoin, Higashisanjō-in and Jōtōmon-in participated in a variety of Buddhist activities. Higashisanjō-in sponsored Buddhist rituals such as the Eight Lotus Sutra Lectures, the Assembly of Holy Names, and other scripture-reading assemblies. 72 Likewise, Jōtōmon-in sponsored ceremonies such as the Ninnō Sutra Lectures, the suppression rites, and the three-day sutra-chanting ceremonies. 73 She also participated in Buddhist assemblies organized by her father, 72 See Dainihon shiryō, vol. 2-1, 828, 855 (Nihon kiryaku) and vol. 2-3, 77, 247, 467 (Nihon kiryaku). Also see Shōyūki entries of Chōtoku 1(995)/2/28 and Chōtoku 3 (997)/3/18; Midōkanpakuki, the entry of Chōhō 1 (999)/9/25; and Gonki entries of Chōhō 3 (1001)/12/13, 12/14, and 12/16. Shōyūki is a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Sanesuke (957-1046), and Midōkanpakuki is a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Michinaga (966- 1028). 73 The suppression rites (chōbukuhō 調伏法) here refer to esoteric rites venerating Fudō, the chief of the 5 Deva Kings (五大明王) to suppress and protect against bad dreams and enemies. 37 Fujiwara no Michinaga; and when he fell ill in 1027, she sponsored scripture-reading assemblies with her siblings to pray for his salvation. 74 Ikuhōmon-in was the first unmarried royal princess to become a nyoin. Despite her never renouncing the world, she was nonetheless a serious believer in Buddhism. She sponsored the manufacture of Buddhist icons and organized rituals such as the Assembly of Holy Names. 75 Her Buddhist ceremonies were often held on a large scale in which a number of high-ranking courtiers participated. When she fell ill in the third month of 1094, she summoned twenty to thirty monks and had them pray for her recovery. From the twelfth through the sixteenth days of the month, these monks performed various rituals such as chanting the Great Wisdom Sutra, 200,000 repetitions of the Holy and Virtuous Spell, and one million repetitions of a prayer service to Fudō. 76 Many courtiers attended her ceremonies, including the captain of the Inner Palace Guards of the Right and the directors of the Royal Secretariat. Following these ceremonies, she held a ritual for copying the Sutra of Great Wisdom at her residence on the nineteenth day. The size of this event was quite large. She summoned sixty monks, invited a number of senior nobles and courtiers, and offered participants the opportunity to receive an official ordination. 77 Ikuhōmon-in also participated in Buddhist events sponsored by key players in court politics. For example, she attended the Ten Offerings sponsored by Regent Fujiwara no Morozane in 1096. 78 Her very presence at the scene with her royal intimates made the 74 See Dainihon shiryō, vol. 2-23: 203, 256, vol. 2-24: 7, 175, vol. 2-25, 14, 286. Also see Shōyūki, Manju 4 (1027)/11/14. 75 For example, see Chūyūki entries of Kanji 7 (1093)/7/27 and 12/28, Kahō 1 (1094)/12/26, Kahō 2 (1095)/12/28, and Eichō 2 (1097)/1/8, 1/9, 1/10, 1/12, 1/14, and 2/1. Chūyūki is a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Munetada (1062-1141). 76 Fudō refers to the chief of the five luminous kings, whose name literally means “unmoving” (不動). 77 See Chūyūki entries of Kahō 1 (1094)/3/12, 3/13, 3/15, and 3/16. 78 See Chūyūki, Eichō 1 (1096)/2/22. The Ten Offerings (jusshu kuyō) is a Buddhist service during which ten kinds of offerings—flowers, ornaments, canopies with banners, clothing, three kinds of incense, gigaku 38 regent’s religious activity politically significant. Thereby she strengthened her ties with him by publicly demonstrating her religio-political support for his ceremonial event. Another significant religious activity that nyoin conducted was the establishment of personal temples. In order to pursue their own Buddhist objectives and to save sentient beings, medieval royals including nyoin founded Buddhist institutions. Since they were built based on a royal vow (gogan), these institutions were called vow temples (goganji). For instance, Taikenmon-in built at least two vow temples, Enshōji and Hōkongō’in. 79 Enshōji was one of six prominent royal temples built during the Heian Period in Shirakawa, the northwestern area adjacent to the capital. Among the six temples, Enshōji was the only one built by a female royal; others were built by tennō. Taikenmon-in sponsored Buddhist rites at Enshōji and let important royal guests participate in them. For example, in 1127, Retired Sovereign Shirakawa (1053-1129, r. 1072-1086) and Retired Sovereign Toba (1103-1156, r. 1107-1123) attended the ceremony held for her three newly-built pagodas at Enshōji. 80 In the following year, Taikenmon-in celebrated the completion of her whole temple complex in the presence of these retired sovereigns and her reigning son monarch, Sutoku (1119-1164, r.1123-1141). 81 In addition to these extraordinary events, Taikenmon-in regularly held Buddhist rites such as assemblies at the beginning of the year (shushō-e), and the retired sovereigns often attended them. 82 Her other vow temple, Hōkongō’in, was also the venue for many Buddhist events performance (技楽), the burning of incense, and hands joined in prayer—are presented. See George W. Perkins, The Clear Mirror: A Chronicle of Japanese Court During the Kamakura Period, (1185-1333) (Stanford: Stanford University, 1998), 311. 79 The Hōkongō Chapel was built within the Ninna monastery complex in Kyoto. 80 See Chūyūki, Daiji 2 (1127)/3/19. 81 See Taira no Tomonobu’s journal, Tomonobu ason ki, Daiji 3 (1128)/3/13. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-903, 48 (a draft for the uncompiled volume). Photo copies of Dainihon shiryō entries are available at http://wwwap.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ships/db-e.html, the online database of the Historical Institute The University of Tokyo. 82 For example, see Chūyūki, Daiji 4 (1129)/11/11 and Taiki, Kyūju 1 (1154)/11/11. 39 including abbreviated sutra readings, the Benevolent King Sutra Lectures, the Golden Light Sutra Lectures, and the Second Month Assemblies (shunigatsu-e). 83 Modern historians have tended to assume that powerful male royals controlled Buddhist events at a nyoin’s vow temple. Dainihon shiryō, a modern compilation of historical materials, provides a headline summarizing the Buddhist events held at Taikenmon-in’s temple on the twenty-fourth day of the second month in 1134. Based on late Heian courtier journals, Chūyūki and Chōshūki, the headline explains that “the retired monarch (jōkō 上皇) held a memorializing ceremony for the Holy and Virtuous Spell and the second-month Assemblies at Hōkongō Temple.” 84 This presumes that Taikenmon-in, the actual founder of the temple, had little responsibility for sponsoring these rituals because her husband, Retired Monarch Toba, took care of them. The author of Chūyūki, however, describes the sponsor of these events as an “in,” which could refer to either a female or a male retired royal. 85 Moreover, although Chōshūki does not specify who sponsored the events on the twenty-fourth, it reports that “both in” (ryōin 両院) had already visited Hōkongō Temple on the twenty-second. 86 This indicates that both Toba and Taikenmon-in entered the temple two days prior to the actual events and oversaw the preparations together. The married couple likely co-sponsored the Buddhist ceremonies and incorporated each other’s religious beliefs and objectives. Upon the establishment of a vow temple, estates were often donated to the temple to maintain the buildings, the livelihood of the monks, and the day-to-day security of the 83 For example, see Chūyūki entries of Daiji 5 (1130)/10/16, Chōshō 1 (1132)/2/16, and Chōshō 2 (1133)/2/18. 84 See entries about the event on Chōshō 3 (1134)/2/24 in Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-903 (a draft for the uncompiled volume). 85 Chūyūki, Chōshō 3 (1134)/2/24. 86 Chōshūki, Chōshō 3 (1134)/2/24. 40 temple. Material goods gathered from its estates also supported religious events held at the temple. 87 These estates were therefore a crucial source for a nyoin’s religio-economic power. Until the late twentieth century, few historians closely examined nyoin authority over their temple estates, claiming instead that a senior retired sovereign controlled all such estates as the royal family head. 88 However, newer scholarship since the mid 1990s has demonstrated that nyoin had the authority to manage their own estates independently. 89 This groundbreaking discovery made a significant contribution to the history of Japanese women and family. But scholars have yet to investigate the extent to which nyoin independently managed their estates and successfully obtained resources from them. Rather than considering early medieval nyoin as a coherent group, we need to explore differences among individual nyoin while considering their management styles over the course of their lives. The case of Kenshunmon-in (1142-1176), a Taira woman who became a nyoin in 1169, gives us some insight. She built her vow temple Saishōkō’in ( 最勝光院) and held authority to manage the temple and its estates. However, we also know that her husband, Go-Shirakawa (1127-1192, r. 1155-1158), often took care of her estate matters. For example, a courtier serving Go-Shirakawa, Fujiwara no Tsunefusa, provided updates on the condition of the Saishōkō’in estates, and he consulted the retired sovereign directly rather than the nyoin. In 1174 Tsunefusa asked Go-Shirakawa for guidance regarding the 87 Maruyama Hitoshi, Inseiki no ōke to goganji: zōei jigyō to shakai heindō (Takagi Shoten, 2006); Ichizawa Tetsu, Nihon chūsei kuge seiji shi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Azekura Shbō, 2011). 88 When there were multiple retired sovereigns, the oldest generation with a descendent succeeding to the throne was considered to be the most powerful. For example, see Takeuchi Rizō, "Insei."; Hurst, Insei: Abdicated Sovereigns in the Politics of Late Heian Japan, 1086-1185; Maki Michio, "Insei jidai ni okeru inryō shihaikikō to sono seikaku," Gakushūin Shigaku 18 (1981). 89 See Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka." 41 Saishōkō’in’s estates when the temple was involved in a dispute with Hosshōji, one of the six royal temples. Two days later, Tsunefusa also consulted the retired sovereign regarding cloth tributes that Shimōsa Province was forcing Saishōkō’in estates to pay. The first problem was a power struggle between powerful households (kenmon), and the second problem was extraordinary taxes levied by government officials. These examples reveal two important aspects of nyoin estate management. First, Kenshunmon-in’s limited involvement in estate affairs shows that a nyoin did not always manage her estates independently. Second, when a nyoin had powerful relatives, she was willing to use such familial ties to help protect her estates. Although Kenshunmon-in let Go-Shirakawa manage Saishōkō’in estates, she did not fully entrust these estates to him. On several occasions she requested his close follower Tsunefusa to report on estate conditions, which indicates that she was actively involved in estate management. Furthermore, she was the principal decision maker for religious ceremonies held at the temple. 90 Based on this fact, Kuriyama Keiko questions the possibility of Go-Shirakawa’s absolute control over Kenshunmon-in’s estates, and she argues that the nyoin co-managed her estates with her husband. 91 Agreeing with Kuriyama’s point, I assume that Kenshunmon-in consciously decided to involve her husband because it was advantageous. After all, she was a daughter of a middle-ranking court official, Taira no Tokinobu, and fifteen years younger than Go-Shirakawa. Before marrying him, she was merely one of many female attendants of his elder sister, Jōsaimon-in. She needed Go-Shirakawa’s political connections and 90 Fujiwara no Tsunefusa, Kikki 1, ed. Zōho Shiryō Taisei Kankōkai, vol. 29, Zōho shiryō taisei (Tokyo: Rinsen Shoten, 1965), 5, 26-27, 30, 31, 54, 58, 63-64. 91 Kuriyama Keiko, "Futari no kokumo: Kenshunimon-in Jishi to Kenreimon-in Tokushi" Bungaku 3, no. 5 (2002); Chūsei ōke no seiritsu to insei (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2012), 170-187. 42 influence over other power holders to protect her properties and to secure resources from her lands. And perhaps she took an interest herself because she was preparing for the future when she would have to take over estate management responsibilities after the death of her husband. That point never came, however. She died early at age thirty-five. The cases of Kenshumon-in and Kōkamon-in (1122-1181; became nyoin in1150) also suggest that early medieval nyoin allowed male family members to co-manage temple estates, and that such mutual dependence between wives and husbands should be seen as a sort of strategic alliance. Not only nyoin but other medieval Japanese supreme proprietors also encountered difficulties in protecting their estates from outside attacks when their enemies were other power holders such as regental family members, formidable warriors, or large religious institutions. In particular, supreme proprietors faced a challenge in evading extraordinary dues that the court government levied on their estates. In later chapters I will explore cases in which nyoin were successful or unsuccessful in building political alliances to realize various benefits from their estates. Memorializing Deaths of Family Members Early medieval nyoin devoted themselves to Buddhism for different reasons and at different life stages. In particular, Heian and Kamakura society expected nyoin to play a leading role in memorializing the deaths of immediate family members. 92 For example Yōmeimon-in held the Lotus Sutra Lectures for her deceased son, Go-Sanjō, in 1090. 93 92 Both royals and aristocrats held Buddhist memorial services for their deceased family members. It is important to note that a reining monarch, who had to hold rites associated with gods, had to refrain from Buddhist activities to avoid defilement, especially those associated with deaths. See Osada Ikuko, "Kamakuraki ni okeru kōtō no henka to bodai wo toburau gyōji: Ninji sannen shōgatsu no Go-Saga tennō no tōi wo chūshin ni " Bungaku kenkyū ronshū: bungaku, shigaku, chirigaku 15 (2001): 210. 93 See Tamefusa kyōki, the entry of Kanchi 4 (1090)/5/26 and Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-1, 856-857. Tamefusa kyōki is a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Tamefusa (1049-1115). 43 Nijō-in built Bodaiju Chapel to memorialize her deceased father, Go-Ichijō. 94 Taikenmon-in also participated in a number of Buddhist rituals to console the soul of Shirakawa, who had been her adoptive father and a strong supporter. 95 Nyoin needed a sizable economic base to support such memorial services. One year prior to her husband Toba’s death, Bifukumon-in inherited Hōshōgon Temple and Tokuchōju Temple. She took responsibility in sponsoring memorial services for him while managing temple estates. She also inherited the southern and northern residences at the Toba Detached Palace, including Toba’s other vow temple, Anrakuju’in. Although Bifukumon-in did not build these temples herself, she nonetheless contributed to Toba’s effort to support them. And in 1135 while her husband was still alive, Bifukumon-in commended her Hatsukura Estate in Tōtōmi Province to provide the Hōshōgon Temple with economic support. 96 Likewise, she commended ten estates to support a newly-built pagoda within the Anrakuju Temple in 1159. 97 With the use of estates not only inherited 94 See Sochiki, the entry of Kanchi 2 (1087)/8/17 in Zōho Shiryōtaisei Kankōkai, ed. Sochiki ・Gonki, vol. 5 (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 2986), 152. Also see Hyakurenshō, Eiga monogatari episode 40: “Matsu no kozue,” Imakagami episode 1: “Suberagi no: jō (Ne no hi),” and Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-1, 462-464. While these sources agree that Bodaiju Chapel belonged to Nijō-in, other sources such as Shūgaishō state that her grandmother, Jōtōmon-in, owned the chapel in 1037, fifty years prior to the time when Nijō-in built it. This suggests that Nijō-in inherited Bodaiju Chapel from Jōtōmon-in, and in 1087 she remodeled or rebuilt it at the same site. 95 In order to console Go-Shirakawa’s soul, Taikenmon-in held a monthly memorial (gakki 月忌) in the summer of 1129 and four months later, she offered a Bodhisattva statue and thousand sutras of Ākāśagarbha. She also participated in many Buddhist ceremonies for Go-Shirakawa with Toba. This shows that both female and male royals jointly took a role of memorializing the deaths of their important family member. For example, see Chūyūki entries of Daiji 4 (1129)/8/7 and 12/24 as well as those of Daiji 5 (1130)/3/7 and 4/7. Also see Chūyūki and Chōshūki entries of Daiji 4 (1129)/11/22 and 2/7 as well as those of Daiji 5 (1130)/7/2 and 7/7, Chōshō 2 (1133)/7/7, and Hōen 1 (1135)/7/7. 96 Kamakura ibun, vol. 4, doc. 1886. 97 See “Shin mitō” (新御塔) and “Dajōkan chō” (太政官牒) in Anrakujuin monjo, a primary document collection concerning Anrakuju Temple, which is archived at the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo. For a printed version, see Noguchi Hanayo, "Anrakujuin monjo ni miru goganji no kōzō: Anrakujuin monjo no honkoku to sono kentō," Jinbun gakuhō, no. 357 (2005): 123-125. Further information is also available in Nihon rekishi chimei taikei, a multi- volume encyclopedia of Japanese historical place names. See the entry for “Anrakuju’in” (安楽寿院) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Kyoto shi no chimei, vol. 27 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1979), 426-427. 44 from Toba but also with those she had personally accumulated, she took a major role in the consolation of the spirit of her deceased husband. 98 By the end of the twelfth century, four unmarried royal princesses—Jōsaimon-in, Hachijō-in, Inpumon-in (1147-1216; became nyoin in1187), and Senyōmon-in—received the nyoin title, inherited estates from their parents, and remained single all their lives. Kondō Shigekazu and Noguchi Hanayo have pointed out that a nyoin’s estate group and her responsibility for memorializing royal deaths were transferred as a set to the next generation. 99 For example, Hachijō-in inherited many estates from her parents, Toba and Bifukumon-in, including their vow temples. Along with these estates, she received the responsibility of sponsoring their annual memorial services. Senyōmon-in also inherited the Chōkō Temple built by her father, Go-Shirakawa, as well as the estates supporting his memorial services held at the temple. In comparison, Hachijō-in’s younger sister, Takamatsu-in (1141-1176; became nyoin in 1162) married a monarch but did not inherit estates associated with such religious responsibilities. The role of these royal princesses in memorializing deceased family members was political as well as religious. As explained earlier, before receiving a nyoin title, most of the unmarried royal princesses had received the junbo status by building an adoptive relationship with the tennō. 100 One of the important roles of a nyoin who became the junbo of the monarch was to strengthen his claim over the throne. 101 For example, by 98 For example, see Kamakura ibun, vol. 6, doc. 3015 and doc. 3017. 99 Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・Hyakurenshō, 39; Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Eiga monogatari, 779; Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Imakagami ・Masukagami (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2007), 13. 100 There are some exceptions. For example, Senyōmon-in created a new precedent by receiving the nyoin title without becoming a junbo. 101 Kondō Shigekazu, "Kamakura bakufu no seiritsu to tennō," in Kōza ・ zenkindai no tennō: tennō kenryoku no kōzō to tenkai sono 1, ed. Nagahara Keiji (Tokyo: Aoki Shoten, 1992), 183-90; Noguchi 45 becoming the junbo of Nijō Tennō, Hachijō-in affirmed that his line was the “main royal line,” rather than the line of his uncle, Sutoku Tennō. 102 Hachijō-in, a never-married nyoin who memorialized the deaths of Toba and Bifukumon-in, supported Nijō Tennō’s claim that he belonged to the royal line, which continued from her parents. 103 During the late Heian and early Kamakura periods when the throne faced political instability due to increasing competition among multiple royal lines, the religious roles of a never-married princess in sponsoring Buddhist services for royal ancestors took on political overtones. Since holders of the nyoin title were all royal women (i.e. royal wife, mother, or daughter), few previous studies have investigated the role of nyoin who memorialized the deaths of non-royals. 104 However, nyoin also took care of consoling the deceased spirits of their non-royal natal families. For example, Regent Fujiwara no Tadazane’s daughter, Kōkamon-in, inherited estates from both of her parents and memorialized their deaths. She held monthly memorial services for her mother, Fujiwara no Sōshi. 105 She also sponsored Buddhist services on the death anniversary of her father at a Buddhist hall that she built at her Kujō Mansion. 106 Hanayo, "Chūsei zenki no ōke to Anrakujuin: Nyoinryō to nyoin no honshitsu," Historia, no. 198 (2006): 238. 102 “The main line” here refers to the branch that was considered to produce successive monarchs. See Suzuki Hideo, "Tennō Yōbokō," in Chūsei Nihon no Shosō, ed. Yasuda Motohisa Sensei Tainin Kinen Ronshū Kankō Iinkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1989); Kuriyama Keiko, "Junbo ritsugō-sei ni miru chūsei zenki no ōke."; Yamada Akiko, "Tennō junbo naishinnō ni kansuru ichikōsatsu," ibid., no. 491 (2003). 103 For example, see my MA thesis, Kawai, "The Lady of the Eighth Ward: Political, Economic, and Military Power of Nyoin During the Twelfth Century, Japan." 104 Yamada Akiko challenges this trend by exploring political and religious roles played by regental nyoin. Obara Hitoshi also examines Buddhist roles played by regental women in his study on their family temple, Saishōkongō’in. See Yamada Akiko, "Tennō junbo naishinnō no ōke ni okeru yakuwari," Bunka keishōgaku ronshū 3 (2007): 61. 105 For example, see Hyōhanki entries of Kyūju 2 (1155)/12/15 and Hōgen 1 (1156)/5/15 and 9/15. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-903, 352, 355 (a draft for the uncompiled volume). 106 For example see the entry of Ninan 3 (1168)/2/19 of Hyōhanki, a courtier journal of Taira no Nobunori (1112-1187). Also see Gyokuyō, a courtier journal of Kujō Kanezane (1149-1207), the entries of Kaō 2 (1170)2/19, Shōan 1 (1171)2/19, Shōan 3 (1173)2/19, Shōan 4 (1174)2/19, Angen 1 (1175)2/19, Angen 2 (1176)2/19, Jishō 3 (1179)2/19, and Yōwa 1 (1181)2/19. Printed versions of Hyōhanki and Gyokuyō are 46 Although nyoin often performed the memorializing role, their male relatives might assume this responsibility under certain circumstances. For example, in 1096 the court held the three-day Lotus Sutra Lectures on the death anniversary of Go-Sanjō at his vow temple, the Enshū Monastery. 107 Retired Sovereign Shirakawa’s close official, Fujiwara no Michitoshi, led the event as noble-in-charge with the help of Lesser Controller of the Left Arinobu. 108 Being informed that not enough monks had attended on the first day, Shirakawa immediately addressed the problem by revising the list of monks who were invited to the ceremony. 109 An earlier record from 1090, however, shows that Yōmeimon-in, Go-Sanjō’s mother and Shirakawa’s grandmother, held Lotus Sutra Lectures for Go-Sanjō at the Hosshō Monastery. Chūyūki clearly states that “the nyoin sponsored” the Buddhist ceremony, and “therefore Retired Monarch [Shirakawa] made a visit” to attend it. 110 Despite Shirakawa having founded the monastery, he was depicted as a guest at Yōmeimon-in’s ceremony. Moreover, the author of Chūyūki did not question the nyoin’s authority to sponsor memorial services for Go-Sanjō, the deceased head of the royal available in Taira no Nobunori, Zōho shiryō taisei: Hyōhanki 1-3, vol. 18-20 (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 1965); Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, ed. Kunaichō Shoryōbu, vol. 1-14 (Tokyo Meiji Shoin, 1994-2013). 107 See Chūyūki, Eichō 1 (1096) 5/7. 108 Previous studies show that an event held by the medieval Japanese court should have been led by a noble-in-charge (shōkyō) with the help of a controller (ben). Since the Lotus Sutra Lectures in 1096 followed this model, the court was probably the sponsor. See in Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," in Nihon ・Higashi Ajia no Kokka ・Chiiki ・Ningen: Rekishigaku to Bunka Jinruigaku no Hōhō Kara, ed. Irumada Nobuo (Sendai: Irumada Nobuo sensei kanreki kinen ronshū henshū iinkai 2003); Osada Ikuko, "Kamakuraki ni okeru kōtō no henka to bodai wo toburau gyōji: Ninji sannen shōgatsu no Go-Saga tennō no tōi wo chūshin ni." 109 Although his son, Horikawa Tennō, was the official host of the event, the retired monarch likely had charge of this memorial service and oversaw the procedure. See the entry from Go-Nijō Moromichiki, a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Moromichi (1062-1099), in Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-4, 253. 110 Chūyūki, Kanji 4 (1090) 5/26. 47 family. 111 Late Heian court society viewed the role of memorializing a deceased royal to be loosely gendered but flexible enough to be handled by both nyoin and her male counterparts. Just like male royals, Fujiwara regental males performed memorial services. For example, in 1028, Fujiwara no Yorimichi and his younger brother, Norimichi, took charge of planning Buddhist services for their father, Michinaga, at the Hōjō Temple. Michinaga’s daughters, Jōtōmon-in and Fujiwara no Ishi, also participated in these events. 112 In 1100, Fujiwara no Tadazane sponsored a one-year death anniversary for his deceased father Regent Moromichi. His grandfather Morozane, who outlived Moromichi, also participated in the ceremony. 113 In 1102 when Tadazane held a Buddhist rite for his father, his grandmother Reishi and great aunt Kanshi also attended. 114 These examples show that during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, regental women and men jointly supported memorial services for their deceased family members. Some regental nyoin, however, supported memorial services exclusive of other family members. Yamada Akiko has pointed out that Kōkamon-in, a twelfth-century regental nyoin, independently sponsored memorial services for her father, Tadamichi. Yamada explains that the reason why Kōkamon-in did not jointly hold such services with other family members was because she and her father planned to create a new branch of the Kujō family led by Kanezane, whose son had been adopted by the nyoin. Kōkamon-in 111 Two years before Yōmeimon-in’s death at age eighty-two, the court began sponsoring Lotus Sutra Lectures for Go-Sanjō at the Enshū Monastery. See Chūyūki, Kanji 6 (1092) 5/5 and 5/7. 112 See Shōyūki entries of Chōgen 1 (1028)/11/3 and 11/4, as well as Sakeiki entries of Chōgen 1 (1028)/8/28, 10/16, 10/24, 11/3, and 11/4. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 2-28, 3-5. 113 Denryaku entries of Kōwa 2 (1100)/5/28 and 6/6 Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-5, 693-695. Denryaku is a courtier journal of Fujiwara no Tadazane (1078-1162). 114 Denryaku entries of Kōwa 3 (1101)/12/18, 12/20, 12/22, 12/25, and 12/26 in Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, ed. Dai nihon kokiroku: Denryaku, vol. 1 (Tokyo, 1960), 24-25. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-6, 200-202. 48 planned to transfer the estates inherited from her father to the Kujō branch together with the responsibility to hold Buddhist services. 115 The changing ways in which family members took religious roles indicate the emergence of various Fujiwara regental lines. It also suggests increasing competition among multiple branches over politico-familial authority such as the seat of the Fujiwara clan head, the regent title, and inheritance of economic assets. Sponsoring memorial services, inheriting estates, and consolidating political careers were all connected, and nyoin played a large part in influencing power relations within and among the most powerful lineages at court. Making Pilgrimages to Local Religious Sites For medieval nyoin, visiting religious sites was as important as building vow temples and sponsoring Buddhist events. During the Heian period, religious pilgrimages became increasingly popular among women and men of different social strata. Nyoin, as politically and economically influential patrons, played a key role in stimulating religious activities and shaping the practice of pilgrimage. They visited temples and shrines not only around the capital but also in distant provinces. Retired sovereigns were also enthusiastic pilgrims, and often travelled with nyoin. Although historians have underscored the roles of late Heian and early Kamakura retired sovereigns in constructing the “tradition” of early medieval religious pilgrimages, few studies have closely analyzed roles played by nyoin, and most have depicted them as mere companions of male royals. 116 To understand a fuller picture of early medieval religious authority and power, 115 Yamada Akiko, Chūsei zenki josei ingū no kenkyū (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2010), 255-62. Also see Obara Hitoshi, Chūsei kizoku shakai to bukkyō (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2007), 50-63. 116 For example, Takahashi Osamu makes a good point that the twelfth-century boom of Kumano pilgrimage transformed Yuasa into a politico-cultural spot that proved to be geographically and 49 we need to examine which religious sites a nyoin visited and whether there were gendered ways in which she financed her pilgrimages. Visiting shrines and temples around the capital was an indispensable part of religious life. For example, Higashisanjō-in made pilgrimages to different temples in the Kinai region, such as Hase Temple, Ishiyama Temple, and Kiyomizu Temple. Yōmeimon-in attended rites at Hosshō Temple and made pilgrimages to Buddhist monasteries such as Enshū Temple and Kōryū Temple (see Map 1 and Map 2). 117 Ikuhōmon-in also contributed to shrines and Buddhist temples around the Kinai region. She visited Hie Shrine with her father, Retired Sovereign Shirakawa, in 1093, and in 1094 she even sent offerings to the seven shrines and Iwashimizu Shrine. 118 Among the many temples around the capital, her favorite was Hosshō Temple (see Map 2). Between 1093 when she became a nyoin and until 1096 when she died at age twenty-one, she visited this religious site many times. She repeatedly fell ill during these three years and believed that a specific chapel at this monastery helped to sustain her health because her father had recovered from an illness after praying there. 119 economically suitable for the travelling noble class. He, however, only focuses on male courtiers and retired sovereigns as exemplary persons who contributed to such a transformation. David Max Moerman’s Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan also provides useful bibliographical data on religio-political roles played by retired monarchs and retired queen-consorts in his note (143, note 5). His chapter on early medieval Kumano pilgrimages nonetheless focuses on the political and economic power of retired monarchs. Also see Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, Dai nihon kokiroku: Denryaku, 88-91. 117 See Suisaki, Shōryaku 5 (1081)/11/5 in Takahashi Osamu, "Chūsei zenki no 'machiba' to zaichi ryōshu no yakata: Kii no kuni Yuasashi no Ishizakikan to sono shūhen," Chihōshi kenkyū 54, no. 5 (1004); D. Max Moerman, Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006). Also see Tamefusa kyōki, Eihō 2 (1082)/3/25, and Chūyūki, Kanji 7 (1093)/1/11. 118 See Fusōryakki, Kanji 7 (1093)/10/3. Also see Chūyūki, Kanji 7 (1093)/10/3 and Kahō 1 (1094)/4/9. 119 See Chūyūki, Kahō 2 (1095)/5/10. “The seven shrines” ( 七社) refer to the seven gods residing at Hie Shrine. See the entry for “sannō shichisha” (山王七社) in Kokushi Daijiten Henshū Iinkai, ed. Kokushi daijiten, vol. 6 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1985), 593-594. 50 Map1: Religious Institutions Around the Heian Capital 120 120 The original map is from Joan R. Piggott and Yoshida Sanae, eds., Teishinkōki: What Did a Heian Regent Do? The Year 939 in the Journal of Rgent Fujiwara no Tadahira (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University East Asia Program, 2008), 178. 51 Map 2: Religious Institutions Adjacent to the Heian Capital 121 Nyoin also visited temples and shrines that were far from the capital. One of the most popular medieval religious sites outside the Kinai was Kumano in Kii Province. Kumano’s mountainous paths had been known in the Nara Period as an ascetic training 121 The original map is from Teishinkōki, 36. 52 area for Buddhist monks who pursued religious practices deep in mountains. It was, however, during the Heian era when the three Kumano deities became major objects of worship. Less arduous routes to reach them were created and subsidiary shrines (Ōji or roadside prince shines) started to appear on the trails. 122 Along with the expanding interests in Kumano during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, an increasing number of believers—both secular and tonsured—jointly transformed the Kumano pilgrimage from assiduous religious training to multifaceted religio-political acts. 123 Taikenmon-in was the first nyoin who made a pilgrimage to Kumano. 124 On the ninth day of the eleventh month in 1125, she left for Kumano with her adoptive father Shirakawa and her husband Toba. 125 Two weeks later they presented a miniature pagoda and a sutra to the Kumano deities and then returned to the capital on the third day of the twelfth month. It would suggest that each royal pilgrimage added religious assets to the site and enhanced the popularity of Kumano. Taikenmon-in’s itinerary shows that a twelfth-century Kumano pilgrimage took around three weeks. It was not an awfully long journey, but the amazing part of Taikenmon-in’s endeavor was that she made these pilgrimages quite frequently. During the same season in the following year, she left the capital again with Shirakawa and Toba, revisited Kumano, and dedicated a pagoda and a sutra. In less than two months, she returned to Kumano and held ceremonies there with sutra offerings and the dedication of a hall. 126 In 1142, she made her thirteenth pilgrimage, her last trip to Kumano. 127 122 The term suggests a metaphoric parent-son relationship between the smaller shrine (prince shrine) and its “parent” shrine. Zōho Shiryō Taisei Kankōkai, ed. Suisaki ・Eishōki (Tokyo: Rinsen Shoten, 1965), 165. 123 Koyama Yasunori, Kumano kodō (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2000). 124 Moerman, Localizing Paradise: Kumano Pilgrimage and the Religious Landscape of Premodern Japan. 125 See Jūsandai yōki and Hyakurenshō, the ninth day of the eleventh month of Tenji 2 (1125). Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 3-903, 22 (a draft for the uncompiled volume). 126 See Chūyūki entries of Daiji 1 (1126)/11/9, 11/23 and Daiji 2 (1127)/2/18. 53 Collecting necessary human and material resources in a timely manner was a challenge for nyoin during their Kumano visits. Since they had to travel for days on mountainous roads, they needed to prepare sufficient food, drinks, accommodations, transportation, and other resources for light and warmth. Furthermore, traveling far from the capital always entailed dangers such as bandit attacks, which were not uncommon in Heian and Kamakura times. 128 To overcome these pilgrimage-related challenges, each nyoin used several strategies. One was to invite other royals to accompany her on the trip. Early medieval nyoin often visited Kumano with a retired sovereign. Taikenmon-in made eight of her thirteen Kumano pilgrimages with Shirakawa, Toba, or both. Toba’s later wife, Bifukumon-in, traveled to Kumano four times, three with her husband. Retired Sovereign Go-Toba’s wife, Shumeimon-in, made eleven Kumano trips, and was occasionally accompanied by the retired sovereign. 129 By travelling with another politically well-connected royal, both the nyoin and the accompanied male in increased the number of courtiers available to serve them on the royal trip. When Shumeimon-in made a Kumano pilgrimage in 1210, two senior nobles— the Minister of Popular Affairs and a Council of the State advisor cum middle captain— escorted her. In contrast, when she and Retired Sovereign Go-Toba visited Kumano in 1217, seven senior nobles, including leading members such as Supreme Minister Fujiwara no Yorizane and Senior Counselor Fujiwara no Kintsune, escorted the royal 127 Koyama Yasunori, Kumano kodō, 32-33. 128 For the information about bandits during the Kamakura Period, see ibid., 33. Also see Lorraine F. Harrington, "Social Control and the Significance of Akutō," in Court and Bakufu in Japan: Essays in Kamakura History ed. Jeffrey P. Mass (Stanford: Stanford, 1982); Goble, Kenmu: Go-Daigo's Revolution. 129 See Koyama Yasunori, Kumano kodō, 33. 54 pilgrimage. 130 Other royal intimates and warriors also accompanied the retired monarch and the nyoin. Another incentive for a nyoin to make a pilgrimage with other royals was that she could strengthen her political standing at court and within the royal family by highlighting her special relationships with the accompanying royals. Recent scholarship claims that when a senior retired sovereign worked to maximize his authority to determine his successor during the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, the nature of the “royal family” (ōke) was also transformed. As one part of that transformation, a senior retired sovereign increased his decision-making authority, and certain royal women became indispensable constituents of the royal family. Kuriyama argues that a royal woman who traveled or cohabited with the retired sovereign shared political power with him and occupied a special position in the royal family that he led. 131 For example, during the years when Taikenmon-in was making pilgrimages with Senior Retired Sovereign Shirakawa, she had a strong political voice. Comparisons between two nyoin—Shōmeimon-in (1171-1257, became nyoin: 1202) and Shumeimon-in—give us a clearer picture. Both were wives of Retired Sovereign Go-Toba and each nyoin gave birth to a son who ascended the throne. The latter was, however, the wife who lived with the retired sovereign and made pilgrimages with him. The former gave birth to his first son, but the latter’s son succeeded to the throne instead of this older brother’s heir. Making a 130 See Shumeimon-in Kumano gokōki, Shōgen 4 (1210) 5/12 and Go-Toba-in Shumeimon-in Kumano gokōki, Kenpō 5 (1217)/ 9/26. The originals are archived at Mitsui Memorial Museum. For information about the accompanying courtiers in a printed version, see Mitsui Kinen Bijutsukan and Meigetsuki Kenkyūkai, eds., Kokuhō Kumano gokōki (Tokyo: Yagi Shoten, 2009), 98-99. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-14, 460; Hyakurenshō (12, Sado-in, Kenpō 5 [1217]/9/13). 131 Kuriyama Keiko, Chūsei ōke no seiritsu to insei, 198, 215-217. 55 pilgrimage with a senior retired sovereign conveyed the political message of who was the senior nyoin within the royal family. A nyoin not only accompanied a retired sovereign, but she sometimes traveled with her children. In 1149 when Bifukumon-in made her first Kumano trip after becoming a nyoin, she brought only her second daughter, Princess Shōshi (who was later known as Hachijō-in). 132 Retired Sovereign Toba had three daughters with Bifukumon-in, but he raised only Princess Shōshi at his residence. This royal daughter occupied a position as the senior daughter and inherited the most estates from her parents. These examples show that a nyoin’s choice of a specific royal member as a companion on her pilgrimage derived not merely from convenience but also from her desire to emphasize their special status within the royal family and increase their visiblity. Another important strategy for the nyoin was to issue orders specifying necessary goods, the dates, and the locations for those goods to be sent prior to the pilgrimage and then press her estate managers to fulfill their tasks. Lacking specific surviving orders issued by nyoin before their pilgrimages, documents describing how retired sovereigns and aristocrats financed their trips give us a hint of how such orders might have looked. For instance, on the tenth day of the second month of 1147, Retired Sovereign Toba headed off to a Kumano pilgrimage. In advance of his departure, he ordered his official, Fujiwara no Akiyori, to deliver his order to Fujiwara no Narimichi, who managed Kōno Estate and Makuni Estate in Kii Province. [Retired Sovereign Toba] is making a pilgrimage to Kumano next month. Here, I am sending a list of dues levied on Kōno Estate and Makuni Estate to support the royal pilgrimage. Without fail, order [the estates to carry out the task.] These days, 132 See Koyama Yasunori, Kumano kodō, 33. 56 making a Kumano pilgrimage have become quite troublesome because [those in charge] have been providing half-hearted service or neglecting their responsibility. Make sure to carry out the task. According to the will of the retired sovereign, I transmit his order as above. Minister of Popular Affairs [Akiyori] received [Toba’s order] on the twenty-fifth day of the first month [in 1147]. Respectfully transmitting [the royal order] to Chamberlain cum Middle Counselor [Narimichi]. 133 Toba’s order shows that he expected his estates to provide resources along the way to Kumano. He established both Kōno and Makuni in 1142 as adjoining estates in the province where the Kumano shrines were located. 134 The location of his estates mattered. The Kōno and Makuni estates were north of the route that was popular among Heian and Kamakura Kumano pilgrims. Specifically, after leaving the capital medieval pilgrims went down the Yodo River to the Watanabe Landing by Osaka Bay and traveled southward along the western side of the peninsula to reach the entrance of the hilly path traversing the Kii Peninsula. By cutting across the middle of the peninsula, this route was shorter than going around the southern edge of the peninsula. More importantly, numerous subsidiary shrines were located on this path, and contemporaries loved to visit them. Many chose to take this route despite its mountainous roads and limited access to medieval transportation networks (see Map 3). 135 Although Kōno and Makuni estates were located inland, they were relatively close to the path from Watanabe all the way to the Kumano shrines. They therefore were crucial suppliers for royal pilgrims who spent days in this remote region away from the capital. Toba’s wife, Bifukumon-in, inherited 133 Heian ibun, vol. 6, doc. 2599 and doc. 2600. Also see Kugyō bunin, vol. 1, 422. 134 Both estates had previously been Mt. Kōya’s estates, but at a certain point in history, the Kii provincial governor made them into “public lands.” When Toba established them as his estates in 1142, he set up a rule that these estates would be exempted from any dues levied by the province, but they must pay “rent” to Mt. Kōya. See Heian ibun, vol. 6, doc. 2491. 135 These roads are hard to access even today. 57 both Kōno and Makuni estates and transferred these estates to their daughter, Hachijō-in. Whenever these nyoin visited Kumano, it is likely that they too ordered these estates to provide needed resources. Map 3: The Kumano Pilgrimage Route and the Kōno and Makuni Estates in Kii Province Makuni'Estate' Kōno'Estate' Early'Medieval'Kumano' Pilgrimage'Route' (Nakahechi)' Yuasa' Watanabe'Landing' 58 As Toba’s order suggests, however, holding a supreme proprietorship over estates in Kii did not always guarantee expected services on the road. Toba complained that he had been experiencing inconvenience during his previous pilgrimages because people in charge of procuring materials—his estate managers and estate residents—failed to provide him with sufficient support. Part of the reason why Toba faced such a dilemma was the unstable religio-political condition of twelfth-century Kii Province. During the 1130s, Toba found that another of his estates in Kii, Arakawa, was involved in a border dispute with neighboring estates. 136 Tanaka Estate of the Fujiwara regental family and Yoshinaka Estate of the Hōjō Monastery constituted the major force against Arakawa, and such estates owned by powerful households were formidable enemies even for the retired sovereign and the nyoin who inherited his estates. As shown in the following chapter, Bifukumon-in and Hachijō-in continued to have difficulty protecting Arakawa Estate from a series of attacks by its neighbors. 137 Furthermore, by the time Hachijō-in inherited Arakawa, Kōno, and Makuni estates from her parents in the late twelfth century, the Kii Provincial Governor had sided with the aggressor estates in the area and took part in the invasions into Arakawa. 138 Kōno and Makuni estates were near this area of hostility. Hachijō-in must have been concerned about the unstable conditions of the area from which she had to procure goods in order to make pilgrimages. 136 Tanaka Fumihide, Heishi seiken no kenkyū (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1994), 148. 137 After Toba’s death, Bifukumon-in had to deal with border disputes against Arakawa Estate and protect it from the neighboring estates owned by the regent and the monastery. For example on Heiji 1 (1159)/5/28, she tried to stop the dispute and secure the estate boundaries of Arakawa. She, however, could not completely settle the matter, and her daughter Hachijō-in inherited the estate as well as the problems. See Heian ibun, vol. 6, doc. 2979, or Hōkanshū 26: doc. 343 in Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, ed. Dainihon komonjo: Iewake, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1952). Although the online database lists this source as the one from Eiji 1 (1142), I believe that this document was written in 1159 because other primary sources also describe the incident. The editor of the Dainihon shiryō (vol. 3-903, 178: a draft for the uncompiled volume) also erased “Eiji” and changed it to “Heiji.” 138 For further information, see Chapter 2. 59 Novertheless, one advantage in owning Kōno and Makuni estates was that they were located south of Arakawa and its enemies. When Toba established them in 1143, he must have seen such an advantage. Since the Kumano shrines were located in the southern part of the peninsula, Toba and his heirs had a better chance to gain resources from these estates while traveling. Under the challenging political and geographical circumstances of twelfth-century Kii, what strategy could a nyoin use to ensure support from her estates and actualize her Kumano trip? The aforementioned order issued by Toba suggests that the key was to make a timely arrangement prior to pilgrimages and communicate one’s needs to the estate managers. At least five days before his departure, Toba’s officials and the managers of Kōno and Makuni received a list of specific materials and labor services that Toba required for his trip. The list also specified the locations and the dates by which Toba expected to receive specific services. When providing this list with his order in 1147, Toba clearly expressed his dissatisfaction towards estate managers who had handled his previous Kumano trips. He not only made a preliminary attempt to request specific resources but also put extra pressure on his estate managers because he knew that holding the highest estate proprietorship did not always ensure timely support from the estates. If later nyoin who inherited his estates wanted to make their Kumano trip safe and well equipped, they had to follow his example and make similar arrangements before their departure. ｛Note written on the edge of the reverse side of the document ｝From Chamberlain cum Middle Counselor [who is in charge of dues levied over] Kōno Estate and Makuni Estate Use this document as a list of dues when sending the following items. Submit it to the clerk in charge and use it as a receipt. 60 Regarding: Dues to support the royal pilgrimage to Kumano Kōno Estate and Makuni Estate Outward Journey <The fifteenth day of the second month, for the stay at Yuasa> Sweets: 15 gō 139 Side dishes: 10 gō <Among them 5 gō must be high quality> Vine syrups: 1 shō 140 Sake: 5 shō Vinegar: 2 shō Fermented bean paste: 1 shō Earthenware: 80 <If large size, 30> Salt: 5 shō Oil: 6 shō Square wooden trays: 10 pieces Charcoal: 10 baskets Wood fire in iron basket: 10 batches Firewood: 50 batches Torches: 100 batches <Laborers must carry these> Soy beans: 5 shō Laborers: 1 person Return Journey <The fourth day of the third month, for the stay at Chikatsuyu> [Additional note]: The delivery date could be the twenty-ninth day of the second month. When they were on the return journey, ask the clerk in charge [of this pilgrimage] for an update. Sweets: 12 gō <Among them 3 gō must be high quality> Side dishes: 7 gō <Among them 3 gō must be high quality> Vine syrups: 6 shō Sake: 2 shō Vinegar: 1 shō Fermented bean paste: 1 shō Salt: 2 shō Earthenware: 50 <If large size, 20> Oil: 3 shō Square wooden trays: 3 pieces Charcoal: 3 baskets Firewood: 20 batches Torches: 70 Wood fire in iron basket: 7 batches Hay in large bundles: 3 <Sent to Hidaka> Soy beans: 5 shō <Same as above (i.e. Sent to Hidaka)> Hay in smaller bundles: 50 <Same as above (i.e. Sent to Hidaka)> Post horses 10 <Must be sent to Hidaka on sixth day of the third month> 141 This document listed required resources for both the outgoing and return trips. Based on this way of dividing tasks, Toba expected Kōno and Makuni estates to cooperate in completing the task of supporting his pilgrimage. Toba requested Kōno and Makuni estates to submit resources at least three times during his trip in 1143. He ordered the two estates to make their first delivery to Yuasa on 139 Gō ( 合) is a unit of measurement for volume, approximately 180 milliliters. 140 Shō ( 升) is a unit of measurement for volume. 1 shō equals 10 gō. 141 Heian ibun, doc. 2600, vol. 6, 2194. 61 the fifteenth day of the second month, five days after his departure. The town of Yuasa, located between the Watanabe Landing and Tanabe, was the starting point for the route cutting across the peninsula. The distance from the landing to Tanabe was around 150 kilometers, and the one between Yuasa and Tanabe was around 90 kilometers. At Yuasa, which was approximately two-thirds of the way down the southward path before starting the mountainous trip towards the east, Toba and his group planned to rest, eat, and acquire enough materials to continue their journey to the Kumano shrines. The quality and quantity of food that Toba requested at Yuasa suggest that the retired sovereign expected to have rather simple meals during his trip. Kōno and Makuni estates were preparing 2 shō (3.6 liters) of sake, 12 gō (2.2 liters) of sweets, which were likely to have been fruit and nuts, and 10 gō (1.8 liters) of side dishes, likely to include pickled vegetables and dried seafood. He did, however, order plenty of firewood, torches, and charcoal, suggesting that lighting dark trails and keeping warm were priorities for the Kumano trip. On the way back, the estates submitted the same amount of sake, 15 gō (2.7 liters) of sweets, and 7 gō (1.26 liters) of side dishes at Chikatsuyu, the site of one of the subsidiary shrines. The twenty-first century Chikatsuyu shrine still sits in the middle of a farming village on the Kumano Ancient Path, where its mountainous roads meet. The food and materials to provide light and warmth were supposed to be brought on the fourth of the third month, but the additional note—“The delivery date could be the twenty-ninth day of the second month”—indicates Toba’s expectation that the return trip would be quicker because he did not have to stop at all of the smaller shrines. Toba requested the estates to prepare horses at Hidaka, located along the coast a bit south of 62 Yuasa. From there Toba and his followers seem to have sped up by riding horses back home. A nyoin might not have ridden a horse herself, but she could still have made her group move more quickly with the use of such animals. Both nyoin and retired sovereigns requested their own estates to provision their pilgrimages, but they also resorted to other means. For example, nyoin ordered provincial governors to provide necessary resources. The earliest known example of a nyoin ordering provinces to support her religious activities was Jōtōmon-in’s demand in the eleventh century. She requested provincial governors to submit food for monks when she sponsored a Buddhist ceremony at the Hōjō Temple in 1030. She also ordered provinces to prepare boats, banquet lunch boxes, and temporary accommodations when she made a visit to the Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine in 1031. 142 Furthermore, in the twelfth month of 1142, Taikenmon-in also made her thirteenth trip to Kumano. 143 The Japanese historian Koyama Yasunori explains that Taikenmon-in received support from Taira no Sanetsuna, an official of Yoshinaka Estate belonging to the Hōjō Temple. 144 A list of items that Sanetsuna submitted along with the trip has survived. 145 The listed items were similar to those that Toba requested during his 1143 trip, such as sweets, side dishes, sake, salt, vinegar, rice, charcoal, torches, oil, and horses. According to Koyama, Taikenmon-in acquired these materials from Yoshinaka Estate although she did not own it. He claims that the Kii Provincial Governor collected them as extraordinary dues called ikkoku 142 See Endō Motoo, Chūsei ōken to ōchō girei (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 2008), 51. 143 Honchō seiki, the seventeenth day of the twelfth month of Kōji 1 (1142). 144 It is important to note that Yoshinaka Estate was the aforementioned aggressor against Toba’s Arakawa Estate. In the twelfth month of 1142 when Taikenmon-in was on the Kumano road and receiving support from Yoshinaka Estate, Toba established Kōno and Makuni estates southeast of Yoshinaka. Establishing Kōno and Makuni was part of his strategy to secure access to southern part of Kii Peninsula through which he had to travel in order to reach the Kumano shrines. 145 See Heian ibun, vol. 9, doc. 2490. 63 heikin yaku, which the governor levied on every estate in the province. 146 Later nyoin also used their ties with provincial governors. In 1210 when Shumeimon-in went on a Kumano pilgrimage, she received help from Izumi and Kii provincial governors. They prepared lunches, snacks, accommodations, and boats along the way. 147 These cases show that not only a retired sovereign but also a nyoin was able to order provinces to support religious endeavors. A detailed account of Retired Sovereign Go-Toba’s Kumano trip in 1201 deepens our understanding of problems faced by retired royals and the coping strategies they used to carry out their religious missions. Two months prior to his trip, Go-Toba started making arrangements. He selected courtiers to accompany him and made sure to receive their consent. His early start implies that Go-Toba undertook a large-scale pilgrimage that year. This also reveals that during the early Kamakura period the route to Kumano continued to be challenging and required careful planning and arrangement to navigate. A retired sovereign could demand that provincial governors provide services and support. As mentioned above, Go-Toba ordered courtiers to accompany him during his Kumano trip. Fujiwara no Teika, one of those courtiers, recorded that Izumi and Kii provinces through which Go-Toba traveled were in charge of preparing accommodations for the pilgrims. For example, he stayed at housing provided by Izumi Province for the 146 See Koyama Yasunori, Kumano kodō, 53. Despite Koyama’s claim, Sanetsuna’s list does not specify that the governor paid for Taikenmon-in as province-levied dues. It is also important to note that Taikenmon-in usually visited Kumano with her husband Toba, but her 1142 trip was one of the rare occasions when she made a Kumano pilgrimage by herself. Since her pilgrimage alone would have provided a weak incentive for a provincial governor to demand resources from the lands of others, Sanetsuna likely paid the service not only due to the nature of her trip as a government-sponsored event but also because of his political ties with the nyoin. 147 Mitsui Kinen Bijutsukan and Meigetsuki Kenkyūkai, Kokuhō Kumano gokōki, 89-98. 64 first couple of nights. Then as his group moved forward, Kii Province was the next provider of their accommodations. 148 Although provinces were supposed to provide companion courtiers with resources, Teika recorded how challenging it was for them to secure necessary materials such as food and comfortable places to stay during their journey. On the second day of the trip, when he arrived at the area for the royal luncheon, he learned that “there should be no arrangement.” 149 Due to Teika’s ambiguous comment, historians debate its meaning. Was it that neither food nor space was prepared for Teika to join the royal luncheon; or that he had no responsibility during the lunch? 150 I believe that Teika was expressing his disappointment that he received neither tasks nor rewards when accompanying Go-Toba. Although it was not specified whether Go-Toba ordered a province to prepare the lunch, complaints recorded by Teika that night and on succeeding days indicate that provincial governors made arrangements poorly. After nightfall, Teika and other courtiers stayed at temporary accommodations prepared by Izumi Province. He slept in a small “hut without wood on the ground.” 151 His accommodation for the third night was also a tiny thatched hut allotted by the Izumi Provincial Governor. 152 On the third day he found a place to have lunch, but it was an unkempt, almost desolate hut. That night he stayed at a small hut again to sleep, but it 148 See Meigetsuki entries of Kennin 1 (1201)/10/6, 10/8, and 10/10. 149 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/6. 150 See Meigetsuki Kenkyūkai, ed. Meigetsuki kenkyū: kiroku to bungaku, vol. 11 (Yagi Shoten, 2007), 12; Mitsui Kinen Bijutsukan and Meigetsuki Kenkyūkai, Kokuhō Kumano gokōki, 30; Inamura Eiichi, ed. Kunchū Meigetsuki, vol. 1 (Matsue: Matsue Imai Shoten, 2002), 423. 151 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/6. 152 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/7. 65 was too small to stretch out his body. 153 On the fifth day, he couldn’t find even a small hut in which to stay. …. Then, Go-Toba’s group stopped by Komatsuhara to spend the night. I (Teika) went ahead to the accommodations [prepared for courtiers] near the retired sovereign’s [temporary] residence. Bu I found nothing there. Although provincial functionaries took charge of preparing accommodations, because the temporary houses were short in quality and quantity, courtiers who had no connections were not included. 154 So Teika’s record shows that the service provided by provincial governors far from satisfied the needs of courtiers. Neighboring provinces also fell short of providing even a space to sleep for all the members participating in the royal trip. This was not a surprise—companion courtiers had predicted that they would not receive sufficient support from the provinces. Prior to his trip, Teika contacted neighboring estates with which he had political or familial connections. For example, he spent the first night at a place prepared by Sarara Estate. The supreme proprietor of Sarara was Hachijō-in, whom he and his family closely served. Furthermore, Teika’s sister, Kengozen was the estate custodian of Sarara. 155 For the second day, Teika also contacted additional estates in advance, Ōizumi Estate and Uda Estate, to secure their assistance. He had political ties with the supreme estate proprietors of both estates: Ōizumi was owned by Kujō Kanezane whom Teika closely served, and Uda was owned by Hachijō-in’s adoptive princess, Prince Mochiito’s daughter. 156 His expectations were dashed, however, when neither estate provided support that night. Teika wrote, “It is 153 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/8. 154 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/10. 155 Meigetsuki Kenkyūkai, Meigetsuki kenkyū: kiroku to bungaku, 10. 156 The proprietor of Uda Estate was a daughter of Prince Mochihito who lost a battle against the Heike. Her mother later married Kujō Kanezane, the Lord of Teika. 66 extremely inconvenient. Cold air blows inside the three-pillar wide [i.e. small] thatched hut with the moon shining brightly above. 157 ” Here, we can see that Go-Toba, the host of a royal pilgrimage, did not support his entire trip by himself. Go-Toba’s followers to Kumano struggled to find support from neighboring estates on their own. These estates were not owned by Go-Toba but belonged to other royals or aristocrats. For example, Hachijō-in’s estate provided Teika with accommodations and possibly food. Although the estates of Hachijō-in’s adoptive daughter and Kanezane failed to meet Teika’s expectations, contemporaries nonetheless expected to receive help from neighboring estates with which they had personal connections. It is highly possible that a nyoin also expected followers to pay their own expenses while accompanying her, rather than providing resources for them from her own pocket. Teika accompanied the royal pilgrimage in 1201 although he had to endure significant inconveniences. According to his journal, he was even honored to be called upon by Retired Monarch Go-Toba for this duty. 158 The retired sovereign had maintained influence over court politics even after he abdicated three years earlier. Teika’s attitude indicates that he expected his service to the powerful royal would help him advance his political career. Other courtiers also provided Go-Toba with loyal service on the assumption that he would pay them back in the future with court ranks and posts. We would not expect that relying on such a reciprocal relationship to actualize a royal Kumano trip was unique for retired sovereigns. Nyoin would have resorted to them, too. 157 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/6. 158 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 1 (1201)/10/1. 67 Like retired sovereigns, nyoin needed to develop trust relationships with their followers in order to have safe and well-equipped Kumano pilgrimages. When a nyoin travelled, her female attendants as well as courtiers accompanied her. 159 Since a nyoin’s female attendants often happened to be her estate custodians, I believe that these women would have taken part in collecting resources from estates during the Kumano trip. Moreover, courtiers who served at a nyoin’s administrative headquarters also managed her estates. By appointing her followers—both courtiers and female attendants—as her estate custodians, a nyoin could more easily enforce resource-collection during a Kumano pilgrimage. As previously discussed, early medieval nyoin held rights to submit nominees for annual appointment, and they would have used such authority to encourage courtiers to support their pilgrimages. But as we have seen, nyoin were not always successful in influencing court appointments. As seen by Hachijo-in’s failure in 1200, a senior retired sovereign could challenge a nyoin’s nomination. When Teika recorded this incident, he also indicated his hope that Hachijo-in would write a recommendation letter for him, but it never happened. Teika’s willingness to accompany Go-Toba on his pilgrimage in 1201 might have been a result of his bitter experience in the previous year. Conclusion The nyoin title was originally created to honor the retired mother of a monarch, as seen in the cases of Higashisanjō-in and Jōtōmon-in. This precedent, however, changed in the following decades as royal wives without children and unmarried royal daughters began 159 For example, when Shumeimon-in made a Kumano pilgrimage in 1210, she was accompanied by six female attendants as well as other female servants. See Shumeimon-in Kumano gokōki, the twelfth day of the fifth month in Shōgen 4 (1210). 68 receiving nyoin titles. Despite such changes, nyoin status provided the holder with authority to establish her administrative headquarters and other prerogatives, such as receiving sustenance households and submitting her nominees for court promotions. Between the late Heian and Kamakura periods, many nyoin assumed important religious roles. They inherited or established vow temples and held memorial services to console their family spirits. They also inherited or accumulated estates supporting these temples as the economic foundations for carrying out their religious roles. Successful management of these estates was crucial for these women to fulfill their religious responsibilities. Travel was one element of religious practices for many nyoin. Despite challenges in securing resources along the way, nyoin visited Kumano as well as other closer religious institutions, enhancing the prestige of the religious site and demonstrating their special positions within the royal family. I argue that establishing trust relationships with followers was key for nyoin to receive good service. In order to maintain such ties, a nyoin used strategies such as appointing followers to be estate managers and using her nomination rights to help their careers. Her actual political influence over court decisions, however, could be challenged by a senior retired sovereign. Although the prerequisites for becoming a nyoin loosened over time, nyoin who met the original precedents continued to exist. Some of them were able to interfere in court decisions in their capacity as the biological mother of a monarch. Her chance to wield political power, however, was often overshadowed by a senior retired sovereign whose son or grandson was on the throne. A senior retired monarch was able to replace the current monarch with a different descendent, even if the existing ruler was a nyoin’s 69 son. Once the son was removed from the throne in favor of a child from another queen- consort, the nyoin lost political power. As unmarried and childless royal women received nyoin titles, many nyoin had less of a connection to the reigning monarch whose authority was the foundation of political power at court. Although such nyoin could build adoptive mother-child relationships, their influence was often short-lived in comparison to a royal mother, retired sovereign, or another blood relative of the throne. Influence over court decisions was important because it affected courtier careers, and thereby affected a nyoin’s ability to gain support in managing her estates. In later chapters, I will further examine this kind of challenge with a case study of Senyōmon-in, who attempted to maintain political power by adopting different regental and royal offspring. The argument here, that a nyoin held a relatively weaker foundation for power compared with a retired sovereign, differs from previous studies which presented nyoin as extremely powerful, independent, and wealthy. Exploring this gender disparity adds much needed depth to the field of women’s and gender history. In learning that even the most authoritative women in the realm faced difficulties in competing with their male counterparts and other power holders, we can seek answers to more meaningful questions: why and how gender disparity emerged in the medieval monarchial system and what strategies nyoin used to overcome such gender-based challenges? 70 Chapter 2: Nyoin Power, Estates, and the Taira Influence: Trading Networks Within and Beyond the Archipelago In the fourth month of Jishō 4 (1180), Minamoto no Yukiie 160 was making his way to the East, having been entrusted with Prince Mochihito’s directive calling on the Minamoto to rebel against the Taira. 161 His mission was to “inform the previous vice-director of the Military Guards of the Right [Minamoto no Yoritomo] first, and then to spread the order to other Genji [Minamoto] families.” 162 Just before his departure, Hachijō-in, an adoptive mother of the Prince and a half sister of Retired Sovereign Go-Shirakawa, appointed Yukiie as her kurōdo (secretary-provisioner). 163 Kurōdo were in charge of various tasks such as document management, event preparation, and other miscellaneous work, but they were also important for delivering messages. Because Hachijō-in’s private estates were widely distributed in the eastern part of the archipelago, Yukiie’s appointment as her kurōdo served to hide his real mission. As the largest landholder of the realm, Hachijō-in also provided Yukiie substantial assistance and protection while he traveled through the eastern provinces. In the fifth month of the same year, just after the failure of Prince Mochihito’s rebellion, Taira no Kiyomori took decisive action to move the capital to Fukuhara (Harima Province, present Hyōgo Prefecture) by sending his own grandson, Antoku Tennō (1178-1185), and his son-in-law, Retired Tennō Takakura (1161-1181, r. 1168- 1180), to live there. Takakura’s father, Go-Shirakawa, who was under house arrest by 160 Minamoto no Yukiie, an uncle of Minamoto no Yoritomo, held great military power. In 1181, as the leader of warriors from Mikami and Owari, he fought against Taira no Kiyomori’s son (Shigehira) and grandson (Koremori). 161 “Taira” here refers to the Ise Taira family, descendants of Taira no Masamori. 162 Azumakagami, Jishō 4 (1180)/4/9. 163 Hikoyoshi Mieko claims that Hachijō-in was behind the rebellion based on the fact that her kurōdo, Yukiie, was given the important task of nurturing it. See Hikoyoshi 1973. 71 Kiyomori, also went along. The rumor that Go-Shirakawa’s full sister Jōsaimon-in was also moving to Fukuhara with the Taira stunned court society. 164 Jōsaimon-in possessed many estates, especially in and near the Kinai region, and with her estates in Ōmi, Yamato, and Settsu, she controlled many strategic points along transportation and trade routes. These accounts depict a series of military and political conflicts, culminating in civil warfare from 1180 to 1185. This eventually led to the emergence of a diarchy comprising the court-centered government in Kyoto and a newly formed warrior government in Kamakura. Although specialists on the late Heian and Kamakura periods traditionally emphasize the roles of warriors and powerful retired sovereigns, another important but too often forgotten aspect of this era is that royal daughters and wives accumulated massive numbers of estates. These female landowners often held the title of nyoin. In this chapter I examine how three late Heian nyoin—Hachijō-in, Jōsaimon-in, and Kōkamon-in—struggled to maintain their estates and gain material and human resources from their lands. Jōsaimon-in and Hachijō-in were unmarried royal daughters. Kōkamon-in was a Fujiwara daughter who, although she was married to a monarch, never gave birth to a future occupant of the throne. Hierarchical Rights and Responsibilities of the Medieval Estate System With authority over their estates, nyoin and their associates gained opportunities to attain substantial political, economic, and even military power. Although studies since the late- twentieth century have tended to emphasize the successful and independent control nyoin 164 Gyokuyō, Jishō 4 (1180)/5/30. 72 had over their estates, in reality these women struggled to gain and maintain such power. The anecdote in Chapter 1 covering Hachijō-in’s empty storehouses shows that even a supreme proprietor of over one hundred estates suffered supply shortages. The first step in understanding the mystery of Hachijō-in’s missing storehouse goods is to have basic knowledge about the medieval estate system (shōen-sei). This system was characterized by its vertical hierarchy, in which various individuals held rights to income from the land that accompanied specific responsibilities (shiki). Supreme authority was exercised by a leading aristocrat or religious institution, while various levels of estate managers and officials also held shiki. Each shiki holder therefore enjoyed only partial authority over the estate and its cultivators, and received only a portion of the income that the estate generated. A late-Heian and Kamakura nyoin usually held supreme proprietorship (honke shiki), which was the highest authority. She, however, still had to share the products of the land with many others. Furthermore, supreme proprietors like nyoin did not directly manage ground-level operations and thus could occasionally face serious challenges in securing a share of the estate’s material wealth. Nagahara Keiji explains that upper-class shiki holders residing in Kyoto “possessed the most lucrative proprietary rights” while lower shiki holders took on day- to-day managing tasks at the actual site. 165 He concludes, however, that it was not the supreme proprietor who was “the dominant proprietary lord;” rather it was the estate custodian (azukari dokoro: the office entrusted with management of the estate as a representative of the proprietor) who benefitted most from the estate’s wealth. For example, Nagahara argued that Taira no Shigehira (1157-1185), the estate custodian of 165 Nagahara Keiji, "Landownership under the Shoen-Kokugaryo System," Journal of Japanese Studies 1, no. 2 (1975): 279. 73 Ōta Estate in Bingo Province, enjoyed a larger share of estate dues than did the supreme proprietor, Retired Sovereign Go-Shirakawa. 166 Although Nagahara’s argument was based on limited data, his research nonetheless suggests the danger of correlating the hierarchical order of estate proprietorships with economic gain. 167 Post-1960 scholars also developed a better understanding of complex shoen hierarchical relations, arguing that the central authorities and local lords were far from enemies but in fact cooperated to develop the medieval estate system. 168 By proposing the idea of a power-sharing triumvirate consisting of aristocrats, clerics, and warriors, Kuroda Toshio underscored the socio-political roles of estate proprietors rather than overemphasizing the influence of local warriors. 169 Western scholars such as Jeffrey P. Mass and Cornelius J. Kiley agreed with Japanese scholarship, challenging the idea of warrior domination over the royal court during the late Heian and Kamakura periods. Kiley especially examined how different groups—aristocrats, religious institutions, and warriors—interacted to oversee estates at the different levels of the shiki hierarchy. 170 Such alliances and competitions further developed the estate system and created factions held together with ties between capital aristocrats and local managers. Resonating with these post-1960 historians, Amino Yoshihiko and Nagahara challenged the traditional belief that estates were the antithesis of state-owned lands 166 Ibid., 280. 167 Nagahara investigated the situation of the Kawabara area, which was only a part of Ōta Estate. He made this conclusion by comparing the cloth sent from this part to the supreme proprietor with rice sent to the estate custodian. 168 For example, Toda argued that local lords and estate proprietors cooperatively controlled estates. See Toda Yoshimi, Nihon ryōshusei seiritsushi no Enkyū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1967). 169 See Kuroda Toshio, "Chūsei no kokka to tennō," in Iwanami kōza nihon rekishi, ed. Ienaga Saburō (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1963); Kuroda Toshio chosakushū: Kenmon taisei ron, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Hōzōkan, 1994). 170 Kiley, Cornelius J. "Estate and Property in the Late Heian Period." In Medieval Japan: Essays in Institutional History, edited by John W. Hall and Jeffrey P. Mass, 109-124. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1974, 109-110. 74 (kōryō or kokugaryō). 171 By arguing that estates were far from “private” territories under absolute control of local military leaders, Amino urged historians to examine how central authorities participated in estate establishment. In Japanese history, lesser land holders often commended (or entrusted) ownership rights to some higher authority in the hope that their estates would be protected from enemies. 172 Based on the assumption that local leaders held pure private land ownership, previous scholars believed that these landlords played major roles in promoting estate establishment through commendations. Amino questioned this older view, suggesting that capital-based power holders were responsible for inviting and facilitating estate commendations. Studies on Nyoin and Their Estates Japanese historians in the early twentieth century were already aware that royal women, especially nyoin, possessed sizable estates, but their research interests centered on the chain of royal inheritance rather than the royal heiresses themselves. 173 Furthermore, instead of discussing the ways in which nyoin inherited and managed their estates, scholars focused on the ways in which late-thirteenth and fourteenth century male royals vied for properties transferred from their female ancestors when the royal house split up into two competing branches. An early attempt to alter this long-lasting silence on nyoin history was Tsunoda Bun’ei’s biographical research concerning Taikenmon-in and 171 Post-1960 historians defined this concept as the “estate-public land” system and incorporated this notion into a master narrative of Japanese history. Nagahara, however, claims the first study that emphasized the importance of public lands was Shimizu Mitsuo’s chapter called “Jōdai no tochi kankei” in Shimizu Michio, Jōdai no tochi kankei (Itō Shoten, 1943). See Nagahara Keiji, "Land Ownership under the Shōen- Kokugaryō System," Journal of Japanese Studies 1, no. 2 (1975): 269. For Amino’s work, see “Shōen kōryō-sei no keisei to kōzō” in Amino Yoshihiko, Nihon chūsei tochiseido shi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1991). This article was originally published in 1973. 172 This act of endowment is usually called commendation of land (kishin). 173 See Nomura Ikuyo, Kazokushi to shite no nyoinron (Tokyo: Azekura Shobō, 2006), 15. 75 Takamatsu-in. 174 His works, published in the mid-1970s, emphasized the scandalous and adulterous affairs of these women and increased readers’ interest in the lives of late Heian nyoin. He, however, analyzed neither their estate management nor the historical background of the nyoin title. Hashimoto Yoshihito’s 1978 article, in contrast, closely examined the early development of nyoin as an institution. By investigating the first three nyoin, he explained the criteria for becoming a retired queen consort and the benefits she received from the title. 175 Following Hashimoto’s work, studies on nyoin steadily increased in the late 1980s, advancing knowledge of the socio-political roles of nyoin within the Japanese-reading audience. Nomura Ikuyo examined Heian and Kamakura nyoin in relation to the history of family, focusing on their roles as mothers and widows. 176 Kondō Shigekazu further advanced our understanding of nyoin roles in the royal family by pointing out that nyoin often inherited estates supporting Buddhist temples and also took responsibility for holding religious ceremonies. 177 Gomi Fumihiko examined twelfth-century nyoin, with special attention to Hachijō-in. 178 According to Gomi, nyoin increased their political power through their sacral power, their ability to function as mediators, and their familial connections. Despite his problematic characterization of sacred power as a female attribute, Gomi nonetheless challenged the older belief that retired sovereigns were 174 Tsunoda Bun'ei, Shōtei hishō: Taikenmon- in Shōshi no shōgai (Tokyo: Asahi Shuppansha, 1975); "Takamatsu nyoin," in Ōchō no meian (Tokyo: Tokyodō Shuppan, 1977). 175 Hashimoto Yoshihiko, Heian kizoku, 144-71. This article first appeared in 1978. See "Nyoin no igi to enkaku." 176 Nomura Ikuyo, "Nyoinron," in Shinjin to kuyō, ed. Ōsumi Kazuo and Nishiguchi Junko (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1989); "Ōken no naka no josei," in Chūsei wo kangaeru: Kazoku to josei, ed. Minegishi Sumio (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1992). Her book (2006) collects older studies and summarizes her views. See Kazokushi to shite no nyoinron. 177 Kondō Shigekazu, "Kamakura bakufu no seiritsu to tennō." 178 Gomi Fumihiko, "Sei ・Bai ・En: Onna no chikara," Nihon josei seikatsushi: Joseishi sōgō kenkyūkai- hen 2:chūsei (1990); Fujiwara no Teika no jidai (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1991). 76 dominant over nyoin. By suggesting that nyoin enjoyed political and economic independence at court, his works encouraged historians to reconsider nyoin as historical figures in their own right. Gomi’s views provoked criticism from Ishii Susumu and thereby sparked a debate. Ishii argued that Hachijō-in, the central figure of Gomi’s study, lacked independence because her officials and estates were under the control of her half-brother, Retired Sovereign Go-Shirakawa. 179 By demonstrating that the retired sovereign’s close followers often served at Hachijō-in’s administrative headquarters during the early 1180s, Ishii suggested that the retired sovereign wielded influence over Hachijō-in’s political activities. Ishii also argued that the retired sovereign interfered in Hachijō-in’s estate management by sending his men to run her estates. Gomi responded to Ishii’s first claim by arguing that the staff in question overlapped merely because the retired sovereign often stayed at Hachijō-in’s residence to seek her protection. In other words, the retired sovereign relied on Hachijō-in’s political support after his own political power declined during the late 1170s. 180 Gomi also challenged Ishii by correcting his misinterpretation of the term “inshi” ( 院使 the in’s messenger [shi]) in the primary source. Although Ishii interpreted inshi as the retired sovereign’s messenger because the term lacked the prefix “nyo” (female), Gomi argued that the messenger was in fact Hachijō-in’s official. He explained that omitting “nyo” and using “in” as a gender neutral term was a common practice when the context was clear to both the readers and writers. 179 Ishii Susumu, "Genpei sōranki no Hachijō-in shūhen: Hachijō-in monjo wo tegakari ni." 180 Gomi Fumihiko, "Hachijō- in wo meguru shokenmon," in Nihon chūsei seiji shakai no kenkyū, ed. Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 1991). 77 In the midst of this debate, Banse Akemi’s study on estate management by twelfth- and thirteenth-century nyoin strengthened Gomi’s argument about these women’s independence from retired sovereigns. 181 Banse argued that nyoin were entitled to determine the use of income from their estates, to appoint estate managers, and to make judicial decisions over disputes inside their estates. By showing that nyoin held officially sanctioned claims to control their estates, Banse encouraged future historians to further investigate nyoin’s involvement in estate management. Studies on nyoin since the turn of the twenty-first century enhanced the image of powerful nyoin. For example, Nagai Susumu emphasized that medieval nyoin enjoyed political and economic might. Endō Yuriko likewise underscored the authority of late Heian nyoin, arguing that they received more estate commendations during the era of warfare because their strong authority protected estates from extraordinary taxation, military attacks, and judicial disputes. 182 Although most scholars have connected nyoin’s estates with their economic wealth, Noguchi Hanayo suggests that this might not have been the case. Medieval nyoin usually owned two different types of estates—those that were managed by their administrative headquarters (chōbun) and those that supported religious institutions. Noguchi recently conducted a case study on the use of properties called “Anrakuju Temple estates” by Hachijō-in, who had inherited them from her parents. Through a close analysis of balance sheets of the temple and its estates, Noguchi argued that all of the resources submitted from the estates were consumed by the temple to maintain its 181 Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka." 182 Nagai Susumu, "Hachijō- in: Tennōke wo meguru nyoin gunzō," Rekishi dokuhon 35, no. 6 (2005); Endō Yuriko, "Jūni seikimatsu no sensō wo tōshitemiru kishin no ichikōsatsu," in Saikō chūsei shōensei, ed. Endō Yuriko, Kuramochi Shigehiro, and Tamura Noriyoshi (Tokyo: Iwata Shoin, 2007). 78 livelihood and Buddhist ceremonies. 183 Challenging a previous assumption that a nyoin could use her temple estates to support her daily expenses, Noguchi argued that the goods sent from temple estates were more likely to enrich the temple’s coffer than its patron’s. This perspective provides another avenue through which to question whether or not nyoin were able to increase their economic and religious power simply due to their ownership of a growing number of estates. Moreover, I consider additional factors such as estate type, geographical location, and the experiences of individual nyoin as landowners. Through the case studies presented here, I argue that two conditions were necessary for a nyoin to wield maximum influence and power. First, she had to own estates in areas important to transportation and trade. And second, during times of crisis, she had to seek assistance from other powerful authorities rather than maintaining independent control over her land. Estate Locations and Taira Connections: the Case of Jōsaimon-in In the late Heian Period, domestic and international trading networks that linked Japan with other parts of Asia generated cultural prestige and wealth for estate holders. The leading warriors and courtiers of late Heian not only participated in commerce within the country but were also interested in international opportunities as well. In particular, it was advantageous to own estates in regions that were convenient for trading with the Asian 183 Nyoin owned different types of estates such as residential estates in Kyoto, those connected to their office, and those connected to temples. Recently, Noguchi Hanayo pointed out that the revenues from the latter were used only to support the temples because a nyoin who inherited them was responsible for conducting memorial services for the repose of royal ancestors. Noguchi argues that it is likely that a nyoin relied on the estates of her administrative headquarters for her living expenses. See Noguchi Hanayo, "chūsei zenki no ōke to Anrakujuin: Nyoinryō to nyoin no honshitsu," 244. 79 continent and the Korean Peninsula. 184 Despite the rather limited evidence concerning nyoin involvement in international trade, we can establish that our three royal ladies in fact held estates in strategic locations that were likely to facilitate domestic transportation and commerce and were also necessary to enhance international trade. Recent research suggests the meshing of international and domestic trade. For instance, Watanabe Makoto argues that importing foreign goods required more than a single transaction and involved numerous individuals including shrine associates, monks, and Song Chinese sea traders. Even alluvial gold from Ōshū, the item most famously exported to China, was not entirely sent abroad: merchants used it within Japan to finance the transport of other exports such as sulfur, mercury, and pearls. 185 Royals and aristocrats residing in the capital also utilized gold that they received from their estates. For example, Senyōmon-in (1181-1252; became nyoin in 1191), a contemporary of the three royal women under discussion, collected gold from her estates to support her secular and religious activities at her Rokujō Mansion. She ordered a majority of her estates to submit gold to prepare for new year’s day, to renew the décor of her residence twice a year, and to sponsor Buddhist events. Since production areas for gold were limited, her estates would have acquired it through trade. This suggests that export items such as gold were sold at venues between their place of production and the final destination for foreign trade, demonstrating that domestic and international trading 184 For example, with the support of Go-Shirakawa-in, Taira no Kiyomori accumulated estates in the Seto Inland Sea and built a trading port to promote Japan-Song trade. The Fujiwara branch who ruled the northeastern region during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries acquired wealth through supporting different trading routes including the Pacific Ocean up to the Tsugaru Strait. 185 Watanabe Makoto, "Jūni seiki no nissō bōeki to sanmon ・Hachiman ・ in no miumaya," in Tsuwamonotachi no seikatsu bunka, ed. Irumada Nobuo (Tokyo: Kōshi Shoin 2010). 80 networks were inseparable. A nyoin who owned estates close to such trading routes could gain economic power to realize her secular and religious goals. Map 4: Jōsaimon-in’s Estates 81 Jōsaimon-in owned estates around the capital that played a significant part in connecting trade routes from the eastern, western, and Japan Sea regions (see Map 4). Her Matsui and Ichinobe estates in Yamashiro Province were located in an area that had developed as a strategic transportation zone even before the Heian Period (see Maps 5-a & 5-b). 186 Both were adjacent to roads and waterways. Furthermore, rivers such as the Kizu played an important role in tying these estates not only to Kyoto but also to other trade nodes on the shore of Lake Biwa in Ōmi Province. 187 There Jōsaimon-in possessed six estates, at least four of which—Yoshida Estate, Ikadachi Estate, Seri Estate, and Funaki Estate—were located adjacent to Lake Biwa (see Map 6). 188 Lake Biwa connected the transportation networks around Kyoto with those on the north side of the lake, which stretched towards the Japan Sea. 189 All of these properties contained or were close to rivers, suggesting that they played a significant role in facilitating transportation to and around Lake Biwa. 190 186 Teishitsu Rinya-kyoku, Goryōchishikō, 135. 187 For further geographical and historical information on these areas, see histories compiled by local governmental units. They explain how rivers around the lake had played important roles in transporting goods and people since premodern times. For example, see Shiga ken, ed. Shiga kenshi, vol. 1 (Shiga Prefecture: 1927); Ōtsushi Shiritsu Kyōikukai, ed. Ōtsushishi (Kyoto: Junpūbō, 1911); Ōtsushi, ed. Ōtsushishi bekkan (Ōtsu: Ōtsushiyakusho, 1963); Shinshū Ōtsushi: kodai, vol. 1 (Ōtsu: Ōtsushi, 1978); Shinshū Ōtsushi: chūsei, vol. 2 (Ōtsu: Ōtsushi, 1979). Also see “Matsui mura” (松井村) and “Ichinobe mura” (市辺村) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Kyoto fu no chimei, vol. 26 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1981), 133, 212-213. 188 Teishitsu Rinya-kyoku, Goryōchishikō, 136. 189 Takahashi Kazuki, "Hokuriku shakai no kōtsū to chiiki kubun," in Rettō no kamakura jidai: Chiiki wo ugokasu bushi to jisha, ed. Takahashi Shinichirō (Tokyo: 2011). 190 For example, both the Hino River (adjacent to Jōsaimon-in’s Funaki Estate) and the Mano River (running across her Ikadachi Estate) ran into the lake. These rivers are large enough to be defined as “first- grade rivers” (ikkyū kasen) under the modern Japanese river law. Although the characteristics of these rivers could have changed over time, I assume that the Hino and Mano rivers were at least close to Funaki and Ikadachi estates in the premodern period, and that they were large enough to serve as a transportation route between the estates and Lake Biwa. 82 Map 5-a: Jōsaimon-in’s Estates in Yamashiro Province (Original map: Nihon rekishi chimei taikei) 1 2 3 Yodo River Kizu River Seta River Matsui Estate ( ) Ichibe Estate ( Dezu Estate ( ) Gonen Temple ( ) Note: is listed as Jōsaimon-in's estate, but its exact location in Yamashiro Province is unknown. Lake Biwa 83 Map 5-b: Matsu, Ichinobe, and Dezu Estates (Original map: Nihon rekishi chimei taikei) Note: Double Lines ① through ⑩ are transportation routes in Yamashiro Province Matsui Estate Ichinobe Estate Dezu Estate Seta River Yodo River Lake Biwa Kizu River 84 Map 6: Jōsaimon-in’s Estates in Ōmi Province (Original map: Nihon rekishi chimei taikei) Yoshida Estate ( ) Ikadachi Estate ( Seri Estate ( ) Funaki Estate ( ) Anyō Temple ( ) Chiha District ( ) Note: and are listed as Jōsaimon-in's estates, but their exact locations in Ōmi Province are unknown. 1 2 4 3 Shiratori River Lake Biwa Hino River Uso River Inukami River Wani River Mano River Tenjin River Mt. Hiei 85 Jōsaimon-in’s estate residents not only used rivers to transport resources domestically, but also joined the broader trading networks tied into Lake Biwa. Once residents arrived at the lake, they had access to other waterways. For example, the Seta River flowed out from the lake, merged into the Yodo River, and then reached all the way to Osaka Bay (see Maps 5-a & 5-b). The Hino and Mano rivers also belonged to the same drainage system as the Yodo River (see Maps 5-b & 6). Such connections brought Funaki and Ikadachi estates “closer” to the Seto Inland Sea. In turn between the late Heian and mid-Kamakura periods, trade between Heian Japan and Song China became increasingly active, and the Seto Inland Sea played an important role in spreading wealth created through trade. 191 The names of Jōsaimon-in’s estates indicate their industries and products. One such example is Ikadachi Estate. Its name denotes raft-building or raft-launching—logs, after being harvested from local timber, were likely tied together there to transport people and material resources from the estate. According to thirteenth-century sources, Ikadachi Estate submitted timber, fishing boats, and charcoal to its proprietor. 192 Although these sources postdate Jōsaimon-in’s death, they suggest that the estate had provided her with wood products. The name of Funaki Estate also denotes logs for shipbuilding. Like Ikadachi, Funaki Estate was probably associated with the manufacture of boats and goods made of wood. Estates also provided metal products for their proprietors. The name of Jōsaimon- in’s Dezu Estate in Yamashiro Province literally means the Coinage Office Estate (see 191 As explained earlier, some exported items such as alluvial gold must have been traded at Lake Biwa because transporters from northern and eastern parts of the archipelago used the lake to get to Kyoto and other western regions. 192 Matsuyama Tomoko, "Chūsei sankan sonraku no nariwai keitai: Ōmi no kuni Katsuragawa ・Ikadatsu no shō wo chūshin to shite," Shisō 44 (2003): 96-99. 86 Map 5-a). This estate contained the minting site for early royal coins, such as the Wadōkaichin that were issued in 708. Even after the abolition of the Minting Office, copper mines at Dezu Estate continued to operate. 193 Being rich in copper-bearing ore, this estate is likely to have produced copper-related materials for its proprietors. An important characteristic of Jōsaimon-in’s estates in Ōmi was their close ties to powerful religious institutions. Medieval religious institutions often had shrine associates (jinin) who served as merchants, traders, and moneylenders. 194 Located on the north side of Mt. Hiei, Ikadachi Estate likely had close connections with Hiei temples and shrines (see Map 6). In some sources, Ikadachi Estate appears as one of the estates that supported Mudō Temple on Mt. Hiei. 195 Since no evidence indicates that Mt. Hiei and Jōsaimon-in vied for possession of the estate, they may have owned different parts of it, or they could have had a profit-sharing agreement. Mt. Hiei’s shrine associates, the Hie jinin, played a key role in transporting goods across provinces and conducting lending businesses. 196 If Jōsaimon-in had been able to bring these mercantile experts onto her estate and enhance commercial activities without coming into conflict with Mt. Hiei, she would have increased her chances to gain both material and human resources. 193 Nagare-ga-oka, located just west of the area where the provincial Mining Office existed, is still rich in copper ore. See “Dezu mura” (銭司村) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Kyoto fu no chimei, 77. 194 For a discussion of shrine associates, see Toda Yoshimi, "Kyoto and the Estate System in the Heian Period," in Capital and Countryside in Japan, 300-1180: Japanese Historians Interpreted in English ed. Joan R. Piggott (Ithaca: Cornell University East Asian Program 2006). 195 The Chōshūki entry of Hōen 1 (1135)/8/20 suggests a close relationship between Ikadachi Estate and the Mudō Temple by recording that a monk of the temple requested tax exemptions for the estate. Also, a late medieval source called Hiesha shintō himitsuki (the Secret Record of Hie Shrine) explains that the mother of Seiwa Tennō (830-880) commended the estate to Mudōji. See Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Shiga ken no chimei, vol. 25 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1991), 236-237. 196 Wakita Haruko, Nihon chūsei shōgyō hattatsushi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Ochanomizu Shobō, 1969). For various activities of shrine associates, see Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei no nariwai to ryūtsū, vol. 9, Amino Yoshihiko chosakushū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2008). 87 In the latter scenario, the relationship between Jōsaimon-in and Mudō Temple would have been one between a supreme proprietor (honke) and a managing proprietor (ryōke). Powerful royals often held supreme proprietorship over estates supporting a branch temple of a large religious institution. A supreme proprietor held the highest authority and responsibility to manage estates, to maintain the condition of the land as well as the people living there, and to receive agreed-upon profits. Right under the supreme proprietor, a managing proprietor usually managed the estate and ensured that dues were submitted. Funaki Estate was also closely associated with another religious institution, the Kami (upper) Kamo Shrine in the Heian Capital. One list of Jōsaimon-in’s estates indicates that Funaki supported Hōkongō’in, the vow temple of Jōsaimon-in’s mother. 197 Late-twelfth century evidence, however, indicates that Funaki Estate was also sending dues to the upper Kamo Shrine. 198 Jōsaimon-in and the shrine might have owned different parts of the same estate, but again, it is possible that the latter held the managing proprietorship under Jōsaimon-in, the supreme proprietor. Associates of Kamo Shrine may have participated in the estate’s shipbuilding business, its fishing industry, and the transport of goods around the lakeshore, all activities in which such associates were often involved. 199 Jōsaimon-in was once a Kamo priestess—she was nominated for the post at the age of one (in 1127), and she served until illness made her resign in 1132. But the reason 197 Teishitsu Rinya-kyoku, Goryōchishikō, 136. 198 Upon the request of the upper Kamo Shrine in 1184 Go-Shirakawa and Minamoto no Yoritomo issued orders to suppress violence committed by warriors and allow the shrine estates to submit dues to the shrine. These orders listed Funaki Estate as one of the properties of the upper Kamo Shrine. See Heian ibun, doc. 4155, vol. 8, 3128. 199 Nihon rekishi chimei taikei on Funaki Estate also suggests this possibility. See “Funaki no shō” (船木庄) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Shiga ken no chimei, 593-594. 88 for her close connection with the shrine appears to have been more complex. She had inherited a number of other estates, indicating that she occupied a unique status within the royal family. For example, she had inherited royal properties (mikuriya) that provided food to the royal family or supported Ise Shrine. 200 She also held Tamasaki Shrine and its estates in Kazusa and Shimōsa provinces. According to Zenkoku jinja meikan, Tamasaki Shrine was established by the legendary prince Yamatotakeru no Mikoto to pray for his success in eastern expeditions. 201 Albeit a mythical one, this account nonetheless suggests the significance of the shrine for the royal family and the state. Jōsaimon-in’s important position within the royal family and her estate holdings suggest why the rumor in 1180 that she was moving to Fukuhara with the Taira shocked court society. Unmarried royal princesses often strengthened the claims of a brother or nephew to the throne. By adopting a male relative or living with him, royal daughters indicated to court society who was the legitimate royal successor. 202 In this instance, the Taira needed to strengthen the legitimacy of the one-year-old monarch Antoku Tennō, grandson of the Taira chief Kiyomori and the major element of their political capital at that point. Jōsaimon-in’s move with Antoku to the new capital would have made her support for him quite visible. Moreover, the locations of Jōsaimon-in’s estates would have benefitted the Taira. Exchanging goods and information is critical to the exercise of power and thus makes 200 For example, Jōsaimon-in inherited Kurobe no Mikuriya, Kōshi no Mikuriya, and Kukiimafuku no Mikuriya. 201 See Miura and Zenkoku jinja meikan kankōkai shigaku sentā 1977, 274. Nihon chimei taikei also explains that the deities that Tamasaki Shrine worshiped were Jinmu Tennō’s mother, Goddess Tamayori and Yamatotakeru. 202 Yamada Akiko, "Tennō junbo naishinnō ni kansuru ichikōsatsu."Yamada 2003;Kuriyama Keiko, "Junbo ritsugō-sei ni miru chūsei zenki no ōke," ibid., no. 465 (2001). 89 firm control over transportation important. 203 As we have seen, Jōsaimon-in possessed estates in Ōmi, Yamashiro, Kawachi, and Settsu, where the Taira were not provincial proprietors (chigyōkokushu). 204 (See Maps 4 & 7.) In these areas, shrine associates of powerful religious institutions had formidable influence over transportation systems. It is said that the reason why the Taira moved the court to Fukuhara was their unfavorable relationship with these religious institutions. Nonetheless the Taira could not give up the Kinai and Ōmi regions, since the area was not only a commercial and agricultural center but it also held historical significance as the site of older capitals. Knowing that their influence over this region would become even weaker after moving the capital to Fukuhara, the Taira likely thought that cooperating with Jōsaimon-in, who owned many estates in these areas, would be crucial for their success in both domestic and international trade. 203 For a good discussion see Oka Yōichirō, "Hiraizumi Fujiwarashi to kōtsū," in Tsuwamonotachi no seikatsu bunka, ed. Irumada Nobuo, Tsuwamonotachi no Jidai (Tokyo: Kōshi Shoin 2010), 203-204. 204 For an explanation of chigyōkoku, see Chapter 1. For the Taira’s chigyōkokushu in the late 1170s to early 1180s, see “Heike-ryō to chigyōkoku” in Gomi Fumihiko, "Buke seiken to shōensei," in Kōza nihon shōenshi, ed. Amino Yoshihiko, et al. (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1991), 125-38. Also see Fukui ken, ed. Fukui kenshi: Tsūshihen, vol. 2 (Fukui: Fukui Prefecture, 1994). Motoki Yasuo argues that the Taira maintained tenuous control over provinces and local warriors. See Motoki Yasuo, Inseiki seijishi kenkyū, 357-358. 90 Map 7: Heike chigyōkoku (c. the second month, 1181) 205 For her part, Jōsaimon-in was empowered through her ties with the Taira. Kiyomori’s sister-in-law, Taira no Jishi (1142-1176; became Kenshunmon-in in 1169), served Jōsaimon-in as her attendant. Later, Jishi married Jōsaimon-in’s full brother Go- Shirakawa and gave birth to Takakura Tennō, father of Antoku. Helping Kiyomori and his wife’s family to build the foundation for their political power, Jōsaimon-in was very much a respected benefactor of the Taira family. Also, a noticeable number of Jōsaimon- in’s female attendants and several Taira daughters came to serve Kenshunmon-in after the latter became a nyoin. 206 This shows that the two nyoin shared networks comprising their female attendants. 207 Since attendants of a late Heian nyoin often managed estates 205 See Fukui ken, Fukui kenshi: Tsūshihen, 38. Also see Fukui kenshi online (accessed on 2015/3/17): http://www.archives.pref.fukui.jp/fukui/07/kenshi/T2/T2-0a1-02-01-04-01.htm 206 Misumi Yōichi and Satake Akihiro, Shin nihon koten bungaku taikei: Towazugatari, Tamakiwaru, 257- 263. 207 As for male officials, not so many Taira kinsmen or their followers served at Jōsaimon-in’s administrative headquarters. Her officials and close attendants (kurōdo) rather had close familial relations ! ! 1 Dewa 2 Sado 3 Hitachi 4 Kazusa 5 Musashi Province Name: ! 6 Noto 7 Kaga 8 Echizen 9 Wakasa 10 Hida 11 Mino 12 Mikawa 13 Owari 14 Ise 15 Kii 16 Tanba 17 Tajima 18 Harima 19 Awaji 20 Bicchū 21 Sanuki 22 Awa 23 Suō 24 Nagato 25 Chikuzen 26 Satsuma 91 for their mistresses as estate custodians or managers (ryōke or azukaridokoro), Jōsaimon- in’s close ties with Kiyomori’s kinswomen and Kenshunmon-in’s attendants would have encouraged members of the Taira clique to be supportive of Jōsaimon-in’s estates. Interestingly, Hachijō-in’s Arakawa Estate faced continuous challenges from Taira followers who tried to harass the estate residents and confiscate their products. 208 Although more comprehensive research is necessary, Kiyomori and his followers seem to have been less aggressive concerning Jōsaimon-in’s estates. Jōsaimon-in’s case strongly suggests how the location of estates might affect the political and economic influence of royal ladies. But owning estates did not automatically guarantee one’s power or wealth, as seen in the experience of Jōsaimon-in’s mother, Taikenmon-in. In 1135 the latter ordered agents (satanin) at three ports within Kuroda Estate in Iga Province to cease “illegally” imposing tariffs on lumber needed to repair Tōendō, the Buddhist hall at Kōfukuji built upon her request. 209 The agents in question served the powerful royal monastery Tōdaiji in Nara, the proprietor of Kuroda Estate in which the landings were located. Taikenmon-in’s administrative headquarters issued an order denouncing the agents for inflicting her loss: During the previous year these agents of the three landings acted against precedent for the first time. In attempting to levy an illegal port toll, they seized our lumber destined for hall repair and prevented [the transporters] from passing through [the check point]. The Izumi Lumber Landing, despite its age-old history, has never confiscated a single log from our estate dependents (yoryūdo). 210 This is the first time that the agents of Natsumi, Yagawa, and Nakamura docks have attempted to take [our lumber], and such an act has no legitimate basis. 211 with those who served other nyoin such as Hachijō-in and Takamatsu-in (Hachijō-in’s full sister). See Kuroita Katsumi and Kokushi Taikei Henshūkai, eds., Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 1,2, 3, vol. 58, 59, 60-61 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2001). 208 The later section of this chapter provides a close examination of Hachijō-in’s Arakawa Estate. 209 See Naka Sadao, ed. Nabari shishi: Nabari shisei nijushūnen kinen (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoin, 1974), 161. 210 The writer of Taikenmon-in’s order referred to the historical Izumi Landing in order to emphasize that her lumber had never been taken for toll. Yoryūdo can be also read as yoriudo. 211 Heian ibun doc. 2324, vol. 5, 1962. 92 After listing the names of twenty estate dependents of her own temple, Taikenmon-in added: [Nevertheless] if these dependents join the scheme of others and claim different logs [from lands belonging to others] as our repair lumber, then cease [such acts] and terminate any immoral acts from this point forward. 212 This quote helps to reveal the complexity of the problem, suggesting her concern over the wrongdoings of her own temple dependents, who would possibility connive with “others” and steal logs from someone else’s estates. From this incident we can deduce three things. First, Taikenmon-in had the authority to issue this order concerning the transport of her goods and the loss occurring outside her estates. Second, despite such authority, she did not have the power to resolve the problem immediately. This incident had occurred in the “previous year (1134),” but she did not issue the order until the fifth month of 1135. 213 Third, she had to keep a careful eye on the dependents of her hall, because they could take advantage of their privileges. As her order indicates, they might have tried to avoid port tolls when transporting items for other estate owners or for themselves. Being supreme proprietors, nyoin had to protect these dependents and empower them. As the Taikenmon-in’s case 212 Ibid. 213 No conclusive source is available to explain how this incident occurred in 1134 and why it took a long time for Taikenmon-in to issue the order. Some primary documents, however, suggest that the agents of Natsumi, Yagawa, and Nakamura landings not only held control over the ports but were also closely aligned with neighboring areas including dry fields, ponds, buildings, and probably local residents. According to a land survey conducted in the seventh month of 1134, Natsumi, Yagawa, and Nakamura became a part of a “newly-established estate” (shin mishō) that also encompassed a religious institution called Shōren Temple. This indicates that a large-scale community surrounded the three landings. Moreover, the residents of Yagawa and Nakamura had gained support from a power holder at the capital. Three months after the land survey, the office of Fujiwara no Tadazane, a previous supreme minister (the head of the Council of State), issued an order preventing assaults from the Iga provincial governor against the residents of Yagawa and Nakamura. This suggests that the land survey was a part of a project supported by Tadazane to establish an estate that included the landings. See Heian ibun, doc. 2303, vol.5, 1945-1951, and Heian ibun, doc. 2306, vol.5, 1954-1955. 93 shows, however, a nyoin also needed to protect the status and influence of her household by avoiding false claims. Jōsaimon-in, a primary heir to Taikenmon-in’s temples and properties, must have faced similar challenges while managing her estates. Close analysis of the geographical and historical significance of Jōsaimon-in’s estates uncovers the ways in which she gained power from her estates. A noticeable number of her estates had good access to circuits important for both domestic and international trade, with which she increased opportunities to obtain wealth. She also held supreme proprietorship over estates tied to religious institutions through which shrine associates and estate dependents worked not only for religious causes but also for their own economic benefit. Her authority and responsibility over estates therefore broadened her economic, political, and religious influence. As seen in her mother’s case, however, having such authority did not always guarantee a nyoin actual power. An early medieval nyoin held authority to issue an order to protect her estates against any opponents, but without using that authority in a timely and effective manner, she could lose her chance to wield power. The Production Center and Maritime Trade Networks of Hachijō-in and Kōkamon-in We have already seen that political and economic influence resulted from the movement of people and goods, and that estate locations affected the ways in which nyoin exercised power. Focusing on Hachijō-in and Kōkamon-in’s estates within the capital and those along maritime trading routes, this section further investigates the relationship between nyoin power and estate locations. 94 Hachijō-in, who owned one hundred estates in 1176 and accumulated even more later, had her main residence with her administrative headquarters and storehouses on Eighth Avenue in the capital (see Map 8). 214 214 Her estate list, which was recorded a decade after her death (1221), contained 221 entries that were spread all across the archipelago. The Angen 2 (1176) estate list survived in two different locations: the first half as part of the Kōzanji komonjo and the second half as part of the Yamashinake komonjo. For the printed version of the second half (Yamashinake komonjo), see Heian ibun doc. 5060, vol. 10, 3904-3905. Other document collections such as Kogake monjo, Kujōke monjo, Saionjike monjo, Anrakujuin komonjo, Tōji hyakugō monjo, and Jingoji monjo also provide further information about Hachijō-in’s estates. Some of these are accessible as printed versions. For example, see Heian ibun doc. 2519, vol. 6, 2124-7, Heian ibun doc. 3029, vol. 6, 2470-2471, and Heian ibun doc. 4151 & 4153, vol. 8, 3126-3127. Secondary sources presenting useful research about Hachijō-in’s estates are Ishii Susumu, "Genpei sōranki no Hachijō-in shūhen: Hachijō-in monjo wo tegakari ni."; Ishii Susumu chosakushū, 7, 251-401; Gomi Fumihiko, Fujiwara no Teika no jidai; "Hachijō- in wo meguru shokenmon."; Endō Yuriko, "Jūni seikimatsu no sensō wo tōshitemiru kishin no ichikōsatsu." 95 Map 8: Capital Properties of Hachijō-in and Kōkamon-in 96 Archaeological evidence shows that late Heian Kyoto’s Seventh and Eighth avenues were a manufacturing center for items such as paintings, ornaments, weapons, and Buddhist images. Craftsmen such as metalworkers, sculptors, cap-makers, and lacquer-painters made the area an artisanal center. 215 Living on Eighth Avenue was advantageous, but to the Taira, this area was also strategically important. Seventh Avenue was home to metal work specialists and a production center of quartz sand, a crucial ingredient in crafting metals. 216 As Taira no Kiyomori attempted to expand his military might, he needed to secure war-related materials made of metal, including armor, weapons, and stirrups. An older nyoin who lived close to Hachijō-in and the Taira was Kōkamon-in. Unlike Jōsaimon-in and Hachijō-in, who were unmarried royal daughters, Kōkamon-in was a Fujiwara daughter who had married Sutoku Tennō (1119-1164, r. 1123-1141). She became a nyoin in 1150, twenty years after her marriage, but her husband was exiled to Sanuki when his faction lost the Hōgen War of 1156. Kōkamon-in, however, remained in the capital and maintained her nyoin status. Being the only child of the primary wife of Fujiwara no Tadamichi, she inherited quite a few estates, including properties within the capital around Ninth Avenue and in other provinces. 217 215 See Murai Yasuhiko, Kodai kokka kaitai katei no kenkyū (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1965); Noguchi Minoru, "Kyoto Shichijō chō kara rettō shochiiki e: Bushi to seisan ・ ryūtsū " in Tsuwamonotachi no seikatsu bunka, ed. Irumada Nobuo (Tokyo: Kōshi Shoin 2010), 187-90; Wakita Haruko, Nihon chūsei shōgyō hattatsushi no kenkyū. 216 Noguchi Minoru, "Kyoto Shichijō chō kara rettō shochiiki e: Bushi to seisan ・ ryūtsū," 189. 217 See the entry of Nin’an 2 (1167)/5/23 of Hyōhanki. 97 Map 9: Kōkamon-in’s Estates Shirakawa Estate Takanami Estate Imaizumi Estate Inage main new estates Funakita main & new estate Kozuru northern estates Wakayama Estate Misaki Estate Mori Estate Obata Rank FIeld Tateishi Estate Kawawada Estate Uda Royal Paddies Ōizumi Estate Wada Estate Shimo-no-no Estate Ukiu Estate Tōji Estate Ōe Estate Hayashigi Estate Masuda Estate Tsumori Estate Yoka Estate Higashi sanjō-dono Iwakura Higashi Kujō Estate Kuse Estate Kasuga no tō Izumi Settsu Ōmi no ōban toneri Somewhere in Hizen Somewhere in Mino Kamimich Properties in Yamashiro Others Shimazu Estate Ōita River ! ! ! ! River ! Ariake Bay ! Tachibana Bay ! Uku Island OR Kōkamon-in's estate (Location known) Kōkamon-in's estate (The exact location is unknown although the province in which Kōkamon-in's estate was located is known.) Kira Estate Somewhere in Tajima Goshi-den Iwata Estate Ebi Estate Kuragaki Estate 98 In comparison to Hachijō-in, the number of estates that Kōkamon-in accumulated during her lifetime was rather small. 218 Her estates, however, were located in good regions for commercial and trading activities. Living in her Kujō mansion and owning several Ninth Avenue properties, she had easy access to the Seventh and Eighth Avenue production center (see Map 8). She also owned Misaki Estate in Shimōsa Province, which included important ports facing the Pacific Ocean (see Map 9). Scholars have emphasized that Pacific Ocean shipping routes played a significant role in connecting Kyoto and Hiraizumi in northeastern Honshū. 219 In this regard Noguchi Minoru points out a possible tie between Settsu sea traders and Misaki Estate, by analyzing Kamo no Chōmei’s poem about the Misaki Port. The poem—“How brightly shining! The moon rising on the waves of Misaki Bay”—was based on information given by marine traders working at Settsu in 1180 and it suggests that, even if Settsu tradesmen did not physically travel to the Misaki Port, they learned about the port while exchanging goods with the easterners. 220 Noguchi also posits that northeastern warrior families, such as the Kataoka, Satake, and Iwaki, supported routes connecting the Kinai region to Hiraizumi through Pacific Ocean sea lanes. Interestingly, the late-twelfth century local manager of Misaki Estate was Kataoka Tsuneharu, whose toponymic surname originated 218 According to the “List of Kōkamon-in’s Estates” provided by Kokushi daijiten, she owned around thirty-five properties. Given the difficulty of determining the exact number of her estates due to a lack of comprehensive records, it is highly possible that the nyoin owned others in addition to the listed estates. The total number, however, is not likely to have exceeded one hundred as it did in Hachijō-in’s case. 219 Sukigara Toshio, "Shichijō chō to Hachijō-in chō," in Kōkogaku ni manabu: Ikō to ibutsu, ed. Matsufuji Kazuto and Mori Kōichi (Kyoto: Dōshisha daigaku, 1999), 48-50; Ōmura Takuo, "Chūsei zenki no Toba to Yodo," Nihonshi kenkyū 439 (2000); Noguchi Minoru, "Rettō nettowāku no naka no Hiraizumi," in Hiraizumi no sekai, ed. Irumada Nobuo and Honzawa Shinsuke, Ōushū Kenkyū Sōsho (Tokyo: Kōshi Shoin, 2002). 220 Ōsone Shōsuke and Kubota Jun, eds., Kamo no chōmei zenshū (Tokyo: Kichōhon Kankōkai, 2000), 339. Also see Noguchi Minoru, "Rettō nettowāku no naka no Hiraizumi," 48. 99 from the northern province of Mutsu. 221 Here, Kōkamon-in’s supreme proprietorship over Misaki and other estates in northeastern provinces likely enhanced her chances of tapping the wealth produced in the north. Her estates in western provinces such as Settsu, Izumi, and Ōmi provinces, where traders from different regions communicated with each other, further helped her achieve economic gain through access to a broad trading network. 222 In addition, her estates in northern Kyūshū were advantageous for international trade. Previous scholarship emphasizes the roles played by regental family heads in acquiring rare materials from southern islands and the Song through their ownership of Shimazu Estate in southern Kyūshū. 223 Noguchi claims that this trading network extended further north as well—for instance, he thinks that marbled turban shells (yakōgai) used to decorate the Ōshū Fujiwara’s Golden Hall at Chūsonji were first imported to Shimazu Estate from the southern islands. 224 Fujiwara daughters also owned estates along these trading networks. Certainly Kōkamon-in’s estates in northern Kyūshū were conveniently placed to take advantage of international trade. Her Tsumori Estate in Bungo, for example, was developed at the mouth of the Ōita River near today’s Ōita Port (see Map 9). Facing the Seto Inland Sea, this estate was a strategic zone for domestic and international trading routes. Kōkamon-in 221 "Rettō nettowāku no naka no Hiraizumi," 49-50. 222 For example, Kōkamon-in owned Kozuru-northern Estate and Kozuru-southern Estate in Hitachi, located near the Pacific Ocean shipping routes. She also owned Kuragaki Estate in Settsu, Ōizumi Estate in Izumi, and Obata Rank Field in Ōmi. According to Kokushi daijiten, moreover, her estate list included her right to collect human resources from these three provinces as guards and laborers. These laborers, who were called ōban toneri (attendants chosen through a grand rotation system), received pieces of land to support themselves. See Kokushi daijiten, vol. 5, 297-298. For studies on ōban toneri, see Watanabe Sumio, Kinai shōen no kiso kōzō, vol. 2 (Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1970); Shimizu Michio, Shimizu michio chosakushū, vol. 2 (Azekura Shobō, 1974); Shimizu michio chosakushū, vol. 3 (Ozekura Shobō, 1975); Kojima Shōsaku, "Sekkanke ōbanryō to shite no ina no shō," Rekishi chiri 60, no. 5 (1932); Maki Kenji, "Sekkanke no ōbanryō to izumi no kuni ōtori no shō: jō," Rekishi to chiri 30, no. 1 (1932); "Sekkanke no ōbanryō to izumi no kuni ōtori no shō: chū," Rekishi to chiri 30, no. 2 (1932); "Sekkanke no ōbanryō to izumi no kuni ōtori no shō: ge," Rekishi to chiri 30, no. 3 (1932). 223 Noguchi Minoru, "Rettō nettowāku no naka no Hiraizumi," 45-46.Noguchi 2002, 45-46. 224 Ibid., 46. The shell of the yakōgai is the source for raden (mother-of-pearl inlay). 100 also held two other estates—Yoka and Ukiu in Hizen Province (today’s Saga and Nagasaki prefectures). Yoka Estate was further inland than Tsumori Estate, but it was close to the Chikugo River in Hizen and had access to Ariake Bay. The actual location of Ukiu (or Ukyū) is unknown, but there are areas called Uki and Uku in today’s Nagasaki Prefecture. While Uki is on the coastline of Tachibana Bay adjacent to the Amakusa Sea, Uku is on Uku Island, just east of Hirado Island. If this was the location of Ukiu Estate, it would have provided Kōkamon-in access to the Korean Peninsula and Song China. Despite her husband’s political downfall, Kōkamon-in retained her land proprietorship. Although previous studies tended to be dismissive of her power, the geographical locations of her estates played significant roles in supporting her livelihood in Kyoto. By owning Ninth Avenue properties and provincial estates along important transportation nexuses, she possessed the potential to generate economic power through domestic and international trading networks. Hachijō-in also owned property at strategic transportation points connecting Kyūshū and the Kinai region (see Map 10). Facing the Genkai Sea, her northern Kyūshū estates—Noke and Munakata—were close to trading activities centered around Dazaifu, the Kyūshū government headquarters. Facing the Suō Sea, her Denbōji Estate was on the western edge of the Seto Inland Sea network. From there, Hachijō-in’s estates were scattered along the coastlines of Shikoku (Iyo, Sanuki, and Awa) and Honshū (Aki, Harima, and Settsu). Some of her estates, located on islands such as Shōdo-shima, Nōmi- jima, and Kurahashi-jima, served as steppingstones for boats traveling across the sea. When Kiyomori invited Song and Korean merchants into the Seto Inland Sea, these traders may well have stopped at Hachijō-in’s estates. 101 Map 10: Hachijō-in’s Estates around Northern Kyūshū and the Seto Inland Sea The Japan Sea also connected the southern and northern parts of the archipelago. Late Heian and early Kamakura nyoin, as seen in the cases of Hachijō-in and Kōkamon- in, owned many estates in the San’in and Hokuriku regions, located along the Japan Sea side of Honshū. Their estates often stood at convenient locations for river and sea transportation within Izumo, Hōki, Kaga, and Noto provinces (today’s Shimane, Tottori, 102 and Ishikawa prefectures). For example, Hachijō-in owned Sada Shrine, Kimachi Estate, and Yamuya Estate in Izumo, which were all located close to the Japan Sea coast. 225 Kōkamon-in also owned two large-scale estates—Ōe Estate and Masuda Estate—in Iwami, encompassing a large river flowing into the Japan Sea (see Maps 9 & 10). 226 Previous studies argue that Japan Sea trading routes fell apart by the mid-twelfth century due to the fall of the Northern Song Dynasty and restrictions put on foreign trade in Wakasa by the provincial governor, but I disagree. 227 When the power of the Song radically decentralized, trade might have actually become easier due to reductions in regulations and tariffs. Also, records of officially unsanctioned trade are likely to be limited or non-existent. Because Japan Sea ports such as Tsuruga were centers of international trade, teeming with merchants from the continent and the Korean Peninsula during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, it is hard to believe that they completely ceased to function. Furthermore, the northeastward Tsushima ocean current helped merchants from the Korean Peninsula and the Ryūkyū and Nansei Islands to reach the Japan Sea coastlines. Of course, further research is necessary to fully determine whether foreign merchants ceased using the Japan Sea routes during the late Heian Period. 225 Due to a lack of sources, we are unable to determine when Hachijō-in established Yamuya Estate, but it is included in the estate group named after her. 226 Kōkamon-in also owned Hayashigi Estate in Izumo, which became known as an important strategic transportation spot by the Sengoku Period. It is important to examine the roles of later nyoin — Gishūmon- in (1173-1238) and Muromachi-in (1228−1300) — who inherited this estate. See “Hayashigi no shō” (林木庄) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Shimane ken no chimei, vol. 33 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1995), 403. 227 The source on Wakasa survived because the back of the paper was recycled to record Tōdaiwajōtōseiden. See Yamauchi Shinji, Nara Heianki no Nihon to Ajia (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2003); Fukui ken, Fukui kenshi: Tsūshihen, 133-136. 103 Kōkamon-in’s Wakayama Estate and Its Black Wares One of Kōkamon-in’s estates facing the Japan Sea—Wakayama Estate in Noto Province (today’s Ishikawa Prefecture)—provides new insight into how nyoin participated in twelfth-century trading networks as estate proprietors. 228 Wakayama Estate occupied a large area around the tip of the Noto Peninsula and produced earthenware that modern researchers call Suzuyaki (see Images 1 & 2). 229 I have found no document directly explaining how Kōkamon-in supported Suzuyaki production, but archaeological evidence and some written sources suggest the nyoin’s involvement in the industry. Excavation reports of Suzuyaki kilns indicate that the industry began with the establishment of Wakayama Estate in the mid-twelfth century, and ended with its decline in the early sixteenth century. 230 Rising and falling along with the estate, it seems that the Suzuyaki industry reflected both the needs of estate proprietors and their ability to support production. 231 As the first supreme proprietor of Wakayama Estate, Kōkamon-in must have played a crucial role in assisting Suzuyaki makers to start kiln operations and expand the industry at its earliest stage. 228 The estate included five hundred chō at the beginning of the Kamakura Period. For further information, see Kujōke monjo doc. 294 in Kunaichō shoryōbu, ed. Toshoryō sōkan Kujōke monjo, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 1972), 45. 229 Wakayama Estate was located in present-day Suzu City. In 1961, local archaeologists and a Japanese antique specialist who was invited from Tokyo had a meeting and decided to name the earthenware after the city. See Hirata Tenshū, "Suzuyaki no rekishi," Tōsestu 597 (2002): 12. 230 Nishiyama Masatoshi, "Umi wo tabishita Suzuyaki," ed. Suzushiritsu Suzuyaki Shiryōkan (Suzu, Ishikawa1997); Yoshioka Yasunobu, "Nihonkai no chinbotsusen wa kataru," in Suzuyaki tanjō!: Shiseki "Suzu tōki kama ato" kuni shitei kinen shinpojiumu hōkokusho, ed. Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai (Suzu, Ishikawa: Suzushi and Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai, 2010). 231 Several historians and archaeologists agree that powerful royals such as retired monarchs and nyoin were behind the late-Heian development of kiln productions. See Zauhō Kankōkai and Narasaki Shōichi, eds., Sekai tōji zenshū, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1977), 59-60, 152; Hotate Michihisa, "Chūsei minshū keizai no tenkai," in Kōza nihon rekishi, ed. Rekishigaku kenkyūkai and Nihonshi kenkyūkai (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1984), 188-189. 104 Image 1: Suzuyaki Bottle Image 2: Suzuyaki Vase (12th century) (12th century) 28.5 centimeters in height 55.2 centimeters in height 232 Furthermore, archaeological evidence indicates that in terms of its distribution, Suzuyaki ware was used all over the Hokuriku area. It was also in high demand in other areas such as the eastern coastline of the Seto Inland Sea, the northern edge of Honshū, and the southern part of Hokkaidō. 233 For example, Suzu-style cylindrical vessels containing copied sutras and Suzu-style urns for cremation have been excavated in the Tsugaru region of the northeast (today’s Aomori Prefecture). Archaeologists have dated these shards to the twelfth century. 234 And since they have found no late Heian and 232 For the explanation see Yoshioka Yasunobu and Henshū iinkai, eds., Suzu no meitō (Suzu: Suzu shiritsu Suzuyaki hakubutsukan, 1989), 63, 67. For Image 1 and Image 2, see #4 and #20 on the image collection in the book. 233 Kentani Shōtarō, "Tsugaru kaikyō wo watatta Suzuyaki to umiagari no Suzuyaki," Tōsetsu 344 (1981): 30; Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai, ed. Suzuyaki tanjō!: Shiseki "Suzu tōki kama ato" kuni shitei kinen shinpojiumu hōkokusho (Suzu, Ishikawa: Suzushi and Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai, 2010); Hirata Tenshū, "Suzuyaki no rekishi." 234 Sekine Tatsuhito, "Hirosakishi Dōgatai shutsudo no Suzuyaki kyō yōki to sono igi," Tōō bunka 75 (2004). 105 Kamakura kilns in the Tsugaru region, it is possible that these sutra vessels and urns were traded from Wakayama Estate. 235 The close tie between Suzu and eastern Harima (Tōban) wares also suggests a possible route along which Wakayama Estate residents interacted with the other side of Honshū. Suzuyaki specialists Yoshioka Yasunobu and Moriuchi Shūzō argue that the Suzuyaki techniques were actually brought from the Tōban region on the Seto Inland coast. The argument goes as follows. First, Buddhist earthenware reliefs (senbutsu) excavated from Shingū in present Tatsuno City, Hyōgo Prefecture (i.e. the Tōban region), were made from the same ingredients as those excavated from Suzu in Noto. A wooden mold used to shape the Shingū reliefs was identical to those for the Suzuyaki reliefs, and chemical analysis shows that the clay used to bake the Shingū reliefs was likely made from Suzu soil (see Map 11 and Image 3). 236 Second, because Suzuyaki craftsmen used decorating and baking techniques similar to those used for eastern Harima earthenware, eastern Harima craftsmen seem to have initiated the Suzu style. 237 Technological and artistic exchanges between Tōban and Suzu craftsmen likely went both ways, but the influence of the former over the latter was undeniable because the Tōban kilns had already been active during the tenth century and were further developed well into the twelfth century. 235 Ibid., 72. 236 Moriuchi Shūzō, "Suzuyaki to Tōbankei sueki: Seisanchi kara mita Suzu to Tōban no kankei," in Suzuyaki Tanjō!: shiseki "Suzu tōki kama ato" kuni shitei kinen shinpojiumu hōkokusho, ed. Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai (Suzu, Ishikawa: Suzushi and Suzushi Kyōiku Iinkai, 2010), 4. 237 Ibid., 4-5. Also see Map #9 on page 10. 106 Map 11: Excavated Senbutsu Reliefs in Suzu and Shingū Image 3: Buddhist Suzu Earthenware Relief Excavated from Noto (12th century) 22.0 centimeters in height 238 238 For the explanation see Yoshioka Yasunobu and Henshū iinkai, Suzu no meitō, 65. For the image, see #9 in the image collection in the book. /0 I*t{{i*oift;E -{sH.ffiFa- A. glilffit++ffirx *dt,l*#(ffiHrf6is) e. /::o)ft'Htlt#itl& 4;tt{'}*tf l,{A EriFlc. i* tfi l*;ft iE o tr $E ( 4E a t -- 4) 'effifiSIl*EAE,fi;EffiLLt r*Ef4-c56" 't::o)fi fitjl*#F 6{Atl|:& tJ. 4tfl f*o fi iE E t Lr l*R,ltl " I Fl D4'cfF6*rf:€&'{A irFE€ CmI75'6Ht I +# E Ll* ;fi\ a Wt IAE +hAE 6 a h\ ? 18sBl FFs L r*Ufl* aYryz ' &ffi trt Buddhist earthenware reliefs excavated from Suzu in Noto Buddhist earthenware reliefs from Shingū in Tatsuno City, Hyōgo Prefecture 1 2 107 Moriuchi claims that the Tōban techniques were transferred along the route from Harima through Tanba to Echizen, and then influenced Suzuyaki development. Based on his analysis of the geographical features connecting the Suzu and Tōban areas, Moriuchi points out the existence of a dividing ridge—that of the Yura River (flowing into the Japan Sea) and the Kako River (flowing into the Seto Inland Sea). Given this watershed, located 100 meters above sea level, early-medieval people and goods could travel between the Japan Sea and the Seto Inland Sea without crossing the high mountains. Likely, the Suzu and Tōban locals used this route to exchange knowledge and materials. As a result, Kōkamon-in’s Wakayama residents played crucial roles in initiating Suzuyaki production and creating its distribution networks. We have already learned that Taikenmon-in’s estate dependents traveled across provinces and transported annual rent or dues. Kōkamon-in’s estate dependents likely also exchanged knowledge and skills, expanding Suzuyaki culture from the other side of the archipelago. Kōkamon-in’s estate officials would have assisted Suzuyaki production as this local industry grew. Archaeological reports indicate that a number of Suzuyaki wares traveled across the Japan Sea throughout the middle ages. Late Heian and Kamakura boats, retrieved from the seabed within twelve kilometers from the Noto Peninsula coastline, carried Suzuyaki—pots, bottles, and vases. Early-Kamakura evidence indicates that Suzuyaki traders headed off to different provinces such as Kaga, Echizen, and Echigo, carrying smaller Suzuyaki containers inside larger ones. 239 In order to satisfy local and inter-regional demands, Wakayama Estate produced quite a few Suzuyaki wares. Such large-scale manufacturing processes required the support and supervision of 239 Nishiyama Masatoshi, "Umi wo tabishita Suzuyaki."; Sekine Tatsuhito, "Hirosakishi Dōgatai shutsudo no Suzuyaki kyō yōki to sono igi." 108 local notables who would have served as estate officials. Medieval managing proprietors and estate custodians who resided in the capital regularly visited or sent deputies to the estate, dealt with local problems, and checked productivity. 240 Kōkamon-in’s Wakayama Estate custodian must have informed her about the growing Suzuyaki industry and asked her for patronage. During the visit of such a custodian, local officials and residents needed to support him by throwing welcome and farewell parties, preparing accommodations and necessary materials for his stay, and covering the costs for his return trip to the capital. 241 The custodian probably received Suzuyaki wares and traded them on the way, or brought them back to Kyoto as gifts. Estate officials, residents, and dependents thus supported Suzuyaki production in different ways. Previous studies, however, claim that estate proprietors in Kyoto never requested Suzuyaki as annual tribute, based on the following evidence. 242 First, few Suzuyaki pieces have been excavated in Kyoto. We have only one example of early medieval Suzuyaki found in the Heian-capital site, a late twelfth-century pot excavated from the remains of Prince Mochihito’s residence. 243 Second, the Tōkai and Seto Inland Sea regions also produced earthenware. Prior scholarship therefore argues that estate 240 The two terms, “managing proprietor (ryōke)” and “estate custodians (azukaridokoro),” could refer to the same person in medieval sources. For example, Hachijō-in’s female attendant, Ben-no-tsubone, appears in primary documents as both ryōke and azukaridokoro of Yoshii Estate. This rather interchangeable usage of these two words occurred because, within the layered relations in the estate system, the azukaridokoro was the person who “was entrusted” with a certain job by his or her superior. Ben-no-tsubone, who was managing Hachijō-in’s estate right under the supreme proprietor, should be called a managing proprietor, but she was also named as estate custodian because she “was entrusted” the task by the nyoin. See “azukaridokoro (預所)” in Kokushi daijiten vol. 1, 206. 241 Masahiro Morimoto, Zōtō to enkai no chūsei (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2008). 242 Yoshioka Yasunobu, Chūsei sueki no kenkyū (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1994), 606; Nihon kaiiki no doki ・ tōji: Chūsei-hen, Jinruishi shōsho (Tokyo: Rokkō Shuppan, 1989), 294. 243 Prince Mochihito possibly received Suzuyaki through his connection with his adoptive mother, Hachijō- in, who also owned an estate in Noto. For the information about the excavated pot, see Chūsei sueki no kenkyū, 605-606. To learn more about history of medieval earthenware excavated in the capital, see Hirose Kazuo, "Chūsei eno taidō," in Iwanami kōza nihon kōkogaku: Henka to kakki, ed. Kondō Yoshirō et al. (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1986); Uno Takao, "Kōhanki no sueki: Heiankyō ・Kyōto shutsudohin ni miru chūsei yōsō no keisei," Shirin 67, no. 6 (1984). 109 proprietors must not have commissioned heavy dishes from the Hokuriku region, which is located on the other side of the archipelago. Despite these arguments, however, I still see the possibility that Kōkamon-in requested Suzuyaki ware from Wakayama Estate. To begin, Kōkamon-in’s contemporary, Senyōmon-in, annually received earthenware and cooking appliances as miscellaneous dues from her estates in Hokuriku. According to her estate list, although Senyōmon-in previously ordered her estates in Tōkai to submit jars and bowls, she later exempted them from paying such dues. In contrast, she requested her estates in Hokuriku to submit dishes and cooking appliances. 244 Senyōmon-in’s example refutes the argument that medieval estate proprietors did not systematically order their Hokuriku estates to submit earthenware. It is also important to note that Senyōmon-in annually ordered only a few pots and bowls (nabe and hachi). Most common Suzuyaki items excavated from the Hokuriku area were pots, bowls, and jars. If Kōkamon-in requested Wakayama Estate to send a limited amount of Suzuyaki each year, it would be difficult to find them as a large group at any given site. Second, Kōkamon-in’s half brother Kujō Kanezane recorded that at the memorial service held on the twenty-seventh day after her death in 1181, he prepared “a blackish earthen cup with a long stem” (kuroki takatsuki no doki) rather than “a black-lacquered dish (koki).” 245 His comment that he chose the black earthen cup in place of black- 244 See the list of miscellaneous dues supporting Senyōmon-in’s Rokujō Mansion and the Chōkō Temple in Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, ed. Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Chūsei 9 (Kōbe: Hyōgo Prefecture, 1997), 535-561; Nihon Engyō Taikei Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon engyō taikei: shiryōhen 1 (Tokyo: Nihon Engyō Kenkyūkai, 1975), 29-82. 245 Kanezane prepared this cup for his son, Yoshitsune, who was an adopted son of Kōkamon-in. Kanezane explained that Yoshitsune’s cup should not be black-lacquered because Kōkamon-in was not his biological parent. See Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/12/18. 110 lacquered dish strengthens the possibility that the cup was Suzuyaki. 246 Suzuyaki specialist Yoshioka Yasunobu claims that Suzuyaki makers produced sake bottles by emulating lacquerware. 247 Supporting this view, Hirata Tenshū assumes that a twelfth- century sake bottle excavated from Yōzen Temple in Suzu was an imitation of lacquerware. This temple was located in the area that was once part of Wakayama Estate. The estate’s twelfth-century Kamegatan kilns also produced “dark black and hard” earthenware that was like lacquerware. 248 Kanezane and his son Yorimichi (who became Kōkamon-in’s adopted son) closely served the nyoin, and as a result they inherited her properties including Wakayama Estate. Wakayama Estate officials, therefore, likely sent Suzuyaki to these new owners if the nyoin did not already own the earthen cup before her death. In addition to its relation with Kōkamon-in, the Suzuyaki industry developed close ties with local religious authorities at the temple Hōjūji and the regional religious center, Hakusan Shrine. 249 Since these were branches of the great religious centers, Mt. Kōya and Mt. Hiei respectively, Suzuyaki may well have been brought by shrine associates to the capital as specialty goods. Few archaeological records show that Suzuyaki were traded on a large scale in Kyoto, however. Even if Suzuyaki seems not to have become a large commercial item in Kyoto, Kōkamon-in gained economic benefits from the growing industry on Wakayama Estate. Excavations of the Jike Kurobatake kiln site in the mid 1990s indicated that thirteen kilns 246 Although successive regental family heads owned an estate called Kusuha no maki which also produced black wares, neither he nor Kōkamon-in held proprietorship over this estate before 1181. See Ujita Kazuo, "Kawachi no kuni ・Kusu no ha no maki ni okeru doki seisan no tenkai," Hisutoria 133 (1991); Umekawa Mitsutaka, "Shiryō ni mieru kokushoku no doki," Ritsumeikan daigaku kōkogaku ronshū 1 (1997). 247 Yoshioka Yasunobu, "Suzuyaki kara Echizenyaki e," in Nihonkai to kitaguni bunka, ed. Amino Yoshihiko, Umi to rettō bunka (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1990), 295-296. 248 Hirata Tenshū, "Suzuyaki no rekishi," 11. 249 Yoshioka Yasunobu, "Nihonkai no chinbotsusen wa kataru," 25. 111 were in operation from the mid-twelfth through mid-thirteenth centuries. This discovery challenges the previous notion that a small group of workers operated only one kiln at a time. 250 Since Suzuyaki production started on a relatively large scale and continued to expand in the following centuries, some substantial support consolidated its industrial foundation during Kōkamon-in’s time. I doubt that estate proprietors in Kyoto knew nothing about such an important and well-supported project. Wakayama Estate residents did not send a large number of Suzuyaki wares to Kyoto, but they could have exchanged Suzuyaki to obtain other items which Kōkamon-in requested as estate dues. Suzuyaki became a popular commodity in the Hokuriku and northeastern Honshū regions. Archaeological reports show that Suzuyaki wares made their way even to Hiraizumi in Ōshū, which was the best producing area for alluvial gold. 251 Traders who brought Suzuyaki to Ōshū must have received something in return. I assume that it was gold. Contemporaries used gold to support different events such as seasonal refurbishments of their mansions (koromogae) and religious ceremonies. 252 For example, royals and aristocrats often provided gold as offerings at Buddhist events. Since 250 See Ishikawa kenritsu maizō bunka sentā 1994. In addition to this report, the Suzu City education board and the Toyama University archaeological research group have published their reports on this kiln site. See Maekawa Kaname, "Chūsei Noto Suzugama no seisan keitai to ryūtsū kikō ni tsuite no ichikōsatsu," in Narasaki Shōichi sensei koki kinen ronbunshū, ed. Narasaki Shōichi sensei koki kinen ronbunshū kankōkai (Kyoto: Shinyōsha, 1998). 251 Watanabe Makoto, "Jūni seiki no nissō bōeki to sanmon ・Hachiman ・ in no miumaya."; Furiya Tetsuo, "Hiraizumi shutsudo no bōeki Tōji: Yanagi no gosho ato shutsudo no kan hantō san Tōjikikara mieru ryūtsū keiro," Hiraizumi bunka kenkyūnenpō 2 (2002): 24. 252 Koromogae literally means “changing wardrobes,” but it also refers to “changing furnishing materials” for the new season. Heian and Kamakura royals and aristocrats refurnished the interior décor of their households twice a year. For example in the fourth month (spring) and tenth month (fall), Senyōmon-in collected various items from her estates, such as drapes, mats, and gold, to redecorate her residence appropriate to the season. 112 Kōkamon-in held a number of Buddhist ceremonies after she became a nyoin, she must have needed gold and would have obtained it by trading goods from her estates. 253 Furthermore, as Yoshioka points out, Suzuyaki incorporated styles and techniques from multiple East Asian cultural zones such as the Ryūkyū Islands and the continent. For example, tree-branch patterns inscribed on Suzuyaki show influence from the Korean Peninsula. Suzu makers and traders actively interacted with broader cultural networks when developing the Suzu industry on Wakayama Estate. This shows that the world of Kōkamon-in was not confined to her capital residence. By supporting the economy of Wakayama Estate and Suzuyaki production for domestic trade and international cultural exchange, Kōkamon-in expanded opportunities to enhance her religious, cultural, and economic power. Empowerment through Strategic Alliances Although late Heian and early Kamakura nyoin owned properties deeply involved in trade and commercial activities, these royal ladies benefited fully from their economic and political advantages only when they successfully managed their estates. As discussed earlier, newer scholarship has emphasized nyoin’s firm and independent control over their estates and successfully problematized the idea that powerful retired male sovereigns had absolute control over a nyoin’s lands. But it is also true that the nyoin often willingly relied on male family members, powerful warriors, or religious 253 Kōkamon-in sponsored repentance rites, ceremonies of reciting the names of the buddhas, ceremonies of venerating Buddha relics, and memorial services for deceased family members, to name a few. For example, see the entry of of Ninpei 2 (1152)/12/20 of Sankaiki, a courtier journal of Nakayama Tadachika (1132-1195). Also see Hyōhanki, Ninpei 3 (1153)/12/26, Hōgen 1 (1156)/5/14, Hōgen 2 (1157)/10/23, Ninan 2 (1167)9/15; Gyokuyō, Kaō 2 (1170)/5/19, Shōan 2 (1172)/5/26, Shōan 3 (1172)/3/7, Angen 1 (1175)/2/19, Jishō 1 (1177)/2/27, Jishō 2 (1178)/10/6, and Yōwa 1 (1177)/10/27. 113 institutions, and sometimes even gave up their rights and responsibilities in land management when they saw that such strategies were advantageous. Consider the case of Hachijō-in, who clearly chose not to exclude the influence of retired sovereigns. Rather she willingly involved them in her estate affairs when disputes occurred between her properties and those of other powerful households. During the Genpei War (1180-85), for instance, vassals of the Taira attempted to expand their influence over her estates. 254 According to an order from Hachijō-in’s headquarters in 1193, Taira no Shigehira’s retainer Gyōshi had illegally acquired the position of gesu (local estate manager) at Kagato Estate in Bizen Province. 255 Because of his “immoral behavior and delinquency in payment,” Hachijō-in asked Go-Shirakawa to issue a directive (inzen) informing Gyōshi that they would strip him of his title if he refused to obey. This, however, neither denoted Go-Shirakawa’s control over Hachijō-in’s estate nor symbolized a loss of Hachijō-in’s power. For example, Go-Shirakawa consulted her when he made important political decisions, such as when he chose the next sovereign to replace Antoku. She also let him stay at her residence when he was in a precarious political situation after being released from his house arrest by Kiyomori. 256 This suggests that Hachijō-in and Go-Shirakawa politically and financially supported each other during the war. Although Go-Shirakawa could not entirely stop Gyōshi’s illegal behavior, Hachijō-in enhanced her protective influence over the estate by cooperating with her male relative. 257 254 Banse 1993, 56-57. 255 Kamakura ibun doc. 687, vol. 2, 88-89. 256 Tamai Kōsuke, Nihon koten zensho: Kenjugozen nikki, 53-57; Gomi Fumihiko, "Sei ・Bai ・En: Onna no chikara," 115-116. 257 Hachijō-in later asked Minamoto no Yoritomo for help to solve this problem. See Kamakura ibun doc. 687, vol. 2, 88-89. 114 Another good example can be found in the records of Hachijō-in’s Arakawa Estate in Kii Province. Long-standing threats from adjacent estates—Tanaka Estate of the regental family and Yoshinaka Estate, whose proprietor was Hōjōji—occasionally involved armed conflicts at the border of Arakawa. 258 Beginning in the 1130s, just after Hachijō-in’s father, Retired Sovereign Toba, established Arakawa Estate, the Tanaka estate custodian Satō Nakakiyo attempted to seize a portion of it. And with Toba’s death in 1156, Yoshinaka Estate officials also intruded on Arakawa’s borders. 259 During the height of these incursions—and following the recent death of her mother Bifukumon-in —Hachijō-in inherited Arakawa in 1160. Protecting it from the aggression of Nakakiyo, who was from a warrior family with connections at court, was a challenging task. 260 And in addition to Nakakiyo’s military threat, assaults on Arakawa Estate by the provincial governor, Minamoto no Tamenaga, were also a serious danger. On 1161/10/19, Tamenaga led a large military force into the estate, arrested residents, extorted various resources, and burned religious buildings and residences. 261 Although the court sent emissaries to investigate this incident, Tamenaga and Nakakiyo bribed them, and then removed the markers that had defined long-established estate borders. 262 Hachijō-in sought various ways to resolve this unfavorable situation. She first attempted to entrust estate affairs at Arakawa to another powerful authority, Kongōbuji of Mt. Kōya. In 1159 her mother Bifukumon-in had already commended the estate to this 258 Kamakura ibun doc. 108, vol. 1, 72-77. Also see Kōya shunjū hennen shūroku, entries of Ōhō 2 (1162)/4/15, 4/28, 5/24 in Hinonishi Shinjō, ed. Shinkō kōya shunjū hennen shūroku (Tokyo: Meicho Shuppan, 1982), 108. 259 Heian ibun doc. 2979, vol. 6, 2449-51. 260 See Tanaka Fumihide, Heishi seiken no kenkyū, 147. Also see Sonpi bunmyaku 2 in Kuroita Katsumi and Kokushi Taikei Henshūkai, eds., Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 2, vol. 59 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2001), 391. 261 Heian ibun doc. 3235 and doc. 3236, vol. 7, 2582-2585. 262 Heian ibun doc. 3235, vol. 7, 2583. 115 regionally influential Buddhist monastery. In contrast to Bifukumon-in, however, who never gave up control over the estate even after the commendation, Hachijō-in was more than happy to delegate control of the estate to Kongōbuji. 263 We know this because when Kii Province needed to pay a construction tax to repair Hinokuma and Kunikakasu shrines in 1170, Retired Sovereign Go-Shirakawa sent his official to discuss levying this tax on Arakawa Estate with Hachijō-in. She responded that “after commending the estate to Mt. Kōya, [I] had absolutely no involvement in its management.” 264 Nonetheless, Hachijō-in actually had been involved in estate affairs in the early 1160s. When Tamenaga and his deputy collaborated with Tanaka Estate and attacked Arakawa in 1161 and 1162, Hachijō-in sent her emissaries to conduct an on-site investigation of the quarrel between the two properties. 265 If this was the case, why did she decide to withdraw from management of the estate in later years? One possible reason was that it was ultimately more harmful than beneficial for her to get involved in such hostile circumstances. As mentioned above, Nakakiyo of Tanaka Estate was from a military family, and the provincial governor, who was not at all cooperative, also wielded great military power, being a close retainer of Kiyomori. 266 Seeing the rising influence of Kiyomori and his family through marital politics from the early 1160s, when Kiyomori’s sister-in-law Jishi married Go-Shirakawa and gave birth to his son, Hachijō-in may have sensed that the Arakawa matter would further deteriorate. She had many other estates to 263 Hōkan shū contains Bifukumonin’s edicts showing her involvement in Arakawa Estate affairs. For further information about this matter, see “Arakawa no shō” (荒川庄) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Wakayama ken no chimei, vol. 31 (Tokyo: Heibnsha, 1983), 243-244. 264 In other words, she made the Mt. Kōya monastery handle all the matters related to the estate. See Hōkanshū, doc. 352 and Heian ibun doc. 3557, vol. 7, 2769. 265 Kōya shunjū hennen shūroku, Ōhō 2 (1162)/4/15, 4/28, and 5/24. See Hinonishi Shinjō, Shinkō kōya shunjū hennen shūroku 108. Also see Kamakura ibun doc. 108, vol. 1, 72-77. 266 Minamoto no Tamenaga signed the order from Kiyomori’s administrative headquarters in 1164. See Heian ibun 3285, vol. 7, 2609. 116 look after, and it would have been wise to let Kongōbuji take charge of Arakawa Estate problems, rather than dealing with them directly. In any event, the case of Arakawa Estate shows that Hachijō-in did not always try to maintain firm control over her estates—the degree of her involvement in estate management changed depending on her interests and the prevailing situation. By maintaining good terms with different political actors, Hachijō-in established a wide circle of political alliances. She was politically astute, and willing to cooperate even with her own enemies until she had a chance to strike back. Specifically, Hachijō-in’s cooperation with Kiyomori helped her sustain political power and control over her estates. Consider the instance of 1173 when Kiyomori’s grandson Taira no Sukemori prevented Hachijō-in’s officials from expanding the Ippon Royal Grant Fields in Echizen. Hachijō- in’s mother Bifukumon-in had been the provincial proprietor (chigyōkokushu) of Echizen, but right after her death the Taira took the province under their control. 267 And in 1179 came Kiyomori’s well-known coup: he took the unprecedented action of marching into Kyoto with all of his warriors, removing high-ranked courtiers from their posts, and depriving Go-Shirakawa of political power. Although Hachijō-in likely felt animosity towards Kiyomori, she cooperated with him. For example, when Kiyomori’s daughter Tokushi (1155-1213; became Kenreimon-in in 1181) gave birth to the future Antoku Tennō, Hachijō-in sent clothes for the newborn on the Seventh-day Birth Celebration (ubuyashinai). 268 Hachijō-in also offered her residence to Kiyomori’s son-in-law, 267 Satō Kei, "Heian makki no Echizen no kami ni tsuite," Fukui kenritsu hakubutsukan kiyō 5 (1993). 268 Gyokuyō, Jishō 2 (1178)/11/12. To learn more about birth celebrations, see my forthcoming article, Sachiko Kawai, "Life-Cycle Rituals for Newborns in Heian Japan," in Birth and Death in the Royal House: Selections from Fujiwara no Munetada’s Journal Chūyūki, ed. Christina Laffin, Yoshida Sanae, and Joan R. Piggott (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015). 117 Fujiwara no Motomichi, while secretly helping Prince Mochihito to rebel against the Taira. 269 By cooperating with the relatives of Kiyomori, Hachijō-in not only concealed her support for Prince Mochihito but also gained support from Retired Sovereign Takakura. In 1180 Arakawa Estate was still struggling to prevent attacks from Tanaka Estate and Yoshinaka Estate. Although Hachijō-in claimed to be willing to delegate Arakawa affairs to Kongōbuji, she needed to protect the estate that was used to console the spirits of her deceased parents. Go-Shirakawa, whom Hachijō-in asked for help in other cases, had been under house arrest by Kiyomori since 1179. 270 In 1180/12, the new retired sovereign [Takakura] ordered incursions at Arakawa to cease. 271 Takakura, a son-in-law of Kiyomori, seems to have been more effective in this matter than Go-Shirakawa had been. Because of his close ties with the Taira, Takakura had more influence over Kiyomori’s retainer Tamenaga. 272 To understand how economic growth on her estates affected Hachijō-in’s ability to accomplish her goals, we need to analyze the mechanism by which medieval estate proprietors received necessary materials and services in Kyoto. They wielded power not only through collecting estate dues on a regular basis but also through making 269 An entry of Sekkan shō senge ruijū explains that just after the 1179 coup, Kiyomori asked Hachijō-in whether she could offer one of her houses to the newly appointed regent Motomichi. According to the precedent established by Fujiwara no Tadamichi, a new regent was to change his residence before making his first visit to a sovereign in order to show appreciation for the appointment (hatsuhaiga). Sekkan shō senge ruijū: This is a compilation of the conventions and ritual practices regarding the appointment of the regent position. The editor collected the information from courtier journals and sorted them according to individual regents. Included regents are Fujiwara no Tadazane, Fujiwara no Motozane, Fujiwara no Motomichi, Konoe Kanetsune, and Konoe Motohira. The date of compilation is unknown, but it seems not to have been long after the time in which the last regent Konoe Motohira (1246-68) is introduced. 270 Gyokuyō, Jishō 4 (1180)/12/18). 271 Heian ibun doc. 3235, vol. 8, 3010. 272 Minamoto no Tamenaga acknowledged the order from Kiyomori’s administrative headquarters in 1164. Heian ibun 3285, vol. 7, 2609. 118 extraordinary demands outside of predetermined agreements. As an example, Fujiwara no Teika and his family closely served Hachijō-in while managing the Yoshitomi Estate as her custodian. According to Murayama Shūichi, Teika and his family had commended this estate to either Hachijō-in or to her mother in exchange for support whenever their custodianship was challenged by proprietors from neighboring lands. 273 Later in 1196, Hachijō-in sponsored a ceremony to celebrate her adopted daughter’s promotion to quasi queen-consort and used her relationship with Teika to levy “various dues” over Yoshitomi Estate in support of the ceremony. 274 Similarly, earlier in 1143, one of Kōkamon-in’s officials, Minamoto no Suekane, was appointed custodian of Wakayama Estate after he commended it to her with an expectation of receiving her support and protection. 275 In order to guarantee timely receipt of extra goods and services, she had to provide her officials with adequate rights and responsibilities to manage her estates and to ensure their own economic prosperity. 276 Although no specific sources exist, Hachijō-in’s case suggests that Kōkamon-in used Suekane and Wakayama to support her extraordinary needs upon request. Compared to Hachijō-in, however, Kōkamon-in had weaker connections with powerful male royals and her natal family heads when her estates came under attack by 273 Murayama Shūichi, Fujiwara no Teika (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1962), 197-202. 274 See Meigetsuki, Kenkyū 7 (1196)/4/15. 275 See Kujōke monjo doc. 294 in Kunaichō shoryōbu, Toshoryō sōkan Kujōke monjo, 45; Ishida Yūichi, "Shodaibu to sekkanke," Nihon rekishi 392 (1981): 28-29. 276 For example, in 1230, Kitashirakawa-in (1173-1238, became nyoin in 1222) found that her chief of the year, Fujiwara no Ietoki, was incompetent, being unable to provide her with necessary resources when she was moving to her newly-build mansion. Higuchi Kentarō argues that the reason why Chikafusa failed to procure resources was because Kitashirakawa-in herself had failed to provide him with enough estates. Merely owning estates was not enough for a nyoin to fill her purse; she had to be able to utilize others to create wealth from her estates and bring it into her storehouse. See Minkeiki, entry of Kanki 3 (1231)/2/17. For the work of Higuchi, see Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," in Kamakura jidai no kenryoku to seido, ed. Uwayokote Masataka (Kyoto: Shibunkaku Shuppan, 2008), 34. 119 other powerful households (kenmon) and their associates. 277 Although previous scholarship underscores that Kōkamon-in was “independent” from the regental family heads, she sometimes suffered because of her independence. Kanezane served Kōkamon- in as her trusted follower but not all her relatives did the same. For example, her other brother Fujiwara no Motofusa was a potential threat to her estates. Just after her death, for instance, he questioned her decision regarding an heir. Likely sensing the possibility that this situation should arise, two and a half months before her death Kōkamon-in asked Go-Shirakawa to witness her will. 278 This was a rare occasion when she allowed a retired sovereign to engage in her estate affairs. Despite her proactive measure, however, Motofusa was able to convince Go-Shirakawa to order Kanezane to submit a copy of Kōkamon-in’s testament for an evaluation of its credibility. 279 By calling this incident her “disgrace after demise,” Kanezane was unable to hide his disappointment with the outcome. When Kōkamon-in was still alive, the Taira were even successful in taking lands away from her. On the twenty-seventh day of the first month of 1181, Kanezane expressed his anger and disappointment in witnessing “unlawful violence” committed at his sister’s estates. 280 That year Kōkamon-in lost some of her properties on Ninth Avenue because they were near a newly-built temple belonging to Kiyomori’s son Munemori. Kiyomori and Munemori were “planning to live at the eastern side of this temple and 277 “Kenmon” appears in both primary and secondary sources as a term referring to significantly powerful households or institutions such as large Buddhist monasteries, influential aristocratic households, or preeminent warrior families. 278 Gyokuyō, entries of Yōwa 1 (1181)/9/20, Yōwa 1 (1181)/12/5, and Juei 1 (1182)/2/9-11. 279 Despite Motofusa’s attempt, Go-Shirakawa judged Kōkamon-in’s will to have been credible because Kanezane and his son inherited her estates after all. See doc. 295 in Kunaichō shoryōbu, Toshoryō sōkan Kujōke monjo, 45. More detailed information about this incident, see Matsushima Shūichi, "Motofusa ・ Kanezane ・Kōkamon-In," Nihon bunka ronsō 5 (1997). 280 Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/1/7. 120 considered the adjacent areas extremely important.” 281 In order to use Kōkamon-in’s land to accommodate the Taira warriors, Munemori obtained her permission to provide a map describing her estate locations in the vicinity. Kanezane, who received Kōkamon-in’s request for the map, responded to Munemori that she would send it. Close to both her main residence and the commercial center within the capital, these properties must have played an important role in her daily life. In Kōkamon-in’s case, we cannot tell whether she regained her lost estates. In contrast to Hachijō-in, who relied on all sorts of aids, we do not know if Kōkamon-in asked other power holders—retired sovereigns, the regental family heads, or religious institutions—to assist her in protecting her estates. Kōkamon- in’s example indicates that a nyoin faced greater challenges in protecting her estates when her enemies were other kenmon, and independence could make the situation worse. This does not mean, however, that Kōkamon-in failed in managing her estates— far from it. She maintained estates such as Wakayama and Misaki and supported their production and trading activities. She was capable of collecting human and material resources to build her residential palaces in a relatively short period of time. She lost her main residence to fires three times between 1174 and 1181, but in all of these cases, she was able to rebuild within seven to ten months. 282 The residence of a late Heian nyoin had to be grand enough to reflect her authority and to accommodate her attendants and officials. Her ability to build large-scale accommodations indicates that her lands gave her more than an adequate livelihood. 281 Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/1/7 in Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, ed. Kunaichō Shoryōbu, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2001), 257. 282 See Gyokuyō, the entries of Jishō 1 (1177)/4/27, Jishō 1 (1177)/6/5-6, Yōwa 1 (1181)/3/4-5, Yōwa 1 (1181)/3/21-22, Yōwa 1 (1181)/4/26, Yōwa 1 (1181)/11/1-3, and Yōwa 1 (1181)/11/19. Also see Kikki, Jishō 5 (1181)3/3 and Jishō 5 (1181)3/21-22. 121 Conclusion All three nyoin discussed in this chapter were supreme proprietors of estates that were advantageously located for transportation between the Kinai region and more distant provinces. By incorporating the study of nyoin and their estates into the discussion of domestic and international commerce, we can begin to appreciate the increasingly complex trade networks—as well as the politics of factions and family disputes—of later Heian times. In order to maximize their chances to amass economic and political power at a time of increasing violence and warfare, late-twelfth century nyoin tried different strategies. Hachijō-in maintained a delicate balance among political factions including those of her potential enemies, while securing powerful supporters who would assist her with her estates in an emergency. She did not hesitate to ask retired sovereigns and religious institutions for help in fending off threats from other kenmon to her land. In Jōsaimon-in’s case, she avoided any confrontations with the Taira when her royal siblings began moving against Kiyomori’s family from the late 1170s. By maintaining ties with Kiyomori’s kinswomen and having estates in locations beneficial to transportation, Jōsaimon-in seems to have ensured her own prosperity. When she lost her Honkongō Temple residence to fire in 1181, she moved in with her brother Go- Shirakawa and stayed there for several years. 283 This was different from Kōkamon-in who rebuilt her residence soon after each time it was lost to fire. 283 See Hyakurenshō, Jishō 5 (1181) 5/21 in Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・ Hyakurenshō, 106. Also see Kikki, Jishō 5 (1181) 5/21 and Yōwa 1 (1181) 9/27. According to Kikki, Jōsaimon-in visited the neighborhood of her Honkongō Temple residence in 1183, two years after the fire. This indicates that she had not been living there. See Kikki, Juei 2 (1183) 7/18. 122 In comparison to Hachijō-in and Jōsaimon-in, Kōkamon-in was more independent from other kenmon. Her independence, however, cost her the Ninth Avenue properties when the Taira decided to appropriate them. She faced a greater challenge in establishing alliances with other powerful authorities, perhaps because she was a childless widow who had lost her father-regent in 1164. Jōsaimon-in and Hachijō-in, however, never married and had lost their parents even earlier. The reasons why these nyoin used different strategies had to do with the particular circumstances of their roles as nyoin—Kōkamon- in as a regental royal wife versus Hachijō-in and Jōsaimon-in as unmarried royal daughters. It is important to examine how the life cycles of nyoin—age, marital status, having children, or taking a tonsure, etc.—affected the degree to which nyoin maintained their independence. Such examination helps us understand the reasons why Kōkamon-in did not (or could not) depend more on her natal family and other royals. Independence was not always a negative factor for nyoin power, but dependence served as a strong weapon to protect estates at times of crisis. This chapter focuses on nyoin’s experiences, but it nonetheless helps us understand early medieval estate management more broadly. Nyoin and other supreme proprietors would have shared common problems in obtaining resources from their estates, and they tried similar strategies to cope with them. In the following chapters, I will continue to examine nyoin’s techniques for managing estates and usage of land- based power through a case study of the unmarried royal daughter Senyōmon-in. 123 Part II: Case Study of Senyōmon-in 124 Chapter 3: The Early Life of Princess Kinshi After a fifteen-minute stroll north from the JR Kyoto Station, I found myself in front of a small Buddhist temple, Chōkōdō ( 長講堂). This temple used to face Nishi no Tōin Avenue, one of the major streets in the Heian Capital, but it now stands between small alleys in a quiet residential area. 284 It was in the winter of 2014 when I arrived at the Chōkō Temple and met the head monk who was managing it. He welcomed me inside and let me sit in front of a beautiful Buddha Amida statue flanked by two bodhisattvas. While explaining that these statues were from the late Heian and early Kamakura periods, he underscored the significance of the temple’s history, which extends back to the twelfth century. The temple was established by Retired Monarch Go-Shirakawa in the early 1180s and then inherited by his youngest daughter, Senyōmon-in ( 宣陽門院). At her father’s death in 1192, Senyōmon-in received a large inheritance that consisted of his main residence called the Rokujō Mansion ( 六条殿), the Chōkō Temple located within the compound, and more than eighty estates supporting these two properties. 285 While modern historians maintain that late Heian Japan was becoming increasingly patriarchal and patrilineal, they nonetheless consider that it was natural for the youngest daughter of Go-Shirakawa to become his primary heir. Previous studies concluded that Senyōmon-in rapidly rose in status at court and acquired royal lands because her mother, Takashina no Eishi ( 高階栄子, 1149?-1216), was Go-Shirakawa’s 284 The Chōkō Temple moved to its present location when the warring-state lord, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, conducted a large-scale renovation of Kyoto in the 1590s. One of the streets near the Chōkō Temple, however, still retains its premodern name, Rokujō, after which Senyōmon-in’s residence was named. 285 This Rokujō Mansion was different from the Rokujō Mansion where Ikuhōmon-in and her father, Shirakawa, had lived. 125 favorite female attendant in his later years. 286 Such an explanation, however, tends to underestimate the challenges that Senyōmon-in faced as she tried to consolidate her economic, political, and religious power. The process by which Senyōmon-in acquired power was neither simple nor predetermined. By examining her life—childhood, the death of her father, her adoption of children, her taking of the tonsure, and her old age—I will show that her land-based power waxed and waned, and that she had to take different measures to deal with ever- changing problems. Through a case study of Senyōmon-in, I will explore the challenges that medieval nyoin faced and their strategies for coping with estate management. In particular, by closely analyzing a list of miscellaneous dues levied over Senyōmon-in’s estates and reconstructing the material culture of her life, I will elaborate the extent of the economic power she obtained from her landed estates and the religio-political roles that she assumed as a never-married royal princess. The Critical Moment of Her Life: Attaining the Nyoin Status Primary accounts of Senyōmon-in’s childhood are scarce. Although reconstructing the early age of any premodern Japanese woman tends to be challenging, the lack of information about Senyōmon-in’s early years is striking for “a favorite daughter” of one of the most powerful retired sovereigns in Japanese history. Despite this limitation of 286 Since the early twentieth century, historians had argued that Senyōmon-in, as a favorite daughter of Go- Shirakawa, received estates supporting Rokujō Mansion and Chōkō Temple which consisted of the largest number of lands owned by Go-Shirakawa. Instead of closely examining the process in which Senyōmon-in was chosen as an heiress of one of the largest estate groups of Go-Shirakawa, most studies explain this decision as a matter of fact because she was Go-Shirakawa’s favorite. For example, see Yashiro Kuniji, Kokushi sōsetsu (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1925), 35-6; Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1978); Nishii Yoshiko, "Wakasa no tsubone to Tanba no tsubone," in Go-Shirakawa- in: dōranki no tennō, ed. Kodaigaku Kyōkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993). 126 sources, records are available regarding her relatives and those who served her. By teasing out information on her childhood and familial background, this section introduces the historical factors that brought her to importance in the early medieval world. Her mother, Takashina no Eishi, was said to have been a beautiful and bright woman. 287 Although Senyōmon-in had no full siblings, she had three half sisters and two half brothers whom Eishi had conceived with a previous husband, Taira no Narifusa (?- 1179). During the 1170s, Eishi and Narifusa closely served Go-Shirakawa and his primary wife Kenshunmon-in. For example, on the eleventh day of the eighth month in 1175, Eishi and Narifusa received a visit from both the retired sovereign and the nyoin at Jōdo Temple ( 浄土寺), which Narifusa had built in Sagami Province. 288 This royal visit shows that Eishi and Narifusa had become strongly favored by the royal couple. Four years later, however, Narifusa suffered a violent death during Taira no Kiyomori’s Jishō 3 (1179) coup against Go-Shirakawa. Narifusa was executed on the grounds that he supported the retired sovereign’s scheme to weaken Taira influence. Four months after the death of her husband, Eishi found herself serving Go-Shirakawa, who was under house arrest by Kiyomori at the Toba Detached Palace. She was one of the two female attendants whom Kiyomori allowed to serve the retired sovereign. Both Eishi and Go- Shirakawa had lost loved ones within the past four years: Eishi faced the death of Narifusa, and Go-Shirakawa lost his wife Kenshunmon-in to illness. Such circumstances quickly drew Eishi and Go-Shirakawa together. Even after the release of Go-Shirakawa from house arrest, they maintained an intimate relationship. 287 See Gyokuyō, Bunji 3 (1187)/2/19. According to Nishii Yoshiko, Senyōmon-in’s mother (Takashina no Eishi) was born around 1149. See "Tango no tsubone," in Seiken wo ugokashita onna tachi ed. Enchi Fumiko (Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1977). 288 Although Kenshunmon-in returned that evening, Go-Shirakawa spent the night there. See Sankaiki, Angen 1 (1175)/8/11. 127 On a rainy summer day of 1181, Eishi held a memorial service at a newly-built chapel within Jōdo Temple for her deceased husband Narifusa. Eishi was already carrying Go-Shirakawa’s child at that time. Although her pregnancy seemed to have been hidden from the public, contemporary courtiers noticed her special relationship with Go- Shirakawa because he made a number of his royal intimates attend that service. 289 On the fifth day of the tenth month of the same year, Eishi gave birth to Go-Shirakawa’s daughter, who grew up to become Senyōmon-in. 290 Over time, Eishi increased her political power as the primary female attendant of Go-Shirakawa. In particular, as his most trusted attendant, she took the role of conveying his messages while subtly influencing important court decisions. 291 Because of her swift advancement in court society, the assumption has been that her daughter also secured a special position at court soon after her birth. However, contemporary courtiers such as Regent Kujō Kanezane and his follower, Fujiwara no Teika, recorded nothing about the birth of this royal princess in their journals. Their silence is significant, because holding life-cycle rituals for children was very important in Heian and Kamakura court society. 292 If Go-Shirakawa had granted the daughter of Eishi any special status at birth, contemporary courtiers would have attended her rituals such as birth celebrations (ubuyashinai). In contrast, other contemporary nyoin such as Hachijō-in went through 289 Royal intimates (tenjōbito) were courtiers who received a special permission to enter a waiting room called tenjō-no-ma inside the residence of the monarch, a retired monarch, or a nyoin. For the Buddhist event, see Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/7/23. Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, ed. Kunaichō Shoryōbu, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2002), 23. 290 See “Nyoin shōden” in Hanawa Hokiichi, Gunsho ruijū, vol. 5 (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 1954). Also see “Nyoin ki” in Gunsho ruijū, vol. 29 (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 1959). 291 For example, because Eishi received an omen in her dream that Go-Shirakawa’s fourth son (Go-Toba) should ascend the throne, the retired monarch decided to make this prince the next sovereign. See Gyokuyō, Juei 2 (1183)/8/18. Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, 8, 210. In this entry, Kanezane confused Eishi’s occupational name — Tango no tsubone — with Tanba no tsubone. This implies that Eishi was not yet well known to contemporary courtiers. 292 See Sachiko Kawai, "Life-Cycle Rituals for Newborns in Heian Japan." 128 rites of passage at an early age and received congratulatory greetings from leading courtiers. Fujiwara no Munetada recorded that the birth of Hachijō-in was “a great joy of the society” and high-ranking courtiers attended her one-hundredth-day of life celebration. 293 So what made the situation of Eishi’s daughter different from that of Hachijō-in? It was likely the social status of their mothers. Although Eishi increased her political influence, her relatively low ascriptive status may have prevented her daughter from being acknowledged by the court. Eishi’s remote ancestor was the royal prince Nagaya (684-729) and her great-grandfather had held a provincial governorship, but her father was said to be a Buddhist monk without ranking. 294 In Hachijō-in’s case, her mother’s family was in the class of provincial governors. At any rate, Go-Shirakawa did not officially acknowledge Eishi’s daughter for years, and as a result, the daughter’s position in court society remained obscure and precarious throughout the first eight years of her life. 293 See Chūyūki, Hōen 3 (1137)/7/23. Fujiwara no Munetada, Chūyūki, ed. Zōho shiryō taisei kankōkai, vol. 7 (Kyoto: Rinsen Shoten, 2001), 200, 204-205. 294 See Takeuchi Rizō, "Tango no tsubone," in Takeuchi rizō chosakushū: insei to heishi seiken, ed. Gomi Fumihiko (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1999). 129 Genealogy 2: The Extended Family of Senyōmon-in After eight years of silence, however, Regent Kanezane finally referred to the princess in his journal at the time when she was officially registered in the royal house as Princess of the Blood Kinshi ( 覲子内親王) in the twelfth month of 1189. 295 On the same day, she was promoted to the jugō status, which was a position close to that of a queen consort. Her promotion was unprecedented. Kanezane recorded in his journal, “Today the princess of Go-Shirakawa, <who was [born from] the womb of Tango no Tsubone (Takashina no Eishi), 296 > received a royal command naming her a princess of the blood and giving her a jugō status. Although nobody has received both titles on the same day in the past, the court carried out this procedure according to the decision [of Go- 295 See Gyokuyō, Bunji 5 (1189)/12/5. 296 Eishi’s professional name as a female attendant was Tango no tsubone ( 丹後局). Bifukumon- in (1117-1169) Toba (1103-1156 r. 1107-1123) Taikenmon- in (1101-1145) Takashina no Eishi (?-1216) Go-Shirakawa (1127-1192 r. 1155-1158) Fujiwara no Seishi (?-1177) Kenshunmon -in (1142-1176) Senyōmon- in (1181-1252) Takakura (1161-1181 r. 1168-1180) Go-Toba (1180-1239 r. 1183-1198) Hachijō-in (1137-1211) Inpumon- in (1147-1216) Taira no Narifusa (?-1179) (?-1192) (?-1201) 130 Shirakawa.]” 297 Acquiring these positions was a crucial step for Princess Kinshi to further strengthen her position in court. She started appearing in more records as she participated in royal events along with her aunt Hachijō-in, her elder sister Inpumon-in ( 殷富門院), and her niece Princess of the Blood Hanshi. 298 If Princess Kinshi had not acquired her position in court at this moment, she could have been one of many royal offspring who were lost to history. In less than two years, Princess Kinshi reached an even more lofty position. On the twenty-sixth day of the sixth month in 1191, she became a nyoin. 299 Her appointment even created a new precedent for acquiring nyoin status without satisfying existing precedents. Specifically, the nyoin title was originally given to a queen consort who had given birth to a tennō. As explained earlier, this rule had already become flexible enough to allow a queen consort who had never given birth to a tennō to become a nyoin. And during the late eleventh century, unmarried royal daughters began receiving the nyoin title as well. Nevertheless, prior to Princess Kinshi, all unmarried nyoin had established a mother-child relationship with a tennō and become his “equivalent mother” (junbo) 297 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. 298 For example, Princess Kinshi sent her messenger to celebrate an official entering of a bride of Go-Toba Tennō to his palace in 1190. She was also recognized as one of the important royal members who could nominate candidates for annual court promotions. During the early 1190s, however, her name was listed at the end of this group, following nyoin (her aunt, her older sister, and Go-Toba’s mother) and the queen consort, showing her junior position in the royal family. See Gyokuyō, entries of Bunji 6 (1190)/1/11 and Kenkyū 2 (1191)1/11. 299 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. According to an early-modern biographical record, Nyoin shōden, which provides brief information on individual nyoin from the tenth to eighteenth centuries, Princess Kinshi held the rite of Putting On of the Trousers (chakko no gi) in 1187 at age seven. This ceremony was “a rite of passage for noble children of both sexes, marked the attainment of a certain stage in the child’s development, usually celebrated at three (sai), but sometimes delayed until five, six, or seven.” Princess Kinshi, therefore, held this rite at a relatively advanced age. Moreover, no contemporary records mention it, so her ceremony is likely to have been neither politically important nor held on a large scale. See a copy (謄写本) of nyoin shōden at the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo. For the quote above, see A Tale of Flowering Fortunes: Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period, trans. William H. and Helen Craig McCullough, vol. 1 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 393. 131 before being promoted to nyoin. 300 When Princess Kinshi received her nyoin title, however, the reigning monarch Go-Toba Tennō (1180-1239, r. 1183-1198) already had his junbo, Inpumon-in. Being only eleven years old, he would not produce an heir for some time and was unlikely to abdicate the throne any time soon. Kinshi, therefore, had little chance to gain a nyoin title according to the established rules. The aging Go- Shirakawa, who realized that he might not live long enough to guarantee Kinshi’s successive promotions, ignored precedent. Her speedy promotion after years of obscurity must have surprised both the court and the princess herself. A day before the official ceremony that would transform her into a nyoin, Kinshi moved into Go-Shirakawa’s Rokujō Mansion. 301 Crucial matters such as her nyoin name and the staff at her new administrative headquarters were discussed there. Around noon on the day of the ceremony, Go-Shirakawa’s messenger brought Regent Kanezane a letter informing him that a majority of the “people at the Rokujō” preferred “Senyōmon- in” as her nyoin title. The senior nobles then discussed this matter, and Go-Toba Tennō and his court officially approved the title. Soon afterwards, the senior nobles made an official visit to the Rokujō Mansion, and Princess Kinshi received a royal decree approving her nyoin status. Before the royal decree was delivered, a messenger from the Rokujō Mansion informed the regent that Go-Shirakawa’s intention was for the court not to interfere with decisions regarding Princess Kinshi’s household agencies. Senior nobles therefore did not discuss the matter. This suggests that the Rokujō side (i.e. Go- 300 For example, when the never-married princess Ikuhōmon-in became a nyoin, she first became his junbo by building a mother-child relationship with Horikawa Tennō (1079-1107, r.1086-1107). Likewise, both Jōsaimon-in and Hachijō-in acquired junbo status for Go-Shirakwa and Nijō (1143-1165, r.1158-1165) respectively. 301 She resided in her new quarters “located on the south eaves porch of the main residential building, which was open to the east through double doors.” See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. Also see Sanjōki, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26 and Kenkyū 2 (1191)/7/9. 132 Shirakawa, Eishi, and Princess Kinshi) fully controlled the process of promoting the princess to a nyoin and organizing her new office. Although Kinshi was only nine years old at the time, she participated in the ceremony as a host. At the moment of announcing the names of her officials, the princess summoned her director (bettō), Minamoto no Tsunemune, 302 to her quarters. From there, she gave him a list of her officials and he showed the list to Regent Kanezane before handing it to a clerk (shutendai) for official documentation. The princess acknowledged her newly appointed officials from her quarters before and after they vowed twice at the middle gate to show their respect. 303 Her active involvement in staffing her household shows that she was not ignorant of her parents’ political endeavors to promote her status. Being raised by her politically astute mother, the princess must have been aware that a nyoin title would provide her with prerogatives that would allow both mother and daughter to empower themselves even after Go-Shirakawa’s death. Becoming Go-Shirakawa’s Major Heir Senyōmon-in’s dramatic rise in status between 1189 and 1191 turns out to have crucially affected the rest of her life. Only ten months after she became a nyoin, she lost her strongest supporter, Go-Shirakawa. He started feeling ill in the later eleventh month of 1191, showing symptoms of diabetic complications such as a loss of appetite and swelling in parts of his body. 304 He recovered several times, but he finally took his last breath on the thirteenth day of the third month in 1192. If he had not seen to her promotion in a timely manner, Senyōmon-in would have had almost no chance to inherit 302 Minamoto no Tsunemune was the first son of Minamoto no Michichika. 303 See Sanjōki, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4.3, 632-33. 304 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/12/16. 133 most of her father’s estates. And without the prerogatives attached to nyoin status — including the privileges of establishing new estates, setting up a large-scale administrative headquarters, and issuing strong orders from it—she would have faced serious challenges in maintaining extensive estate holdings. 305 An interesting question is why Go-Shirakawa chose Senyōmon-in as his primary heiress late in his life. Many historians argue that Go-Shirakawa, a powerful and willful retired sovereign, realized that he loved his daughter so much that he had to act. This explanation, although reflecting some truth, underestimates the initiatives taken by Senyōmon-in’s mother, Eishi. By closely serving Go-Shirakawa, she must have noticed the severity of his illness at an early stage and begun persuading him to promote her daughter as soon as possible. Go-Shirakawa had shown his love for and trust in Eishi by letting her convey his political messages and providing a piece of land to build her house. 306 He even ordered many senior nobles to participate in her Buddhist ceremonies, although only a few were available to attend ceremonies at court. 307 Go-Shirakawa, however, had left his daughter for years without any official titles or powerful guardians. Holding an official rank and the title of Princess of the Blood (naishinō) provided a medieval royal daughter with greater authority, including the privilege of issuing royal orders and receiving support from the state. Being promoted to naishinō was a crucial step towards attaining higher positions and stronger prerogatives needed to manage estates. And of course without any lands, she and her mother would have had no foothold to sustain political and economic power after Go-Shirakawa’s death. Worrying for their 305 When a royal woman became a nyoin, she gained authority to establish her administrative headquarters, staff it with officials, and issue her orders to manage estates. Without such authority, neither male nor female royals could inherit and manage a large number of estates. 306 See Gyokuyō, Bunji 1 (1185)/10/26. 307 For example see Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/7/23. 134 future, Eishi likely sought security for them both by having her daughter named a Princess of the Blood and ultimately promoted to a nyoin. And indeed after her daughter became a nyoin, Eishi developed an even stronger connection with Go-Shirakawa. In 1191, she visited Jōdo Temple with Go-Shirakawa and they spent three days together. Contemporary courtiers like Kanezane speculated that they had a “three night ritual,” which was an important celebratory event held by premodern newlyweds. 308 By performing this ‘ritual’ at the temple that she received from her former husband, she demonstrated her faith to her new husband Go-Shirakawa and thereby solidified her political position at court. This would have strengthened her influence over his inheritance decisions as well. Unfortunately, Eishi and Go-Shirakawa could not spend a long time together after their marriage ritual. On the sixteenth day of the second month in 1192, Go-Shirakawa started writhing in pain and fell into a critical condition. 309 Although he temporarily recovered the following day, his worsening illness could not prevent confusion among people serving at the Rokujō Mansion. He was still debating how he should divide and transfer his estates, and Senyōmon-in’s official, Minister of the Right Fujiwara Kanemasa, secretly whispered to Regent Kanezane that the uncertainty about Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance increased anxiety among those protecting his residence. 310 Kanemasa reported, “Low-ranking warriors [of Go-Shirakawa] guarding the northern gate were even competing to develop new estates ( 新立庄) [to acquire official positions over the lands 308 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/3/13. 309 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/2/16. 310 As explained in later paragraphs, Go-Shirakawa had not decided how to distribute his estates to his offspring at this point. 135 before his death].” 311 These warriors had no authority to establish new estates, but they must have been trying to use their connections to influence the ailing retired sovereign. On the eighteenth day of the second month, only two days after Go-Shirakawa fell ill, Go-Toba visited his grandfather on his sickbed. We know much of what went on from Regent Kanezane’s journal, the Gyokuyō. In a chilling rain at dawn, he arrived at Go- Shirakawa’s Rokujō Mansion and met his grandfather. The retired monarch was quite delighted by Go-Toba’s visit and seemed to have regained some of his energy. That afternoon they held a musical event during which Go-Toba played the flute and Go- Shirakawa sang his favorite ‘current-style’ songs (imayō). Go-Shirakawa, who allegedly performed in the same manner as when he was still healthy, seemed to have really enjoyed his grandson’s visit and even momentarily recovered his health. 312 Go-Toba surely made this royal visit as a filial grandson, to show sympathy towards Go-Shirakawa’s illness, but he likely had political motivations, too. During this royal visit, Go-Toba had opportunities to discover Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance decisions and guarantee that he would receive a sufficient share. The first occasion came around 4pm, soon after Go-Toba retired to his room after the musical entertainment. Go- Shirakawa sent Eishi as his messenger to the tennō’s quarters, where Regent Kanezane waited on the tennō and learned about Go-Shirakawa’s current decisions over the inheritance. He recorded that Eishi informed him that Go-Shirakawa had decided to give the tennō eight property groups: the Toba detached palace, estates supporting the royal retirement palace, the Hōjū Temple, the Rengeō Temple, the Saishōkō Temple, the Ima- 311 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/2/17. Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, ed. Kunaichō Shoryōbu, vol. 13 (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2011), 223. 312 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/2/18. 136 hie Shrine, the Ima-kumano Shrine, and Buddhist temples in the Shirakawa Palace. 313 Go-Toba’s share included not only palaces but also major temples and shrines built by Go-Shirakawa, for which he also had collected a number of supporting estates. Being pleased at the royal visit, Go-Shirakawa seems to have felt an urge to transfer ample estates to his grandson before his death. Strangely, he mentioned nothing about Senyōmon-in’s inheritance at this first meeting. The only princess he mentioned was Senyōmon-in’s elder sister Inpumon-in, to whom Go-Shirakawa transferred Kongōshō Temple ( 金剛勝院) and its estates. Go- Shirakawa was indecisive about inheritance for others to the extent that he was reported as saying, “after listening to individual situations, [I] will take care of other ‘scattered properties’ and divide them among the remaining royal offspring.” Eishi must have felt frustrated when she received this news since she learned that the tennō and Senyōmon- in’s half sister had secured their inheritances while she found her daughter’s name nowhere in the retired sovereign’s decisions. 314 When night fell, however, Go-Toba visited Go-Shirakawa’s quarters again. Having a face-to-face meeting with the tennō, only several hours after sending his messenger, Eishi, to him, seems unusual. This time Go-Shirakawa mentioned Senyōmon- 313 The estates supporting the retired palace were Kanzaki, Toyohara, Ega, and Fukuchi. Go-Toba inherited the six royal temples (rokushōji) in Shirakawa, which was just outside the Heian Capital, being located at the east side of Kamo River. See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/2/18. Also see Meigetsuki, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/14 in Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, 1, 18. 314 Although Go-Shirakawa was the primary decision maker for his inheritance, his message given to Go- Toba — “after listening to individual [children’s] situations” — suggests that he was at least careful about avoiding antagonisms which could occur among his offspring over inheritance. Such a rivalry among Go- Shirakawa’s children was not directly mentioned in Gyokuyō, but its entry of the first day of the first month of Kenkyū 4 (1193)/1/1 in gives us a hint. The author, Kujō Kanezane, complained that Inpumon-in and Senyōmon-in individually planned to sponsor a new year’s banquet in 1193, less than one year from their father’s death. Holding such celebratory events was against precedent because it was still the mourning period for their father. The followers of each nyoin, however, stubbornly pursued their mistress’s plan. This suggests competition between the groups supporting the two nyoin. See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 4 (1193)/1/1 in Kujō Kanezane, Gyokuyō, ed. Ichimata Kankichi (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1907), 816. 137 in’s name. According to the Gyokuyō, Go-Shirakawa discussed the inheritance of not only Senyōmon-in but also two others, Fujiwara no Chikayoshi and Yamashina Norishige. Being Go-Shirakawa’s royal intimates, both Chikayoshi and Norishige closely served him. Especially Norishige, who was Eishi’s second son with her previous husband (i.e. Senyōmon-in’s half brother), received special attention from Go-Shirakawa. And Chikayoshi stood out as one of Go-Shirakawa’s favorites by accompanying him to cultural activities. For example at the musical entertainment to welcome Go-Toba, only Norishige and Chikayoshi joined Go-Shirakawa in performing imayō songs together. 315 And when Go-Shirakawa died, they took the important role of encoffining his body at the funeral. 316 Notably, however, the author of Gyokuyō did not name any estates which these three were going to receive, although he did list specific properties given to the tennō and Inpumon-in. Go-Shirakawa may have told the tennō to ‘take care of’ such matters, should any disagreements among his offspring occur. Moreover, the fact that Go-Shirakawa listed Senyōmon-in as merely one of the three people, instead of stressing her as his primary heir, problematizes the scholarly view that Senyōmon-in had always been Go-Shirakawa’s ‘favorite daughter’ and was expected to inherit the largest chunk of his estates. 317 At this point (the second month of 1192) she was only one of his many offspring, and seemed likely to receive a portion of his properties, but not a major inheritance. 315 Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/2/18. Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, 13, 225. 316 Meigetsuki, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/14. 317 Secondary studies and encyclopedias often describe Senyōmon-in as Go-Shirakawa’s favorite daughter. For example, see Kokushi daijiten in Kokushi Daijiten Henshū Iinkai, ed. Kokushi daijiten, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1987), 496; Kodaigaku Kyōkai and Kodaigaku Kenkyūjo, eds., Heian jidaishi jiten, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1994), 15. Also see Kodaigaku Kyōkai, ed. Go-Shirakawa-in: Dōranki no tennō (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993), 499; Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 112. 138 Then on the fourth day of the following month, nine days before his death, Go- Shirakawa issued an edict to transmit his will to Senyōmon-in’s mother, Eishi. His instruction was that “the land of Rokujō and Abura Street should be transferred to the descendants without fail.” 318 Nishii Yoshiko argues that this land referred to the Rokujō Mansion, and “the descendants” referred to Senyōmon-in and her successors. Since Senyōmon-in was still young, Go-Shirakawa entrusted this task to Eishi as her guardian. 319 His edict indicates that Eishi played a crucial role in ensuring her daughter’s inheritance of the Rokujō Mansion. While Kanezane, the author of Gyokuyō, never specified which part of the inheritance Senyōmon-in received from Go-Shirakawa, Fujiwara no Teika provided more detailed information in his journal, Meigetsuki. According to Teika’s recollection from one day after Go-Shirakawa’s death, he heard a rumor that Senyōmon-in received the Rokujō Mansion, the Chōkō Temple, and estates supporting them. 320 The aforementioned edict and Teika’s report suggests that Go-Shirakawa, who had been unsure about Senyōmon-in’s inheritance a month previous, had finally made up his mind to give her the estates that supported the two properties. Why didn’t Go-Shirakawa immediately guarantee Senyōmon-in’s inheritance as he had done for the tennō and Inpumon-in? It is important to note that Senyōmon-in was not the only one of Go-Shirakawa’s daughters who was living at the Rokujō Mansion. Inpumon-in and her full sisters, Princess Shikishi (?-1201) and Princess Kōshi, also 318 Go-Shirakawa’s edict issued on Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/4 is archived at Kodaigaku Kyōkai (古代学協会). The photograph of this edict is published in Kodaigaku Kyōkai, Go-Shirakawa-in: Dōranki no tennō. 319 Nishii Yoshiko, "Wakasa no tsubone to tango no tsubone," in Go-Shirakawa-in: Dōranki no tennō, ed. Kodaigaku Kyōkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993). 320 Meigetsuki, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/14. 139 resided there with the retired monarch while he was ill (see Genealogy 2). 321 To him, these daughters were no less important than Senyōmon-in. Inpumon-in, as the Ise Priestess, had supported Go-Shirakawa during his reign, and after he became a retired monarch, she supported his grandchildren as their adoptive mother. Princess Shikishi also served as a Kamo Priestess under the reign of Go-Shirakawa’s son Nijō. Furthermore, contemporary records suggest that Go-Shirakawa’s daughters and granddaughters were anxious to receive royal properties for themselves. Two and a half months prior to Go-Shirakawa’s death, a rumor spread blaming the mother of Prince Mochihito’s daughter for cursing the retired sovereign and causing his illness. 322 Prince Mochihito, a son of Go-Shirakawa, had died in battle in 1180, but his daughter was eligible to inherit the retired sovereign’s estates. The author of Meigetsuki claims that it was Senyōmon-in’s mother Eishi who spread this rumor. 323 In turn, a second rumor spread in 1200 that blamed Eishi for cursing Princess Shikishi, a full sister of Prince Mochihito. 324 Prince Mochihito’s daughter, Princess Shikishi, and Senyōmon-in were closely related to each other and held strong claims to Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance. These princesses seem to have been vying over not only their inheritance from Go-Shirakawa but also that of his half sister Hachijō-in. Before moving to the Rokujō Mansion, Princess Shikishi was living with her aunt Hachijō-in. But according to a rumor, 321 Yashiro Kuniji, Kokushi sōsetsu, 35-6. The mother of these princesses was Fujiwara no Seishi (?-1177) who also gave birth to Prince Mochihito. 322 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/1/30. 323 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 2 (1202)/8/22. 324 According to Teika, “people at the royal palace were gossiping that Eishi was cursing Princess Shikishi because the latter adopted Go-Toba’s third son, Morihira. Princess Shikishi was planning this adoption in 1200 when Eishi’s daughter, Senyōmon-in, adopted Masanari, the fourth son of the same monarch. See Meigetsuki, entries of Shōji 2 (1200)/10/1, Shōji 2 (1200)/11/2, and Kennin 2 (1202)/8/22. Also see Inokuma kanpakuki, Shōji 2 (1200)/10/8. 140 Shikishi’s relationship with the aunt deteriorated after Shikishi cursed her and her heir. 325 Hachijō-in’s heir was Princess Shikishi’s niece, the daughter of Prince Mochihito, who was also living at the same residence. Whether or not the story about Shikishi’s cursing her aunt was true, the rumor suggests that royal children who lived with a senior family member were expected to inherit estates. If so, all the princesses who lived at the Rokujō Mansion—Inpumon-in, Princess Shikishi, and Senyōmon-in—were entitled to share in Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance and hoped to receive the residence and its supporting estates. These disturbing rumors show that unsettling conditions surrounding Go- Shirakawa’s offspring continued even after his death. Senyōmon-in, who had only recently acquired an official position in the royal family, must have been quite anxious. She would have sensed that her sick father was still debating whether he should give the main residence to other princesses such as Inpumon-in or Princess Shikishi, instead of to his youngest daughter. But then, Eishi and Senyōmon-in successfully persuaded Go-Shirakawa to make a favorable decision for them at the last moment. Eishi would have had an advantageous position, including access to the latest information about his inheritance decisions. When she learned that he did not give a decisive answer about her daughter’s inheritance during Go-Toba’s visit to the Rokujō Mansion, she likely talked Go-Shirakawa into meeting with Go-Toba again. Living at the same residence, Senyōmon-in was also in a position to remind her father of her need of future support. Ultimately, as we have seen, what Senyōmon-in inherited was Go-Shirakawa’s main residence, the Rokujō Mansion, which included the Chōkō Temple. A document 325 See Meigetsuki, Kennin 2 (1202)/8/22. 141 that modern historians call The List of Chōkō Temple Estates ( 長講堂所領目録) lists eighty-nine properties that supported the Buddhist establishment, and they were distributed across the Japanese archipelago. 326 In his “Chōkōdōryō no kenkyū (Research on the Chōkō Temple Estates),” Yashiro Kuniji claims that the estates that Senyōmon-in inherited actually comprised the largest part of Go-Shirakawa’s properties. 327 If this reading is correct, inheriting the estates supporting the Rokujō residence and the Chōkō Temple must have been a quite significant matter for the contemporary court society. Contemporary courtiers, however, never explained the importance of inheriting this estate group nor did they record disputes over it involving royal offspring. Regent Kanezane raised no concern about whether his monarch, Go-Toba, would receive the estates. A possible reason why Go-Toba and his supporters raised no complaint against Senyōmon-in inheriting the estate group was perhaps because they felt that the tennō had received a fair amount. He received the Toba Detached Palace, several royal temples with their supporting estates, and a number of other properties, all of which were politically, religiously, and culturally important for the royal family and court in late twelfth-century Japan. Contrary to Yashiro’s argument, the heir who received the largest share from Go- Shirakawa might have been the tennō, both in the number of estates and in the level of responsibility. 328 326 Modern historians call this document The List of Chōkō Temple Estates, on the premise that this source lists the estates belonging to the Buddhist temple. As I explain later, I propose a different name, The List of Rokujō Estates. 327 Yashiro Kuniji, Kokushi sōsetsu, 35. 328 As Osada Ikuko explains, it was taboo for the reigning monarch to participate in Buddhist events, including memorial services for deceased parents. As shown by Go-Toba’s case, however, the reigning monarch could inherit royal Buddhist institutions and take responsibility for sponsoring a Buddhist ritual without directly participating in it. For example, he was not able to attend Buddhist rites for Go- Shirakawa’s death, as other royals and courtiers did. His court, however, sponsored some similar rites. He 142 Another hypothesis that explains the indifference towards the estate group supporting the Rokujō residence and the Chōkō Temple is that early medieval courtiers and royals rarely had access to detailed information about estates owned by others. This also raises the question of whether Go-Toba, who became the head of the royal family, had a full picture of Go-Shirakawa’s estates, including information about the estates given to Senyōmon-in. 329 Although we do not have sources to answer this question directly, Gyokuyō gives us a clue in its description of Go-Toba’s opening of Go- Shirakawa’s will. That procedure of opening the will suggests that senior officials of both Senyōmon-in and Go-Toba needed to witness the contents together. According to Gyokuyō, four days after the death of the retired monarch, Kanemasa—who served both Go-Shirakawa and Senyōmon-in closely—tried to deliver Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance testament (shobunjō) to the tennō via his messenger. But Kanezane rejected the idea of using a messenger and demanded that Kanemasa himself deliver it. In agreeing to this request, Kanemasa responded that “opening [Go-Shirakawa’s will] without any witnesses could cause a future problem anyway,” and so he asked a group from the tennō’s residence—the director of the Royal Secretariat and the regent 330 —to come to the Rokujō dispatched royal messengers with his order to perform sutra-chanting before the seventh-day anniversary of Go-Shirakawa’s death, not only to his own temples such as Rengeō Temple and Saishō Temple that he inherited from Go-Shirakawa, but also to others such as the Enryaku monastery complex. For later memorial services on the sixty-seventh and seventy-seventh days after his death, Go-Toba also had his officials sponsor the Lectures on the Golden Light Sutra (gosaie). After that he dispatched a royal messenger to the Rengeō Temple and ordered the monks there to hold rites. See Meigetsuki, the entries of Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/19, 4/2, 4/9, 4/25, and 5/2. For Osada’s study, see Osada Ikuko, "Kamakuraki ni okeru kōtō no henka to bodai wo toburau gyōji: Ninji sannen shōgatsu no Go- Saga tennō no tōi wo chūshin ni". 329 As part of inheritance, Senyōmon-in must have received documents essential to managing her estates, such as property lists and account books. My question here is whether Go-Toba had access to all of these data regarding Senyōmon-in’s estates. 330 The director of the Royal Secretariat was Fujiwara no Muneyori and the regent was Kujō Kanezane. 143 Mansion and open the will together. 331 Kanemasa’s comment suggests that when opening an inheritance testament, only limited individuals—the heir, his or her trusted followers, and the representatives of the deceased—could view the original will. A royal decision of inheritance therefore was not publicly announced. Only concerned parties could view it. If the court society knew little about the size and number of the estates supporting the Rokujō residence and the Chōkō Temple at the time of Go-Shirakawa’s death, it makes more sense that the particulars of inheritance were not a cause of contention. Additionally, it seems that Go-Shirakawa did not designate a specific group of estates to support the Rokujō Mansion until two months before his death. When a fire in 1188 destroyed the Rokujō Mansion and its Chōkō Temple, he quickly decided to rebuild them. 332 Rather than obtaining reconstruction aid from the estates that we now know as the “Chōkō Temple Estates,” he ordered governors of different provinces such as Harima, Etchū, and Izumo to undertake this construction task. 333 He also obtained additional help from Minamoto no Yoritomo, the leader of the Kamakura Shogunate. 334 This suggests that a large estate group designated to support his residence and the temple did not exist 331 Kanemasa’s comment indicates that using a messenger would not be accepted because it would result in the act of opening [Go-Shirakawa’s will] without “witnesses.” In the case of delivering the will by messenger to Go-Toba, Kanemasa would have had to check the will before entrusting it. After receiving the will from the messenger, the Go-Toba side would have had to open it without a witness from the Rokujō side. Such a procedure could cause unnecessary misunderstanding between the Go-Toba and the Rokujō groups. See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/18. 332 In 1183 when Go-Shirakawa started living at the Rokujō Mansion, the sheer size of the site was much smaller, consisting only one fourth of the ward (1/4 chō or 0.74 acres). See Gyokuyō, the entry of Bunji 2 (1186)/3/16, and Sankaiki, the entry of Bunji 4 (1188) 12/10. Also see Inoue Mitsuo, "Rokujō nishi no tōin dono to sono jidai," in Go-Shirakawa-in: Dōranki no tennō, ed. Kodaigaku Kyōkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993), 271-272. 333 Since Harima Province was under Go-Shirakawa’s proprietorship (chigyōkoku), a deputy of the absentee provincial governor of Harima took care of building the Chōkō Temple. Provincial proprietors of Etchū and Izumo built residential buildings for monks for the temple. See Kunaichō shoryōbu, ed. Sentō onwatamashii buruiki, Toshoryō sōkan (Tokyo: Kunaichō shoryōbu, 1990), 60-94. Also see Kikuchi Shin'ichi, "Chōkōdō seiritsu ni tsuite," in Go-Shirakawa-in: Dōranki no tennō, ed. Kodaigaku Kyōkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993), 280. 334 See Azuma kagami, Bunji 4 (1188) 6/9. Also see Maki Michio, In kinshin no kenkyū (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 2001), 167. 144 in 1188. 335 It was not until 1192 that Go-Shirakawa clearly announced in his “written promise regarding the Chōkō Temple” (Chōkōdō kishō 長講堂起請) that he had commended estates to support the temple. Regarding the estates: I looked for [suitable] lands—those under the control of estate proprietors for many years or those exempted from government taxes since early times—and investigated their details. I then commended estates to the Chōkō Temple to use the resources from these to support the temple. Let the Council of State issue an order to prevent any subversive acts hereafter against the estates and to make them immune forever from provincial taxes of any size. 336 The Chōkō Temple estate group seems to have been relatively new when Senyōmon-in inherited it, and it was therefore not surprising that contemporaries could not grasp the exact scale of the estates supporting it. To get a clearer understanding of the degree to which individual heirs could or could not comprehend each other’s share, it is important to go back to Go-Shirakawa’s will. Although Senyōmon-in’s official Kanemasa hoped that the officials of Go-Toba Tennō would visit the Rokujō, he ended up going to the tennō’s residence on the eighteenth day of the third month of 1192. He presented “one small box ( 手箱)” and three documents to Regent Kanezane. Kanezane ordered the director of the Royal 335 According to late thirteenth- and fourteenth-century documents, the estates owned by Senyōmon-in during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries continued to support rebuilding projects of the Rokujō Mansion. For example, Retired Monarch Go-Fukakusa (1243-1304), who inherited the Rokujō Mansion, needed to repair the buildings in 1273. Instead of relying on provinces, he ordered Anakui Estate and Hirano Estate to submit resources. A different primary source, which historians claim to have been created during the fourteenth century, also shows that estates were used to rebuild the Rokujō Mansion. How to read the name of this document, “ 六条殿御修理間宛” is debatable, but it could be read as “Rokujōdono mishūri ma ate” or “Rokujōdono onshūri ma ate.” The estates listed on this document were almost identical to those recorded on the List. This indicates that once a large number of estates were collected to support the Rokujō Mansion and the temple, they were responsible for any rebuilding projects. See Kamakura ibun, doc. 11379 and 11381, vol. 15, 151-152. Also see “Rokujōdono mishūri ma ate” in a copy of primary source collection called “ 集 (shū)” at the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo (20-23), and Okuno Takahiro, "Rokujōdono mishūri ma ate," Nihon rekishi 46 (1987). 336 See Kamakura ibun, doc. 580, vol. 2, 9-11. 145 Secretariat to open the box in front of both Kanezane and Kanemasa, and they carefully examined what was inside. The small box seems to have contained only the documents elaborating Go-Toba’s share rather than all the information revealing others’ inheritances. 337 If the tennō were given detailed information—all the lists showing the ways in which specific estates and dues were to be divided among different recipients— scrolls containing such data would have been voluminous and were unlikely to fit into a small box. Furthermore when Kanemasa withdrew, Go-Toba’s officials kept the box at the royal residence instead of returning it to the Rokujō. The fact that Go-Toba kept the box also suggests that it did not have documents containing detailed information about estates inherited by Senyōmon-in. Since the tennō was not a recipient of the entire estates of Go-Shirakawa, he would keep only the documents regarding his own inheritance. Even though Senyōmon-in successfully inherited many estates, due to her dramatic advancement, she was a likely target of jealousy from other royals and their supporters who had to divvy up the remainder of Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance. When Hachijō-in was deciding upon her heirs, competing groups started spreading rumors that each was laying curses on their opponents. Go-Shirakawa’s early death made it particularly crucial for Senyōmon-in to maintain good terms with his other offspring in order to help consolidate her status at court. Luckily, early in her nyoin tenureship, her 337 Among the three documents brought by Kanemasa were a list of swords, an account book of alluvial gold, and a list of resources needed to hold Buddhist ceremonies. I assume that these three documents were also pertinent to the inheritance of the tennō, rather than representing a whole picture of Go-Shirakawa’s properties. While examining these documents, nobody mentioned anything about properties of other heirs, except on one occasion. Kanemasa explained that he could have left the list of swords at the Rokujō, but he brought it along with thirteen boxes of actual swords because “the Lady of the Second Rank (Senyōmon- in’s mother Eishi) told him that the nyoin did not need them.” The nyoin under discussion must have been Senyōmon-in. Although the participants in the will-opening meeting discussed Senyōmon-in’s swords, they neither inquired further about her estates nor discussed her inheritance as a whole. In contrast, Senyōmon- in’s close officials like Kanemasa witnessed part of Go-Toba’s inheritance and carefully studied it in the presence of the tennō. It is interesting to note that the ex-Go-Shirakawa officials who were now serving Senyōmon-in had opportunities to learn about the properties inherited by Go-Toba. 146 half sister, Inpumon-in, was supportive rather than hostile. For instance when Senyōmon- in was going to Honkongō Temple in 1198, Inpumon-in issued an edict to help Senyōmon-in procure the necessary resources. 338 The support from Inpumon-in, who was her senior and a more experienced nyoin, was a great asset for Senyōmon-in. In return, Senyōmon-in joined events hosted by Inpumon-in to show her respect for her elder sister. She attended Inpumon-in’s Buddhist ceremony in 1200, which the latter hosted to mark the establishment of her vow temple, Rengekō’in ( 蓮華光院). Along with Senyōmon-in, Go-Toba attended as well. 339 The presence of the monarch and another nyoin not only made Inpumon-in’s ceremony politically significant for court society but also increased its religious prestige. By keeping a good relationship with her half sister, Senyōmon-in seems to have avoided unnecessary political conflict and improved her position within the royal family and at court. It was also important for Senyōmon-in to build an alliance with her nephew Go- Toba. During the first couple decades after Go-Shirakawa’s death, she was quite successful in creating and maintaining a strong tie with Go-Toba. As we have learned, Senyōmon-in and Go-Toba attended Inpumon-in’s Buddhist event together in 1200. Furthermore, Go-Toba’s act of gift-giving to Senyōmon-in symbolized their good relationship. When he sponsored a sacred music performance at the Hall of the Sacred Mirror in the twelfth month of 1193, he ordered Regent Kanezane to bring out a four- stringed lute and other musical instruments from the Rengeō Temple ( 蓮華王院) and 338 Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-17, (or hoi 1), 352. 339 Multiple primary sources such as Hyakurenshō, Inokuma kanpakuki, Gyokuyō, and Meigetsuki recorded that Senyōmon-in and Go-Toba attended Inpumon-in’s event on the seventeenth day of the tenth month of Shōji 2 (1200). Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-6, 679-690. 147 present them to Senyōmon-in. 340 This suggests that she had created supportive ties among the descendants of Go-Shirakawa after his death. Another strategy Senyōmon-in used to consolidate her tie with Go-Toba was to adopt his fourth son, Prince Masanari ( 雅成 1200-1255). Although Prince Masanari was not the eldest, he still had a claim to the throne. In fact, when she adopted him, Go-Toba had already abdicated in favor of his first son, Tsuchimikado Tennō (1195-1231, r. 1198- 1210). Senyōmon-in, however, knew that her predecessors such as Bifukumon-in and Hachijō-in had increased political power by adopting non-senior royal princes who later became tennō. According to Tamakiwaru, one of the reasons why Go-Shirakawa chose Go-Toba to be enthroned was because Go-Toba had something in common with him: both were the fourth princes (yon no miya). 341 Adopting the fourth son of Go-Toba, therefore, must have carried special significance. When adopting this “fourth prince,” Senyōmon-in must have wished that he would ascend the throne in the future and help increase her political power. Being born as the youngest among many children of the aging retired monarch by a mother of relatively low social status, Senyōmon-in held a rather precarious position in the royal family and at court. Despite her father’s affection for her mother, Senyōmon-in remained obscure for years without any official position and held a weak claim over royal properties. A year before her father’s death, however, she became a nyoin, attaining one of the highest titles given to an early medieval Japanese woman. Thanks to her nyoin title, she was able to establish an administrative headquarters large enough to manage many 340 Gyokuyō, the entry of Kenkyū 4 (1193)/12/14. 341 See Misumi Yōichi and Satake Akihiro, Shin nihon koten bungaku taikei: Towazugatari, Tamakiwaru, 311. For an English translation, see the doctoral dissertation by Carolyn Miyuki Wheeler, “Fleeting Is Life: Kengozen and Her Early Kamakura Court Diary, Tamakiwaru” (2011). 148 estates and to strengthen her qualifications to become a major heiress of Go-Shirakawa’s properties. The next chapter will introduce a list of Senyōmon-in’s inherited estates. This primary source is crucial to examine the resources that she expected to collect from the estates, the challenges that she faced to maintain this income, and the strategies that she used to obtain economic, religious, military, and political power over the course of her proprietorship. 149 Chapter 4: The List of Rokujō Estates: Layers of Information Revealing the Gap Between Authority and Power Senyōmon-in’s inheritance from Go-Shirakawa included not only the estates themselves but also a set of documents detailing the management of and expectations regarding her newly owned estates. Many of these documents are now lost, but a list that was apparently created based on data from these inheritance documents has survived. 342 This document is useful because it contains records of the material and human resources that Senyōmon-in expected to gain from her estates. Most importantly, it also includes notes that were added at different points of time, which reveal dues that the nyoin was or was not able to collect as expected. A close examination of this document is therefore crucial to understand what kinds of land-based power she gained and what challenges she faced to maintain such power despite having a supreme proprietorship. This chapter introduces the foundational information about the document including its history, content, and format. I use this source to investigate the complex relationship between Senyōmon-in’s authority and power. Archived in one of the Kyoto University Museum collections, this document is understood to be an original created at the end of the twelfth century with notes added later. 343 A calligraphic reproduction of this document (eisha-bon) produced in 1907 (Meiji 4) also survives today, and some printed versions are available. 344 Modern scholars 342 An alternative name given to The List of Chōkō Temple Estates is A List of Dues Levied on Chōkō Temple Estates (長講堂所領注文),” based on the understanding that this source described resources supporting a Buddhist Temple Chōkōdō. 343 See Ōyama Kyōhei, ed. Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo, vol. 1 (Kyoto: 1987), 18. The document is now catalogued as a part of the Shimada family collection. Although a complete photocopy is unavailable, some parts are published in Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo, 1-9. 344 The University of Tokyo Historiographical Institute (Shiryōhensanjo) owns the calligraphic reproduction of the source. Shimada monjo, vol. 2. Call no. 3071.62-83-2. For the printed versions, see 150 call it The List of Chōkō Temple Estates, implying that the listed dues had been exclusively allocated to the Buddhist temple. Although many of these estates appear in fourteenth-century lists of Chōkō Temple holdings, this name is misleading because the distinction between estates supporting Senyōmon-in’s household and those supporting the temple was not yet fixed in the late twelfth century. The dues listed in this document not only supported the Buddhist temple but also sustained the livelihood of the Rōkujō Mansion. The writer of the List begins by providing the following header with a small note written beneath it: Recording and submitting: Miscellaneous dues levied on the estates [for different occasions] of the year <This document includes dues supporting the temple, dues which had originally been submitted, and dues in arrears.> According to this note, the dues were divided into three categories: the dues for “the temple,” those “originally submitted,” and those behind in payment. Here, the “temple” refers to the Chōkō Temple, and “the dues which had originally been submitted” should be those that the estates had been paying to the supreme proprietor before they began supporting the temple. This note therefore indicates that the dues for the temple were a later addition to the dues that had been originally levied. Moreover, when the scribe listed dues levied on individual estates, he highlighted resources that were specifically allocated to the Chōkō Temple by adding the phrase “dues for the temple” ( 寺役). For example, when recording the dues levied on Yatori Estate in Yamato Province, he added that “[the following items are] dues for the temple,” and then he listed items such as “bamboo blinds” and “straw mats [sent to refurbish the Kamakura ibun doc. 556, Nihon engyō taikei: chūsei 1 Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Chūsei 9, 535-561. 151 temple]” under that category. If the List had included only the estates supporting Chōkō Temple, the writer would not have needed to specify the dues for the temple. The document includes many entries for dues used to support Senyōmon-in and her attendants at the Rokujō Mansion. For example, Yoshishige Estate in Aki Province sent drapes for the royal bathroom, and Kawate Kanō Estate in Minō Province sent mats for royal intimates of the nyoin. 345 More than twenty-five estates sent side dishes to support culinary needs at the Rokujō Mansion each month. And in the case of seasonal events, Senyōmon-in expected Shinoki Estate in Owari Province to send her bamboo blinds for new year’s day, Inazumi Estate in Hōki Province to submit straw mats in summer, Shimokatsura Estate in Yamashiro Province to submit irises for the Festival of the Fifth month, and Yamaka Estate in Tōtōmi Province to submit materials for middle- rank female servants at the Festival of Ninth Month. In addition to these material goods, the listed estates were sending human resources to the Rokujō, such as monthly-assigned laborers, box carriers, and gate guards. Supporting the nyoin’s extraordinary activities was also an important task for these estates. For instance, Sakiyama in Tanba Province submitted “extraordinary labor service summoned as needed” for the nyoin’s pilgrimage to Hie Shrine. These dues included materials supporting non-Buddhist activities and were clearly different from the resources needed to sponsor ceremonies at the Chōkō Temple. 346 This suggests that Senyōmon-in used the estates to support both secular and religious activities held at the Rokujō Mansion encompassing the Buddhist temple. 345 The original term for “Kawate Kanō Estate” is “Kawate Kanō gō.” The term gō (district-unit 郷) is a geographical classification within the ritsuryō system of categorizing public land. Because Senyōmon-in’s contemporaries used this term, the estate might have included portions of land that owed dues to the province or the realm. However, it is clear that Senyōmon-in held supreme proprietorship over the estate and expected it to submit dues to her. 346 Furthermore, many of the estates listed on this document appear in other sources, such as those listing estates supporting the nyoin’s office or household (chōbun 庁分), rather than those exclusively supporting the temple. For example, see Kamakura ibun vol. 5, doc. 3274. 152 Therefore I propose that the document should be called The List of Rokujō Estates rather than The List of Chōkō Temple Estates. The difference between “Rokujō Estates” and “Chōkō Temple Estates” is significant, as it affects our understanding of the nyoin’s lifestyle. Medieval nyoin owned many estates belonging to vow temples established by themselves or their family members. According to Noguchi Hanayo, a nyoin could not expect to receive all the dues from each holding, because the estates belonging to a vow temple were in charge of supplying necessary materials to the temple, rather than supporting her household. Thus, by describing the List as a list of the “Chōkō Temple Estates,” we tend to assume that the listed dues were used for the temple. With this assumption, we are likely to miss a chance to discover the ways in which the nyoin sustained her lifestyle. By considering the List as a record of Rokujō estates, we can explore how Senyōmon-in used the listed dues to pursue cultural, political, and religious activities which were not confined to those related to the Chōkō Temple. Before closely examining the miscellaneous dues, it is necessary to understand the basic format of The List of Rokujō Estates. The original document contains layers of information added at different times, and the styles of writings suggest three stages of updates. In Stage 1, the scribe who made the List created a section for each estate in black ink and listed each of the required dues to be paid, as either material or human resources, across several columns. He also added supplementary comments, in smaller black letters, right after individual items. These small notes give details such as size, quantity, and the exact month of submission. I call this set of information “Layer 1” because it was recorded first on the List before other additions were made. 153 Stage 2 represents subsequent changes in the ways dues were submitted. 347 I call this additional information “Layer 2.” Layer 2 was also written in small black letters and includes notes in between lines or near the top right of the listed items. 348 Most of these additions appear to be an accounting of items missing from dues planned at Stage 1. Senyōmon-in’s scribe recorded Layer 2 relatively soon after creating the list of estate names and dues. 349 In Stage 3, another set of information was written in red ink. I call it “Layer 3.” Entries are of two types: red ‘slash marks’ indicating that dues had been received; and red ‘notes’ saying that dues have been exempted. The red slash marks never overlap with a black note identifying no-longer-paid dues except in one case that is assumed to be irregular. 350 This suggests a difficulty that Senyōmon-in faced in recovering dues after they had stopped being delivered. Most of the red notes appear next to estate names and show that all the dues levied on those estates had been exempted and would not be collected. 351 Although it is difficult to specify when the red additions were made, I assume that there was a time gap between Stage 3 and the previous two stages because in most cases, the exemptions written in red ink are for estates that have a black note 347 In fact, the List contains black notes written after Layer 1 by multiple hands at different occasions. A majority of these black notes, however, were recorded by the same hand without a significant lapse. Here, I refer to this group of black comments, which I believe to have been added on a single occasion. 348 The List was written vertically. 349 Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo, 18. 350 The irregular case is the notes for Mishima Estate in Iyo Province. Although notes identifying due exemptions (御免) were written in red ink in other cases, in the Mishima case, they were written in black ink. Likewise, although slash marks were drawn in red ink in other cases, both black and red slash marks appear in the Mishima case. It seems that the recorder drew red slash marks over black ones. A possible explanation for this is that the scribe might have started the third stage update from Mishima Estate with the use of black ink, but he changed his mind and used red ink afterwards. For the photograph of this example, see ibid., 8. 351 Previous scholars agree that red slash marks identify the dues that had been paid. For example see Ōyama’s explanation in ibid., 18-19; Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon- in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite," 29. 154 indicating a failure of delivery for one or more items. For example, Inaki Estate in Owari had been paying sixteen types of dues, but the nyoin’s scribes added black and red comments to signify changes. Black notes recorded that the estate had stopped paying four of the sixteen items. And a red note, “exempted ( 御免),” which was added next to the estate name, showed that it was exempted from all of the dues. These additional notes indicate that the Inaki Estate continued to be in arrears and that some years later, it finally received an exemption. The case of Miyazu Estate in Kaga further strengthens the hypothesis that Senyōmon-in’s official added red exemption notes because of the decline in estate payments over time. The estate had been paying eighteen items, but black notes showed that it ceased paying twelve of these items at some point. And then a red note, which was added next to the estate name, reported that the Miyazu Estate “had not been paying [the listed miscellaneous dues] in recent years.” The following paragraphs provide some excerpts of information from the original List that have been re-formatted into horizontal rows with marking changes to indicate the different writing stages. Square brackets with dots “[….]” are used when any omissions were necessary for an effective case presentation. Translations of Layer 1 are in the Times New Roman font, and the use of angled brackets < > indicates supplementary notes written in small letters. Layer 2 writings appear in parentheses and are highlighted in bold. Layer 3 writings are highlighted in gray to indicate red “/”characters and texts. 155 Excerpt 1 : Dues levied on Kuto Ōba Estate in Tajima Province and Inazumi Estate in Hōki Province / Kuto Ōba Estate ① / Dues for the temple 352 / Bamboo blinds for new year’s day: to cover two spaces between three pillars 353 ② / Twelve straw mats <rimmed with damask in small patterns> / Guards <in the third, fourth, and ninth months: two people assigned each month> / Six ryō of alluvial gold 354 for a memorial service consisting of the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month ③ / Five (Six) bolts of cloth as equinox offerings <for two seasons (both spring and fall)> / Seven koku 355 and two to 356 of husked rice for three oxen <for the eleventh month> 352 The “temple” referred to Chōkō Temple. See Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo; Maki Michio, In kinshin no kenkyū. 353 The notation is two ken; a ken ( 間) indicates the space between two pillars. 354 As explained later, the original term used for alluvial gold was “sand” ( 砂). Ryō was a medieval unit of weight to measure valuables such as gold and silver. One ryō equaled approximately forty-one or forty-two grams. See Nara Kokuritsu Hakubutsukan, The 53rd Annual Exhibition of Shōsō-in Treasures (Nara 2001). 355 Koku was a unit of volume, which equaled approximately 180 liters. See A Tale of Flowering Fortunes: Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period, 1; William H. McCullough and Helen Graig McCullough, A Tale of Flowering Fortunes: Annals of Japanese Aristocratic Life in the Heian Period, vol. 2 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980). Also see “koku” ( 石 or 斛) in Nihon Kokugo Daijiten Dainihan Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 5 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 561. 356 To was a unit of cubic measure. The exact amount of one to fluctuated during the medieval period, but in seventeenth-century Japan it was set at approximately 18.04 liters. See “to” ( 斗) in Kokushi Daijiten Henshū Iinkai, ed. Kokushi daijiten, vol. 10 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1989), 1; Nihon Kokugo Daijiten Dainihan Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 9 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 873. 156 / Three gate guards <to serve for thirty days during the tenth month at the gate facing the Abura Street> / Two-hiki 357 of fine silk to be bestowed on servants ④ ([This estate] is not submitting the following item): Twenty sheets of paper dyed with dayflower 358 [….] Inazumi Estate ⑤ / Miscellaneous dues for new year’s day / Bamboo blinds: covering the area between five pillars ⑥ / Three mats [for royals and nobles] <two rimmed with small- patterned damask; one rimmed with purple cloth> ⑦ ([This estate] is not submitting the following item): One bolt of cloth used as middle drapes in various areas ⑧ (The same as above: [not submitting the following item]): Seasonal dishes and cooking ware ⑨ One hundred small containers with lids <twenty large ones; eighty small ones> 357 Hiki is a counter for a bolt of cloth, especially for silk, which was used when making an adult-size Japanese style outfit. According to Japanese language dictionaries, 1 hiki was 4 jō (c. 12 meters) in ancient times, but it became approximately 5.2 jō under the risturyō system. For example, see “hiki” ( 疋) in the unabridged dictionary of the Japanese language, Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 11 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 169. 358 Dayflower or “dew herb” (tsuyukusa in Japanese) is a herbaceous annual plant with blue petals. Juice from these petals was used to produce dye papers called utsushibana (移花). 157 Two flat plates Two bowls One to-size pot One iron tripod for the hearth Alluvial gold, five ryō [….] Excerpt 1 above demonstrates the format of The List of Rokujō Estates. It shows the miscellaneous dues of Kuto Ōba Estate in Tajima Province and Inazumi Estate in Hōki Province. Initially, Senyōmon-in’s scribe recorded the two foundational items of the List: estate names and dues levied on each estate. Lines ① and ⑤ indicate that certain dues were to support a specific purpose, such as “dues for the temple” or “miscellaneous dues for new year’s day.” In Line ②, the scribe indicated that Kuto Ōba Estate would send twelve straw mats “rimmed with damask in small patterns.” Likewise in lines ⑥ and ⑨ he specified the number and the type of “mats” or “small containers” to be sent by Inazumi Estate. I consider the Layer 1 information—estate names, dues, and additional notes—to be the core contents of the List in contrast with other notes and marks added in the margins at Stages 2 and 3. Among the various types of information added later, we find updates on Senyōmon-in’s land-based power. First, let us take a closer look at Layer 2 in Excerpt 1. According to the correction “Six” in Line ③, Kuto Ōba Estate was originally required to submit five bolts of cloth, but Senyōmon-in increased the number to six. The List also includes dues added during the proprietorship of Go-Shirakawa. For example, the scribe recorded a note that Sakiyama Estate in Tanba Province had begun submitting sweets every seventh month since “the time of Retired Monarch Go-Shirakawa.” These examples suggest that supreme proprietors occasionally increased estate dues. 158 Layer 2 as a whole, however, show that Senyōmon-in was more likely to fail to force her estates to send the prearranged quantity of dues than to increase them. Line ④ represents such an example. It explains that Kuto Ōba Estate had stopped paying twenty sheets of paper dyed with dayflower despite its responsibility. Lines ⑦ and ⑧ likewise show that Inazumi Estate failed to submit dues: a bolt of cloth and the entire list of items including seasonal dishes and cooking ware. Excerpt 2 below further illustrates this tendency for Senyōmon-in to fail to collect all expected dues. Excerpt 2: Dues levied on Fukiya Estate in Settsu Province / Fukiya Estate / Miscellaneous dues for new year’s day: / Bamboo blinds covering five spaces between pillars / Five straw mats <one rimmed with large-patterned damask; two rimmed with small-patterned damask; two rimmed with purple silk 359 > ① ([This estate] is not submitting the following item): Two sets of drapes for various areas / Alluvial gold, five ryō 359 As explained later, the types of the rim of a mat indicated the socio-political status of the users. For example, a twill-woven black pattern on white damask (kōraiberi) was used for exalted individuals such as royal offspring of the blood, ministers, and senior nobles. This type often depicted clouds or chrysanthemum flowers, and their size—large pattern (daimon) or small pattern (komon)—determined the status of the users. Purple silk, instead, was used for fourth and fifth ranking courtiers as well as for Buddhist officials in the Prelates’ Office. See Koizumi Kazuko, Nihonshi shōhyakka: kagu (Tokyo: Tōkyodō Shuppan, 1995), 60. 159 / Five ryō of alluvial gold for a memorial service consisting of the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month ② ([This estate] is not submitting the following item): Two laborers sent in the fifth month <[to serve] in the sixth month> / Six gate guards <for thirty days during the sixth month at Abura Street; for ten days during the early seventh month at the four-pillared gate 360 > / Six sets of six-jō 361 cloth for equinox offerings <for the eighth month> ③ ([This estate] has not submitted the following item for years): Two- jō straw mats for the new season <used in the tenth month: one rimmed with large-patterned damask; one rimmed with purple silk> ④ (It has been a long time since [this estate] stopped submitting the following item): One of a pair of sacred enclosures for divine rituals <for the eleventh months> 362 / Three koku and six to [of the total ingredients] for porridge to feed three oxen <to cover part of the twelfth month> / One meal-box carrier <for many days> ⑤ ([This estate] is not submitting the following item): Twenty sheets of paper dyed with dayflower 360 Shisoku-mon (four-pillared gate) has two supporting pillars on the front and the back of each of the two main pillars. Although Shisoku-mon has six pillars in total (two main pillars and four supporting ones), it is called “four-pillared” after the four supporting pillars. 361 Jō ( 丈) refers to a unit of length used in China, Korea, and Japan. One jō equals ten shaku, which is a smaller unit of length. The actual length of shaku varied by location and historical time, so did jō. In modern times, one jō is 3.03 meters. See the entry for “jō” in Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, ed. Kokushi daijiten, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1986), 439. 362 The “sacred enclosure” (himorogi 神籬) was a purified space encircled with evergreen trees and used during divine rites. It is difficult to determine the exact size and structure of this “sacred enclosure,” and it could have been a portable shrine. The counter is “katagu” ( 片具), which means one of a pair of objects. 160 Many estates on the List, such as Fukiya in Settsu, Shinoki in Owari, Yoshioka in Echigo, and Miyazu in Tango failed to meet Senyōmon-in’s expectations. In some cases, she did not receive more than one third of the total dues which her estates originally were to pay. She was supposed to receive thirteen types of dues from Fukiya Estate: four items for the new year (bamboo blinds, straw mats, drapes, and gold), gold for a memorial service, laborers, gate guards, cloth, straw mats for the new season, a sacred enclosure for divine rituals, food for oxen, meal-box carriers, and dyed paper. At the Layer 2 addition, however, the scribe indicated in margin notes that the estate was no longer fulfilling these responsibilities. The estate was “not submitting” drapes, laborers, and dyed paper (see ①, ② and ⑤). Furthermore, many years had passed since the estate stopped submitting straw mats and part of the ritual enclosure (see ③ and ④). By the time these black notes were added, Senyōmon-in was receiving only eight out of thirteen types of dues from Fukiya. The situations for Yoshioka and Miyazu estates were even worse. They failed to submit a majority of the predetermined dues. As time passed by, Senyōmon-in continued to face increasing difficulty in collecting dues from her estates, as we see in Excerpt 3 below. Excerpt 3: Dues levied on Miyazu Estate in Tango Province ① (The dues [originally assigned to] Ine Estate) Miyazu Estate 161 ② [Miyazu Estate] has not submitted the following dues in recent years. Miscellaneous dues for new year’s day ③ ([This estate] has not submitted blinds to cover four spaces between five pillars): Blinds to cover eight spaces between pillars ④ ([This estate] has not submitted six mats): Eight mats [for royals and nobles] <four rimmed with damask in large patterns; four rimmed with damask in small patterns> ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Three straw mats for royal intimates <one rimmed with purple cloth; two rimmed with yellow cloth> One set of drapes for various areas (The same as above [not submitting the following item]): Alluvial gold, seven ryō (The same as above [not submitting the following item]): Seasonal dishes and cooking ware One hundred small containers with lids <twenty large ones; eighty small ones> Two flat plates Two bowls Five ryō of alluvial gold for a memorial service consisting of the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Four bolts of cloth for equinox offerings <for the eighth month> 162 ⑤ ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Three straw mats for the new season <used in the fourth month: two rimmed with small- patterned damask; one rimmed with purple cloth> One set of materials for female servants <for the seventh day of the seventh month> 363 Three gate guards <for thirty days during the fifth month at the gate facing Rokujō Avenue.> ([This estate] has not submitted two laborers): Four laborers assigned for a certain month <for the ninth month> One of a pair of sacred enclosure for divine rituals <for the ninth month> Rotating meal (side-dish) duty <for the eleventh day of each month.> ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Five koku of rice to be bestowed on servants (The same as above [not submitting the following item]): Twenty sheets of paper dyed with dayflower Line ① shows that Senyōmon-in originally received the listed dues from Ine Estate in Tango Province, but at some point she began receiving them from Miyazu Estate in the same province. Without explaining why Ine Estate could no longer pay the dues, the scribe simply recorded that Miyazu Estate had taken this responsibility and began submitting eighteen types of dues. 364 By the time the black notes were added, however, 363 Although an extra word “next” ( 次) is attached to “materials for female servants” (雑仕装束), the meaning of “ 次” is unclear. 364 A possible reason could be because conditions at Ine Estate had deteriorated and it became unable to pay. 163 Miyazu Estate also had quit submitting seven of the eighteen types. In addition, the estate was submitting partial numbers of blinds, mats, and laborers (see lines ③, ④, and ⑤). Finally, by the time of the Layer 3 additions, the estate received a red note next to its name: “[Miyazu Estate] is not submitting the following dues in recent years” (see Line ②). Since Miyazu Estate failed to pay all the listed dues, no “/” characters appear in its section. The List includes other estates with red comments next to their names. Most of these estates were marked “exempted.” This act of “exempting” likely indicated a worsening situation on those estates rather than generosity or clemency on the part of the supreme estate proprietor, Senyōmon-in. Excerpt 4: Dues levied on Hachiya Minami Estate in Mino Province ① Exempted Hachiya Minami Estate Miscellaneous dues for new year’s day [….] ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Seasonal dishes and cooking ware One unglazed earthen bowl 365 365 The original Chinese characters describing this item, “ 白瓷,” could be read either “shiraji” referring to “unglazed earthenware” or “hakuji” referring to “white porcelain.” I chose the former reading because earthenware production was popular in the medieval period whereas white porcelains called hakuji was not produced in Japan until the Edo Period. However, the latter reading is still possible since white porcelain could have been obtained through international trade. 164 Two sake bottles Two vinegar bottles ([This estate] has not submitted three laborers): Laborers assigned for a certain month <three for the forth month; three for the tenth month> ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Two gate guards <one for the fifth month; one for the six month> [….] ([This estate] has not submitted the following item): Two hiki of fine silk to be bestowed on servants (The same as above [not submitting the following item]): Twenty sheets of paper dyed with dayflower According to the List, Senyōmon-in originally held rights to receive sixteen types of dues from Hachiya Minami Estate in Mino Province. As Excerpt 4 shows, however, this estate had already stopped paying seven types of dues (unglazed earthen bowls, sake bottles, vinegar bottles, gate guards, silk, and dyed paper) by the time of the black note additions. This change from Stage 1 to Stage 2 suggests that Senyōmon-in was gradually losing her ‘power’ to collect dues from the estate. Hachiya Minami Estate then received the red notice, “exempted,” and was officially absolved of the responsibility to pay all the listed dues (see Line ①). Seeing little hope of collecting dues from Hachiya Minami, the supreme estate proprietor must have completely exempted the estate from paying. 165 Chart 1: Estates Exempted from Miscellaneous Dues 366 The excerpts above show that the total amount of miscellaneous dues sent to Senyōmon-in decreased over time. This indicates that she faced increasing challenges in collecting dues. Did she and her household then find themselves in financial ruin? A comparison between the total number of the estates and that of the exempted ones shows a more positive picture. Among the eighty-nine estates on the List, thirteen estates were listed as the “estates on which no dues were levied” ( 不所課庄々). This means that although these estates were still paying annual dues, they had not paid any miscellaneous dues since the creation of the List. 367 Such exempted estates occupied 15% of the total 366 The List does not record the exact dates when the estates received exemptions. Estates that were “exempted from the beginning” could have already been exempted before Senyōmon-in inherited them from Go-Shirakawa. The red note additions were, however, made later, probably during Senyōmon-in’s lifetime. 367 Senyōmon-in levied annual dues (nengu) over the Rokujō estates separately from miscellaneous dues. Some estates on the List paid annual dues even when they were exempted from miscellaneous dues. Although previous scholarship tended to interpret this special exemption as a sign that the estate proprietor lost control over these estates, I disagree with such a view and instead argue that Senyōmon-in maintained the estates and continued to receive annual dues from them. Yugeshima Estate in Iyo Province is one example. Despite being exempted from miscellaneous dues, it had been submitting various kinds of annual 75% 15% 10% Estates Exempted from Miscellaneous Dues Contined to pay all or partial dues (67 estates) Exempted from the beginning (13 estates) Exempted by the red note addition (9 estates) 166 number of estates (see Chart 1). By Stage 3, nine additional estates (10%) received exemptions, which resulted in exempting 25% of the listed estates from paying miscellaneous dues. 368 Despite facing this worsening circumstance, however, at least sixty-seven estates (75%) continued to provide material and human resources. Even though conditions were not perfect, it is still significant that Senyōmon-in was able to obtain full or partial dues from a majority of her estates on the List over a long period of time. 369 Through this analysis of the layered information on the List, I argue two points. First, although Senyōmon-in inherited a great number of estates, she could not continuously bring all expected dues into her storehouses. Her proprietary rights over the Rokujō Mansion estates did not automatically guarantee her the actual power to gain resources from them. Second, despite increasing challenges, she managed to collect dues from a majority of the listed estates to support Chōkō Temple and her life at the Rokujō Mansion. This suggests that she maintained control over these estates and continued to demand their resources to buttress her economic and politico-religious influence. In order to further understand how Senyōmon-in maintained her land-based power, we need to explore what kinds of strategies her household used on different occasions to make effective management plans and obtain necessary dues from her estates. The first step in tackling this question is to investigate who was in charge of creating The List of Rokujō Estates. dues — rice, wheat, salt, and seafood — which were levied over rice fields, dry fields, and mulberry trees within the estate. Other estates submitted both annual and miscellaneous dues as seen in the case of Inoie Estate, which had been paying annual dues in addition to miscellaneous dues according to the testament of Senyōmon-in’s nephew, Taira no Narimitsu. 368 Although they were listed as the estates on which “no dues were levied,” they were likely to have been submitting annual taxes. 369 Some of Senyōmon-in’s estates maintained their good submission conditions. For example, Tottori Estate in Bizen Province submitted all the miscellaneous dues without fail. 167 It is impossible to nail down a single creator for the List because it consists of layered information that was accumulated and written down at different times. Nevertheless, I argue that Senyōmon-in herself played a crucial part in creating at least the Stage 1 and Stage 2 additions. Two explanatory notes, one at the beginning and the other at the end of the List, suggest that the Layer 1 writing was done under Senyōmon- in’s proprietorship. According to modern historians, the main part of the List—the estate names and dues—was recorded in 1191 because the ending note says that “in the second year of Ken [… 370 ], we recorded [a list of dues] and submitted it.” 371 The era name starts with “Ken” ( 建), but the character after “Ken” is undecipherable due to a large hole in the sole surviving original at the Kyoto University Museum. Luckily, however, a calligraphic reproduction from the Meiji Period clearly reads the era name as “Kenkyū” ( 建久). 372 The copyist, who painstakingly reproduced damage as well as Chinese characters, recorded it as “Kenkyū,” suggesting that the letter had not been erased at the time of reproduction. If this is the case, the basic part of this document was created in Kenkyū 2 (1191), one year before Go-Shirakawa’s death. Modern historians such as Ōyama Kyōhei also agree with this view by arguing that Go-Shirakawa, who anticipated his death, had the document made in order to transfer his estates to his daughter Senyōmon-in. 373 According to this view, Go-Shirakawa was the creator of the List, and Senyōmon-in, who merely inherited the list, had nothing to do with setting up the plan. 370 […] refers to damage of the original document. 371 For a photocopy of this part, see Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo, 9. 372 Kenkyū (建久): 1190-1199. 373 Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo, 18. 168 Nevertheless, two aspects of the list actually contradict the above assumption. First, the List includes dues for the Lotus Sutra Lectures (mihakkō). During the medieval period, the Lotus Sutra Lectures were generally performed at memorial services in the hopes of transferring merit to the deceased at his or her death anniversary. 374 The Lotus Sutra Lectures on the List, therefore, must have been memorializing someone very important to the original estate proprietor, Go-Shirakawa, or his successor Senyōmon-in. The creator of the List planned the Lotus Sutra Lectures to be held every third month, suggesting that it was the death anniversary of the deceased. Since no one among immediate royal family members except Go-Shirakawa himself died in the third month, I argue that the dues supporting this third month service were added to the List in order to memorialize the retired sovereign’s death. If the dues for Go-Shirakawa’s death anniversary were embedded into the List after the completion of estate names and other dues, the additional writings should have appeared different from the rest. The scribe, however, listed all the main parts of the List at once, including the dues for the Lotus Sutra Lectures. All the elements share the same letter size, handwriting, and ink density, without any sign of later insertions. Therefore my supposition is that Layer 1 must have been created after Go-Shirakawa’s death, and by the order of his successor, Senyōmon-in. Second, the notes on the submission status only refer to “Go-Shirakawa” to explain any changes made by an estate proprietor. For example, “since the time of 374 This explanation for “mihakkō (御八講)” was based on a translation from the USC Kambum Workshop 2007. Many Heian and Kamakura sources also suggest that a Buddhist service with Lotus Sutra Lectures was held to memorialize a deceased family member. For example, the family members of Retired Monarch Toba memorialized his death by holding Lotus Sutra Lectures at his vow temple, Anrakuju’in, on his death anniversary. His wife (Bifukumon-in), daughter (Hachijō-in), and daughter of his great grandson (Ankamon-in) took the responsibility for sponsoring these ceremonies. See Noguchi Hanayo, "Chūsei zenki no ōke to Anrakujuin: Nyoinryō to nyoin no honshitsu." On the fourteenth day of the first month of Kenkyū 4, Lotus Sutra Lectures were also performed on the death anniversary of Retired Monarch Takakura. The institution where this service was held was predetermined; in this case, it was held at the Saishōkō’in, the vow temple of Takakura’s mother Kenshunmon-in. Kujō Kanezane, Gyokuyō, 819. 169 Retired Sovereign Go-Shirakawa,” Sakiyama Estate in Tanba Province began submitting various kinds of snacks. Likewise, “from Go-Shirakawa’s time,” Kamikadoma Estate in Owari Province began submitting five boxes of twisted pastries. In contrast, the list never mentions other proprietors after him as a reference. In other words, the List never uses such an expression as “from Senyōmon-in’s time” but only refers to her father’s era. From this pattern, we can assume that the main part of The List of Rokujō Estates was created after the time of Go-Shirakawa but not later than the tenure of his successor Senyōmon-in. 375 In addition to the ending note, The List of Rokujō Estates has an explanatory note at its beginning. This note, a reminder added later, was written by a different hand than any other parts of the main text. It says, “Based on the written decisions recorded in … year of the Kenkyū era, [this list was] made and submitted” ( 以建久…年定文注進之). 376 If Go-Shirakawa was the one who made such “written decisions” ( 定文), it is likely to have been his final testament. The character following the era name “Kenkyū,” which is supposed to specify the year of his decision-making, is difficult to determine because both the original document and its calligraphic reproduction have holes and smears. 375 Then why does The List of Rokujō Estates have an ending note with the year 1191? When creating the List, the scribe used the estate list made in 1191 as a main reference. Since he mistakenly repeated a part from the same line twice, he seems to have mechanically copied cohesive parts from the 1191 list. One rather weak hypothesis is that he accidently copied the year of the source of reference despite actually creating the List in a later year. A more plausible hypothesis is that the year 1191 was written down for a political purpose. Although Senyōmon-in and her officials created a new list, they chose to keep the year 1191 in order to emphasize that Go-Shirakawa had decided all the estates and dues listed on the document. This provided her with more authority to claim her right to acquire resources from the estates. As previously addressed, Senyōmon-in lacked strong political authority when she started her nyoin career. 376 According to Kokushi daijiten, “sadamebumi” (定文) could be: 1) a discussion summary by the senior nobles as a response to a royal inquiry; 2) a record of personal arrangements made at noble household meetings; or 3) a meeting result of the warrior government, bakufu. Despite different formats used to record a sadamebumi, it often started with “ 定文,” “ 定,” or “ 定…. 事,” and listed a higher authority’s expectation that their subordinates should carry out certain tasks. See Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, Kokushi daijiten, 372. 170 Printed versions compiled in Hyōgo kenshi, Kanō shiryō, and Kamakura ibun accept that the decisions were made in 1191 (Kenkyū 2) on the basis that the missing character was “two” ( 二). 377 I argue, however, that it could also have been “three” ( 三). First, with close investigation, we can detect three faint lines on the original. Second, the other printed version, Nihon engyō taikei, which generally provides well researched information, transcribes the character as a number “three” ( 三). 378 Third, although Go-Shirakawa had been ill since the end of 1191, he still seemed undecided on how to distribute his properties. 379 As his condition worsened, however, he composed another type of will, “a written promise” regarding the Chōkō Temple in the first month of 1192, and had it signed by his officials. This shows that Go-Shirakawa finally started making concrete inheritance arrangements around this time. The “written decisions” mentioned in the beginning note of the List were probably Go-Shirakawa’s final decisions about inheritance. If we follow this analysis, Go-Shirakawa made his “written decisions” regarding his estates in Kenkyū 3 (1192) just before his death, and based on those decisions the writer of The List of Rokujō Estates created a new list under Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship. 380 377 Kanō shiryō provides only a part of the list. See Kanō Shiryō Hensan Iinkai, ed. Kanō shiryō: Kamakura 1 (Kanazawa: Ishikawa Prefecture, 1992), 60. 378 Although Kanō shiryō, which transcribes the number as “two,” was published after Nihon engyō taikei, it includes only a part of the List. I consider that Nihon engyō taikei, which contains the entire list, to be more reliable. The original document also has a note, added later in red ink, that identifies the character as “three.” See Nihon Engyō Taikei Henshū Iinkai, Nihon engyō taikei: shiryōhen 1, 29. Also see Kamakura ibun, doc. 556. 379 Go-Shirakawa had been ill since the intercalary twelfth month of 1191, but his condition became more serious from the following year. 380 Close examination of the original version with a magnifying glass reveals an even more mysterious fact: someone had overwritten this beginning note, especially the part “the decisions recorded (定文)” with multiple tracings. If someone wrote “the decisions recorded” to hide something else, what was originally written underneath? Who was responsible for overriding this preface note? These questions are difficult to answer. At least we can assume that some complications involving inheritance occurred at some point in history. 171 Creating and updating a list of estate names and dues was the foundational work for an estate proprietor, and The List of Rokujō Estates reflected the changing conditions during Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship over her estates. As previously explained, the List incorporated changes made after Go-Shirakawa’s death, including additional dues to sponsor his own death anniversary. I believe that Senyōmon-in and her officials strategically took part in making this List of Rokujō Estates to better manage her inherited estates. When transferring medieval estates, original owners gave their heirs related documents such as a land register listing the locations, sizes, and dues of the estates. Senyōmon-in received a list or multiple lists created by 1192, indicating the “decisions” made by Go-Shirakawa before his death. Senyōmon-in and her officials examined these documents and revised them, rather than simply continuing with an existing dues- collection system set up by Go-Shirakawa. Through close examination of the content of the List, we can glean some insights into the management strategies of Senyōmon-in’s household and her land-based power. In the following chapter, I analyze specific materials and human resources that she received from her estates and explore the following three aspects. First, I examine the security of Senyōmon-in’s mansion. Twelfth-century Kyoto was not safe, and even a nyoin needed enough power to secure her belongings and dignity. I then reconstruct Senyōmon-in’s life at the Rokujō Mansion. By discussing how she obtained her daily meals, decorated her residence, and planned leisure activities, I explore her economic power, which provided the livelihood of the nyoin, her staff, and her followers. Finally, I examine how she used her estates to hold Buddhist ceremonies at Chōkō Temple for her parents and also for herself. 172 Chapter 5: Senyōmon-in’s Livelihood and Her Estates As the supreme proprietor of the Rokujō estates, Senyōmon-in had the right to demand dues and rents from approximately ninety holdings. Her supreme proprietor post, however, did not always guarantee her the ability to generate income from these properties. Through a close analysis of The List of Rokujō Estates, this chapter discusses the difficulties that Senyōmon-in and her household faced in collecting miscellaneous dues and explores their strategies to gain economic, political, and military influence with the use of the landed properties. This chapter also reconstructs the livelihood at the Rokujō Mansion. By analyzing materials sent from her estates, including blinds, mats, gold, and food supplies, I investigate how Senyōmon-in supported not only her own cultural and religious activities but also those of her attendants and her adopted children. In particular, Buddhist activities held at the Chōkō Temple were important for Senyōmon-in because the temple hosted memorial services for her deceased father. Another significant topic to be explored is the interplay between Senyōmon-in’s political power and her ability to manage estates. Using the economic power provided by her estates, Senyōmon-in was able to build and strengthen political networks that were invaluable assets in times of crisis or when handling disputes with other estate proprietors. To run her Rokujō household effectively, she and her officials sought political allies and also deployed a number of estate management strategies. One such strategy was to increase political connections by adopting children of powerful families and having her estates provide for them. Another was to have an estate’s compulsory laborers bring material goods to the capital in order to increase both the efficiency and the safety of the 173 delivery. The way Senyōmon-in dealt with the initial challenge of ensuring security at the Rokujō Mansion shows her use of several of these strategies in order to collect gate guards for protecting the residence at different times. Manpower Collected from the Rokujō Estates: the Security System and Due Delivery Strategies One cold winter night in 1240, a group of burglars broke into the Yotsuji Mansion at the northeastern corner of the Heian Capital. The burglars not only “brought all the female attendants misfortune,” but they also “removed robes of the nyoin. 381 ” This unfortunate nyoin was Shumeimon-in, a retired queen-consort of Go-Toba and the biological mother of both Juntoku Tennō (1197-1242, r. 1210-1221) and Prince Masanari. 382 Even though Shumeimon-in’s political power declined after Go-Toba’s defeat in the Jōkyū War (1221), such an assault on a royal lady of exalted status shocked contemporary society, making some feel as if they were glimpsing an “abyss of the disordered era.” 383 Likewise, male aristocrats could not escape from being robbery victims. Several years earlier, in 1227, Fujiwara no Ietoki of the third rank suffered an invasion robbery at his house, and three months later the courtier Fujiwara no Ienobu faced the same fate. 384 Fujiwara no Teika recorded how he trembled when thieves attacked his neighbor’s house in 1205, hearing 381 The original record literally says “remove” ( 剥ぐ), but what happened is ambiguous, and this could mean that the burglars “stole” the nyoin’s robe. Heikoki, Ninji 1(1240)/12/1. Heikoki is a courtier journal recorded by Taira no Tsunetaka (1180-1255). He served the court as controller, chief royal secretary, and director of the Ministry of People’s Affairs. Also see Dainihon shiryō vol. 5-13, 150. 382 Before this incident, Prince Masanari had been adopted by Senyōmon-in. 383 Heikoki, Ninji 1(1240)/12/1. 384 For the incident of Fujiwara no Ietoki, see the entries of Antei 1 (1227)/5/5 and 5/6 of Minkeiki, a courtier journal of Kade-no-kōji Tsunemitsu (1212-1274). For the incident of Fujiwara no Ienobu, see Minkeiki, the entry of Antei 1 (1227)/8/2. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, ed. Dai nihon kokiroku: Minkeiki, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1975), 113, 169. 174 sounds like thunder and pounding noises. 385 The twelfth- and thirteenth-century Heian Capital was dangerous, especially at night, and nobles and royals of all levels suffered at the hands of burglars. 386 Living in the capital, Senyōmon-in must have been alarmed at the news of these violent incursions and known it was necessary to maintain a high level of security around and within her residence. As explained in Chapter 1, a retired sovereign had a Warriors Bureau (musha- dokoro 武者所) and a Bureau of Bodyguards (mizuishin-dokoro 御隨身所) for protection, but a nyoin was not authorized to have either bureau within her administrative headquarters. 387 In addition, retired sovereigns commanded one or more warrior units that were referred to as North-facing Warriors (hokumen no bushi) or West-facing Warriors (saimen no bushi). A nyoin did not have these warrior units either. To protect herself and her followers in the medieval capital, a nyoin had to use other means. 385 Meigetsuki, Genkyū 2 (1205)/5/4. 386 Even at the residences of the monarch and retired monarch, it was difficult to implement sufficient security all the time. For example when Princess Shōshi (future Shunkamon-in, 1195-1211) was staying at Retired Monarch Go-Toba’s residence in 1200, a robber broke into her quarters and stole robes and other belongings of her wet nurse. In 1231, a robber stole the protective sword of the monarch from the main room of his residential palace and damaged it. For the incident of Princess Shōshi, see Meigetsuki, Shōji 2 (1200)1/24. For the incident of the royal sword, see Minkeiki, the entry of Kanki 3 (1231) 3/16 in Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, Dai nihon kokiroku: Minkeiki, 287-288. 387 See Chapter 2. 175 Map 12: The Heian Capital Map 13: The Rokujō Mansion 176 Senyōmon-in resided at the Rokujō Mansion, which was surrounded by four major streets that crossed the capital. The east and south sides of the residence faced two large avenues—Nishi no Tōin Avenue and Rokujō Avenue—while the north and west sides faced relatively smaller streets—Yamamomo Street and Abura Street (see Map 12 and Map 13). Only the wall facing the Nishi no Tōin Avenue had two gates, the northern gate and a more complex four-pillared gate (see Picture 1 for an example of a similar structure). This Nishi no Tōin side required additional manpower because it faced a busy street, and there was a need to monitor the people and goods entering and leaving her residence. Picture 1: Four-pillared Gate of Go-Shirakawa’s Residence, Hōjū-ji Mansion, Nenjū gyōji emaki 388 One year and a half after Go-Shirakawa’s death in 1192, Senyōmon-in was administering matters at the mansion and managing the affairs of her estates. During her early nyoin tenure, however, she had trouble maintaining the security of her residence. 388 Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Nihon emaki taisei: Nenjū gyōji emaki, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1977). Four-pillared gate Inside the residence Street outside the wall 177 Previous studies overlooked this security problem that followed Go-Shirakawa’s death, and mistakenly assumed that the retired sovereign had already established a security plan based on support from the Rokujō estates and had transferred it to his daughter. 389 An entry in the Azuma kagami (the chronicle of the Kamakura Shogunate), however, indicates that this was not the case, and suggests an imminent threat of robbery at Senyōmon-in’s residence. On the seventh day of the ninth month Fujiwara no Yoshiyasu, a courtier who had been serving as an emissary for the Kamakura Shogunate, reported on security at the Rokujō Mansion: Now, nobody [is guarding] the deceased retired sovereign’s palace, which currently belongs to Senyōmon-in. Middle Counselor [Fujiwara (Ichijō) no Yoshiyasu] privately expressed his grief that “the threat of bandits and others is dreadful.” Responding to this, [Minamoto no Yoritomo, the head of the Kamakura Shogunate,] recently took action. He told Tsunetaka, Moritsuna, and Motokiyo to transmit his order to housemen in neighboring Kinai provinces to have them guard [the Rokujō Mansion] at night. 390 Although Minamoto no Yoritomo’s order gave her a temporary reprieve, Senyōmon-in urgently needed a more systematic way to protect her residence. Through the use of her estates, Senyōmon-in and her officials developed a plan to assign roughly three gate guards (mon heishi 門兵士) at each of the five gates throughout the year. An example can be seen below in Excerpt 5 from The List of Rokujō Estates. Ichimura Takada Estate in Shinano Province was told to submit “three gate guards.” Beneath this statement, smaller supplementary notes were added to specify that these guards were 389 Previous scholarship has maintained that Go-Shirakawa completed the dues collection plan on The List of Rokujō Estates before his death. For example, see Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo, 18. 390 Azuma kagami, Kenkyū 4 (1193)/9/7. See Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Azuma kagami zenpen, vol. 32 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2000), 497. 178 stationed “[to protect] the four-pillared gate during the mid- and late seventh month.” 391 In most cases, The List of Rokujō Estates specified the number of guards, the name of the gate, and the duration of service that each estate was to provide. 392 Clarifying the responsibility held by each estate, including for leap months (urū-zuki), this plan helped to strengthen security at the Rokujō Mansion. Excerpt 5: A Part of the Original of The List of Rokujō Estates: Miscellaneous Dues Levied on Ichimura Takada Estate 391 A photograph of the original document listing the name and dues of Ichimura Takada Estate is available in Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo. 392 The List usually notes the number of guards and then provides supplementary information in small characters. I use angle brackets to indicate these additional small notes. For example, Kuto Ōba Estate in Tajima Province had to submit “three gate guards <to serve for thirty days during the tenth month at the gate facing the Abura Street.>” Inoie Estate in Kaga Province had to submit “six gate guards <three of them should be on guard for thirty days of the third month at the northern gate facing the Nishi no Tōin Avenue, and the other three should be on guard for thirty days of the same [third] month at the gate facing the Rokujō Avenue.>” Three%Gate% guards% [to%protect]%the%four3 pillared%gate%during%the% mid3%and%late%seventh% month% Ichimura) Takada) Estate) Miscellaneous)dues) 179 Chart 2 provides an overview of gate guards assigned at the five gates each month. This plan, however, was not perfect. Some gates lacked guards even in the initial planning stage. In the first month, for example, no estate was assigned to protect the four- pillared gate. During the third and the ninth months, the Abura gate lacked guards, and during the eleventh month, the Yamamomo gate lacked adequate protection. The Nishi no Tōin northern gate had guards only during the latter half of the seventh month. 180 Chart 2: Gate Guards Assigned Each Month (Based on The List of Rokujō Estates) * Black or red additions included in The List of Rokujō Estates are in italics. Notes in the square brackets are my explanation. 181 182 Despite such initial flaws, if Senyōmon-in had established this security plan at the beginning of 1193 and put it into practice, she should have had at least fifteen gate guards in the ninth month (see the ninth month on Chart 2). According to the plan, guards were supposed to protect all the entrances except the Abura gate. The Azuma kagami record that “nobody [is guarding] the deceased retired sovereign’s palace” would seem to indicate a failure to carry out the plan. It is important to note, however, that this may have been a special situation and there are some possible explanations as to why she faced security issues in the ninth month. Previous research has shown that at the moment of a generational change in estate proprietorship, the successor experienced difficulty in establishing firm control over the inherited estates. Local estate managers and neighboring provincial officials used the change in ownership as an opportunity to reignite past disputes over estate borders or to renegotiate required dues. 393 For example, as mentioned in Chapter 2, Senyōmon-in’s aunt, Hachijō-in, faced a serious challenge in protecting her Arakawa Estate from its neighboring estates immediately after she inherited it from her deceased mother in 1160. If Senyōmon-in had encountered similar problems soon after her father’s death, she likely experienced delays in establishing the additional requirements of sending guards to Kyoto from her newly inherited estates. Another possible cause for the poor security situation is that the List could have still been in the process of finalization. As explained in Chapter 3, the original Rokujō estate group was either much smaller or did not even exist in 1188. Even if Go-Shirakawa had accumulated all the estates on the List before his death, it is possible that Senyōmon- in and her officials were still working on completing the document in 1193. They had to 393 For example see Tanaka Fumihide, Heishi seiken no kenkyū. 183 add new entries for dues to support new events such as the third month remembrance ceremony for Go-Shirakawa’s death anniversary. When Senyōmon-in felt the looming security risk, she could have ordered her estates to immediately submit guards as extraordinary dues but the ninth month was typically the peak of the harvest season. Rather than ordering her estates to submit guards, she turned to Fujiwara no Yoshiyasu, her father’s former retainer. Yoshiyasu deplored the lack of security at the Rokujō and urged the Kamakura Shogunate to send some of their retainers in the Kinai region as protectors of her residence. Yoritomo promptly responded and ordered warriors such as Sasaki Tsunetaka, Sasaki Moritsuna, and Taira no Motokiyo, who held strong influence over the western provinces around the Seto Inland Sea, to stay overnight at Senyōmon-in’s residence. 394 In this case, her political network was at least as important as, if not more than, her newly acquired supreme estate proprietorship. One possible motivation for the courtier Yoshiyasu to help Senyōmon-in was his tie with her deceased father, Go-Shirakawa. Yoshiyasu played a crucial role from 1189 to 1191 in guarding both Go-Shirakawa’s household and the Heian Capital in two capacities: as the director of the retired sovereign’s stable office, and as the head of the Bureau of the Capital Police. 395 Although he resigned both posts at the end of 1192 and held no official duty to protect the Rokujō Mansion 1193, he could not turn a blind eye to the troubled situation of Go-Shirakawa’s daughter, because she had inherited Chōkō Temple and had the responsibility for memorializing his old master’s death. 394 Azuma kagami, Kenkyū 4 (1193)/9/7. See Kuroita Katsumi, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Azuma kagami zenpen, 497. 395 Saeki Tomohiro argues that Yoritomo was behind the scene when Yoshiyasu acquired these two posts. By having his long-term supporter Yoshiyasu take important military roles, Yoritomo planned to bring all the military force in the capital under the control of the Kamakura Shogunate. Yoshiyasu, however, resigned the posts after he failed to prevent a protest from Mt. Hiei. See Saeki Tomohiro, "Ichijō Yoshiyasu to Kamakura shoki no kōbu kankei," Kodai bunka 58, no. 1 (2006). 184 It is also plausible that Senyōmon-in and her supporters had approached Yoshiyasu to broaden their political ties. Yoshiyasu was a well-connected courtier, who had established political and marital ties both at the royal court and in Kamakura. Yoshiyasu’s daughter had been a wet nurse of the reigning tennō, Go-Toba, and Yoshiyasu himself served the tennō as a middle counselor. Yoshiyasu’s other daughter had married Yoshitsune, the senior son of Go-Toba’s regent, Kujō Kanezane. 396 Yoshiyasu’s tie with the military government was cultivated through his marriage to a full sister of Yoritomo, the leader in Kamakura. Yoshiyasu further nurtured this connection through his own service as a liaison between the court and the Kamakura Shogunate. 397 As previously mentioned, Senyōmon-in had limited political influence in 1193 because she started her career at royal court relatively late and lost her father shortly after becoming a nyoin. Having a supporter like Yoshiyasu not only provided for immediate security needs at the Rokujō but also helped the nyoin expand her political connections. Yoritomo continued to provide Senyōmon-in with support. On 3/16 and 4/21 in 1195, Yoritomo personally visited her at the Rokujō Mansion. 398 Responding to the fact that seven Chōkō Temple estates had neglected delivering their required dues, Yoritomo pressured these estates “to submit annual dues [to Senyōmon-in] as they had been doing before.” 399 Yoritomo’s support during the first half of the 1190s also provided 396 See “Ichjō Yoshiyasu” (一条能保) in Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, Kokushi daijiten, 644. Also see Dainihon shiryō vol. 4-1, 992 and Kugyō buni’n in Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Kugyō bunin 1, vol. 53 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2000), 517-519, 521, 524-525, 527. 397 Hirata Nobuo, "Yoritomo no Imōto ・Ichijō Yoshiyasu saishitsu no nenrei," Shiseki to bijutsu 45, no. 3 (1974). 398 Azuma kagami, the entry of Kenkyū 6 (1195)3/16. 399 According to the Azuma kagami entry of Kenkyū 6 (1195)/4/21, Yoritomo promised Senyōmon-in that he would “establish seven estates supporting the Chōkō Temple” ( 長講堂領七箇所を立て給ふ). Then on 4/24, Yoritomo ordered “the seven Chōkō Temple estates to submit annual dues [to Senyōmon-in] as they 185 Senyōmon-in with time to fully develop a more permanent plan to use her estates for staffing the Rokujō gates. Senyōmon-in’s political ties with the well-connected courtier and the warrior leader helped her tremendously in stabilizing the security of the Rokujō Mansion. Although the estate-based security system was never perfect, once it was established, the estates continued to send the majority of the gate guards to her residence. Given that no other extant source mentions security problems at the residence, this system seems to have protected her household over several decades until her death in 1252. had been doing before.” Given this information, “establishing” estates referred to the act of “re-establishing” existing estates rather than creating new ones. I assume that these seven estates had fallen into decline, or that their officials had refused to pay dues until Yoritomo became involved. See Azuma kagami, the entries of Kenkyū 6 (1195)/4/21 and 4/24. See Kuroita Katsumi, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Azuma kagami zenpen, 539. 186 Map 14: Premodern Japanese Provinces 187 To sustain the estate-based security system over the long term, Senyōmon-in and her household officials used several strategies. Close examination of the List indicates that the most important strategy was to summon a group of guards from the same estate or neighboring provinces during the same times of the year. For example, Abu Estate (or Abu Domain 阿武御領) in Suō Province and Tottori Estate in Bizen Province sent the majority of gate guards assigned for the first month and the second month respectively (see Map 14 for the province locations). For the fourth month, Hirazu and Sugō estates in Harima provided six guards, and Kume Estate in Tango provided another six. Likewise, Rokka Estate in very distant Higo was to supply most of the guards for the sixth month. Those in Mino and the neighboring provinces of Tango and Tajima supplied all the guards for the tenth month. Some estates, moreover, provided human resources in adjacent months. Sakakita Estate in Echizen, for example, provided not only fifteen gate guards for the twelfth month but also three gate guards for the eleventh month and four laborers (tsukiate jichō 月充仕丁) for the first month. Because traveling in a group was economically and psychologically advantageous, the strategy of collecting guards in the same month from the same area eased the burdens of residents traveling between their home provinces and the capital. Guards coming from neighboring areas likely traveled together by arranging a departure date and by meeting somewhere on the way. They could share costs and assist each other when procuring food, finding accommodations, and protecting themselves from thieves or animals. After arriving in the capital, knowing people from neighboring regions also prevented the guards from feeling isolated. Based on the strategic assignment of dues evident in the List, 188 Senyōmon-in and her officials constructed a system in which her guards could safely travel from their homes when it was their time to serve. An extension of this strategy was to require the same estate to submit material resources along with its gate guards. Abu Estate in Suō, which provided nine gate guards for the first month, also sent many items for the new year: misu blinds, Iyo-style bamboo blinds, kitchen drapes, alluvial gold, mats for royals and nobles, Kyoto-style mats for royal intimates, and materials for female servants. Tottori Estate in Bizen, which sent nine gate guards for the second month, also provided ten bolts of cloth for the equinox offerings in that month. Nakayama Estate in Awa sent six gate guards for the ninth month along with eighteen hundred torches. 400 Likewise, Inoie Estate in Kaga submitted various types of dues in the third and fourth months. In the third month, this estate provided six gate guards and alluvial gold for the Lotus Sutra Lectures. In the following month, the same estate provided food for three oxen and three straw mats for the seasonal renewal of furnishings (koromo gae). This suggests that Inoie Estate transported at least a part of the dues for the fourth month when the gate guards traveled to the Rokujō Mansion for their third-month duty. Combining the delivery of human resources with that of material resources, Senyōmon-in saved her estate residents both time and costs. Not surprisingly, contemporary sources depict guards as the main couriers for estate dues. The original word for “gate guards” was a compound noun of “mon” (gate) and “heishi.” While the modern term heishi invokes an image of a soldier, in the context of the medieval estate system, it referred to persons who engaged in various kinds of 400 By the time the black comments were added, Nakayama Estate residents were responsible for submitting eleven hundred torches. 189 labor. 401 Besides being guards, for example, heishi often appear in twelfth- and thirteenth-century documents as those who delivered the rent materials paid by estates. For example in the winter of 1210, Furuoya Estate delivered dues to its proprietor, Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine. During this trip, a heishi named Iemitsu was responsible for transporting a large amount of cloth, six horses, and three laborers to the shrine. 402 The monastery complex Todai-ji also relied on heishi named Aritsune and Kunikazu to deliver silk and coins from their Ōi Estate in 1240. 403 These examples indicate that many medieval estate proprietors used a similar strategy of having heishi deliver rents from their estates. Other contemporary sources further suggest that heishi were locally hired deliverers. For example, a letter sent to Taira no Nobunori in the late 1160s shows that the resources supporting an early medieval trip between Kyoto and provinces included provisions of food and horses along with heishi. According to the letter, “the estates being located along the mountainous route” should provide two koku of rice, five horses, and ten heishi. 404 The purpose of procuring the rice and horses was to aid the heishi who had to travel through the mountains. Obviously, these ten men were not recruited from the capital but came from the estates of the hilly regions. Another example, Akanabe Estate in Mino Province, a holding of Tōdaiji, has documents that show that heishi were 401 For example, see “heishiyaku” (兵士役) and “rikuun” (陸運) in Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, ed. Kokushi daijiten, vol. 12 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1991), 461-62; Kokushi daijiten, vol. 14 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1993), 522-23. Also see Nakamura Naokatsu, Shōen no kenkyū, vol. 4, Nakamura Naokatsu chosakushū (Kyoto: Tankōsha, 1978), 474-480. 402 Along with the Heishi Iemitsu, the Laborer Head (夫領) Tomosada took charge of delivering the goods from the estate. See Daigo-ji monjo, Shōgen 4 (1210)/11/27. Also see Kamakura ibun doc. 50575, vol. 43 (hoi-1), 274-276. 403 The library of the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo owns an epigraph (eisha-bon 影写本) of the original document that is grouped into the collection called Zasshū Tōdaiji monjo (call no. 3071.65-42-1). For a printed version, see Kamakura ibun, doc. 5518, vol. 8, 98. 404 See Kamakura ibun, doc. 4793, vol. 9, 3745-3746. 190 estate residents or locally hired laborers. During the course of negotiations between the monastery and the estate over the amount of annual dues, three heishi named Kōshin, Raison, and Eishō delivered bolts and threads of silk to the supreme proprietor in 1268 and 1269. 405 A deputy reeve (kumondai) and a deputy land steward (jitōdai), who both locally managed the estate, co-signed the invoice and entrusted the goods to the heishi. Since this arrangement to send off the human and material resources was made on site by local officials, the three heishi must have either lived on the estate or had a close relationship with it. It is, however, important to note that at least twice Senyōmon-in’s guard staffing plans changed from what was originally recorded on the List, visible through the black and red additions. Black comment additions, which were probably added soon after the original list of dues, show that some estates had already stopped sending guards. By the later time of the red comment additions, which was likely to have been the latter phase of Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship, an increasing number of estates failed to provide their required human resources. For example, Ichimata District Unit in Mino was exempted from submitting gate guards for the first month. For the fifth month, Wada Estate in Kaga received an exemption, and Miyazu and Yuge in Tanba simply were not sending guards. Likewise, Hachiya Minami Estate in Mino and Inaki Estate in Owari received exemptions for the tenth and eleventh months. The situation was similar for two other kinds of guards who protected the interior of the Rokujō—storehouse guards (mikura heishi 御倉兵士) and temple guards (terayaku heishi 寺役兵士). According to the List, Senyōmon-in required her estates to submit 405 See Kamakura ibun, doc. 10330 and doc. 10344, vol. 13, 438-439. Also see Kamakura ibun doc.10555, vol. 14, 109. 191 roughly one storehouse guard and two temple guards each month. 406 By the time of the black note additions, however, all the assigned estates had stopped providing storehouse guards except Asahi Shin Estate in Noto and Sugō Estate in Harima. Likewise, by the time of the red note additions, Majima Estate had stopped providing temple guards for the fifth and six months. These cases suggest that if Senyōmon-in had relied solely on her estates, she would not have been able to maintain security at her Rokujō Mansion. We should not draw the hasty conclusion that Senyōmon-in’s way of collecting guards was ill-conceived or unsuccessful. Her case reveals a set of complex mechanisms for maintaining security, which used multiple conduits to gain the needed manpower. In addition to estates, she also used political connections to solve security problems. As seen in the case of 1193, the advantage of this strategy was the possibility of an immediate remedy. Although military support based on personal ties fluctuated depending on political connections or the untimely death of important supporters, she was successful in filling gaps when needed. Additionally, Senyōmon-in recruited men with military backgrounds to serve within her residence. Her household supervisor (hōgandai), Fujiwara no Nobumitsu, was a lieutenant of the Inner Palace Guards (shōgen). Senyōmon-in had many Minamoto supervisors, such as Yorisue, Nakatsugu, Mitsukiyo, and Nakafusa and his brother Nakatoshi, who came from military families, and many of their relatives also served as military officials at court. 407 Moreover, a significant number of her close male attendants 406 Senyōmon-in mostly received one storehouse guard per month except in the fourth and six months. For the fourth month, no estate provided a storehouse guard. On the other hand, three estates — Shigi Temple, Yamaka Estate, and Hachiya Minami Estate — were each listed as providing a storehouse guard for the sixth month. 407 Yorisue’s father and grandfather, Nakatsuna and Yorimasa, were the key leaders of Prince Mochihito’s Rebellion in 1180. Nakatsugu’s father was the third-ranking manager of the Military Guards of the Left. Mitsukiyo’s father, who was called hyōe taifu (兵衛大夫), was also a member of the Military Guards of the 192 (kurōdo) held military posts at court. Minamoto no Koretada, for example, held several posts as a guard, such as headship of the crown prince’s armed attendants and the third- ranking directorship of the Right Gate Guards. Fujiwara no Nobumitsu, Minamoto no Yasutada, Minamoto no Yoritsugu, and Minamoto no Nakamichi were all lieutenants of the Inner Palace Guards. 408 Many of these hōgandai and kurōdo served Senyōmon-in with their family members, and they could likely assemble their housemen to buttress security at the Rokujō Mansion. Since her permanent security and ongoing medieval estate management were influenced by shifting political powers, Senyōmon-in continuously needed to maintain strategic ties with members of the court and the newly-established Kamakura Shogunate to successfully obtain resources from her estates. Many of the material goods outlined on the List were ultimately used to impress upon her contemporaries the value of aligning themselves with her for their own benefit. In the next part of this chapter I will analyze material resources collected from her estates, reconstruct daily life at the Rokujō Mansion, and examine extraordinary events held there. I will also explore how the nyoin used mutually beneficial alliances with her followers to realize her economic, political, and cultural power. Left. The father of Nakafusa and Nakatoshi was an official of the Ministry of Punishments. See Kuroita Katsumi and Kokushi Taikei Henshūkai, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 2, 229; Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 3 vol. 60-1 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2001), 129. Also see ibid., 398- 399, 402. 408 See Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 2, 455; Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Sonpi bunmyaku 3 112, 355, 407. 193 Material Goods from the Estates and Senyōmon-in’s Influence For Senyōmon-in, the ninth year of Kenkyū (1198) began with the excitement of greeting Regent Fujiwara no Motomichi and his senior son Iezane. The father and the son visited the Rokujō Mansion and paid their respects to the nyoin before continuing on to the palace of Go-Toba Tennō. 409 Being still fairly young, Senyōmon-in needed to demonstrate her dignity and authority by receiving these important guests at a properly furnished Rokujō Mansion. Human and material resources from estates on the List signified the nyoin’s influence. Welcoming new year’s guests was an important task for the nyoin to confirm and strengthen her relationship with influential courtiers. Here, seemingly trivial matters such as procuring new blinds and straw mats symbolized her ability to create an appropriate setting for receiving these guests. As the List suggests, prior to every new year’s day, Senyōmon-in renewed the décor at her residence. This meant that during the end of the twelfth month, her estate officials and residents brought materials to redecorate her residence. She and her female attendants must have enjoyed the smell of fresh straw and bamboo, the bustle of hurried workers, and an especially lively atmosphere surrounding the Rokujō Mansion. 409 See the entry of Kenkyū 9 (1198)/1/1 in Fujiwara no Iezane, Inokuma kanpakuki, ed. Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, vol. 1, Dainihon kokiroku (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1972), 72. 194 Picture 2: High-quality Blinds, Genji monogatari emaki (Tenri toshokan-bon) Interior Furnishings: Blinds Every new year, Senyōmon-in planned to acquire two types of blinds: bamboo blinds called “misu” ( 御簾) and those called Iyo-style blinds “iyosu” ( 伊代簾). The main difference between misu and iyosu was that the former, a honorific term for blinds, usually referred to high-quality products used for exalted persons or settings whereas the latter was a local product from Ukena District in Iyo Province. Being openly woven with white, thin, and lustrous stems of bamboo grass, the Iyo-style blinds were rough but lighter than regular blinds. 410 Although considered less sophisticated materials, the Iyo- style blinds functioned as a brand name in premodern Japan, as Heian royals and nobles 410 Nihon sangyōshi taikei states that the stems used in the Iyo style blinds were the same size from the root to the tip and were ideal for blind making. See Chihōshi Kenkyū Kyōgikai, Nihon sangyōshi taikei: Tōhoku chihō hen, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1960), 15-16. Also see Koizumi Kazuko, Nihonshi shōhyakka: kagu, 43. Rolled&up)blinds)of)o ne) ken)(width)between)two) pillars)) Blinds)unrolled) ) 195 considered them important to use in adorning their residence. 411 When Senyōmon-in’s official recorded the number of blinds on the List, he used different counters for each type: ken (the width between two structural pillars of the building, which the blinds were expected to cover) for the misu-type, and mai (pieces) for the Iyo-style blinds (see Picture 2 for ken). 412 Such a conscious usage of counters indicates that Senyōmon-in’s contemporaries perceived these types of blinds as two completely separate items and used them for different purposes. 413 The use of the ken measurement for misu-type blinds suggests that their primary function was to cover the spaces between pillars, separating inside from outside; while the Iyo-type blinds, much fewer of which were requisitioned, probably served as decorative accents. According to the List, Senyōmon-in needed a large number of blinds annually for her residence. Each year she expected to receive 263 ken width of the misu-type and fifty pieces of the Iyo-style blinds. By lining up all the collected blinds in a row, one could decorate extensive areas, even covering the spaces between several hundred pillars at her residence. In order to procure these blinds, she requisitioned them from fifty-eight estates, more than eighty percent of her properties on the List. The load that each estate shouldered varied considerably. Although two estates submitted as many as 13 ken of blinds, most estates submitted only a few ken. Because premodern estates could not 411 For example, see Makura no sōshi and Genji monogatari. Nihon koten bungaku taikei: Makura no sōshi ・Murasaki Shikbu nikki. vol. 19 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1958), 224; Seishō Nagon, Shinpen nihon koten bungaku zenshū: Makura no sōshi, trans. Satoshi Matsuo and Kazuko Nagai, vol. 18 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 1997), 298; Murasaki Shikibu, Shin nihon koten bungaku taikei: Genji monogatari 4, vol. 22 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1996), 39; Shin nihon koten bungaku taikei: Genji monogatari 5, vol. 23 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1997), 200. 412 For example, see the blinds between the pillars in Genji monogatari emaki (Tenri toshokan-bon, 14 th century). Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Nihon emaki taisei: Ise monogatari emaki, Sagoromo monogatari emaki, Komakurabe gyōkō emaki, Genji monogatari emaki, vol. 23 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1979), 67. 413 Nihon sangyōshi taikei also agrees that contemporaries used misu and iyosu for different purposes although no studies have discovered the details. See Chihōshi Kenkyū Kyōgikai, Nihon sangyōshi taikei: Tōhoku chihō hen, 3, 16. 196 mass-produce identical blinds, we have to imagine that Senyōmon-in decorated her residence with bits and pieces of different blinds. Some primary evidence, however, suggests that medieval proprietors like Senyōmon-in provided their estate officials with certain standards for the size and quality of items that they collected. 414 Although the List only recorded the minimal information such as “# ken of blinds,” orders must have been sent out to her individual estate officials with more detailed descriptions. Providing additional information in advance was crucial because the nyoin needed to acquire materials that perfectly suited the width and height of her residential buildings, in order to assume a proper new year’s setting without wasting time and resources. 414 The Taihō Code shows that the Japanese court set up a standard measuring system for size, length, and weight in the eighth century. Even though there were regional differences in measuring tools during the medieval period, estate proprietors communicated with their officials to collect the exact amounts that they needed from each estate. For example, according to a document of 1455, Tōji Monastery Complex controlled measuring sizes, to and shō, which were used for rice, oil, vinegar, and rice wine, by creating a calculating chart to establish a standard rule. See Tōji hyakugō monjo, doc. Box ni-60 (ニ函 60 号). For a printed version and further explanation of the document, see Nezu Museum, ed. Hyakugō monjo to Tōji no chōhō (Tokyo: Nezu Museum, 1997), 80, 150. 197 Chart 3: Submission of High-quality Blinds (misu) for New Year’s As heir of the Rokujō Mansion Estates, Senyōmon-in was originally entitled to receive 263 ken of high-quality blinds (misu) every new year. By the time the black notes were added, however, she no longer received the full number. As Chart 3 shows, three percent (9 ken of blinds) of the prearranged dues stopped coming to her residence. When the red comments were added, nine more estates were exempted from paying the dues, resulting in a loss of an additional eighteen percent (47 ken of blinds). Despite the difficulty of determining whether these red comments were added under Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship or later, the tendency toward deteriorating submission conditions indicates that she likely received fewer and fewer blinds each year. 79% 3% 18% High-‐quality Blinds (misu) for the Living Quarters 207 ken blinds ： always paid 9 ken blinds ：unable to collect after time (black notes) 47 ken blinds ： exempted after awhile (red notes) 198 Chart 4: Submission of Items for Seasonal Events Chart 4 above also shows a decline in the submission of other sorts of dues. To prepare for seasonal banquets called sechie, Senyōmon-in annually collected a group of items under the category of “seasonal containers” (sechi no utsuwamono), including alluvial gold, lidded containers and bottles. Senyōmon-in’s officials likely collected the gold to prepare for ritualistic offerings or to trade for other necessary materials. 415 A majority of the “containers,” however, were dishes and cooking implements. Despite having a detailed plan to prepare for these seasonal events, Senyōmon-in gradually stopped receiving full levies of such goods. For instance, she was supposed to 415 The character “ 砂” was used in the original document to refer to alluvial gold. Although “ 砂” can be translated as sand or fine rock debris, Maki Michio explains that the “sand” here meant gold rather than literal sand. As explained later in this chapter, alluvial gold often appears in contemporary texts as a ritual offering itself, a payment for a Buddhist lecturer, or “currency” to procure necessary materials for a religious event. For example see Inokuma kanpakuki, the entry of Antei 2 (1128)/11/22, and Minkeiki, the entry of Kanki 3 (1231)/8/3. Also see Maki Michio, In kinshin no kenkyū, 176. 0 0 0 3 9 9 2 3 150 340 2 59 11 9 9 0 5 5 0 0 60 240 0 25 0 0 0 6 3 2 6 6 40 80 0 22 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Unglazed bowls Sake bottles Vinegar bottles Ladles Flat plates Regular bowls Pots (To-‐size: approx. 18ℓ) Iron tripods for hearth Containers with lids (large) Containers with lids (small) Toiletry items Alluvial gold Always paid Unable to collect after time (black notes) Exempted after awhile (red notes) 199 receive 106 ryō (= c. 3975 grams) of alluvial gold, which is represented by 100% in Chart 4. 416 By the time of the black notations, however, her estates had stopped submitting 25 ryō (23.6%). Since they were later exempted from paying an additional 22 ryō (20.7%), the total submission rate had declined to 55.7% by the time of the red note additions. Furthermore, by the time of the black note additions, she no longer received any vinegar bottles, sake bottles, or unglazed bowls. A majority of cooking implements such as pots, tripods, and ladles had also stopped coming by the time of the red note additions. Although Senyōmon-in continued to receive the full number of toiletry items, it is clear that she faced increasing difficulty in keeping up with her original plan. Compared to the declining submissions for the seasonal items, Senyōmon-in had greater success in securing the aforementioned new year’s blinds for her residential buildings. She was collecting 79% of prearranged high-quality blinds when the red notes were made. Her loss by then was 56 out of 263 ken misu-type (high-quality) blinds, only a 21% loss of the prearranged amount (See Chart 3). And in addition to these blinds, she continued to receive 50 of the Iyo-style blinds each year, which represented 100% of the prearranged amount. She was thus able to collect quite a few blinds even when the submission of other goods from many estates kept deteriorating. I argue that Senyōmon- in and her officials strategically distributed the obligation to submit blinds in order to prevent a large loss. As mentioned earlier, they collected blinds in pieces from many 416 Ryō was a typical measurement for alluvial gold in medieval Japan (1 ryō = c. 37.5 grams). Maki explains that during the early twelfth century one ryō of gold was valued to be approximately three koku (c. 540 liters) of rice. Since one koku of rice could theoretically feed a man for a year, one ryō of gold was enough to feed three men for a year. Some other contemporary records also suggest its value. According to Shōyūki, the eleventh-century provincial governor of Mutsu petitioned the court to exchange one ryō of alluvial gold for two-hiki of silk instead of one-hiki. Alluvial gold was also used to pay for religious events. According to Teishin kōki, a director of the Office of Female Chamberlains provided one hundred ryō of alluvial gold to support the fifth Lotus Sutra Lecture sponsored by the Queen-consort Fujiwara no Onshi. See Shōyūki, Chōgen 4 (1031)/4/23. Also see Teishin kōki, Tenryaku 1 (947)/3/16. Also see Maki’s explanation in In kinshin no kenkyū, 176-177. 200 estates rather than relying on a few estates to cover a large amount. This strategy decreased the risk of losing many blinds at once despite the fact that some of her estates failed to meet their requirements. The blinds discussed above were used for residential buildings. In addition, every new year, Senyōmon-in collected blinds to refurbish Chōkō Temple. While she requested many blinds for the living quarters, she requested only 26 ken of misu-type blinds and thirty pieces of the Iyo-style for Chōkō Temple (see Chart 5). Moreover, by the time the red remarks were added, Mishima Estate, which had been supplying all thirty Iyo-style blinds, was exempted from that levy all together. The disparity in the number of blinds she was receiving for the residential quarters and that for the Buddhist temple indicates that the temple must have been much smaller than the residential quarters. She also planned to collect fewer straw mats (tatami) for Chōkō Temple (95 pieces) than those collected for the residential buildings (193 pieces). However, while the ratio of the misu- blinds collected for the temple to those for the living quarters was approximately one to ten, the ratio of straw mats for the former to those for the latter was one to two. 201 Chart 5: Blinds and Straw Mats Collected for Residential Buildings and Chōkō Temple Note: The numbers in bold refer to the amounts that were originally requested. Material Types For Chōkō Temple For Rokujō Residential Buildings Misu-type blinds 26 ken: Originally requested and always paid 263 ken: 207 ken (Always paid) 7 ken (Not paid by the black mark addition) 49 ken (Exempted by the red mark addition) Iyo-style blinds 30 pieces: 0 pieces (Always paid) 0 pieces (Not paid by the black mark addition) (Originally requested) 30 pieces (Exempted all together by the red mark addition) 50 pieces: 0 pieces (Not paid by the black mark addition) 40 pieces (Always paid) 10 pieces (Exempted by the red mark addition) Straw mats 95 pieces: Originally requested and always paid 193 pieces: 148 pieces (Always paid) 15 pieces (Not paid by the black mark addition) 30 pieces (Exempted by the red mark addition) To answer this puzzle, we should consider the intended purposes of blinds and mats. By hanging blinds, the residents of the Rokujō could create intimate and private spaces while still receiving some light and breeze. Inside the blinds, they were able to look outside while remaining hidden. In contrast with her residential quarters, Senyōmon- in used the temple for Buddhist activities, holding rituals or lectures in which monks and her guests participated. Although the highest-level royals such as the tennō, queen- consorts, nyoin, or those visiting incognito all stayed behind blinds during Buddhist events, many others did not. For example, a set of medieval picture scrolls, Nayotake monogatari emaki (Pictures 3-a & 3-b), shows monks sitting on straw mats in front of 202 audiences who sat together outside the main room of the building. 417 The scrolls depict courtiers who sat closely to each other in a row under the eaves, listening to the Lectures on the Golden Light Sutra held at the Seiryōden of the Inner Royal Palace. Likewise, many female attendants who were trying to listen to the lecture crowded together under the western eaves of the adjacent building, the Jijūden (see Picture 3-a). Here, blinds did not seclude these attendants from others. Picture 3-a: Courtiers and Female Attendants at Lectures on the Golden Light Sutra, Nayotake monogatari emaki (Archived at Kotohira Shrine) 418 Picture 3-b: Courtiers and Female Attendants at the Lectures on Golden Light Sutra—A Continuation of the Scene in Picture 2, Nayotake monogatari emaki (Archived at Kotohira Shrine) 419 417 Nenjūgyōji emaki also shows that monks and courtiers sat close together to attend the New Year’s Buddhist Assembly, gosaie. See Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Nihon emaki taisei: Ishiyamadera engi, vol. 18 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1978), 1, 98-111. 418 Komatsu Shigemi hypothesizes that this version was created during the early fourteenth century. 419 Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Nihon emaki taisei: Nayotake monogatari smaki, Naomoto mōshibumi ekotoba, vol. 20 (tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1978), 22-24, 103. 203 Picture 4: A Buddhist assembly given at the Anniversary of the Death of the Buddha (Jōraku-e) at the Golden Hall of Ishiyama Temple, depicted in Ishiyama- dera engi 420 Another scene included in the “Origin of Ishiyama Temple (Ishiyamadera engi)” picture scrolls from the Kamakura Period suggests that a rite held at a Buddhist temple followed the same pattern. Specifically during the Jōraku-e, a Buddhist assembly held at the Golden Hall of the Ishiyama Temple, monks did not hide behind blinds. Rather they sat on straw mats in the main room with lattice shutters and the doors wide open (see 420 Ibid., 24-25. 204 Picture 4). Despite rendering some imaginative elements, these picture scrolls nonetheless reflect religio-cultural expectations of the era. Since Buddhist ceremonies held at Chōkō Temple were likely to have followed such contemporary customs, Senyōmon-in would have required only a limited number of blinds for the temple, but needed a far larger number of straw mats to prepare all of the sitting areas in her residence. These contemporary religious customs explain the discrepancy between the number of blinds and the number of straw mats collected for the temple and residential areas. 421 So the answer to our puzzle is simply that Senyōmon-in did not need many blinds to seclude the Buddhist events from the audience, but she needed more materials in general to maintain the living quarters at the Rokujō. Interior Furnishings: Drapes As shown by Charts 3, 4 and 5, it is undeniable that Senyōmon-in’s collection of material goods declined over time. Nonetheless, her Rokujō estates continued to submit the majority of the required blinds and straw mats for the six decades of her proprietorship, and with these materials, she supported not only the Buddhist temple but also her secular life. To prevent significant losses, she distributed the levies broadly to a large number of estates. However, that was only one of her estate managing strategies. She employed other strategies closely tied to her political networks, as we shall see below in the case of her collection of drapes (tarenuno 垂布). 421 For example, the discrepancy between the number of misu-type blinds collected for the temple and that for the residence was 1 (Temple) versus 10 (Residence). For straw mats, it was 1 (Temple) versus 2 (Residence). 205 Picture 5: Drapes and Straw Mats, Hazuki monogatari emaki (Owned by Tokugawa Reimei-kai) 422 Drapes were important items that Senyōmon-in used to furnish her Rokujō Mansion at the new year. Hung from movable curtain-stands, drapes played a crucial role in creating private spaces within the house (See Picture 5). Senyōmon-in collected twenty-nine drapes in total each year from her estates, and the List even specified where and how they were to be used. For example, Hachiya Minami Estate in Mino sent drapes to cover the kitchen entrance of her residence, and Inoie Estate in Kaga sent drapes to cover her kitchen exit. To furnish her bathroom in the main quarters of the residential palace (tsune no gosho) every new year, she ordered Asahi Hon Estate in Noto to send drapes that were one ken wide. She also ordered Yoshishige Estate in Aki and Wada 422 This picture scroll was based on a tale that modern scholars call “Hazuki monogatari.” Tokugawa Yoshinobu, who closely examined the scroll, argues that the tale itself was written around the mid eleventh century while the picture scroll was created a century later. The text on the picture scroll was added in the early fourteenth century. Komatsu Shigemi, ed. Nihon emaki taisei: Hazuki monogatari emaki, Makura no sōshi ekotoba, Takafusakyō tsuyakotoba emaki, vol. 10 (Tokyo: Chūō Kōronsha, 1978), 16-17, 98-109. Drapes' Two'ungen+rimmed' straw'mats'of'different' sizes.'They'were'put' together'to'create'a' larger'area'for'the'most' exalted'royals.'' Straw'mats'rimmed' with'black'patterns' (kōrai*beri).'The'size'of' those'patterns' signified'the'status'of' the'user.''' 206 Estate in Wakasa to send new drapes to cover the bath area, but she did not specify exactly where they would be hung. 423 Perhaps there were multiple bathrooms inside her own quarters, or her main bathroom was too large to be covered with one ken drapes. In any event, she considered drapes an important part of her day-to-day life and made sure that specific estates would regularly provide them. A close analysis of the way in which she and her officials collected drapes reveals another element of their provisioning strategy. Senyōmon-in regularly received drapes not only for her own quarters but also for areas where her close relatives lived. For example, she ordered Nomi Estate in Kaga to send drapes for the bathroom of the Lady of the Second Rank (nii-dono 二位殿), Senyōmon-in’s mother, Takashina no Eishi. Eishi received the junior second rank when her daughter received a nyoin title in 1191. 424 Because Eishi served Go-Shirakawa as his wife and senior female attendant, she regularly resided at the Rokujō during the late 1180s and early 1190s. 425 According to the List, Senyōmon-in continued to receive the dues for the “Lady of the Second Rank” after Eishi had left the Rokujō residence. Sometime after Go- Shirakawa’s death, Eishi moved to her temple, Jōdo-ji in Yamashiro Province. Even though Eishi no longer lived at the Rokujō Mansion, the dues for the Lady of the Second Rank remained on the List. This could have been because Senyōmon-in and her officials expected that someone else holding the second rank would eventually take up residence at the Rokujō Mansion. In fact, Senyōmon-in adopted Go-Toba’s son, Prince Masanari 423 According to a comment in red ink, Wada Estate stopped submitting all the miscellaneous dues at the third writing stage. 424 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. 425 The estate supreme proprietor who levied these dues for the first time was either Go-Shirakawa or Senyōmon-in, but in either way, Eishi, who had visited her husband and daughter at the Rokujō, was likely to have had her own quarters. 207 just after his birth. 426 His mother, Fujiwara no Jūshi (1182-1264), would have visited her son at the Rokujō Mansion, and it is possible that she stayed there for an extended period. Since Jūshi was promoted to the junior second rank in 1198, she was the most likely recipient of the drapes collected for the “Lady of the Second Court Rank” during the early 1200s. 427 In addition to drapes, the List included dues for someone designated as “miya” ( 宮). “Miya” in this context referred to either a royal offspring or to a queen-consort. If Go-Shirakawa created the dues for the “miya” under his proprietorship, the particular royal child designated as “miya” was most likely Senyōmon-in herself. Eight years after Go-Shirakawa’s death and with the adoption of Prince Masanari, Senyōmon-in became a guardian of the next generation of her family. At that point, “miya” came to represent the prince. Adopting the prince was a way for Senyōmon-in to establish and maintain close ties with the throne. Her plan, however, was derailed by the outbreak of the Jōkyū War in 1221. Her adopted son was exiled to Tajima for assisting with his father’s unsuccessful attempt to overthrow the Kamakura Shogunate. In the aftermath of this war, Senyōmon- in needed to reconsolidate her political foundation at court, which was now led by a different royal branch represented by Go-Horikawa Tennō (1212-1234, r. 1221-1232) and his father. 428 In 1225, Senyōmon-in adopted Regent Fujiwara no Iezane’s eight-year-old 426 At the Rokujō Mansion, she held a ceremony to celebrate the fiftieth day after his birth. She invited Retired Sovereign Go-Toba and leading courtiers such as Regent Fujiwara no Iezane. See Inokuma kanpakuki, Shōji 2 (1200)/11/2 and 11/3. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-6, 702. 427 As explained below, she later received the nyoin title and was called Shumeimon-in. See Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-5, 938. 428 Right after the Jōkyū War, Go-Horikawa’s father, Prince Morisada (1179-1223), supported his young son in the affairs of state. Although Prince Morisada never ascended the throne, he received an in title (Go- Takakura-in). 208 daughter, Chōshi (1218-1275). 429 Less than a year after this arrangement, Chōshi married Go-Horikawa as “Senyōmon-in’s daughter.” 430 In 1227, a year after being promoted to queen-consort, Chōshi moved into a newly built residence next to Chōkō Temple. As mentioned earlier, “miya” could refer to a queen-consort as well as a royal offspring, suggesting that Chōshi was the new beneficiary of the dues collected under this appellation from Senyōmon-in’s estates. 431 Adopting the regental daughter provided Senyōmon-in with a new opportunity to maintain her ties with the throne, and in return Chōshi received political and economic support from her adoptive mother. Senyōmon-in collected a variety of resources for each of her adopted children. For instance, she expected Kamikadoma Estate in Owari and Abu Domain in Suō to submit drapes for the kitchens of her miya every new year. The List included a special note that the material should be made of “delicately woven beautiful cloth” with “leather straps attached.” Furthermore, for two seasonal renewals, Senyōmon-in procured straw mats from her estates to refurbish their rooms. In the fourth month she required Ijira Estate in Mino to send two straw mats rimmed with a small-patterned damask and in the tenth month, she required Shimokatsura Estate in Yamashiro and Kuga Estate in Suō to send four straw mats, also rimmed with a small-patterned damask. In addition to these 429 See Inokuma kampakuki, Karoku 1 (1225)/10/7. 430 See Minkeiki, Karoku 2 (1226)/6/19. 431 Senyōmon-in supported Chōshi to become queen-consort, and later in 1229 Chōshi attained the nyoin title as Takatsukasa-in. On 6/20 in 1229, Senyōmon-in participated in Takatsukasa-in’s tenjō hajime, a ceremony for the newly-entitled nyoin to officially permit her royal intimates to enter the Chamber of Royal Intimates and wait in attendance on her. During this ceremony, not only Takatsukasa-in but also Senyōmon-in took an important role in checking the information on a list of Takatsukasa-in’s royal intimates. Furthermore, when Takatsukasa-in received vows and congratulatory remarks from the guests and her officials, Senyōmon-in also received them in the same manner. These examples indicate that Senyōmon-in assisted her adoptive daughter in establishing herself as a full-fledged nyoin and possibly influenced personnel selections for her office. As for procuring resources for Takatsukasa-in, it is possible that Senyōmon-in reserved the dues under the name “miya” for her even after she became a nyoin because she was the only adoptive daughter who continued to live at the Rokujō. See Meigetsuki, Kanki 1 (1229)/4/19 and Minkeiki, Kanki 1 (1229)/6/20. 209 materials, Senyōmon-in also commanded laborers from Noguchi Estate in Tanba to support her miya’s outings whenever necessary. Senyōmon-in inherited the Rokujō estates in 1192 and adopted Prince Masanari in 1200. Between those years there was no one fitting the term “miya” at her residence. Likewise, in the years between the prince’s exile in 1221 and her adoption of Chōshi in 1225, she did not have any miya as a foster child. Still, she received the dues for the miya, just as she did for the “Lady of the Second Rank,” likely because she expected to adopt a royal or noble child with political ties in the future. The strategy of maintaining the dues supporting the miya reflected contemporary custom. Heian and Kamakura royal women often adopted royal or regental children born from mothers of lower socio-political status. In addition, late Heian and Kamakura royal daughters experienced a change in marital patterns; many of them remained single rather than marrying other royals or regental sons as their predecessors had. 432 Never-married nyoin such as Hachijō-in and Senyōmon-in differed from those who had married a tennō and given birth to royal heirs. This difference put never-married nyoin at a competitive disadvantage in the political arena, but they often strategically adopted royal and regental children to broaden their networks at court and sustain influence under changing political conditions. And as adoptive mothers, nyoin used their estates to raise and protect future generations of powerful households, thereby enhancing the chance to maintain their political power. 432 During the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, a relatively greater number of royal daughters (although less than 1/4 of the total) married other royals and other nobles such as Fujiwara regental and Minamoto scions. During the succeeding centuries, however, most royal daughters remained single. See Fukutō Sanae, Rekishi no naka no kōjotachi, 18-20, 77-80. 210 For example, the queen-consorts from the regental family known as Fujiwara no Taishi (1095-1155) and Fujiwara no Seishi (1122-1181) adopted children whom Retired Monarch Toba had with Fujiwara no Tokushi, whose family was of a lower social rank. 433 Adopted by Taishi and Seishi, the children received stronger political support. Tokushi, who later increased her political influence and acquired a nyoin title, adopted Go-Shirakawa’s son, Prince Morihito (Nijō Tennō), whose mother was of lower social status. All of these women received nyoin titles: Taishi became Kaya-no-in, Seishi became Kōkamon-in, and Tokushi became Bifukumon-in. As mentioned above, nyoin adopted regental offspring as well. Hachijō-in adopted a son of Kujō Kanezane as well as the royal children Prince Mochihito and Princess Shōshi (later Shunkamon-in). Kōkamon-in raised Kanezane’s senior son, Yoshitsune. Thus, even when she did not yet have an adopted child, Senyōmon-in’s maintenance of the dues for the miya suggest she intended to regularly adopt royal and regental offspring. As suggested in the above examples of dues for a miya and for the Lady of the Second Rank, Senyōmon-in and her household officials often made beneficiaries clear to the estates concerned. For example, Senyōmon-in distributed a majority of the drapes collected each new year to the Attendant Office (saburai dokoro) where her male attendants (saburai) served. She ordered multiple estates from different regions, such as Fukagaya Estate in Mino, Sakakita Estate in Echizen, and Nakayama Estate in Awa, to submit approximately twenty drapes for the Attendant Office. 434 Why? My explanation is 433 Fujiwara no Tokushi’s eldest child, Princess Eishi Fujiwara no Taishi, was adopted by Fujiwara no Taishi, and her son who later became Konoe Tennō (1139-1155, r. 1141-1155) was adopted by Fujiwara no Seishi. See Yamada Akiko, Chūsei zenki josei ingū no kenkyū, 167; Kōchi Shōsuke, Hōgen ・Heiji no ran, 11; Motoki Yasuo, ed. Insei no tenkai to Nairan (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2002), 58. 434 Some of the estates, however, stopped sending drapes for the Attendance Office. For example, according to the black note addition (Layer 2), Noma-uchimi Estate in Owari, Nomi Estate in Kaga, and Tamura Estate in Tanba failed to carry out their requirements. Furthermore, by the red note addition, Yuge 211 that Senyōmon-in considered the role of her saburai important in maintaining her life at the Rokujō Mansion, and she therefore secured them an appropriate living space. Her saburai consisted of not only those specialized in military skills but also officials with high literary and accounting skills. Although saburai became increasingly known as military professionals as the Kamakura military government consolidated its power, many saburai of the late Heian Period served as managers or officials in royal or aristocratic households. Nakahara Toshiaki argues that from the eleventh century on, saburai played an important role in running royal and regental household administrative offices by storing materials sent from estates, procuring food, and manufacturing goods such as leather, lacquer, and metal products. 435 In this context, saburai who served early- Kamakura nyoin like Senyōmon-in played a crucial part in managing estates and converting raw materials collected from estates into useful products. Those saburai who were also skilled in the martial arts typically oversaw the security of noble households. 436 Senyōmon-in must have hired some of these and assigned them to supervise the guards coming from her estates. By regularly redecorating the space where her saburai gathered, Senyōmon-in demonstrated how much she valued their roles of maintaining and guarding her immediate surroundings. Estate in Tanba, Majima Estate in Mino, and Kuga Estate in Suō stopped submitting all the miscellaneous dues including the drapes. 435 Nakahara Toshiaki, "Samurai kō," Historia 83 (1979): 22-24. 436 In his article, Nakahara compares the identities and expected roles of saburai ( 侍), bushi (武士), and heishi (兵士). He argues that bushi (or musha 武者) established their status by the late eleventh century as military professionals who could organize a group of fighters. To be called bushi, however, they must have been from a certain socio-political class, whose family members regularly attained a court rank and/or an official post such as a guard of the retired monarch. Saburai were a larger group including the bushi military experts, but they also included other groups of non-military professionals. Heishi were hired guards or servants at a noble household and belonged to a lower social class than bushi. See ibid., 15-16, 24. 212 Flooring Materials In addition to drapes for attendants, the List describes such details as the type of fringe that was to adorn seating materials. In premodern court society, the rims of flooring materials indicated the socio-political status of individual users. Since medieval residential buildings were not pre-furnished with carpets or mats, contemporaries spread removable straw mats and cushions over wooden floors. With the use of these removable “status markers,” Senyōmon-in could flexibly demarcate her floor space according to the socio-political standing of her guests or people who served at the residence. According to medieval Japanese protocol guides, the basic rules for secular usages for flooring materials were as follows. 437 The most elevated type available was ungen ( 繧繝), which was rimmed with a damask woven in different colored patterns. Only the most exalted royal members such as a monarch, in, and nyoin used this type. 438 The next level was daimon ( 大文), which was rimmed with a damask of large black patterns and used by princes or princesses of the blood (shinnō or naishinnō) and senior nobles with ministerial posts. 439 The third type was komon ( 小文), which was rimmed with a damask of small black patterns used by senior nobles who had not advanced to ministerial positions. The fourth type was murasaki-beri ( 紫端 or 紫縁), which was rimmed with purple silk and used by royal intimates. Although there were additional 437 For example, see Gōkeshidai, a ritual compendium created by Ōe no Masafusa (1041-1111), and Ama no mokuzu, a fifteenth-century protocol guide. There were different rules for Buddhist monks. Kojiruien quotes the portion of Ama no mokuzu that explains the relations between socio-political status of users and the types of floor materials. See Shintōtaikei Henshūkai ed. Shintōtaikei chōgi saishi hen 4: Gōkeshidai, vol. 4 (Tokyo: Shintōtaikei Henshūkai 1991); Jingūshichō, ed. Kojiruien: kiyō bu 2 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1971), 55-57. 438 Ungen-patterned rims were those woven by different colors of bands gradated from dark to light. See Nihon Kokugo Daijiten Dainihan Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 536; Kodaigaku Kyōkai and Kodaigaku Kenkyūjo, Heian jidaishi jiten, 264. 439 According to Kojiruien, both large and small patterns were woven with black thread on white base (probably white silk). See Jingūshichō, Kojiruien: kiyō bu 2, 56. 213 varieties such as those rimmed with yellow, green, or blue cloth, contemporary texts and pictures depicted the aforementioned four types more frequently than others. According to the List, Senyōmon-in renewed floor coverings three times a year: once at the beginning of the year, and twice thereafter, in the fourth month (spring) and the tenth month (fall). Two major kinds of such flooring materials were tatami and goza, and the List painstakingly specified which types her estates should send to the Rokujō Mansion. Before analyzing their presumed users, it is important to define tatami and goza. Tatami, thick mats woven of rice straw, sedge, or rush, were one of the most important items for medieval living. The literal meaning of tatami—“piling something together”— suggests that multiple pieces of thin mats were sewn together to make a thicker mat. 440 Senyōmon-in planned to receive two kinds of tatami from her estates: regular tatami and a Kyoto-style called kyō mushiro datami. 441 When redecorating her residence for the new year, she expected to receive 68 tatami including both Kyoto-style and regular ones. For the spring and fall seasonal renewals, she planned to receive around fifty to sixty pieces per season. This shows that she ordered her estates to submit approximately 178 tatami for residential use every year, and that they were collected separately from those needed by the Chōkō Temple. 440 According to Engishiki and Ruijūzōyōshō, a Heian tatami mat was usually made of two to five thin mats. 441 Since kyō mushiro referred to a thin mat which was produced in Kyoto, I assume that kyō mushiro datami referred to a tatami mat consisted of a layer of Kyoto-style thin mats. Here, “kyō” means Kyoto, and “mushiro” means a thin mat woven by rice straw, sedge, or rush. 214 Picture 6: Crown Prince (Future Go-Suzaku) Sitting on a Platform Komakurabe gyōkō emaki (Seikadō-bon) 442 Goza could refer to either a thin mat or a seat for an exalted person, but on the List “goza” likely signified a seat suitable for a nyoin and her guests. 443 In a formal setting, a seat for a socially superior person such as royals and nobles consisted of a layer of flooring materials—a cushion called shitone on the top of a thin mat, both of which were placed on one or two tatami mats (see Picture 6). If the designated user was a monarch, in, or nyoin, these tatami would be ungen mats. When sponsoring an event involving such exalted royals, the hosting side needed at least two ungen tatami to use as a suitable seat for each guest. When Retired Monarch Shirakawa’s daughter Princess Reishi (1078-1144) received Toba Tennō at her residence, she prepared his seat with a rug decorated with Tang-style damask on the top of two ungen tatami. 444 The host also 442 Based on the style of pictures and texts, scholars of premodern Japanese arts and literature date this picture scroll the mid thirteenth century. See Komatsu Shigemi, Nihon emaki taisei: Ise monogatari emaki, Sagoromo monogatari emaki, Komakurabe gyōkō emaki, Genji monogatari emaki, 35, 51. 443 Although both goza and mushiro were thin mats, goza must be of higher quality and more densely woven than mushiro because the former was made of two twisted threads while the latter was made of a single one. See Jingūshichō, Kojiruien: kiyō bu 2, 81. Also see Koizumi Kazuko, Nihonshi shōhyakka: kagu, 59. 444 See Denryaku, Kajō 2 (1107)/10/28. A"thin"mat"on" a"ungen"straw" mat"" A"cushion" 215 sat on an appropriate seat to show courtesy to her guest. When an early Kamakura nyoin, Ōmiya-in (1225-1292), welcomed her son Go-Fukakusa Tennō (1243-1304, r. 1246- 1259) at the Toba Detached Palace in 1250, she greeted him from a damask-rimmed rug over two ungen tatami mats. 445 These examples show that Senyōmon-in needed at least four or more ungen tatami mats—two for herself and two for her guest—even when she expected only one royal guest at a time. In fact, during the late 1190s and early 1200s, Senyōmon-in repeatedly received Retired Monarch Go-Toba as her guest at the Rokujō Mansion. 446 This strongly suggests that she regularly needed to arrange ungen materials for him, probably multiple times a year. She also hosted rites of passage for Prince Masanari at her residence. For example, in 1200 she sponsored the one-hundredth day celebration after his birth, and in 1204 she held the rite of Putting-on-of-the-trousers to celebrate his coming of age. 447 His father Go-Toba visited these festivities, and although primary evidence has not survived to explain the details, other relatives such as the mother of the prince would likely have joined him. Although premodern ritual protocols restricted the users of ungen materials to three groups—a monarch, in, and nyoin—late Heian and Kamakura records show that in reality royal princes of the blood also used ungen mats. 448 Princes other than the crown prince also received similar treatments as seen in the case of Senyōmon-in’s adopted son, 445 Okaya kanpakuki, Kenchō 2 (1250)/10/13. 446 For example, see Meigetsuki, the entries of Shōji 1 (1199)/3/13, the ninth day of the third month of Shōji 2 (1200)/3/9, Genkyū 1 (1204)/3/13, and Shōgen 1 (1207)/5/11. 447 See Meigetsuki, the entries of Shōji 2 (1200)/12/21 and Genkyū 1 (1204)/1/8. 448 For example, crown princes sat on ungen mats during their life-cycle rituals as shown by the case of Prince Norihira (Reizei Tennō) in 950 and that of Prince Atsuhira (Go-Ichijō Tennō) in 1012. For the case of Prince Norihira, see Kyūreki, Tenryaku 4 (950)/8/5. For the case of Prince Atsuhira, see Shōyūki, Chōwa 3 (1014)/11/28. 216 Prince Masanari. 449 In 1120 when she sponsored the fiftieth-day anniversary of his birth at the Rokujō, she prepared his seat with two ungen tatami. 450 Since Fujiwara no Iezane, who recorded this event, never questioned Senyōmon-in’s decision to use ungen mats for the prince, contemporary court society must have expected such use. More specifically, the acceptance of ungen seating for this particular prince suggests shared expectations among Senyōmon-in and her guests that her adopted prince, despite the fact that he was the fourth son of the monarch, could assert his claim over the throne if something happened to his elder brothers. 451 Within this context, Senyōmon-in procured a set of ungen materials for her adopted son from her estates, thus visibly marking his potential to attain the “exalted position” in the future. It is important to note that the only ungen rimmed materials on the List were five goza, which she planned to collect only once, at the new year. Perhaps Senyōmon-in renewed the small number of ungen materials annually because they were not used on a daily basis. In Heian and Kamakura courtier journals, ungen materials mostly appear at official ceremonies or special events. 452 Senyōmon-in was likely to have used ungen materials to show her status as nyoin when hosting exalted royal members at the Rokujō Mansion. 449 There are also earlier examples for princes who used ungen mats. In 1011 Prince Akinori and Prince Kiyohito, two sons of Kazan Tennō, sat on ungen mats at their coming-of-age ceremonies. Furthermore, even non-royals used ungen mats despite such acts inviting criticism. In 1022, Regent Fujiwara no Yorimichi criticized his half-brother, Norimichi, for decorating his room with ungen mats at the Tennō’s palace. For the first example, see Shōyūki, Kankō 8 (1019)/8/23. For the second example, see Shōyūki, Jian (1021)/1/2/11. 450 See Inokuma kanpakuki, Shōji 2 (1200)/11/3. 451 Go-Toba and his grandfather, Go-Shirakawa, were also fourth sons who ascended the throne. These precedents might have created an expectation that Masanari could become a tennō. 452 For example, Horikawa Tennō sat on ungen mats at his coming-of-age ceremony in 1089. Retired Monarch Shirakawa also used ungen mats when he made a royal visit to the Kaya-no-in Palace in 1109 and watched the horse races there. See Go-nijō Moromichiki, Kanji 3 (1089)/1/5, and Denryaku, Tennin 2 (1109)/9/6. 217 In addition to ungen, Senyōmon-in ordered her estates to send flooring materials with three other rim types which served as social status markers. As mentioned earlier, one of them was daimon (large damask patterns), the second most exalted type after ungen. Every new year, Senyōmon-in received four tatami mats and forty-four sets of goza (layered seats) rimmed with the daimon pattern for use at her residence. In comparison to the ungen equivalents (no tatami and five goza), she required a significantly larger number of daimon materials, suggesting a greater demand. According to premodern protocols, daimon was suitable for royal children of the blood and ministers. Being a prince of the blood, Masanari was the principal Rokujō resident in need of daimon materials. Senyōmon-in prepared an ungen seat for him on special occasions, but she would likely have let him use daimon materials more often on a daily basis. Ministers were important political supporters for Senyōmon-in and additional users of daimon mats. One of her trusted officials at the start of her nyoin career was Minister of the Right Fujiwara no Kanemasa. He was a key participant in important events held for Senyōmon-in, including the ceremony for receiving her nyoin title. 453 As explained earlier, he also played a crucial role in communicating with Go-Toba Tennō and his followers while settling Go-Shirakawa’s inheritance. She regularly needed daimon-rimmed mats for this important official who frequently visited her residence and participated in her events. In addition, other ministers attended her ceremonies if they believed that these events were politically important. For example, when she sponsored the Putting-on-of-the-trousers Rite for Prince Masanari at the Rokujō Mansion in 1204, 453 Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. 218 Supreme Minister Fujiwara no Yorizane participated in the ceremony. 454 Senyōmon-in sponsored the same life-cycle ritual in 1225 when she adopted Chōshi, whose father, Fujiwara no Iezane, took a role in tying the strings of Chōshi’s garment. 455 Having served as regent for three successive monarchs, Tsuchimikado, Juntoku, and Go-Horikawa, Iezane now supported Go-Horikawa as his Chancellor (regent for an adult sovereign). By building a familial tie with leading courtiers like Iezane, inviting them to her residence, and treating them in a proper manner, Senyōmon-in made them intimate members of her political circle. Although medieval protocol tends to focus on court posts held by men, the use of flooring materials for high-ranking women was also important. Medieval images such as picture scrolls depict royal women, aristocratic women, and their female attendants using rimmed mats. Senyōmon-in’s mother was a holder of the second rank, which was equivalent to that of a leading minister. Despite her lack of a ministerial position, the mother of the nyoin held a respected status that made it appropriate to use daimon seating. Senyōmon-in also collected daimon materials for the Chōkō Temple where she held religious events such as the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month. In 1249 Regent Fujiwara no (Konoe) Kanetsune attended these Lotus Sutra Lectures. Reportedly, he first waited at the residential building for the courtiers to gather. When Senior Counselor Fujiwara no (Saionji) Kinsuke and others took their seats in front of the Buddha’s altar, Kanetsune followed them to the temple. “Although I was not required to do so,” he recorded in his journal, “I sat in front of the altar because these Lotus Sutra 454 Although Fujiwara no Yorizane was not Senyōmon-in’s official, he attended her adoptive prince’s event. See Meigetsuki, Genkyū 1 (1204)/1/8. 455 See Dainihon shiryō, Karoku 1 (1225)/10/7, vol. 5-2, 862. 219 Lectures were different from others.” 456 This speaks to the importance of the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Chōkō Temple, for which even the regent sat in front of the altar and made himself visible to all attendees. Moreover, Kanetsune’s comment indicates that courtiers including regents and ministers visited both secular and religious buildings of the Rokujō. To prepare for such visits, Senyōmon-in required sufficient daimon mats for both locations. Despite their relatively large number, daimon mats did not make up the majority of flooring materials collected from the Rokujō estates. For residential purposes, Senyōmon-in used many more komon items (those rimmed with a small black-patterned damask). In total, the komon materials requested from estates came to 199 items (64 tatami mats and 135 sets of layered seating material), constituting 47 percent of all the flooring materials recorded on the List. 457 According to contemporary protocols, komon floor mats were suitable for seating senior nobles with non-ministerial posts. Senior nobles—ministers, senior councilors, middle councilors, and Council of State advisors— took key roles in decision-making as members of the Council of State. Despite holding a lower position than ministers, those with non-ministerial positions were a majority of the senior nobles and thus held significant influence at court. An important point to note here is that these courtiers were allowed to have both official posts in private households and positions at court. Senior nobles, especially those without the highest posts like ministers, often sought to obtain official positions at a household of a power holder such as an in, nyoin, or regental family member in order to further pursue their own political and 456 Okaya kanpakuki, Kenchō 1 (1249)/3/9 in Tokyō daigaku shiryō hensanjo, ed. Dai nihon kokiroku: Okaya kanpakuki, vol. 18 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1988), 164. 457 For residential use, Senyōmon-in requested 193 tatami mats (including Kyoto style mats) and 227 goza (sets of layered seating material). The total for both tatami and goza is 420. 199/420 = 0.47. The numbers listed here includes floor materials that she stopped receiving at a later time. 220 economic advancement. For private households, on the other hand, it was advantageous to recruit senior nobles into their administrative organizations because it increased their visibility in court politics. Through her senior noble officials, Senyōmon-in could receive updates on political developments and attempt to exert some influence on discussions of the Council of State. The large number of komon materials sent from Senyōmon-in’s estates suggests that a significant number of non-ministerial senior nobles regularly visited the Rokujō residence, and they likely supported Senyōmon-in’s interests. In 1191 and under the guidance of her parents, she had chosen six directors (bettō) for her administrative headquarters (see Chart 6). Four of them were senior nobles, and among these, three— Fujiwara no Yorizane, Minamoto no Michichika, and Fujiwara no Kintsugu—did not hold ministerial positions. 221 Chart 6: Six directors (bettō) of Senyōmon-in’s administrative headquarters in 1191 458 Name Senior Nobles (third ranking or higher) Ministerial Position Flooring Material Type Fujiwara no Kanemasa YES (senior second rank) YES (Minister of the Right) Daimon Fujiwara no Yorizane YES (senior second rank) NO (Provisional Senior Counselor cum Senior Captain of the Right of the Inner Palace Guard) Komon Minamoto no Michichika YES (senior second rank) NO (Middle Counselor) Komon Fujiwara no Kintsugu YES (junior third rank 459 ) NO (Council of State advisor cum Middle Captain of the Right of the Inner Palace Guard) Komon Taira no Munenori NO (senior fourth rank lower) NO (Middle Right Counselor) Purple-cloth rim Minamoto no Michimune NO (senior fourth rank lower on 12/30) NO Middle Captain of the Left of the Inner Palace Guard Purple-cloth rim Obviously, Senyōmon-in used komon materials for her non-ministerial senior noble officials, but it is unlikely that she needed so many—64 tatami mats and 135 sets of layered seating material—if her officials were the sole users of such materials. Some might argue that she needed 64 tatami mats because they were meant to create social space rather than individual seatings. An individual user, moreover, probably wore out more than one set of seating material per year. Despite such possibilities, however, it still seems that the 199 komon items per year, which Senyōmon-in requested from her estates, were too many. The discrepancy between the number of listed komon items and the number of her officials suggests that other senior nobles, who might not have held 458 Gyokuyo, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/20. 459 According to Kugyō bunin, Minamoto no Kintsugu was promoted to the junior third rank on 12/30 in 1191, and contemporary sources such as the Gyokuyō count him as one of the “senior noble directors.” See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. 222 official posts in her nyoin office, also visited her residence. Contemporary records suggest that medieval nyoin and in sponsored a number of events and invited senior nobles, even though these courtiers were not members of their household administration. Furthermore, politically and economically ambitious courtiers who sought Senyōmon- in’s estate custodian posts, official positions at her household, and her nominations for annual court promotions probably paid her visits. Another explanation is that some of her female attendants likely occupied the third court rank, which was equivalent to the status of non-ministerial senior nobles. Female attendants of other nyoin held the third rank, as seen in the case of Bifukumon- in’s female attendant of the junior third rank, Fujiwara no Chūshi. Similarly, Takamatsu- in had a wet nurse of the junior third rank, Mikushige. 460 Despite limited evidence available in Senyōmon-in’s case, the custodian of her Shimokatsura Estate was a woman called Lady of the Third Rank (Sanmi no tsubone). 461 Although this lady had been attending Hachijō-in, she might have personally served Senyōmon-in later, since the female attendants of early medieval nyoin often functioned as estate custodians. If so, Senyōmon-in had a regular user of komon items at the Rokujō. Senyōmon-in often had mutually beneficial relationships with her household officials and estate custodians who needed komon materials. Minamoto no Michichika is a good example of such a symbiotic relationship. 462 He was previously one of Go- Shirakawa’s close followers and witnessed first hand the aging retired monarch’s 460 See Kodaigaku Kyōkai and Kodaigaku Kenkyūjo, eds., Heian jidaishi jiten: shiryō sakuin (Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1994), 177, 185. 461 See Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite," 34. 462 The services Senyōmon-in received from these officials helps to explain the demand for komon materials at her residence. See Osada Ikuko, "Kamakura zenki ni okeru Senyōmon-in no dōkō to sono inji, tenjōbito ni tsuite," Bungaku kenkyū ronshū: bungaku, shigaku, chirigaku 22 (2004): 239. 223 worsening condition. In order to continue his political career and those of his offspring, he needed to a new patron. Likewise, Senyōmon-in needed support in retaining the loyalty of Go-Shirakawa’s followers. 463 Michichika had become her director through royal edict when she was elevated to princess of the blood in 1189, and he continued to serve her after she became a nyoin in 1191. As her guardian (ushiromi), he supported her in the years after Go-Shirakawa’s death. 464 Additionally, his sons and grandsons worked as her officials and advanced in court rank thanks to her nominations. For example, Michichika’s son, Minamoto no Michimune, was appointed one of the six directors when Senyōmon-in became a nyoin in 1191. Another example is Sanjō Kinfusa, who later closely served Senyōmon-in for many years during his career as a member of the Council of State. His sons and nephews continued to advance under her patronage. These examples show that Senyōmon-in’s officials served her along with their family members and sometimes over multiple generations. Not all of her officials, however, could sit on komon materials. For example Michimune, in spite of his director’s position, was not qualified to sit on the komon materials that were reserved for those of the third rank or higher. Taira no Munenori, another director, was also of the fourth rank (see Chart 6). Medieval customs dictated that they were supposed to use mats rimmed with purple silk (murasaki-beri), suitable for fourth and fifth rankers. According to the List, the number of purple-rimmed mats collected from the Rokujō estates was the second largest among the four types of seating items. Senyōmon-in originally planned to collect 152 purple-rimmed mats—109 tatami 463 When Go-Shirakawa’s followers were divided into different groups after his death, Michichika’s faction engaged in political rivalry with Kanezane’s faction. To consolidate their political positions under such a competitive condition, Michichika sought Senyōmon-in’s patronage and Kanezane sought that of her aunt (Hachijō-in). See ibid., 238-240. 464 Gyokuyō, entries of Bunji 5 (1189)/12/5 and Kenkyū 2 (1191)/6/26. 224 mats and 43 sets of seating material—each year. 465 This number, similar to the case of komon items, appears to have been much larger than the number of her household officials in 1191: two directors of the fourth rank and two supervisors, only four in total. 466 So who else used purple-rimmed mats at Senyōmon-in’s residence? According to protocol for in and nyoin offices, directors should hold the fourth rank or higher, and supervisors, those holding the position right below the directors, should hold the fourth, fifth, or sixth rank. 467 These rules indicate that Senyōmon-in had others who sat on purple-rimmed mats on a regular basis. One possible explanation is that her female attendants used purple-rimmed mats. A significant number of female attendants serving a late Heian monarch held the fourth, fifth, or sixth rank. 468 Since these female attendants also served royal wives and children, those serving Senyōmon-in at the Rokujō Mansion likely held court ranks permitting them to sit on purple-rimmed mats. Still another possibility is that she expected to have many intimate visitors who held the fourth or fifth ranks. According to Kojiruien, an early modern encyclopedia, purple-rimmed mats were suitable for royal intimates of the fourth or fifth rank. 469 Although it was not likely that dozens of fourth- or fifth-ranking directors and supervisors served one nyoin at any given time, the total number of royal intimates who 465 The 152 purple-rimmed mats were for residential use, and this number does not include 13 mats that were collected for the Chōkō Temple. It, however, includes Kyoto-style tatami mats for royal intimates. Although some Kyoto-style mats were not specified to be rimmed with purple cloth, they were likely murasaki-beri items. Senyōmon-in collected them three times a year: at the new year, the spring renewal (the fourth month), and the fall renewal (the tenth month). By the time of the black note additions (Layer 2), however, she stopped receiving six of these items. Furthermore, she stopped receiving eighteen more items by the time of the red note additions (Layer 3). 466 The two supervisors in Senyōmon-in’s office in 1191 were Fujiwara no Sukezane and Minamoto no Michitomo. 467 See Hurst, "Insei," 222; Nakahara Toshiaki, Chūsei kuge to jige kanjin (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1987). 468 See Kodaigaku Kyōkai and Kodaigaku Kenkyūjo, Heian jidaishi jiten: shiryō sakuin. 469 See Jingūshichō, ed. Kojiruien: kiyō bu 2 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1971), 57. 225 also served the nyoin could be quite large. 470 In fact, the List specified that approximately 37 percent (40 of 109 pieces) of the total tatami materials should be used for Senyōmon- in’s own royal intimates. Despite their lower ranks, the users of purple-rimmed mats at Senyōmon-in’s household—directors of the fourth rank, supervisors of the fourth or fifth rank, and royal intimates—provided the backbone of the nyoin’s administrative office. For example, by working with directors and clerks (shutendai), her supervisors were responsible for the daily business of her household, including creating, signing, and delivering the nyoin’s orders. 471 Her royal intimates, many without official posts, regularly visited the residence and waited on her. All of them sat on the purple-rimmed mats sent from the Rokujō estates. Therefore, creating appropriate purple-rimmed or murasaki-beri spaces for these officials and royal intimates was important for the nyoin because it allowed her to demonstrate her support and respect for those who were indispensable at the Rokujō. 470 There were early medieval nyoin who hired many officials. For example, Yōmeimon-in’s order in 1082 shows that she had at least 20 directors and 10 supervisors in her office. Not all of them, however, held the fourth and fifth court ranks. See “inshi” (院司) in Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, Kokushi daijiten, 882. 471 Supervisors (hōgandai) had the chance to move up to bettō position. See Hongō Keiko, Chūsei kuge seiken no kenkyū (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1998), 7. 226 Chart 7: Submission Conditions of Seating Materials for the Rokujō Residence I have examined the types and the numbers of flooring materials that Senyōmon-in annually collected from the Rokujō Mansion estates, as well as the members of Senyōmon-in’s administrative office. Among the four types of flooring materials, she ordered her estates to submit a significant number of komon and purple-rimmed types for her female attendants, senior nobles who were not ministers, and royal intimates of the fourth and fifth rank (see Chart 7). Those decisions indicate that her officials and attendants—those who regularly served at the Rokujō Mansion and supported her daily life—were of middling socio-political status. Although submission conditions of such materials declined over the course of Senyōmin-in’s life, she nonetheless received most of those that she requested until the red note additions made in the latter phase of her nyoin tenure. 119 163 41 3 8 13 1 0 25 33 3 2 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Murasaki-‐beri Komon Daimon Ungen Always paid Unable to collect after time (black notes) Exempted after a while (red notes) 227 Seasonal Festivities: Torches, Sweets, and Event Materials Seasonal events were additional opportunities for Senyōmon-in to showcase her economic power and build both social and political networks. To host annual festivals at the Rokujō Mansion, she required her estates to submit necessary goods including torches, seasonal plants, and dishes. During the Heian and Kamakura periods, royals and aristocrats often held rituals and banquets after nightfall that required lighting for the events. 472 In this premodern society, without gas and electricity, torches were the primary source of outdoor illumination, and residents of the Heian Capital needed many torches to tighten security after sunset. Obtaining large numbers of torches was therefore crucial for Senyōmon-in to run seasonal events successfully at her residence. The List reveals that Senyōmon-in’s estates annually provided her with 19,000 torches in total. At the beginning and the end of the year, she required an especially large number: 2,500 torches for the first month and 2,200 torches for the twelfth month (see Chart 8). 473 It seems logical that she demanded more torches during the first and twelfth months because these were among the coldest months with the least amount of daylight. They were also times of numerous events. 472 For example, the course of rituals during Go-Fukakusa’s visit to his parents, Go-Saga and Ōmiya-in, continued after nightfall and required a number of torches. See Okaya kanpakuki, the entry of Kenchō 2 (1250)/10/13, vol. 1, 234-235. 473 According to the premodern calendar, the winter solstice was always in the eleventh month and the summer solstice was in the fifth month. 228 Chart 8: Submission of Torches However, Senyōmon-in also ordered her estates to send 1,700 torches each for the fifth, seventh, and ninth months. This is a very curious request given that these are the times of the year with the longest days and shortest nights. Why were so many torches required during these months? Despite the few available records on the annual festivities held at Senyōmon-in’s residence, the List suggests that she regularly celebrated four of the major five seasonal festivals. Specifically the royal court annually celebrated five seasonal festivals: one in each of the first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth months. On those five occasions, they held cultural and martial activities as well as banquets. Different noble households 229 observed similar events, and their records as well as the List itself give us useful insights on events sponsored by Senyōmon-in. One of the four seasonal festivals she sponsored at the Rokujō Mansion was the Sweet Flag Festival (tango no sechi). Sweet flags, perennial marsh plants bearing beautiful purple flowers in early summer, were used for the festival. As the temperature went up during the fifth month, contemporaries worried that disease could more easily spread, and the Sweet Flag Festival was an attempt to ward it off. According to the tenth- century ritual handbook, Saikyūki, the royal court also observed this early summer festival on the fifth day of the fifth month. They started festival preparations two days in advance: on the third day of the month, the Six Guards Headquarters decorated the southern garden of the Ceremonial Hall with sweet flag flowers. In the evening of the fourth day, the Palace Provisions Office re-thatched the roof of the royal residential palace with fresh sweet flags. 474 As part of the festival, the court also held mounted archery performances during all three days. After the competitions, they offered banquets with drinks, food, and music. 475 We can see that Senyōmon-in believed the Sweet Flag Festival to be important because she annually requested her estates to send a generous amount of sweet flags with yomogi (mugwort)—more than 5 da ( 駄), or the amount that five horses could carry. Both sweet flags and mugwort were symbolic plants used at the festival to defend the residence from epidemic diseases. Senyōmon-in likely followed this custom and decorated her garden with sweet flag flowers on the third day and re-thatched the roof of 474 Shintōtaikei Henshūkai Shintōtaikei chōgi saishi hen 2: Saikyūki, 168. 475 According to Inokuma kanpakuki, the court held the archery performances on the third and fifth days of the fifth month. They had a banquet with drinks, food, and music entertainment on the fifth. See Inokuma kanpakuki, the entries of of Kenkyū 9 (1198)5/3-5/5. Also see ibid., 168-171. 230 the Rokujō buildings on the evening of the fourth. Despite a lack of evidence about specific activities held at Senyōmon-in’s residence, it is likely that she also held a banquet, and when it lasted until dark, she needed torches to light up the site. Neither black nor red notes indicate that she failed to receive these materials, which suggests that she sponsored the ritual at the Rokujō every summer. During the seventh month, Senyōmon-in observed another practice that was popular for warding off illness. As the List shows, she ordered her estates to submit deep- fried twisted doughnuts called sakubei ( 索餅) and various kinds of sweets (kashi 菓子) for the seventh day of the seventh month. 476 According to Moromitsu nenjū gyōji, contemporaries consumed twisted doughnuts on the seventh day of the seventh month, based on the belief that they prevented people from contracting febrile illnesses. This custom, which started much earlier as a part of popular culture, had developed into a court ritual by Senyōmon-in’s time. 477 The List also shows that she planned to provide her lower-ranking servants (zōnin) with the doughnuts and sweets, indicating that the event was inclusive. 478 By encouraging a large group working at the Rokujō to observe this custom together, Senyōmon-in and her officials probably hoped to bring good luck and health to her Rokujō community. 476 In the Heian and Kamakura times, “sweets” (kashi) often referred to fruit “kigashi” (木菓子) that could be either dried or fresh. The contemporaries also ate deep-fried sweets made of cereal or rice power and called them “tōgashi” (唐菓子), which literally meant “Tang sweets.” 477 See Abe Takeshi, Yoshie Akiko, and Aiso Takashi, eds., Heian jidai gishiki nenjū gyōji jiten (Tokyo: Tokyodō Shuppan, 2003), 142. 478 According to Nihon kokugo daijiten, “zōnin” (雑人) refers to people of lower social class in a general sense. More specifically in the context of the medieval estate system, this term refers to personal servants belonging to estate officials, estate stewards, or powerful cultivators. They served the main household of their owner, by taking up miscellaneous chores such as housekeeping, agricultural work, and military service. They could be sold or bought, or given to others as gifts. See Shintōtaikei Henshūkai Shintōtaikei chōgi saishi hen 2: Saikyūki, 168-171. 231 The contemporaries of Senyōmon-in often observed another seasonal event, the Tanabata Festival, on the seventh day of the seventh month. Based on Chinese legend, this festival marked the reunion of the celestial couple, the Weaver Maid and the Herdboy, who could see each other only one night a year by going across the Milky Way. Since this festival was held both at the court and in private households, Senyōmon-in was likely to have observed it as well. 479 In order to celebrate the Tanabata, she definitely required torches because the festival was held in the evening. Similar to the seventh-month event, she required her estates to submit sweets for lower-ranking servants and materials for female servants for use on the ninth day of the ninth month. This ninth-month festival was probably the Double Yang Banquet (Chōyō no sechi) to ward off diseases and pray for longevity. Ruijū kokushi, a ninth-century historical work compiled by royal command, explains that this festival had already started as a court event during the seventh century. 480 The court hosted the banquet with a wide range of activities such as composing Chinese poetry, drinking chrysanthemum wine, playing music, and relaxing in boats. Around the tenth century, however, this festival was transformed into a banquet for courtiers without the presence of the reigning tennō. 481 The changes in the Double Yang Banquet at court did not mean that the festival became obsolete among royals and aristocrats. Kurahayashi Shōji explains that this festival became a more private literary gathering sponsored by noble households as it lost 479 See Nihon Kokugo Daijiten Dainihan Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 8 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 307. Also see “Weaver Maid Festival” in Perkins, The Clear Mirror: A Chronicle of Japanese Court During the Kamakura Period, (1185-1333), 316. Also see Abe Takeshi, Yoshie Akiko, and Aiso Takashi, Heian jidai gishiki nenjū gyōji jiten, 141. 480 At the command of Uda Tennō, Sugawawa no Michizane compiled Ruijū kokushi in 892. 481 See Kurahayashi Shōji, Kyōen no kenkyū (Bungaku hen) (Tokyo: Ōfūsha, 1987), 238-286. 232 its importance as an official court event. 482 For example, mid-Heian sources such as the Journal of Lady Murasaki (Murasaki Shikibu nikki) and the Tale of the Hollow Tree (Utsubo monogatari) show that private households celebrated this festival. 483 In 1035 when the royal court failed to hold a banquet for courtiers on this date, Fujiwara no Michinaga sponsored his own poetry-composing party. Likewise on the same date in 1010, Crown Prince Atsunaga (later Go-Suzaku Tennō) held a poetry banquet at his residence. 484 I assume that Senyōmon-in also celebrated the event at the Rokujō Mansion since she was interested in literary works and supported high-level cultural activities at her salon. 485 She likely hosted a banquet during the festival and promoted the literary endeavors of her male officials and female attendants. Another piece of evidence regarding the festivals is that Senyōmon-in requested her estates to submit materials (shōzoku 装束) specifically needed by her servants for four occasions: the first day of the first month, the fifth day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the seventh month, and the ninth day of the ninth month. 486 While the term “shōzoku” could mean clothing in general, it often referred to facilities and costumes for a particular event. Kume Estate in Tango, for example, sent shōzoku for the fifth day of 482 See ibid., 294-296. 483 Utsubo monogatari depicts Retired Monarch Saga’s visit to the Double Yang Banquet held at the Fukiage Mansion in Kii Province. The host was Saga’s son, who neither was officially recognized by the court nor had met his father until the banquet. Although this is a tale, it nonetheless suggests that this festival was celebrated outside the court. Murasaki shikibu nikki explains the custom of wiping one’s body with a robe infused with a chrysanthemum flower liquid, which was shared among the Heian aristocrats. The journal does not depict the banquet itself, but shows that Fujiwara no Michinaga, his wife, and their female attendants observed this custom at his residence. See Nihon bungaku koten taikei: Utsuho monogatari. vol. 1 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 1959), 363-370; Nihon koten bungaku taikei: Makura no sōshi ・Murasaki Shikbu nikki, 446. Also see Abe Takeshi, Yoshie Akiko, and Aiso Takashi, Heian jidai gishiki nenjū gyōji jiten, 158. 484 The court provided a banquet this year, but the tennō was not present. 485 Egusa Miyuki, "Senyōmon-in to monogatari: 'monogatari nihyakuban utaawase' seiritsu no shūhen" in Kudō shinjirō sensei taishoku kinen ronbun zuisoshu, ed. Kudō Shinjirō sensei taishoku kinen no kai (Okayama: Kudō Shinjirō sensi taishoku kinen no kai, 2009), 170-172. 486 In addition to these two months, Senyōmon-in requested “outfits” for the first month. 233 the fifth month, Kose Estate in Hizen sent these materials for the seventh day of the seventh month, and Utsuka-Oshiro Estate in Tajima provided them for the ninth day of the ninth month. The timing of the ordering coincided as well with increases in Senyōmon-in’s requests for torches in the first, fifth, seventh, and ninth months, indicating that her events lasted well into the evening. An interesting aspect in the recording of these materials for particular events is that the recipients were listed as either zōshi ( 雑仕) or hashitamono ( 半物). These medieval terms usually referred to servants who engaged in manual or miscellaneous duties. Those who received the materials at the Rokujō Mansion were likely women because the terms were frequently used as to mean zōshime ( 雑仕女), female officials of no rank who performed miscellaneous tasks at noble households. 487 Hashitamono ( 半物) were middle-ranking female servants. Recent historians such as Takamatsu Momoka point out that the female servants called zōshi or hashitamono often consisted of a special group known for their beauty. 488 According to Heiji monogatari, when Fujiwara no Teishi (1131-1176) became a queen-consort and established her new household in 1150, she chose her servants through a contest similar to a current day beauty pageant. One thousand beautiful women were selected from the area around the capital, and eventually the top ten became her zōshi or hashitamono. Takamatsu argues that not only talented aristocratic female attendants but also good-looking female servants played a role in making the Teishi’s salon glamorous, thereby attracting more courtiers to serve her. 487 According to multi-volume dictionaries of Japanese history, such as Heian jidaishi jiten and Kokushi daijiten, zōshi were female officials who provided miscellaneous labor. Nihon kokugo daijiten, the multi volume dictionary of Japanese language, also defines zōshi as lower ranking female office staff who carried out miscellaneous errands. See Kodaigaku Kyōkai and Kodaigaku Kenkyūjo, Heian jidaishi jiten, 1404; Kokushi daijiten henshū iinkai, Kokushi daijiten, 535. 488 Takamatsu Momoka, "Tokiwa: minaosare tsutsu aru Kiyomori no 'shō'," in "Heike monogatari" no jidai wo ikita joseitachi, ed. Fukutō Sanae (Tokyo: Shōkeisha, 2013), 109-110. 234 In the late Heian context, Senyōmon-in’s procurement of materials for her female servants carried political significance. Sponsoring seasonal events was not merely an opportunity to observe celebratory moments. By making her servants attractive and lighting up the event sites, she demonstrated her economic power and underscored her potential to offer strong patronage to prospective followers. Products supplied by her estates enabled her to broaden her political networks. Senyōmon-in needed to hire capable officials and provide them with sufficient economic foundation to make her household run smoothly, and to make her events successful. When a medieval nyoin held an official event, one of her officials—usually her annual chief (nen’yo)—took responsibility for preparing for the event. He not only oversaw the procedures of the ceremony, but also procured necessary human and material resources in advance. 489 If a nyoin failed to choose capable officials to do such work, she could not collect adequate resources regardless of the number of estates she owned. For instance in 1230, Kitashirakawa-in (1173-1238; became nyoin in 1222) found that her annual chief, Fujiwara no Ietoki, was incompetent in providing her with necessary materials when she was moving to her newly built mansion. She immediately replaced him with Taira no Chikanaga. But she was disappointed with Chikanaga as well, who failed her when she sponsored the ninth-day celebration of birth for her grandson (the future Shijō Tennō) in 1231. Since Chikanaga could not procure serving tables in a timely manner, he secretly attempted to recycle the tables used at the seventh-day celebration. 490 When she discovered his plan through Regent Fujiwara no Michiie, the father of her grandson’s mother, she almost replaced him with another person (Taira no 489 Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," 33-37. 490 See Minkeiki, Kangi 3 (1231)/2/17. 235 Tsunetaka) who desired the post. 491 Chikanaga, having been reprimanded and blushing with dismay, managed to explain to the regent that he could not accomplish his task, since he had “little ability.” To help Chikanaga maintain his post as the chief official of the nyoin, the regent provided this unfortunate courtier with one of his estates. Having “little ability” in this context actually meant ‘lacking sufficient land to procure resources.’ Higuchi Kentarō argues that the reason why Chikafusa failed to procure resources was because Kitashirakawa-in herself failed to provide him with sufficient estates. As Higuchi suggests, a medieval nyoin needed an economic foundation (i.e. land) to support her officials in successfully preparing for events. In other words, in addition to recruiting capable persons into her household office, she needed to provide her officials with estate custodianships so that they could carry out their duties. Merely owning estates was not enough for a nyoin to fill her own purse; she needed to provide for her followers so that they could bring goods into her residence and storehouses. Kitashirakawa-in’s case also shows that even when her estates failed to produce enough wealth, a nyoin could still gain resources through her political connections. When Chikanaga lacked economic power to serve the nyoin as her chief of the year, he received an estate from Michiie. Michiie probably dedicated his own estate to help the nyoin’s official because he had a mutually supportive relationship with her. His daughter had married Kitashirakawa-in’s son, Go-Horikawa Tennō, and gave birth to the aforementioned grandson in 1231. Both Kitashirakawa-in and Michiie hoped their 491 Kitashirakawa-in’s son, Dharma Prince Sonshō, stopped her from firing Chikanaga. Higuchi Kentarō explains that Prince Sonshō was able to do so, not just because he was her son but also because he was politically influential and well connected at that time. Perhaps, the regent Michiie, who had been supporting Chikanaga, asked Prince Sonshō to intervene, or the prince himself thought that it would be detrimental to his mother’s household if she frequently replaced her chief of the year. See Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," 34, 53. 236 grandson would ascend the throne and considered his birth celebrations as important demonstrations of such a possibility. By building a mutually beneficial alliance with another powerful estate proprietor, the nyoin acquired necessary resources even when her official failed to collect needed materials from her own estates. Meanwhile, establishing close relations with estate custodians was important for a medieval nyoin, because it was to them that she entrusted the actual work of collecting her land-based resources. For example, Kōkamon-in held the supreme proprietorship over her estates, but her younger brother Kanezane managed them as a custodian, and in return for his loyalty, she politically and economically supported his family. After her death, Kanezane inherited those estates and appointed others to custodianships under his own supreme proprietorship. Fujiwara no Teika wrote an interesting comment in his journal about serving as an estate custodian of one of Kanezane’s inherited properties, Misaki Estate in Shimōsa Province. Soon after obtaining the managing position, Teika had trouble taking control over the land and acquiring enough resources from it. Regardless of this hardship, he was determined to submit sufficient goods to Kanezane, from whom he was honored to have received the estate. 492 Teika felt a strong incentive not to lose Kanezane’s trust because Teika’s family members, including his father and siblings, had closely and loyally served Kanezane for some time. Although this case was one generation after Kōkamon-in’s time, Teika’s experience suggests that close followers of a nyoin who managed her estates wanted to guarantee her stable income from the estates regardless of actual annual productivity. 492 Teika received the right and responsibility to manage Misaki Estate from Kanezane in 1199. See Meigetsuki, Shōji 1 (1199)/7/25. 237 These examples of late Heian and Kamakura nyoin indicate that Senyōmon-in used similar strategies in procuring human and material resources. In fact, she appointed her officials and female attendants to be estate custodians. 493 Many of these followers served her as a family group for multiple generations, suggesting that she and her followers wanted to continue long-lasting relationships. 494 Maintaining a trusted, reciprocal tie with her followers was important because she was only able to manage her estates through their hard work. Through trusting relationships with her followers, she worked to secure the necessary resources to maintain her daily life and sponsor regular annual events at her residence. Monthly Food Service Although furnishing buildings and sponsoring seasonal events were important for Senyōmon-in, setting up a regular food delivery system for the Rokujō Mansion was crucial for the nyoin to maintain well being for herself and all of its residents. According to the List, she required her estates to take turns in sending side dishes for different days of each month (see Chart 9). 493 See Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," 34. 494 See Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite." 238 Chart 9: Monthly Food Service Note: ( ): Province names < >: Supplementary information in small letters recorded on The List of Rokujō Estates Italics: later additions in black or red ink to the List Noguchi Estate in Tango, for instance, was assigned to the third day of the monthly food service (lit. “rotating side dish duty” 495 )—it was responsible for sending dishes to the Rokujō Mansion on the third day of every month (see Date “3rd” in Chart 9). In the same 495 The original premodern word for “rotating side dish duty” is meguri onsai or mawari onsai (廻御菜). 239 way, Asago and Nitta estates in Tajima sent meals on the eighth day, Shigi Temple in Settsu sent meals on the seventeenth day, and Matsui Estate in Harima sent meals on the twenty-seventh day. Some estates sent meals twice a month: Rokka Estate in Higo sent food on both the first and second days, Tottori Estate in Bizen sent it on the nineteenth and twentieth days, Abu Estate in Suō sent it on the twenty-third and twenty-fourth days. If things went as planned, at least one estate sent some sort of food each day. 496 This system was not foolproof because at the time that the comments in red ink were added to the List, five of the estates had stopped sending meals. Until then, however, this system of ordering estates to assume rotating meal service seems to have helped Senyōmon-in ensure daily food supplies for herself, her adopted son, and her female attendants. Asking her estates to send dishes day by day, however, was not particularly economical. These estates were located in different parts of the archipelago. As seen in Chart 9, Inoie Estate, Sakakita Estate, Asashi Hon Estate, and New [Asahi Hon] Estate were in the Hokuriku region facing the Japan Sea. Eight estates were in the eastern part of the Kinai region, situated between present day Kyoto and Tokyo: five estates were in Mino, one in Shinano, one in Owari, and one in Tōtōmi. 497 Some of the estates were not even on the main island. For example, Rokka Estate and Shika Island were located in Kyūshū, and Awa Ichigū Estate was in Shikoku. Kutsuna Jiama Estate was also in Shikoku, consisting of a small island in the Seto Inland Sea. Being far from Kyoto, many estates had to devote considerable time and human resources to delivering meals every month to the Rokujō Mansion. 496 For “the last day” of the month, Sumiyoshi Estate was in charge of submitting side dishes. 497 Owari Province is today’s Aichi Prefecture, Tōtōmi Province is today’s Shizuoka Prefecture, Mino Province is today’s Gifu Prefecture, and Shinano Province is today’s Nagano Prefecture. 240 So why did Senyōmon-in use this way of collecting meals? An important fact to remember is that late Heian and Kamakura custodians often resided in Kyoto and sent their officials to estates to oversee local matters. 498 In such a situation, Senyōmon-in’s estate custodians probably procured dishes in a flexible manner. Rather than demanding that all the assigned estates deliver food monthly on fixed days, they likely received perishable foods whenever they were available and preserved ones later; or they may even have accepted non-food resources that could be traded for foodstuffs, to make the procedure more convenient. In this case, Senyōmon-in sometimes received dishes directly from her estates far from the capital, while in other cases she received food from nearby. Furthermore, although it seems to have increased the burden on her estate residents and officials, receiving meals every day was convenient for a supreme proprietor. As discussed above, maintaining security was a challenging task for residents of the Heian Capital. Even royals and aristocrats had trouble protecting their belongings from theft. If Senyōmon-in received a large amount of food once or several times a year, she not only had to secure enough space to store it but also needed extra manpower to protect it. Furthermore, without refrigeration, it was not easy to preserve fresh ingredients during the humid summer, despite efforts at drying and pickling. Receiving meals each day was therefore advantageous. 498 Here, I applied an English word “estate custodian” to refer to both azukari dokoro and ryōke because contemporary writers used ryōke and azukari dokoro interchangeably. An alternative translation for ryōke could be “managing proprietor” because ryōke looked after estates immediately under the supreme estate proprietor. Ryōke were usually of noble rank, resided in Kyoto, and sent their officials to the estate to do actual on site management. Or, ryoke could be religious institutions that oversaw estates under supreme proprietors. See Nishitani Masahiro, Nihon chūsei no shoyū kōzō (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 2006), 240-243. Also see Osada Ikuko, "Kamakura zenki ni okeru Senyōmon-in no dōkō to sono inji, tenjōbito ni tsuite." 241 The monthly food service was not the sole means of supplying food to the Rokujō. Senyōmon-in also received different kinds of ingredients as annual rent (nengu) from Rokujō estates. Medieval supreme estate proprietors usually received both annual rent and miscellaneous dues from the same estate unless an exemption was granted. No contemporary source has survived to provide an entire picture of annual rents levied on Senyōmon-in’s estates, but an estate list called The Chōkō Temple Estate List (dated 1407) suggests that she received dietary items including rice as annual rent. 499 Ōyama and Nunoya argue that despite its creation date of 1407, this document represents the due-collecting system under Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship because the types and amounts of annual rents on this document were almost identical to those recorded on the estate list (“Chōkōdōryō nengu chūmon dankan” in Shimada monjo) that was considered to have been created under Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship. 500 Although it is difficult to reconstruct a whole picture of annual rent collected from the Rokujō estates, the case of Yugeshima Estate in Iyo Province provides insight into Senyōmon-in’s way of collecting annual dues and securing a regular food supply. 501 Yugeshima Estate consisted of a small mountainous island of approximately 8.8 square kilometers in the Seto Inland Sea. Responding to the geographical condition of the estate, Senyōmon-in and her officials seem to have agreed that the estate would submit more sea-based products rather than materials produced from the land. First, Senyōmon-in 499 The Chōkō Temple Estate List (dated 1407) was made by Shimada Mazunao, an official of Go- Komatsu-in (1377-1433, r. 1382-1412). For a printed version of this document, see Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Chūsei 9, 580-587. 500 See Ōyama Kyōhei, Kyoto daigaku bungakubu hakubutsukan no komonjo: Chōkōdō mokuroku to Shimada monjo; Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite," 31. 501 Peter D. Shapinsky examines the late medieval situation of Yugeshima by focusing on its salt production, shipping networks, and sea lords during the fourteenth century. See Peter D. Shapinsky, Lords of the Sea: Pirates, Violence, and Commerce in Late Medieval Japan (The University of Michigan, 2014), 71-86. 242 levied no miscellaneous dues on Yugeshima—she demanded only payment of salt and other foodstuffs as annual rent. It was wise for a proprietor to let estate residents concentrate on paying annual dues by exempting the estate from miscellaneous dues all together, most of which were land-based or traded products such as cloth, earthenware, and alluvial gold. 502 This treatment tremendously helped the residents because the island has limited flat areas, but has abundant access to seawater. Acquiring a large amount of salt from the estate was also beneficial for Senyōmon-in, who lived in premodern Kyoto where she had neither the local resources to produce salt nor easy access to the ocean. Salt was necessary to sustain life, not simply for seasoning but also for preserving vegetables, fish, and meat. It could be traded for other resources as well. So Senyōmon- in’s strategy of collecting salt instead of agricultural products helped both her and the Yugeshima residents. Second, Senyōmon-in maintained control over dry fields and mulberry trees on the island. According to the 1188 and 1189 Yugeshima land registers, she had the authority to collect rent from 1 chō and 4 tan of rice paddies (≒13,883 m 2 ), 21 chō and 2 tan 60 bu of dry fields (≒ 210,248 m 2 ), and 373 mulberry trees within the estate borders. 503 Rice, as suggested by the area listed for rice paddies, was only a minor product paid to Senyōmon-in (only 4.8 koku ≒ 1,530 liters a year). And in order to receive salt as a stable item of the annual rent, she employed an interesting collection mechanism. Instead of referring to a beach or bay, which was closely associated with salt production, she ordered the estate to pay salt in proportion to wheat sheaves and mulberry trees. When estate officials and residents had determined the size of the “chargeable” dry 502 See The List of Rokujō Estates. 503 See Tōji hyakugō monjo, doc. to-5 (と五号). 243 fields based on the survey, a deal was negotiated such that the estate residents had to pay the supreme estate proprietor around 31 koku of wheat every year. Out of the total wheat, however, the residents should keep 19 koku but pay the same amount of salt (i.e.19 koku) in compensation. For the mulberry fields, Senyōmon-in expected to receive only salt, by requesting a basket of salt per each mulberry tree, which came to be 373 baskets in total. Even when she was not receiving agricultural products, Senyōmon-in first levied dues on the land (or land-based products like mulberry trees) and then substituted sea- based products as she needed them. In this way, she could emphasize her authority over the land rather than trying to levy dues over changing coastlines or adjacent waters. She owned many coastal and insular estates like Yugeshima, Kutsunajima, and Mishima estates in Iyo, In-no-shima Estate in Bizen, Futajima Estate in Suō, and Shika-no-shima Estate in Chikuzen. 504 The Yugeshima case suggests that she probably collected sea- based products from these estates in a similar manner. The Yugeshima example also indicates that thirteenth-century estate proprietors collected annual rents from people who caught fish or produced salt, even though they were technically working outside estate borders. Although the 1188 and 1189 registers mention only salt as a product Senyōmon-in received from Yugeshima Estate, a different source shows that she collected various other kinds of culinary ingredients from the sea. In 1239 when she commended the estate to the monastery Tōji, her officials created a list of items that she had been receiving as annual dues. According to this list, she had been additionally provided with dried red 504 Futajima Estate in Suō was also called “Aiofutajima” (秋穂二嶋) Estate according to other sources such as a royal edict issued by Retired Monarch Go-Fukakusa (1243-1304, r. 1246-1259) who had inherited it. See Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Yamaguchi ken no chimei, vol. 36 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980), 355. 244 snapper, salted red snapper, oysters, and seaweed from this estate. 505 It is highly likely that Senyōmon-in received similar types of sea-based resources from all of her insular estates. Senyōmon-in’s Cultural Salon and Political Ties Securing a regular and varied food supply was also crucial for enhancing Senyōmon-in’s cultural influence. Female attendants, an important cultural group in Heian and Kamakura court society, moved into their mistress’s residence and played a significant role in creating artistic and intellectual spaces there, helping their mistress broaden her political alliances. 506 As Nakamura Aya points out, the merit of attending a poetry competition hosted by a powerful royal or aristocrat was not only cultural; it also presented an opportunity to strengthen ties with other court members. Late Heian and Kamakura court officials often participated in poetry gatherings that could contribute to political networking as well. 507 From the perspective of the host, supporting cultural activities was politically advantageous, and their female attendants took an important part in these events. For example, in her salon, Senyōmon-in’s half sister Inpumon-in gathered highly-skilled female poets whose works appear in well-known anthologies such 505 See Tōji hyakugō monjo, doc. to-5 (と五号). For a printed version, see Engyō taikei doc. 22 in Nihon Engyō Taikei Henshū Iinkai, Nihon engyō taikei: shiryōhen 1, 87-88.. 506 For example, Sei Shōnagon, a female attendant of Queen-consort Fujiwara no Teishi (976-1000), depicted the cultural and lively atmosphere of Teishi’s salon, in which female attendants created poetry, played music, and promoted intellectual exchange among both male and female members at court. Murasaki Shikibu, the author of The Tale of Genji, served Queen-consort Fujiwara no Shōshi (988-1074), and significantly influenced literary culture in the Heian and succeeding periods. Female attendants of Great Kamo Priestess Senshi (964-1035) and Royal Princess Reishi (1078-1144) also excelled at poetry and upheld their patrons’ literary salons. For a study on cultural salons of medieval nyoin, see Christina Laffin, Rewriting Medieval Japanese Women: Politics, Personality, and Literary Production in the Life of Nun Abutsu (Honolulu: University of Hawai'l Press, 2013). 507 See The Pillow Book of Sei Shōnagon, trans. Ivan Morris (Columbia University Press, 1991). 245 as Senzai wakashū (compilation: 1187). 508 Some of her female attendants were also from families known for their musical skills in singing and playing the zither. The sophisticated atmosphere of her salon attracted courtiers such as Fujiwara no Teika, who was close to Go-Toba and the Kujō (Fujiwara) regental family. 509 Through such guests and her female attendants, Inpumon-in could keep current on matters of court politics. Senyōmon-in’s cultural influence had political uses. For instance, she sponsored poetry competitions at the Flower Offering Ceremony (kuge-e) at Chōkō Temple twice a year. 510 Second, she also owned many cultural pieces such as literary tales, poetry collections, and commentaries. 511 She lent her tale collections to Fujiwara no Yoshitsune, a senior son of the Kujō regental family, who then ordered Teika to compile another cultural work using those tales. 512 This cultural exchange among the nyoin, Yoshitsune, and Teika had political undertones. Yoshitsune’s father Fujiwara no Kanezane, whom Teika’s family closely served, had lost a vicious political struggle with Senyōmon-in’s close supporters, Minamoto no Michichika and her mother Eishi. Egusa argues that Teika compiled the work sometime between Michichika’s death in 1202 and Yoshitsune’s death in 1206. 513 During this period, Yoshitsune and Teika visited Senyōmon-in’s residence and attended her religious and secular events, showing their loyalty to the nyoin. Senyōmon-in’s offer of her literary collection to Yoshitsune was an indicator of the 508 Senzai wakashū is a royal anthology which was compiled by Fujiwara no Shunzei upon Go-Shirakawa’s order in 1187. 509 Gomi Fumihiko, Fujiwara no Teika no jidai. 510 See Nakamura Aya, "Kanjin to kajin no aida: jitsumu kanjin sō kara miru heian makki no kakai," Kokugo to kokubungaku 74, no. 11 (1997): 5-9. 511 Teika compiled Monogatari nihyaku-ban utaawase, a collection of poems selected from literary tales and paired according to the situations. See Egusa Miyuki, "Senyōmon-in to monogatari: 'monogatari nihyakuban utaawase' seiritsu no shūhen," 170-172. 512 Tabuchi Kumiko, "'Monogatari nihyakuban utaawase' no seiritsu to kōzō," Kokugo to kokubungaku 81, no. 2 (2004): 41. 513 Ibid., 38-39. 246 already improving political relationship between the two factions during this period, but it also shows that her cultural power—her ability to own a number of literary works and to hold poetry competitions—increased her ability to make alliances with previous enemies and strengthen her influence at court. Senyōmon-in’s female attendants must have supported her cultural and political interests. She developed her knowledge in literature, poetry, and music through her female attendants while supporting their cultural activities. Although these attendants might have partially relied on their family payments or gifts for support, Senyōmon-in likely took significant part in providing them with food, accommodations, and necessary items so that they could pursue their cultural endeavors at the Rokujō Mansion. In addition to living necessities, she annually renewed goods for recreational purposes including board games as part of the interior refurbishments. 514 Such items allowed the nyoin and her attendants to pursue entertaining activities at the Rokujō residence. Senyōmon-in had a mutually beneficial relationship with her female attendants, and in order to nurture and maintain it, she used resources from her estates. In summary, by collecting material resources from estates across the archipelago, Senyōmon-in supported her household at the Rokujō Mansion. Seemingly mundane items such as blinds, flooring materials, and torches, in fact indicate that her estates played crucial roles in supporting her economic well being while also buttressing her political and cultural influence over the course of her nyoin tenure. The nyoin, with the help of her officials and supporters, created a new dues collection plan after her father’s death, and although the condition of dues submissions declined over time, their efforts in creating a 514 For example according to the List. Senyōmon-in required Ishigaki Estate in Kii Province to submit sets of board games called dangi (碁弾) and igo (囲碁), every fourth month of the year. 247 deliberate plan surely helped her maintain her land-based inheritance. As we shall now see, Senyōmon-in used this inheritance not only to gain material resources but also to fulfill her religious responsibilities. Senyōmon-in’s Religious Roles and Her Use of the Rokujō Estates Two months before his death in the first month of 1192, Go-Shirakawa issued a “written promise” that seven types of Buddhist ceremonies would be held at the Chōkō Temple in perpetuity: the Flower Offering Ceremonies (kuge-e), the Unceasing Sutra Recitation on Ten Fasting Days (jissai chōkō), the Buddhist Assembly of the Second Month (shuni-e), the Equinox Assemblies (higan), the Lotus Sutra Lectures (hakkō), the Monthly Death Anniversaries (gakki), and the Ullambana Exposition (urabonkō). 515 According to his will, the heir of the Chōkō Temple was to make sure that “[the monks at the temple] conduct religious practice vigorously.” Although “it has been a long time since the grieving buddha appeared in this world, you should never let rituals [at the Chōkō Temple] decline. 516 ” For a certain period after Go-Shirakawa’s death, the members of his household stayed at the Rokujō Mansion to look after estate matters. For example, on 1192/3/14, one day after Go-Shirakawa passed away, his office (hon’in) dispatched orders to resolve 515 See Kamakura ibun, doc. 582, vol. 2, 9. According to Nihon kokugo daijiten, one of the definitions of kishō is to decide to start something and then vow to continue the practice for a long time in the future. See Nihon Kokugo Daijiten Dainihan Henshū Iinkai, ed. Nihon kokugo daijiten, vol. 4 (Tokyo: Shōgakukan, 2004), 108. 516 Rōshi (樓至) is the original term used in Go-Shirakawa’s written promise to describe “the grieving buddha.” The grieving buddha refers to the last of the thousand buddhas who appear in the present kalpa, which is an unimaginably long period of time. Rōshi is also known as the “ever-wailing buddha” or takikokubutsu (啼哭佛). The appearance of this buddha seems to have implied the declining state of Buddhism at that time. For the direct quotes, see Kamakura ibun, doc. 582, vol. 2, 9. For the explanation for rōshi, see Digital Dictionary of Buddhism (accessed on 2015/3/17): http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb/. 248 problems associated with his properties and storehouses. 517 Meanwhile some of his officials took the lead in organizing his funeral and an array of Buddhist services. Several daughters of Go-Shirakawa—Inpumon-in, Princess Shikishi, and Princess Kōshi—also stayed at the Rokujō with their half-sister, Senyōmon-in, and participated in subsequent memorial services for their father. Others who had been close to Go-Shirakawa, such as Senyōmon-in’s mother and the ex-director of his office, Fujiwara no Chikanobu, sponsored additional services at the Rokujō. 518 After the completion of Go-Shirakawa’s forty-ninth day death anniversary on 1192/5/2, Senyōmon-in and her half sisters held a “departing ceremony” and left the Rokujō all together. The following day, only Senyōmon-in returned to the residence and began her independent management. 519 This was the moment when Senyōmon-in’s administrative headquarters took over responsibility for sponsoring religious activities at the Mansion and at Chōkō Temple. The previously discussed security problems at the Rokujō Mansion in 1193 suggest that the beginning was a tough period for Senyōmon-in. She had to put systems in place to protect her father’s temple inside the mansion and to keep up the required Buddhist ceremonies. According to a Gyokuyō entry dated 1193/1/14, “the temples built by order of the [deceased] retired monarch are quickly declining.” 520 Even though this record does not mention the Chōkō Temple specifically, it demonstrates the general difficulty in maintaining religious institutions after the founder’s death. 517 See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/3/14. 518 Meigetsuki, the entries of Kenkyū 3 (1192)/4/5, 4/8 and 4/9. 519 According to the entry for new year’s day in 1194 in Gyokuyō, Inpumon-in had already moved to the Shirakawa Oshinokōji Mansion. Kujō Kanezane, Toshoryō sōkan: Kujōke- bon Gyokuyō, 13, 235. Also see Yashiro Kuniji, Kokushi sōsetsu, 35-36. 520 Buddhist temples founded by a royal family member were called gogan-ji, often translated as “vow temples.” Chōkō Temple was one of them. See Gyokuyō, Kenkyū 4 (1193)/1/14. 249 Continuing to hold events at her temple allowed Senyōmon-in to follow her father’s dying wishes and prove herself a successful and appropriate heir of the Rokujō estates. As previously discussed, her position right after Go-Shirakawa’s death was weak. Despite historians’ claim that she was the favorite child of Go-Shirakawa, she was not treated as such for years, and only nine months before his death she was suddenly made a nyoin without meeting existing prerequisites. In fact, as we have seen, nyoin like Senyōmon-in who had never become a queen-consort before receiving the title were considered “lesser” nyoin by contemporary courtiers. 521 In such a situation, having the responsibility to fulfill the last wishes of the former head of the royal family was significant — it could be used strategically to legitimize her inherited authority and strengthen control over her estates. By levying miscellaneous dues specifically associated with religious events listed in Go-Shirakawa’s “written promise,” Senyōmon-in regularly reminded his former Rokujō officials and estate managers that she had taken on the important role of accumulating good merits for him. Notably, however, the List mentions only four of the seven ceremonies: the Flower Offering Ceremonies, the Equinox Assemblies, the Lotus Sutra Lectures, and the Ullambana Exposition. If supporting the Buddhist ceremonies in Go-Shirakawa’s “promise” allowed Senyōmon-in to strengthen her position as his heir, then why not use all seven? Perhaps she did not have enough lands to fully sponsor all the rituals that her father desired and therefore needed to be selective. It is also worth noting that Go- Shirakawa likely died without establishing a comprehensive plan to support these rituals, 521 According to Hyakurenshō, the head of the Council of the State, Fujiwara no Koremichi, said that Hachijō-in’s nyoin title was “a trivial kind, which was not as authoritative as that of a queen-consort.” See Hyakurenshō, the entry of Ōhō 1(1161)12/16 in Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・Hyakurenshō, 75-76. 250 and Senyōmon-in may have had to levy new dues to set up a long-term system. Increasing dues on a significant scale must have been difficult for the nyoin, given that she had only recently become a supreme proprietor. A more feasible solution was to select certain Buddhist services that would effectively legitimize her authority over estates and maximize her potential to collect resources from them. An important strategy that Senyōmon-in used to enhance her ability to collect resources from estates on the List was to highlight her role in memorializing royal ancestors besides her father. Three of the ceremonies chosen from Go-Shirakawa’s wish list were Buddhist services for the departed spirits of family members and ancestors. The Lotus Sutra Lectures, which she held annually on the anniversary of Go-Shirakawa’s death, emphasized her role in consoling his spirit. The Ullambana Exposition, which “involve[d] caring for the spirits of ancestors and other deceased family members,” provided her with another opportunity to pray for her father and others as well. 522 The Equinox Assemblies, which featured offerings to spirits returning to this world during the vernal and autumn equinoxes, was also dedicated to the enlightenment of royal ancestors. 523 Senyōmon-in began holding the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month in 1194, two years after Go-Shirakawa’s death. She did not start the Lotus Sutra Lectures in 1193 because under medieval customs a memorial service held at the first death anniversary 522 The Ullambana Exposition was usually held during the seventh month. For the direct quote, see “ullambana” (盂蘭盆) in Digital Dictionary of Buddhism (accessed on 1/30/2015: http://www.buddhism- dict.net/ddb/). Also see Okuno Yoshio, "Chūsei kuge no urabon shūzoku wo megutte (Sono 2): Chūsei kuge ・Buke shakai no urabon shūzoku no shosō wo chūshin ni," Bunkazai gakuhō 12 (1994): 43, 45-46. 523 To learn more about meanings of the Equinox Assemblies and actual practices during the rites, see "Chūsei kuge ・ buke no sosen saishi shūzoku wo megutte: chūsei kuge oyobi buke no nikki kara mita shun jū higan wo chūshin ni," Bunkazai gakuhō 7 (1989). 251 was considered to be an extraordinary event. 524 In contrast, a rite held at the second death anniversary often became routinized. 525 By establishing the Third Month Lotus Sutra Lectures at the Chōkō as an annual event and continuing it in succeeding years, she fulfilled her father’s wishes. Go-Toba Tennō, the head of the royal family after Go-Shirakawa’s death, also recognized the Third Month Lotus Sutra Lectures at the Chōkō as a politically significant event. In 1197, for example, he had his senior nobles discuss the selection of monks to serve at the Lotus Sutra Lectures at the Chōkō. 526 This suggests that although Senyōmon- in inherited the right and responsibility to host religious ceremonies at the temple, the Tennō and his followers also showed a strong interest in the Third Month Lotus Sutra Lectures. But Go-Toba’s participation did not mean that he took over responsibility for sponsoring the ceremony: Senyōmon-in owned the temple, maintained it as the religious site to hold this event, and procured necessary resources by collecting alluvial gold from her estates. Still, the Tennō’s presence contributed to the prosperity of the event because he brought many senior nobles to the Lectures as his companions. 527 Senyōmon-in and Go-Toba collaborated to enhance each other’s political and religious influence. 524 On his first death anniversary, she held the Offerings of Mandala (mandara-ku) instead, an esoteric Buddhist ceremony of creating a mandala and venerating it with offerings. Other royals also memorialized the first death anniverary of Go-Shirakawa. For example, to pray for his deceased soul, Go-Toba held a commemorative service to mark the newly-built temple (御堂供養) at Rengeō Temple. Go-Shirakawa’s daughter, Shikishi Princess of the Blood, joined this ceremony. The Kamakura Shogunate and Mt. Kōya also held memorial services for Go-Shirakawa. See Dainihon shiryō, Kenkyū 4 (1193)/3/13, vol. 4-4, 315- 321. 525 In 1194, Senyōmon-in started the Lotus Sutra Lectures on the twenty-ninth, thirteen days after Go- Shirakawa’s actual death anniversary. She, however, changed the event date in 1195, by making it an annual event which started on the ninth of the third month and ended with a final ceremony on the thirteenth. The final ceremony was on the actual death anniversary of Go-Shirakawa. See Dainihon shiryō, Kenkyū 5 (1194)/3/29, vol. 4-4, 578, 809. 526 See Inokuma kanpakuki, Kenkyū 8 (1197)/3/10 and 3/13. 527 Senyōmon-in made the Third Month Lotus Sutra Lectures a prestigious event. For instance as seen in the Meigetsuki entry of 1204, she received offerings from senior royals such as Inpumon-in to support the Lotus Sutra Lectures. Moreover, Retired Monarch Go-Toba and high-ranking courtiers had been attending 252 For the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month, Senyōmon-in levied a large amount of alluvial gold as miscellaneous dues on a majority of the Rokujō estates. 528 In most cases Senyōmon-in requested a small amount from each estate, ranging from two to five ryō (c. 75-187 grams) of gold each, and in a few cases she levied as much as twenty ryō (c. 750 grams). Overall fifty-three estates provided gold. 529 When procuring event materials, it was cumbersome for the supreme proprietor to collect bits and pieces from a large number of estates, especially when they were coming from distant provinces. Why did she not collect a bulk quantity at once? As I have argued elsewhere, involving many estates likely guaranteed a more reliable income stream. In addition, medieval estates probably faced a challenge in achieving mass-volume production. Especially in the case of gold, the areas producing such precious metal in large amounts were limited. In twelfth- and thirteenth-century Japan, the major production region for gold was Mutsu Province, but no estate from this province was on the List. 530 Her estate custodians thus had to acquire gold through trade and likely faced difficulties in acquiring a large amount at once. this annual event for decades. For example, Go-Toba, Regent Fujiwara no Motomichi, the Minister of the Left, the Minister of the Right, and other senior nobles attended her Lotus Sutra Lectures in 1199. The retired monarch and high ranking officials attended during the subsequent years. See the Meigetsuki entry of Genkyū 1(1204)/3/9 and Inokuma kanpakuki entries of Shōji 1(1199)/3/9, Shōji 2(1200)/3/9, Kennin 1 (1201)/3/9, Kennin 2 (1202)/3/9. Also see Hyakurenshō, Kenpō 3 (1215)3/9. For secondary sources that discuss the Third Month Lotus Sutra Lectures, see Endō Motoo, Chūsei ōken to ōchō girei, 284-85; Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 72. 528 As I explained earlier, “ 砂” in the List refers to alluvial gold. In the Heian and Kamakura periods, the host of a Buddhist ceremony often provided alluvial gold to cover the cost of the event or to use directly as part of the offerings. It is important to note, however, that literal sand was also used for funerals and other Buddhist services. For example during Kōkamon-in’s funeral in 1181, the participants put sand into her coffin. See Gyokuyō, Yōwa 1 (1181)/12/5. 529 At its end, the List includes thirteen estates that were exempted from paying miscellaneous dues. If we exclude them from the total number of the estates (eighty-nine), the estates which Senyōmon-in ordered to submit the sand for Go-Shirakawa’s memorial service accounted for up to 70%. 530 Other provinces such as Shimotsuke, Suruga, and Sado began producing gold sometime from the ninth to the eleventh centuries, but the quantity of gold produced in Mutsu was still the most in the Japanese archipelago. 253 Another Buddhist event in which Senyōmon-in drew from a large number of estates to carry out her responsibilities was the Equinox Assemblies. She held this event twice a year, in the second and eighth months. To procure necessary offerings, she required thirty-four (more than one third) of her Rokujō estates to submit 214 bolts of cloth in total. 531 According to Okuno Yoshio, Heian aristocrats did not emphasize the Equinox Assembly as an ancestor-worshiping event—for them, that was the Ullambana Exposition. During the Kamakura Period, however, contemporary interest in the Equinox Assembly increased, and it was eventually seen as an important ritual for deceased family members. 532 Senyōmon-in’s emphasis on the Equinox Assemblies was probably in reaction to this religious trend. The List also shows that guards and dues for the Equinox Assemblies were levied in the same month. For example, Tottori Estate in Bizen and Fukagaya Estate in Mino sent both cloth offerings and gate guards for the second month. Ijira Estate in Mino, Asahi Hon Estate in Noto, Sugō Estate in Harima, Mashima Estate in Mimasaka, and Ishigaki Estate Kii submitted equinox cloth offerings and guards for the eighth month. It is likely that the guards delivered cloth for the Equinox Assemblies when they traveled to the Rokujō Mansion. Even though Senyōmon-in used the strategy of involving many estates to support the Lotus Sutra Lectures and the Equinox Assemblies, levies were not the same. For the Equinox Assemblies, some estates sent only one bolt of cloth, but most provided at least 531 Senyōmon-in levied the equinox offerings on 45% of her estates. (I excluded the thirteen estates that were exempted from miscellaneous dues from this calculation.) 532 Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 72. 254 four bolts. 533 At the extreme end was Tottori Estate in Bizen, which submitted ten bolts, and Rokka Estate in Higo, which submitted twenty bolts every year. These two estates were also responsible for providing a large amount of gold for the Lotus Sutra Lecture Services. Tottori Estate provided ten ryō, and Rokka Estate provided twenty ryō, the highest quantity listed for a single estate. According to the 1417 document named Senyōmon-in’s Estate List, annual rent levied on these two estates was relatively heavy, suggesting that they were her most important estates. Although dues were distributed across many estates, the more prosperous locations were carefully chosen to take a larger responsibility for providing materials. The Flower Offering Ceremony is an important but somewhat odd case. When describing the seven Chōkō events in his will, Go-Shirakawa devoted a majority of space to this ceremony and expressed his strong support; he underscored that he had been observing the Flower Offering Ceremony “more than forty years,” since he was a crown prince. 534 Held twice a year, it was a costly affair. Every fifth and ninth month those who sponsored the event needed to recite the Lotus Sutra and present flower offerings in front of Amitabha Buddha twice a day for eight successive days. Therefore they had to pay for the monks who performed the rites. Contemporary sources show that Go-Shirakawa preferred a large-scale event. In 1167 when he held the ceremony, 340 people, including 533 To procure the equinox offerings, Senyōmon-in ordered three estates other than Tottori Estate— Yamaka Estate in Ōmi Province, Hachiya-kita Estate in Mino Province, and Hiratsu Estate in Harima Province—to send ten bolts of cloth. She ordered two more estates in addition to Rokka Estate—Sakakita Estate in Echizen Province, and Abu Domain in Suō Province—to send twenty bolts of cloth. 534 See Kamakura ibun, doc. 582, vol. 2, 9. Also see Hōjō Fumihiko, "Chōkōdō no Kuge ni tsuite," Shoryōbu kiyō 37 (1985): 4. 255 senior nobles and high ranking monks from the Prelates’ Office and deans of different vow temples, attended on the first day. 535 Sponsoring the Flower Offering Ceremonies required significant resources, but the List shows that Senyōmon-in collected only ten bolts of cloth each year for them. This amount was much less than for other Buddhist events such as the Equinox Assemblies, for which she annually demanded over 200 bolts. And only three estates supported the Flower Offering Ceremonies: Ichimata Estate in Mino, Inazumi Estate in Hōki, and Matsui Estate in Harima. Since Ichimata Estate in Mino Province was later exempted from miscellaneous dues, the amount that was collected decreased to only six sets of cloth. Does this signify Senyōmon-in’s failure to sponsor this event? In fact, other primary records show that Senyōmon-in actually held her first Flower Offering Ceremony at the Chōkō on 1192/5/15, after her father’s death. Although the scale of this first Flower Offering Ceremony seems to have been smaller than those held by her father, later records show that Senyōmon-in developed the event to a scale grand enough that it was attended by the most influential royals and aristocrats of the time. 536 Go-Toba attended the ceremony held at the Chōkō in the ninth month of 1200, as did Go-Saga in the fifth month of 1247. 537 Rather than solely relying on miscellaneous 535 Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," 47-48; Egusa Miyuki, "'Monogatari nihyakuban utaawase' no seiritsu wo megutte: Senyōmon-In tono kakawari wo jiku ni," Waka bungaku kenkyū 99 (2009): 2. Also see Hyōhanki, Ninan 2 (1167)/5/12. 536 The author of Shinki, Provisional Middle Counselor Fujiwara no Sadayoshi, recorded that he and other close followers of the deceased Go-Shirakawa attended the Flower Offering Ceremony on 1192/5/15. If any royals and ministers were present at the event, he would certainly have recorded their names in his journal. This implies that the scale of the event was not as large as those held by Go-Shirakawa.See Shinki, Kenkyū 3 (1192)/5/15 and Dainihon shiryō vol. 4-4,103. Also see the note in Hōjō Fumihiko, "Chōkōdō no Kuge ni tsuite," 39. 537 See Meigetsuki, the entries of Shōji 2 (1200)/9/22 and 9/29. Also see Yōkōki, the entry of Hōji 1 (1247)/5/11. 256 dues, Senyōmon-in and her household likely used materials collected as annual rent, such as cloth, rice, and gold. Another Buddhist event for which Senyōmon-in levied a small amount of miscellaneous dues was the Ullambana Exposition. The List records only one type of supporting dues, “extraordinary labor service summoned as needed.” 538 Contemporary sources show that holding the Ullambana Exposition required materials such as offerings for temples and payment to monks who lectured on the Ullambana Sutra. 539 If Senyōmon-in had followed this custom, she would certainly have required more than the “extraordinary labor service” to sponsor the event. Since no other remaining record discusses her Ullambana Exposition, she probably did not hold large-scale Ullambana Expositions. An alternative possibility is that Senyōmon-in collected limited miscellaneous dues for the Ullambana Exposition because she was not establishing it as a Chōkō tradition. Beginnning in the seventh century, the tennō sponsored this event at court to pray for “royal fathers and mothers of seven generations.” By the late Heian Period, other royals and aristocrats also privately observed the ritual. 540 Because of its widespread celebration, patronizing this ritual at the Chōkō would not have been a particularly unique and notable effort. The inclusion of the Relic Venerating Ceremony in the List also suggests the possibility that Senyōmon-in combined multiple events. The Relic Venerating Ceremony 538 These dues were levied on Shimokatsura Estate in Yamashiro. 539 See Okuno Yoshio, "Chūsei kuge ・ buke no sosen saishi shūzoku wo megutte: chūsei kuge oyobi buke no nikki kara mita shunjū higan wo chūshin ni," 69-74. 540 See ibid.; "Chūsei kuge no urabon shūzoku wo megutte (Sono 2): Chūsei kuge ・buke shakai no urabon shūzoku no shosō wo chūshin ni," 46-49. Also see Nihon shoki, the entry of the day of kōshin in the seventh month of the fifth year of Saimei Tennō’s reign (659) in Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Nihon shoki kōhen, vol. 1 ge (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2004), 271. 257 was unique in that Go-Shirakawa did not mention it in his “written promise,” showing that Senyōmon-in added events of her own to the List. And in this case, instead of spreading the burden of support across many estates, she ordered only two estates, Noma Utsumi Estate in Owari and Sakakita Estate in Echizen, to submit the necessary dues. Moreover, the kind of dues she requested for the Relic Venerating Ceremony were unusual: she collected only food and drinks—one hundred servings of various types— from the two estates. It is likely that she also needed other types of resources to sponsor this ceremony. As in the case of the Flower Offering Ceremonies, she might have tapped annual estate rents, and it is likely that she held the Relic Venerating Ceremony as a part of a larger event. Okuno Yoshio claims that during the fifteenth century, the Relic Venerating Ceremony was performed along with other events held at the equinox, such as Buddha-name chanting and Buddhist sermons. Although Okuno’s examples were from a later time, it is possible that Senyōmon-in combined the Equinox Assemblies with other activities, including the Relic Venerating Ceremony. 541 By doing so she would have created a large and impressive event. As we can see, Senyōmon-in held Buddhist ceremonies for her father and for herself. Her ability to sponsor these events not only proved her Buddhist devotion but also showcased her economic wherewithal. Among the religious responsibilities that she received with the Rokujō estates, her task of praying for her ancestors, especially memorializing Go-Shirakawa’s death, carried political and religious significance. By holding the Lotus Sutra Lectures on his death anniversary to console his soul and involving her estate officials and residents in supporting the rituals, she provided them 541 In fact, Sakakita Estate was supposed to submit the food and drinks at the end of the second month when the Equinox Assembly for spring was held. See Okuno Yoshio, "Chūsei kuge ・ buke no sosen saishi shūzoku wo megutte: chūsei kuge oyobi buke no nikki kara mita shunjū higan wo chūshin ni," 73-76, 79. 258 with an opportunity to accumulate good deeds. 542 This suggests that she felt the deepest sense of duty for the Lotus Sutra Lectures as Go-Shirakawa’s daughter. In contrast to some other dues that eventually stopped coming to Senyōmon-in, a majority of the estates continued to send alluvial gold. 543 Although Senyōmon-in held Buddhist events at the Chōkō Temple to fulfill Go- Shirakawa’s will, these rituals consoled only his deceased spirit. What about ceremonies for her mother, Takashina no Eishi? Senyōmon-in did not host Eishi’s memorial services by herself. 544 In 1216, the same year in which Eishi passed away, Senyōmon-in commended her Shishikui Estate in Awa Province to the Rengejō Temple. 545 Through this commendation, Senyōmon-in likely expected the temple to take responsibility for conducting memorial services for her mother. 546 Meanwhile Senyōmon-in made arrangements with her half brother Taira no Narikane, the eldest son of Eishi, and his 542 The List records miscellaneous dues for “the Lotus Sutra Lectures of the Third Month,” but it mentions nothing about Go-Shirakawa’s “Monthly Death Anniversaries” that is listed in his wish. Despite this omission, contemporary sources indicate that Senyōmon-in held his monthly death anniversary ceremonies as well as the annual ones. See, for example, Inokuma kanpakuki: Kenkyū 8 (1199)/1/13, Shōji 1 (1199)/5/13, and Kennin 2 (1202)/6/13, and Minkeiki: Kangi 3 (1231)/2/13. Also see Kamakura ibun, doc. 580, vol. 2, 9. 543 Only 7 estates out of 53 estates stopped submitting gold (black notes), and Senyōmon-in received more than 220 ryō out of 257 ryō which she originally expected to gain. 544 Eishi died on the twenty-ninth day of the fourth month in Kenpō 4 (1216). See Dainihon shiryō vol. 4- 14, 204. I could not find contemporary sources showing that Senyōmon-in routinely sponsored rites on Eishi’s death anniversary. 545 Zoku hōkanshū 64, 353-54. 546 When medieval estate proprietors commended their estates to a Buddhist temple, they usually made a specific contract with the recipient. The task they often expected the religious institution to carry out was to hold memorial services for deceased family members and ancestors. For example, in 1175 Senyōmon-in’s aunt, Princess Shōshi (頌子, 1145-1208), commended to the Rengejō Temple on Mt. Kōya a part of her Minabe Estate in Kii Province, on the premise that the temple would carry out services for her father Toba. In 1194, she guaranteed the temple one hundred to of rice rather than providing a piece of land, and in return she ordered the monks to take more responsibilities. In addition to holding services for the deceased Toba, she expected them to carry out services for four others—the Nun Myōe, the Hanazono Minister of the Left [Minamoto no Arihito], the Fushimi Ise Priestess [Princess Shushi (守子)], and the Lady of the West—through memorials of their deaths. When the princess commended the entire estate to the temple at her death on 8/18 in 1208, the deceased souls for whom she expected the temple to commemorate increased once more, to include her mother and herself. See a document collection of Mt. Kōya, Hōkanshū 23 (doc. 279, 280, 281, and 286) and 36 (doc. 436). Also see Dainihon shiryō vol. 2-19, 278; Dainihon shiryō vol. 2-26, 147; Yūoku hōkanshū 96, doc. 1663 and doc. 1664. 259 descendants to share the responsibility. In 1237 Narikane’s son, Narimitsu, transferred his custodianship over Inoie Estate in Kaga Province to his daughter, Jibukyō no Tsubone. According to Narimitsu’s will, Senyōmon-in issued an order in which she authorized Norikane and his offspring to take over the right and responsibility to manage the land as custodian under her supreme proprietorship. 547 The responsibility given to Narimitsu was to commemorate Eishi’s death. He appointed two monks to an official position at his Buddhist temple and had them pray for Eishi. 548 He emphasized in his will that he had reported his plan regarding Eishi’s rituals to the nyoin in advance, including such details as the name of the temple (Mutaikō’in) and the reasons why he built it on his deceased wife’s land. He also specified a change that his successors should make when procuring resources to sponsor Eishi’s memorial services: “instead of allocating five koku [of rice] from the annual dues sent from Inoie Estate, use those from [the estates belonging to] the Hōdō Templeto sponsor [her services].” 549 Senyōmon-in’s Inoie Estate stopped providing the five koku, but she must have expected her maternal family to continue memorializing Eishi, and she likely supported them. Narikane’s will implies that the nyoin was concerned about the afterlife of her mother as much as that of her father, and it is likely that she was informed about Eishi’s memorial services even though she entrusted the task to her brother’s family. 547 The editors of Kamakura ibun and Rekishi chimei taikei explain that Jibukyō no Tsubone was Kanemitsu’s sister, but I agree with later scholarship (such as Kanō shiryō and a study by Kanai Shizuka) that identifies her as his daughter. See Kamakura ibun, doc. hoi 792 and hoi 1215. For the original primary documents, see the document collection called “o-yuigon jō jō,” in Kajūjike monjo, which is owned by Kyoto University. See “Inoie no shō” (井家庄) in Heibonsha Chihō Shiryō Sentā, ed. Nihon rekishi chimei taikei: Ishikawa ken no chimei, vol. 17 (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1991), 566-567. Also see Kanai Shizuka, Chūsei kugeryō no kenkyū (Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1999), 65-69. 548 Narimitsu remodeled a house that he had originally built for his deceased wife and made it into this Buddhist temple to console Eishi’s spirit. 549 The name of the temple (宝幢院) can be read as either “Hōdō” or “Hōtō.” See note 547. 260 Narikane’s will also suggests that it was difficult for Senyōmon-in to host Eishi’s annual memorial services at Chōkō. In comparison, Hachijō-in annually performed rituals for both her father Toba and her mother Bifukumon-in at her own residence and at vow temples in the Toba Detached Palace. The reason why Senyōmon-in did not perform Eishi’s services at Chōkō Temple with the support of the Rokujō estates was probably related to the way in which she inherited her estates. 550 Hachijō-in inherited a number of her estates from her mother as well as from her father. Senyōmon-in, on the other hand, acquired her estate proprietorship for the Rokujō Mansion mainly from Go-Shirakawa. Since her father was the principal source of Senyōmon-in’s authority to collect resources from her estates, she had to devote those resources to sponsoring memorial services for him, rather than for her mother. Thus, although Senyōmon-in was supreme proprietor, she was not able to allocate resources from her estates at will to support religious services even for her own mother. The aforementioned Narimitsu’s will suggests that he first planned for his daughter to use dues from Inoie Estate to hold her great grandmother Eishi’s rituals at his temple. But he changed the plan and instead told her to use dues from the Hōdō Temple. In order to understand why he altered his plan, we need to compare the raison d’etre of Inoie Estate with that of the Hōdō Temple estates. When Senyōmon-in inherited Inoie Estate, both the nyoin and Eishi had authority to acquire dues from this estate because the former was the supreme proprietor and the 550 The Rokujō estate group consisted of approximately ninety estates. Eishi, who never attained the nyoin title, could not establish a large administrative office by herself to manage so many estates as a supreme proprietorship. 261 latter had the custodianship. 551 Inoie Estate, however, was providing resources not only to the mother and daughter but also to Enshōji, a vow temple of the deceased Konoe Tennō (1139-1155, r. 1141-1155). 552 Because of the heavy dues already required from the estate, Senyōmon-in and Narimitsu were likely to have been anxious about requesting additional dues from it. In comparison, even though the Hōdō Temple was part of the larger religious institution of Mt. Kōya, the principal role of the Hōdō Temple estates—Kashū, Fukura, and Nihiyama estates—should have been to support the temple. In primary sources, Kashū Estate and Fukura Estate appear as those belonging to the Hōdō Temple rather than to Mt. Kōya itself, suggesting that Go-Shirakawa established these estates specifically to maintain Buddhist activities held at the temple. 553 Furthermore, Eishi had developed strong control over the Hōdō Temple by receiving it from Go-Shirakawa as her own vow temple. She even changed its name from “Hōtō-zanmai Temple,” by which it had formerly been known, to “Hōdō Temple,” as if it had been newly built for her. It was at this moment that she obtained supreme proprietorship of the temple and its estates. 554 The strong relationship between the Hōdō Temple and Eishi explains why Narimitsu saw the temple’s three estates as suitable for supporting Eishi’s memorial services. 551 When Narimitsu inherited Inoie Estate from Narikane, he received documentary proofs for his inheritance, including documents transmitting orders (migyōsho) of both Senyōmon-in and Eishi. This indicates that Eishi was at least the highest managing position of the estate. See Kamakura ibun, doc. ho 792, vol. 44, 70. 552 A part of “o-yuigon jō jō” is in Kajūjike monjo. For printed versions, see Kanō Shiryō Hensan Iinkai, Kanō shiryō: Kamakura 1, 378-381. Also see Kamakura ibun, doc. ho-792, vol. 44, 70-71. 553 For example, see Kamakura ibun, doc. 584, vol. 2, 12-14 (Yamashiro daitokuji monjo). In Taira no Narimitsu’s will, the three estates were even listed independently from the Hōdō Temple at Mt. Kōya. This suggests that the estate proprietors such as Senyōmon-in and her relatives had more liberty to use these estates. See ibid., 290-292. 554 According to Eishi’s grandson Narimitsu’s will, he planned to give Eishi’s daughter two temples: Hōtō Temple (宝塔院) in Bicchū Province and Hōdō Temple (宝幢院) at Mt. Kōya. I assume that he expected to request the latter estate to support Eishi’s rituals because Eishi had supreme proprietorship over the estates of this temple. 262 This analysis of the involvement of Senyōmon-in and her relatives in Eishi’s memorial services reveals important strategies of the nyoin and other medieval estate proprietors in general to support rituals for the deceased. By selecting the estates with which Eishi herself had a strong tie in her lifetime, Senyōmon-in and her relatives could demand economic support for rituals for Eishi. Despite a lack of specific examples, this case suggests that on occasion, Senyōmon-in provided resources from her own estates for Eishi’s rituals. By appointing her relatives to managing positions or commending her estates to religious institutions, she could entrust others with the task of remembering and praying for her mother. This strategy worked quite well for a nyoin whose mother was from a relatively low social status and did not transfer many properties to her daughter. Senyōmon-in could maintain memorial services for her mother while avoiding criticism for officially sponsoring such services with the use of resources inherited from her father. Conclusion As we have learned, Senyōmon-in experienced serious security challenges at her Rokujō Mansion in 1193 due to the lack of any military bureau. To cope with this emergency, Senyōmon-in and her household initially reached out to Fujiwara no Yoshiyasu, who pressed the Kamakura Shogunate to send her military help. Later, they set up an arrangement in which different estates regularly provided gate guards for security. Although Senyōmon-in faced some difficulty in receiving all the guards as planned, these estates nonetheless played a crucial role in protecting the Rokujō Mansion. In addition to manpower, Senyōmon-in collected material goods from her estates to support the livelihood at her residence. Through the use of these products and the food 263 stuffs provided by the estates, Senyōmon-in and her household members were able to create appropriately-furnished spaces and support seasonal events. This in turn created the foundation for her political and cultural influence. Religious roles were equally important and Senyōmon-in showed herself to be a filial daughter by holding ceremonies specified by her father’s promissory oath. By involving a majority of her estates to memorialize the death of the original founder of the Chōkō Temple, she emphasized her rights to collect estate dues as his main heir. She was also concerned about her mother’s afterlife and made sure that her death was commemorated by religious institutions and her maternal family. For both her father and mother, she used her estates to pray for the enlightenment of their spirits. In the next chapter, we will see that she increasingly used her estates to pursue her own religious goals in the latter half of her life and thus significantly influenced twelfth-century Buddhist society. 264 Chapter 6: Senyōmon-in’s Final Years, and Passing on Her Estates Despite facing initial challenges in protecting the Rokujō Mansion in 1193, Senyōmon-in and her officials had developed coping strategies to use an estate-based security system for protecting the residence and the Chōkō Temple. They also set up a lasting dues collection plan used to obtain materials necessary for supporting the livelihood of the Rokujō Mansion and to fulfill her inherited religious responsibilities until her death in 1252. This chapter focuses on the later stages of Senyōmon-in’s life, exploring how she struggled to maintain her political influence at court, especially after the deaths and political downfalls of her close followers and relatives. Additionally, it examines the pursuit of her own religious objectives and the challenges that she faced in choosing an heir for the Rokujō Mansion Estates. Senyōmon-in’s political connections were in flux throughout the course of her life. From the end of the twelfth century through the beginning of the thirteenth century, she established political ties with several persons close to the throne. Retired Monarch Go- Toba’s first son Tsuchimikado ascended to the throne in 1198, which was beneficial to Senyōmon-in because her administrative chief (shitsuji 執事), Minamoto no Michichika, was an adoptive father of Tsuchimikado’s mother, Minamoto no Zaishi. 555 Moreover, in 1200, Senyōmon-in reinforced her influence by adopting Prince Masanari, the son of Go- Toba’s favorite wife, Fujiwara no Jūshi. Masanari, however, had an elder brother from the same mother, and in 1210 this brother ascended the throne at age thirteen as Juntoku Tennō. Although this was not 555 As one of the most important members of her household, a nyoin’s administrative chief closely served her. See later paragraphs for further information about nyoin’s administrative chiefs. Also see Chapter 1 for the structure of nyoin’s administrative headquarters. 265 surprising given that the new tennō was older than the prince, this event significantly narrowed the odds that Masanari would become a future sovereign, and it somewhat weakened Senyōmon-in’s negotiating power with Go-Toba and his supporters, since Masanari’s line was viewed as a potential competition for the throne. Several years later in 1216, when a conflict arose between Senyōmon-in’s Noguchi Estate and Go-Toba’s Yoshitomi Estate, she was unable to support the claims presented by her estate officials. 556 Both Noguchi and Yoshitomi estates were located in Tanba Province. According to a copy of a twelfth-century map that was created by Yoshitomi officials (Map 15), Mt. Noguchi and the Katsura River separated Noguchi Estate and Yoshitomi Estate. Between the mountain and the river, there was a village called Kihara. The working associates affiliated with Noguchi Estate lived in this area between the estate borders. 557 The map also depicts a waterwheel on the bank of the Katsura River, suggesting the importance of the river as a source of mechanical power and water for irrigation purposes. The name written next to the waterwheel, “Kimae” ( 木前), was similar to the aforementioned village name “Kihara ( 木原),” suggesting the possibility of a copying error. If so, this indicates that the Noguchi estate members had some control over the waterwheel. Additionally, the name “Shima” written after “Kimae” was the area adjacent to Kihara Village. In any event, the Noguchi and Yoshitomi estates had been fighting over water rights, and had never reached an agreement on their borders. 556 As explained later, this incident is described in Fujiwara no Noritomo’s order. Noritomo (1178-1237) was a son of Fujiwara no Norimitsu and Fujiwara no Norisue’s daughter. According to Kugyō bunin, he was the director of the Capital/Royal Police (kebiishi bettō) until the first month of 1216. In the third month of the same year, he was appointed commander of the Gate Guards of the Left as well, so he became the head of both offices of the Left and Right Gate Guards. His order is included in Yamashiro Jingoji monjo. For printed versions, see Kamakura ibun, doc. 2268, vol. 4, 232. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-14, 163. 557 The original term for “the members” of the estate is yoryūdo (寄人), and it could be translated as estate affiliates or estate dependents. Despite their close ties with the estate, yoryūdo, who moved around to do certain jobs for the estate, were not necessarily permanent residents within the estate borders. 266 Map 15: Yoshitomi Estate Map 558 In 1216 this dispute ended with a favorable result for Go-Toba’s property, Yoshitomi Estate. In the ninth month of that year, Fujiwara no Noritomo, a brother of Go-Toba’s wet nurse, Fujiwara no Kenshi, issued an order that Noguchi estate officials 558 Historians today agree that this Yoshitomi Estate map is a copy made during the late medieval or the early modern period. Since this map has a note on the back that the estate borders were determined on Shōan 4 (1174)/10/20, the original map is likely to have been created in that year. For the map, see Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, ed. Nihon shōen ezu shūei 4: Kinki (Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1999). For further information about Yoshitomi Estate, see Yagi chōshi hensan jigyō jimukyoku and Nantanshi kyōiku iinkai shakai kyōikuka, Jingoji ryō Tanba no kuni Yoshitomi no shō kochi chōsa hōkokusho (Nantanshi kyōiku iinkai 2009). l.![r.- t'.FJ 'r1 IL|l {F\{d , )i "'Fr rtij ",t;j / rltr / (li \F {r$ *dS- __\/\. t \ 1 \ . r' ,tE(''* I '\ xx;;* ;*:t d-1+k* t(li- *'' \ '# o"!,?**"{:J'. "' *q.v ri: ^ .-i/ :., i :.\ q; I x-.:'.')7ry'- '2, $ 'Zc* $',"'\ -,:=t,{} (^r:.i oJ ' a- yd;/-Jr5^ (*, -1u": { ffi*ff**),ffi tgs $t *^I i$,,' l))' t EI#E<HE-T€ The northeastern border of Noguchi Pasture (Noguchi Estate) Waterwheel The river suggests the western border of Yoshitomi Estate The working associates affiliated with Noguchi Estate were living here. Yoshitomi Estate 267 were to cease from crossing the Yoshitomi boundary and conducting land surveys. 559 Noritomo was the commander of the Gate Guards of the Right at Juntoku’s court, and the fact that he held the right to issue an order from his household to protect the Yoshitomi Estate indicates that he held a managing responsibility for the estate. Instead of allowing both sides to meet and negotiate over the border, Noritomo unilaterally decided that the Noguchi estate officials were acting unlawfully. He stated that the friction between the two estates “should have been reported to Go-Toba, and the messengers from his office should have travelled to the site and investigated the situation.” 560 After Noritomo issued his order, there is no evidence showing continuing disputes, nor are there records of Senyōmon-in supporting any additional attempts by the Noguchi officials to renegotiate Noritomo’s decision. Heian and Kamakura nyoin held the authority to issue orders independently from male royals, and in some cases, they managed to stop incursions into and attacks against their estates. 561 Their power in such cases, however, was never guaranteed, especially when they were in disputes with other powerful royals or aristocrats. No record shows that Senyōmon-in issued an order to protect the interests of the Noguchi Estate in 1216. She likely wanted to defend the claim of her Noguchi officials who had been submitting miscellaneous dues such as blinds, gold, monthly side dishes, and laborers; but her political connections were not strong enough at that time to favorably negotiate the borders with Go-Toba’s estate. Her most experienced supporters such as Fujiwara no Kanemasa, Minamoto no Michichika, and Minamoto no Yoritomo had passed away by 559 See Fujiwara no Noritomo’s order in Kamakura ibun, doc. 2268, vol. 4, 232. 560 Ibid. 561 For example, see Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka." 268 the early 1200s. 562 In contrast, Go-Toba’s wet nurse, Kenshi, and her relatives had been raising their voices at court. Senyōmon-in also lacked a strong tie with the reigning monarch, Juntoku, so she was unable to persuade him to support her estate, or at least to discourage Noritomo from issuing his order against her interests. In the decade before the Noguchi incident, Senyōmon-in experienced a series of unfortunate events. A major fire in 1208 left her Rokujō Mansion and Chōkō Temple burned to the ground. 563 She was able to reconstruct them by 1210, but going through this misfortune must have been stressful. 564 In 1213, she fell gravely ill. She became sick on 7/25, and her condition had worsened by 8/5. As seen in Meigetsuki, contemporary courtiers witnessed the seriousness of her illness by stating that “there might not be any treatments to cure her.” Despite such predictions, she recovered, but three and a half years later, her mother, Eishi, passed away, further saddening the nyoin. 565 Senyōmon-in’s experiences during these years likely encouraged her to use her time and economic resources to increase her support of Buddhism. Although she had already taken the tonsure in 1205 when she was twenty-three, she became more devoted to Buddhism in her late twenties and thirties. 566 In the early winter of 1217, Senyōmon-in held a Buddhist ceremony called gyakushū, which literally means “Buddhist services held 562 Fujiwara no Kanemasa died in 1200, Minamoto no Michichika died in 1202, and Minamoto no Yoritomo died in 1199. Fujiwara no Yoshiyasu, who helped Senyōmon-in tighten security at her residence under the order from Yoritomo, died in 1197. 563 See the entries of the 15th of the intercalary 4th month in Shōgen 2 (1208) in Inokuma kanpakuki, Meigetsuki, and Azuma kagami, and Dainihon shiryō. 564 According to Hyakurenshō, Senyōmon-in had already rebuilt frameworks of the residential building and Chōkō Temple by Shōgen 2 (1208)/11/8 and held the topping-out ceremony (a ritual commemorating the placement of the last beam). Fifteen months later, she held a commemorative ceremony for completion of the Chōkō. See the entries of Shōgen 4 (1210)/3/2 in Dainihon shiryō, vol. 4-10, 763-764. 565 Takashina Eishi died on Kenpo 4 (1216)/8/5. 566 She took the tonsure at the Rokujō Mansion on 3/13 in Genkyū 2 (1205). Meigetsuki and Nyoin shidai note her age as twenty-five because they count her age as one year old at the moment she was born. See Dainihon shiryō vol. 4-8, 475. 269 in a contrary order.” 567 The goal of this rite was to pray for one’s own afterlife by conducting memorial services for oneself prior to death. Under the guidance of six monks, Senyōmon-in started the gyakushū on 10/29 and continued the rituals for thirty-seven days. One of these monks, Gyōhen ( 行遍, 1181-1264), who had advanced in his career under the guidance of Senyōmon-in’s half brother, the monk Dōhō ( 道法), played a key role in encouraging her to develop a strong faith. According to Amino Yoshihiko, in her late twenties she became close to Gyōhen and began receiving his instruction. 568 At Gyōhen’s initiative, Senyōmon-in commended her estates to religious institutions. For example, when she commended her Shishikui Estate in 1216 to Rengejō’in, a Buddhist temple at Mt. Kōya, Gyōhen sent letters to the temple along with the nyoin’s orders. This suggests that he encouraged her or at least assisted her in commending the estate to the temple. 569 In 1220, she made another endowment to the Oku-no-in, the innermost sanctuary at Mt. Kōya, by presenting the monastery with three pieces of Buddha relics. Since Gyōhen again acted as her messenger when she sent these relics, she likely made this decision upon his advice. 570 And in 1239 she provided Gyōhen with custodianship of Hirano-dono Estate as a reward for conducting a kanjō ceremony for her, an esoteric ritual that conferred secret Shingon-school teachings. 571 By stating in her order that Gyōhen “should hold authority to control the land forever,” 572 she 567 Gyakushū buruiki in Fushimi no miya gokiroku. See Dainiohn shiryō, vol.4-14, 489. 568 Gyōhen started his religious training under the head monk of Bodai’in, the temple at Ninna monastery complex, and then continued his career under the guidance of Dōhō Mt. Kōya. See Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 112. 569 Saeki Tomohiro, "Ichijō Yoshiyasu to Kamakura shoki no kōbu kankei." 570 These Buddha relics used to belong to other monasteries, Tōji and Murōji. See Hinonishi Shinjō, Shinkō kōya shunjū hennen shūroku 141. Also see Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 112- 113. 571 A kanjō ceremony involves the symbolic sprinkling water over a person who is receiving esoteric teachings. 572 See Tōji hyakugō monjo, コ 1-14 and Kamakura ibun, doc. 5376 vol. 8, 18. 270 guaranteed custodianship of the estate to him and his successors. Although this estate was said to be a tiny piece of land, she nonetheless laid the economic foundation for Gyōhen’s project of reviving the religious activities of Tōji monks. Furthermore, at the end of 1239, she commended Yugeshima Estate to Tōji and announced to Yuge officials that Gyōhen had become its custodian. 573 She also commended Aiofutajima Estate ( 秋穂二嶋荘) to the Bodai Temple at Ninnaji and again, let Gyōhen manage it. 574 Image 4: : The Five-story Stupa, Containing Three Buddha Relics, Given by Senyōmon-in to Tōji in 1240 (160 centimeters in height) 575 573 According to an order issued from Senyōmon-in’s headquarters in 1239, she announced that Yuge Estate had become “a property of Tōji,” and then she ordered the temple to let Gyōhen and his heirs “control the estate” (知行せしむべし). She therefore commended her Yuge Estate under the condition that Gyōhen and his successors would oversee and manage it. See Tōji hyakugō monjo, み 1-15. For a printed version, see Nihon Engyō Taikei Henshū Iinkai, Nihon engyō taikei: shiryōhen 1, 90-91. 574 Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 114. 575 Tōji (Kyōōgokokuji) Hōmotsukan, ed. Tōji to sono shōen (Kyoto: Benridō, 1993), 14. 271 Although Senyōmon-in’s devotion to Buddhism through her ties with Gyōhen had started years previously, the scale of her donations increased as she aged. For example upon Gyōhen’s suggestion, she presented three Buddha relics installed in a five-story stupa to the Western Chapel at Tōji in 1240 (see Image 4). This enabled the Tōji monks to establish monthly rituals to worship the relics. 576 On the twenty-third day of the second month of Ninji 3 (1242), she also presented important Buddhist texts to the Image Hall of the Western Chapel at Tōji, including “three great works” of the Vinaya School and two sets of Buddhist sutras from China—7000 volumes of Issai-kyō and 600 volumes of Daihannya-kyō (see Image 5). 577 She also donated religiously valuable items—Buddhist icons, five bells, and a set comprised of an adamantine tray and bowl to serve holy water—which the monks happily received and installed inside their Western Chapel (see Image 6). 576 Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 114-15. Also see Tōji (Kyōōgokokuji) Hōmotsukan, Tōji to sono shōen, 68. 577 An image hall (mieidō) is a temple that installs an image of a venerated person. The venerated figure of this image hall is the founder of Japanese Shingon Buddhism, Kūkai. The treasure hall of Tōji still owns the sutras given by Senyōmon-in. These sutras are believed to have been made during the Song Dynasty. See Tōhōki 3 and 6, and Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 72. Also see Tōji (Kyōōgokokuji) Hōmotsukan, Tōji to sono shōen, 69. 272 Image 5: The Beginning of the Buddhist Sutra, Daihannya-kyō ( 大般若経), Given by Senyōmon-in to Tōji in 1242 578 Image 6: Icons of Maitreya Bodhisattva (Left) and Sakyamuni Tathagata (Right) 578 Tōji to sono shōen, 14. 273 Furthermore, in the third month of 1242, she commended her New Royal Grant Field instituted by Go-Sanjō-in ( 後三条院新勅旨田) in Aki Province to Tōji. 579 The following year, Senyōmon-in continued to give resources to the monastery. For instance, on the twenty-second day of the fourth month of 1243, she provided part of the annual dues from her Tottori Estate in Bizen Province to the Image Hall at Tōji. 580 According to Gyōhen’s text, known as the Sangoshū, she decided to commend it because she saw an omen in a dream. 581 By devoting resources sent from Tottori Estate to the Image Hall, she supported the Tōji monks so that they could regularly hold shōjinku, a Buddha-relics worshiping service. Among the various religious institutions that Senyōmon-in supported, Tōji was the most fortunate beneficiary. By offering estates and religiously valuable objects to that monastery complex, she supported Gyōhen’s attempt to resuscitate religious activities there. Although originally established in 794 as a protector of the newly-built Heian Capital, the religious and economic power of the monastery had declined by the mid- twelfth century. In the midst of such a challenging time, Senyōmon-in provided Tōji monks with the economic foundation to start reconstructing temple buildings and expand their religious activities. On the surface, Senyōmon-in’s commendation of estates appears to have been an economic loss, but she would have expected religious protection in return. By continuing to commend her estates to different temples and buttressing the religious endeavors of 579 Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 116. 580 This is a copy of Senyōmon-in’s edict issued on Kangen1 (1243)/4/22. See Kamakura ibun, doc. 6173, vol. 9, 7. 581 See Tōji hyakugō monjo (つ函 1-1) or Kamakura ibun doc. 6173, vol. 9. Also see “Musō no koto” in Sango shū 5. For further explanation, see Amino Yoshihiko, Chūsei Tōji to Tōjiryō shōen, 116. 274 Gyōhen, she cultivated good deeds and attained merits for her afterlife. Moreover, the case of Yugeshima Estate shows that her commendations helped her solve problems in secular affairs. Specifically, Yugeshima Estate had been entangled with local conflicts for years before Senyōmon-in inherited the estate. On at least ten occasions since 1135 and 1203, the estate residents submitted their pleas to higher authorities (their estate proprietor and the Iyo provincial governor residing in Kyoto) to prevent ongoing assaults from provincial officials against the estate. According to their plea in 1150, the provincial office in Iyo had made “friends with [local] power holders” and had been sending strongmen as “messengers” and pressing the residents to pay salt, lumber, and other goods as portions of extraordinary dues. The residents complained, “Although these dues are unbearable, we are not able to refuse them because Kyoto is far away whereas the provincial headquarters is next to us.” 582 In 1164 the estate residents complained that they could not pay rent to the supreme proprietor because they were forced to submit extraordinary dues to the province. 583 Under Senyōmon-in’s proprietorship, Yugeshima Estate continued to face similar problems. In their plea in 1203, the residents complained that, because “[the provincial office] sent many messengers and stormed into the estate,” estate residents “were planning to run away.” 584 These continuing problems of Yugeshima stemmed from power struggles among the local elites—Peter Shapinsky has dubbed them sea lords—due to its unique 582 Tōji hyakugō monjo (東寺百合文書セ 120); Heian ibun doc. 2709, vol. 7; Nihon engyō taikei doc. 3 in Nihon Engyō Taikei Henshū Iinkai, Nihon engyō taikei: shiryōhen 1, 2-4. 583 Tōji hyakugō monjo ko 1-38 ( こ 1-38); Heian ibun doc. 3361, vol. 7, 2657; Nihon engyō taikei doc. 10 in ibid., 10-11. 584 Tōji hyakugō monjo to 4 ( と 4); Kamakura ibun doc. 1352, vol. 3, 88; Nihon engyō taikei doc. 19 in ibid., 82-83. 275 geographical features. 585 The hilly topography of the island provided residents with many lookout spots and served as a stronghold at the half way point between the western and eastern edges of the Seto Inland Sea. Being connected to the two important transportation routes—the Bungo Channel and Seto Inland Sea—Yugeshima also occupied a significant position not only for economic trade but also for military purposes. Hatano Junko has pointed out that local elites such as the Nii, Kōno, and Takechi families took provincial official posts and competed with each other to expand their influence in the area. 586 She argues that provincial officials in this context used extraordinary dues as an excuse to enter Yugeshima and put the residents under their control. Since successive supreme estate proprietors had trouble responding to the pleas of Yuge residents in a timely manner, both the proprietors and locals faced material and human losses. Senyōmon-in, knowing of the long-lasting local problems associated with the island, predicted that maintaining Yugeshima could be a challenging task. She probably found it advantageous to entrust management to a large Buddhist institution like Tōji when deciding to make the commendation. Senyōmon-in’s strong devotion to Buddhism, however, did not denote a complete retirement from the secular world in her later years. She formed alliances with new power holders at court and continued to involve herself in political games. In 1225, she adopted Chōshi (1218-1275), a daughter of Chancellor Fujiwara no (Konoe) Iezane. Political 585 Shapinsky, Lords of the Sea: Pirates, Violence, and Commerce in Late Medieval Japan. 586 Takechi (高市) could also be pronounced as Takaichi. 276 motives behind this adoption were apparent because Chōshi married Go-Horikawa Tennō within one year. 587 Senyōmon-in’s adoption of Chōshi also stemmed from her responsibility for maintaining her estates and smoothly transferring them to the next generation, hopefully to a powerful royal. As the result of the Jōkyū War in 1221, her adopted son, Prince Masanari, was exiled with Go-Toba and his other sons. This political turmoil made it impossible for her to transfer her estates to Masanari. 588 Yoritomo, her supporter and the leader of the Kamakura Shogunate during the 1190s, had been dead for more than two decades, and the royals with whom she had built the closest ties had lost the war against Yoritomo’s successors who now led the military government. With the Shogunate’s approval after the Jōkyū War, Go-Takakura-in (1179-1223), Go-Toba’s brother and Go- Horikawa’s father, became the head of the royal line acknowledged for producing succeeding monarchs. This meant that the Shogunate would support the political interests of Go-Takakura and Go-Horikawa. 589 Right after the war, Senyōmon-in was outside this political alliance. Since these sorts of political connections were important to maintain medieval estates and collect dues, before her adoption of Chōshi, Senyōmon-in must have been anxious about finding a person who could carry out the responsibilities attached to her 587 See Minkeiki entries of Karoku 2 (1226)/6/19 and 6/20 in Tokyo Daigaku Shiryō Hensanjo, Dainihon kokiroku: Minkeiki, 12. Also see Hyakurenshō, Karoku (1226)/6/20 in Kuroita Katsumi, Nihon kokushi taikei: Nihon kiryaku kōhen ・Hyakurenshō, 162. 588 The Kamakura Shogunate, victorious in the Jōkyū War, confiscated lands from the defeated and sent shogunal housemen there as estate stewards (jitō). Jitō’s influence over royal estates weakened royal authority over lands in general, and thereby likely destabilized Senyōmon-in’s control over her estates. 589 Go-Takakura-in (Prince Morisada) was the second son of Takakura Tennō. During the Genpei War (1180-1185), he was taken by the Taira to the west, but he returned Kyoto after the war. Having no hope to be enthroned in the future, he took the tonsure in 1212. After the Jōkyū War, however, the Kamakura Shogunate chose his son Go-Horikawa as the next tennō. As a result, Go-Takakura-in received a title of “retired monarch” without having ever ascended the throne. 277 royal landownership. As we have seen, with her father’s estates, she had inherited the rights and responsibilities of sponsoring religious services for her father, and her inheritors needed to continue them after her death. And she had another concern as well: if she died without finding an heir who was politically strong enough to maintain her estates, who would console her own spirit as well as those of her parents? By becoming an adoptive mother of the chancellor’s daughter and then making her a queen-consort, Senyōmon-in expected to become closer to the power of the throne. If Chōshi produced a son for the monarch, Senyōmon-in would increase her political influence as grandmother of a royal successor. If Chōshi bore a girl, the princess could become a nyoin to whom Senyōmon-in could transfer her royal properties. She adopted Chōshi to connect her line, that of Go-Shirakawa, to Go-Horikawa’s newly empowered lineage. Her hope was that Chōshi’s offspring in the future could and would maintain her estates and support Buddhist services for the royal line of Go-Shirakawa long after her death. The realization of this plan for a royal marriage, however, was not easy. The Tennō already had a queen-consort, Sanjō Yūshi (1207-1286), and the couple was still on good terms when Senyōmon-in and Iezane were working on Chōshi’s marriage. Yūshi was already nineteen years old at that time, but Chōshi was only nine years old, too young to produce an heir. Moreover, Iezane’s rival, Fujiwara no (Kujō) Michiie, had a seventeen-year-old daughter who was considered another strong candidate for marriage to the Tennō. Courtier journals and historical tales detail the sense of uneasiness that Chōshi’s marriage evoked among the court members. For example, Teika recorded in Meigetsuki that “I heard that Queen-consort [Yūshi] still shows no sign of leaving the 278 Tennō’s palace even though everybody attending her has been talking about Chōshi’s entrance to the palace (i.e. her marriage with the Tennō). People were saying that if the queen-consort remains there, she will turn herself into a joke. She should leave.” 590 This slanderous remark, perhaps spread by supporters of Chōshi’s family, made it difficult for Yūshi, who was childless after her four-year marriage with the monarch, to stay with him. On the other hand, a fourteenth-century historical tale, Godai teiō monogatari, is sympathetic to Yūshi. It states that “because the chancellor’s daughter (Chōshi) came [to marry the monarch], Queen-consort [Yūshi] left the court. Everybody from high and low thought it was unreasonable.” 591 Masukagami, another fourteenth-century piece, adds more criticism, by stating that “Iezane’s daughter, who was still young, pushed aside [the existing queen-consort, Yūshi,] and entered the back palace.” The narrator underscores the monarch’s continued affection for Yūshi, by stating that “although the Sanjō Queen- consort [Yūshi] withdrew to somewhere called the Jōdo Temple, [she and the monarch] exchanged letters a thousand times per day.” 592 Although these historical tales were compiled in later years, they still suggest that contemporaries viewed Chōshi’s marriage as something that was unexpected and brought about in a heavy handed manner. Even though Iezane held the highest post at court, without Senyōmon-in’s help Chōshi could not have overcome these negative elements to marry the Tennō. In addition 590 Meigetsuki, the entry of Karoku 2 (1126)/3/5 in Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1970), 515-16. 591 The exact year of compilation and the author of the Godai teiō monogatari is unknown, but it is considered to have been written between 1298 to 1327. This tale explains historical incidents from the reign of Go-Horikawa (r.1221-1232) to Kamayama (r. 1259-1274), up to the death of Juntoku’s grandson, Minamoto no Hikohito (?-1298). See Hanawa Hokiichi, ed. Gunsho ruijū teiō bu, vol. 3 (Gunsho Ruijū Kanseikai, 2013). Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 5-5. 105. 592 Masukagami is said to have been compiled by Nijō Yoshimoto sometime from 1368 and 1376. It depicts historical events between the birth of Go-Toba in 1180 and Go-Daigo’s return from Oki Island in 1333. For the direct quotes, see the section Fujigoromo in Kuroita Katsumi, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Imakagami ・Masukagami, 34. 279 to demonstrating her support by adopting Chōshi, Senyōmon-in issued an edict and pressured courtiers to serve Chōshi at the time of her entrance to the palace. For example, Taira no Norisuke was one of the courtiers who took charge of the celebration of Chōshi’s marriage in response to Senyōmon-in’s order. 593 To support Chōshi’s marriage, the nyoin even dismissed her longtime official, Sanjō Kinfusa, who happened to be Yūshi’s father. 594 He had been serving Senyōmon-in as her administrative chief, but when he expressed disagreement with the nyoin’s plan to make Chōshi a new royal consort, Senyōmon-in replaced him, appointing Tokudaiji Kintsugu instead. 595 Moreover, she divested Kinfusa of his rights and responsibilities over the estates that he had been managing for her as custodian. 596 With such a strong message and example, Senyōmon-in discouraged other courtiers from going against Chōshi’s marriage. As shown by the case of Kinfusa, a nyoin in Kamakura times had the authority to fire her officials and change the custodianship of her estates. Using such authority without caution, however, entailed the risk of losing the trust of her followers and dismantling established human networks. Teika bluntly expressed his criticism of Senyōmon-in’s treatment of Kinfusa in his journal by asking a rhetorical question, “Did 593 See Meigetsuki, Karoku 2 (1226)/6/7 in Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, 2, 486. 594 Sanjō Kinfusa played important roles at Senyōmon-in’s events and those for her adopted son Masanari. For example, he served at the moving-in ceremony of Masanari to the Rokujō as well as at his hundredth- day birth celebration. Kinfusa also took responsibility for distributing offerings at Senyōmon-in’s religious events. Furthermore, his family members served the nyoin and were promoted to higher court positions through her nomination rights. See Inokuma kanpakuki, entries of Shōji 2 (1200):10/8; 12/12; and Kenryaku 1 (1211)/3/13. Also see Osada Ikuko, "Kamakura zenki ni okeru Senyōmon-in no dōkō to sono inji, tenjōbito ni tsuite," 240-241. 595 See Meigetsuki, the entries of Karoku 2 (1226)/3/4 and 3/5. Also see Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, 2, 510. 596 Teika recorded in Meigetsuki that “according to rumor, the queen-consort (Yūshi) could not inherit [these estates]. I heard that [all the titles which Kinfusa held] were annulled.” For further information, see Meigetsuki, the entries of Karoku 2 (1226)/3/4 and 3/10. Also see Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 71. 280 the insanity of the nyoin drive her to do this?” 597 His criticism partially derived from the fact that Kinfusa was her administrative chief. According to Higuchi Kentarō, a medieval administrative chief served as the backbone of a nyoin household by supporting her as a relative or guardian. By representing the nyoin’s intentions, the chief oversaw the entire office while aiding the person who was in charge of carrying out specific plans (a current-year manager or nen’yo). Higuchi argues further that the emergence of a nyoin like Senyōmon-in, whose maternal relatives had limited political influence, promoted the institutionalization of the post of the administrative chief at her headquarters. 598 If this is the case, the dismissal of Kinfusa, who held a supreme ministerial position at court and was her strong supporter despite being a non-relative, could undercut the nyoin’s political influence. However, it was also risky to keep him after his disagreement with the plans for her adoptive daughter’s marriage. By playing the political game associated with Chōshi’s marriage, Senyōmon-in broke her tie with a long-serving and high ranking official. Unfortunately, after making these hard sacrifices for her alliance with Iezane and Chōshi, she did not gain what she expected. Chōshi did not produce an heir with Go- Horikawa, and she left the palace three years after the marriage. Additionally, Michiie’s daughter, Shunshi, became a new wife of the Tennō in 1229 and was promoted to queen- consort in the following year. In 1227, two years prior to Chōshi’s retirement from the palace, Iezane also retired from his chancellor position, and Senyōmon-in’s new 597 Meigetsuki, the entry of Karoku 2 (1226)/3/10 in Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, 2, 485-487. 598 See Higuchi Kentarō, "Nyoinsei no tenkai to shitsuji," 48-51. 281 administrative chief, Kintsugu, passed away due to illness. 599 When Shunshi bore an heir to the Tennō in 1231, Senyōmon-in realized that she had played a risky game and lost. Only one year later, however, another incident provided Senyōmon-in with a new chance to build a connection with the reigning monarch. The new queen-consort, Shunshi, died in childbirth in 1233, only a year after her son, Shijō Tennō (1231-1242, r. 1232- 1242), ascended the throne. 600 By the beginning of 1235, Senyōmon-in made a deal with his father, Go-Horikawa, that she would become the equivalent mother (junbo) of Shijō. 601 Meanwhile, although Chōshi had failed to carry out her mission of producing Go- Horikawa’s son, Senyōmon-in continued to care for her. In 1229 Chōshi retired from her position as queen-consort and became a nyoin. 602 Instead of returning to her biological natal family, she moved to the Rokujō and started living in a residence built by Senyōmon-in. 603 There Chōshi, now called Takatsukasa-in, set up her administrative headquarters separately from Senyōmon-in’s office and staffed it with her officials. Senyōmon-in also requested that the court make Takatsukasa-in the junbo of Shijō Tennō instead of herself. Senyōmon-in was likely concerned about Takatsukasa-in’s diminishing political influence and so helped her build ties with the monarch. In 1237, the court held the ceremony to announce Takatsukasa-in the junbo of Shijō. She and Senyōmon-in 599 Also see Meigetsuki, the entries of Antei 1 (1227)/1/21, 1/22, and 1/30. Kuroita Katsumi, ed. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Kugyō bunin 2, vol. 54 (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2001), 64. 600 See Meigetsuki, the entries of Tenpuku 1 (1233)/9/18 and 9/19 in Fujiwara no Teika, Meigetsuki, vol. 3 (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankōkai, 1970), 386-387. 601 See Gyokuzui, the entries of Katei 1 (1235)/1/1 and Katei 3 (1237)/7/17. Also see Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 81. 602 See Kuroita Katsumi, Shintei zōho kokushi taikei: Kugyō bunin 2, 67. 603 Senyōmon-in made a first visit to the residential building for Chōshi one month after its topping-out ceremony in the seventh month of 1227. It was built beside Chōkō Temple at the Rokujō. The next day Chōshi also made a visit to her newly-build residence. On Kanki 1 (1229) 6/20, she had a ceremony to name the officials who were allowed to wait on her in the room of her nyoin headquarters. See Minkeiki, the entries of Antei 1 (1227)/7/11; 8/10; 8/11 and Kanki 1 (1229) 6/20. 282 attended it together. And in the following year on 6/14, the Tennō visited Senyōmon-in and Takatsukasa-in at the Rokujō. The royal procession to their residence was accompanied by a number of senior nobles and attracted many spectators, including leading courtiers such as Regent Kanetsuna and his father Iezane. This mother-son tie between Takatsukasa-in and Shijō brought Senyōmon-in back to the center of political power. And yet, despite providing much support to her adopted daughter Takatsukasa-in, Senyōmon-in still hesitated to pass on to her adopted daughter absolute authority over the Rokujō estates. In the third month of 1231, a year after moving to the Rokujō, Takatsukasa-in sponsored the Lotus Sutra Lectures at Chōkō Temple. 604 She must have collected resources from the Rokujō estates, and her action indicated that Senyōmon-in was preparing to pass to her the responsibilities for the estates. According to later records, however, Senyōmon-in decided not to name Takatsukasa-in as her ultimate heir. When Senyōmon-in negotiated with the court to make Takatsukasa-in the junbo of Shijō, she said, “I have already given Takatsukasa-in instructions on how to transfer my estates.” 605 As Nunoya argues, Senyōmon-in suggested to Shijō’s father that the Tennō would receive the Rokujō estates after Takatsukasa-in’s death. 606 In other words, Takatsukasa-in would inherit Senyōmon-in’s estates and manage them as the heir, but her own successor was already predetermined. Why did Senyōmon-in deny Takatsukasa-in the authority to choose her own heir for the Rokujō estates? Senyōmon-in probably made this decision because her adopted 604 Minkeiki, Kanki 3 (1231)/3/4 and 3/9. Also see Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 72-73. 605 See Gyokuzui, the entry of Katei 3 (1235)/7/17. 606 See Nunoya Yōko, "Ōkeryō no denryō to nyoin no butsuji keitai," 72. 283 daughter was a regental daughter and not a royal offspring. Regental nyoin who did not bear royal children, such as Kaya-no-in and Kōkamon-in, transferred their estates to senior sons of the regental family. These women received a fundamental part of their inheritance from the regental family, so it made sense to transfer them back to their natal family. Takatsuakasa-in’s case was different; if she became the heir of the Rokujō estates, she was going to receive royal properties that had been accumulated by Senyōmon-in and her royal father. This does not mean that strict rules historically existed to separate royal estates from non-royal ones. A royal estate or part of its dues could fall into the hands of others, such as an aristocratic family or religious institution, which were then entrusted with management tasks by the royal supreme proprietor. Non-royals, on the other hand, often commended their estates to a royal household. In fact, the differences between royal estates and those of the regental family were ambiguous, as seen by the cases of Senyōmon-in’s Shimokatsura Estate in Yamashiro and Ikushima Estate in Settsu—they appear as regental (Kujō) family properties in some primary documents. 607 This suggests that supreme proprietorship of these estates moved back and forth between the hands of royal and regental family members. The ambiguous definition of royal and non-royal estates suggests that if Senyōmon-in did not choose a royal offspring as her ultimate heir, some of her estates could be absorbed into property groups held by Takatsukasa-in’s natal family. If this happened, the tie of her estates to memorial services for royal ancestors would likely 607 Nunoya claims that the Kujō family used to own or at least had very close ties with Shimokatsura Estate and Ikushima. She closely analyzed Kujō Michiie’s will (compiled in Kujōke monjo), Kujō Tadanori’s document list (compiled in Kujōke monjo), and Senyōmon-in’s estate list (Shimada monjo), which Nunoya claims to have been created sometime between 1251 and 1252. See ibid., 34, 47. 284 weaken, since their resources would be funneled to Takatsukasa-in’s family. 608 Senyōmon-in’s motive to transfer her estates to Shijō was likely meant to prevent this possibility. Within five years, however, Senyōmon-in’s plan came to naught. In the first month of 1242, Shijō tripped and injured himself, resulting in his premature death two days later. He was only twelve years old. 609 Since he did not have an heir, and the court and the Kamakura Shogunate disagreed over his successor, the interregnum extended for eleven days. Finally, Go-Saga Tennō, who was chosen by the shogunate, ascended the throne. He was a son of Tsuchimikado, whose lineage had lost its claim to produce the future monarch in 1210 when his younger brother, Juntoku, from a different mother took the throne. With the enthronement of Go-Saga, political power shifted again, and Senyōmon-in’s tie with the deceased Shijō no longer offered her access to monarchical support and its attendant power. His death also meant that Senyōmon-in had to make a new plan for an heir. A year after Shijō’s death, Senyōmon-in had delegated some of her responsibilities to Takatsukasa-in. Takatsukasa-in issued an order from her administrative headquarters in 1243, appointing a custodian for Ameshi, one of her Rokujō estates in 608 Even though Takatsukasa-in lived with her adoptive mother, she maintained close ties with her natal family. She was also concerned about the well-being of her father’s deceased spirit. When she discovered that a temple that was supposed to memorialize his death was rundown and not being maintained, she ordered her brother to repair it immediately. See Okaya kanoakuki, Kangen 4 (1246)/3/27 and 4/18 in the intercalary month. 609 According to Kōchūki, the journal of Hamuro Sukeyori (1194-1255), Shijō did not appear at the White Horse Royal Banquet although courtiers had been waiting for him. They later discovered that he “missed a step and hurt his leg.” Hyakurenshō and Minkeiki also explains that he fell sick because he fell down on Ninji 1 (1242)/1/7, and that he passed away on 1/9. Godai teiō monogatari tells a more detailed story that Shijō spread talcum on his palace floor to trick his attendants to fall, but then fell himself. Also see Dainihon shiryō, vol. 5-14, 34-42. 285 Yamato Province. 610 The estate consisted of a shrine and its properties that had been sending resources including blinds, mats, and gate guards to the Rokujō Mansion. Takatsukasa-in’s involvement in estate affairs during the early 1240s indicates that Senyōmon-in was still considering the option of making her adopted daughter a major heir. Senyōmon-in, however, issued a new order in 1250, negating this possibility. Therein Senyōmon-in appointed a new custodian to Ameshi Estate that had once been overseen by Takatsukasa-in. 611 Additionally, in the following year, she wrote a will (okibumi) in which she denied Takatsukasa-in the inheritance of a majority of her estates. At one time I ordered the following: Takatsukasa-in should inherit the properties of the deceased retired monarch (Go-Shirakawa) and take charge of them. And after her death, she should transfer these properties to [Go-Fukakusa] Tennō. I, however, found the suggestion given by Retired Monarch [Go-Saga] quite convincing and therefore, I have made the following decision instead. The court (i.e. the tennō) should immediately take charge of all matters, including sponsoring Buddhist services. Takatsukasa-in should receive the estates [that I inherited] from Jōsaimon-in, and after her death, the Tennō should inherit these as well. The twentieth day of the second month of Kenchō 3 (1251). Seal. 612 In her will, Senyōmon-in first stated her old decision and then explained the new plan. In her previous will, she promised to give Takatsukasa-in the estates that were transferred from Go-Shirakawa, by which she likely meant all the estates supporting her Rokujō residence and the Chōkō Temple. But then she changed Takatsukasa-in’s share to those transferred from Senyōmon-in’s aunt, Jōsaimon-in. There were 34 estates in this group, 610 Kamakura ibun: doc. ho-1313, vol. 45, 29. 611 Kamakura ibun, doc. hoi-1477, vol. 45, 115. 612 Kyoto University owns an original copy of Senyōmon-in’s will (Senyōmon-in okibumi-an) in a document group called Chōkōdō yuishogaki. The Historical Institute, the University of Tokyo, also owns a copy (tōsha-bon 謄写本: doc. 2015-317). 286 considerably fewer than in the Rokujō group. 613 She then added the condition that Takatsukasa-in should transfer her inheritance to Go-Fukakusa Tennō upon her death. Recent studies emphasize that early medieval nyoin held the authority to decide their own heirs, but Takatsukasa-in’s case demonstrates that it was not always true. 614 As her will shows, Senyōmon-in allowed Takatsukasa-in to inherit some of her estates, but she did not let her decide the next heir. Senyōmon-in’s decision perhaps reflected her wish to keep the estates within the control of the ruling royal line, given that the ability to secure sufficient material and human resources—including talented officials—to maintain estates and support the household often depended on political influence at court. Ironically, her efforts to control her heirs also reflected her precarious political situation after Shijō’s death. In order to recover as much authority as possible, Senyōmon-in may have been working to create close ties with the current monarch. After 1242, monarchical power moved from Shijō to Go-Saga and his son Go-Fukakusa. Senyōmon-in’s final trump card was her estates, which she used to influence the Tennō to act on her behalf even after her death. There is one more possibility. Her new decision in 1251 was perhaps not for regaining political power but rather, due to her wish to retire. Her health was likely declining—in fact, she passed away the following year in her Fushimi residence south of 613 A fragmented document listing Senyōmon-in’s estates has survived as part of Shimada monjo, and it is archived in one of the Kyoto University Museum collections. According to this list, Senyōmon-in inherited approximately thirty estates that were originally owned by Jōsaimon-in, and she transferred them to Takatsukasa-in. The size of Takatsukasa-in’s inheritance therefore should have been smaller than that of Go-Fukakusa. For the printed version of the document, see Kamakura ibun, doc. 3274, vol. 5, 292, and Hyōgo Kenshi Henshū Senmon Iinkai, Hyōgo kenshi shiryōhen: Chūsei 9, 566-568. 614 While previous studies tended to focus on the intention of the retired monarch when examining the reason why Senyōmon-in changed her will, Nunoya Yōko attempts to explain it from Senyōmon-in’s perspective. By emphasizing the agency of the nyoin, Nunoya argues that Senyōmon-in herself chose to switch her heir from Takatsukasa-in to Go-Fukakusa. See Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite," 40-47. 287 the Heian Capital. 615 Knowing that she would not be long for this world, perhaps she preferred to let the court to look after her estates while she devoted herself to her religious responsibilities. In contrast, Takatsukasa-in was still young when she learned about Senyōmon- in’s new plan. Takatsukasa-in received no authority to decide her own successor, even for the smaller number of estates to which she was entitled. As the List shows, the Rokujō estates had been submitting resources to support the livelihood of the residents at the Rokujō Mansion and the rituals held at the Chōkō Temple. When these estates fell into the Tennō’s hands, the Rokujō Mansion became his property as well. It is unclear whether Takatsukasa-in was allowed to keep her residence within the Rokujō property until her death in 1275, since there is little information about her life there after the death of Senyōmon-in. 616 By losing inheritance rights over the Rokujō estates, Takatsukasa-in also faced the risk of losing the political network that she had cultivated when taking over Senyōmon- in’s responsibilities. Nunoya’s study shows that Senyōmon-in’s estate officials and female attendants came from the families that had been managing the same estates for generations. 617 Before Senyōmon-in inherited her father’s estates, these officials had served different supreme proprietors who owned the estates. Noguchi Hanayo provides 615 See the unpublished draft of Dainihon shiryō, the entry of Kenchō 4 (1152)/6/14. A scanned copy of the document is available at the online database of the Historiographical Institute The University of Tokyo: http://wwwap.hi.u-tokyo.ac.jp/ships/shipscontroller. 616 When Senyōmon-in was still alive, courtier journals referred to the location as “Senyōmon-in’s Rokujō Mansion.” When successive tennō and retired tennō visited the Rokujō Mansion after her death, the mansion was simply called the Rokujō, and was never referred to as Takatsukasa-in’s mansion or residence. For example, see the unpublished draft of Dainihon shiryō, the entries of Kōgen 1 (1256)/5/11, Kōchō 2 (1262)/1/8, Bun’ei 1 (1264) 2/16 in vol. 5-905. A scanned copy of the document is available at the online database of the Historiographical Institute of the University of Tokyo: http://wwwap.hi.u- tokyo.ac.jp/ships/shipscontroller. 617 Nunoya Yōko, "Senyōmon-in ryō denryō no issokumen: Senyōmon-in ryō mokuroku no kentō wo tsūjite." 288 evidence that when a nyoin transferred her estates to her heir, the succeeding supreme proprietor also received the estate custodians-cum-officials as new followers. Their families managed the estates that provided for certain memorial services from generation to generation, suggesting that the basis of their loyalty to the previous landlord (and the current one too) was the estates. 618 When the Tennō received supreme proprietorship over the Rokujō estates, some of Takatsukasa-in’s ties with those estate officials likely weakened. Senyōmon-in’s denial of Takatsukasa-in’s inheritance meant not only the adopted daughter’s loss of land ownership but also a reduction in the size of her human network. Transferring estates was a complex matter, and a nyoin could not always choose her favorite or closest family member as heir. During the late 1190s, Senyōmon-in’s aunt, Hachijō-in, originally chose Prince Mochihito’s daughter as her heir, but she ultimately transferred her estates to Go-Toba’s daughter Princess Shōshi. Although the issue is still debated, recent scholarship argues that Hachijō-in actually persisted in her original plan, and that the main reason why Princess Shōshi received Hachijō-in’s estates was the untimely death of Prince Mochihito’s daughter. 619 It is important to note, however, that Hachijō-in was unable to convince the court (i.e. Go-Toba) to provide Prince Mochihito’s daughter with a naishinnō title (“princess of the blood”). Since the nyoin needed to transfer the supreme right and responsibility in controlling and protecting lands, her heirs needed a certain status and prerogatives to ensure that their estate custodians and 618 Noguchi Hanayo, "Chūsei zenki no ōke to Anrakujuin: Nyoinryō to nyoin no honshitsu," 238-39. 619 There had been a scholarly debate over who was the main heir of Hachijō-in’s estates, but according to the most recent article by Miyoshi Chiharu, it was agreed on that Hachijō-in adhered to her original decision. See Miyoshi Chiharu, "Go-Toba insei ni okeru Shunkamon-in Shōshi naishinnō no ichi," Josei rekishi bunka kenkyūjo kiyō 18 (2010); Tatsuno Kayoko, "Hachijō-in ryō no denryō katei wo megutte," Hōsei Shigaku, no. 49 (1997); Enjō Etsuko, "Shunkamon-in Shōshi naishinnō no Hachijō-in denryō ni tsuite no ichikōsatsu," ibid., no. 48 (1996). 289 managers could fulfill assigned tasks. A naishinnō title gave its recipient the right to establish an independent administrative office to issue orders, which was necessary for estate management. Without such an official position, even if the princess had outlived Hachijō-in and inherited her estates, she likely would have lost control over them. Especially considering the extent of Hachijō-in’s estates, it was probably necessary for the heir to be a nyoin so that she could issue authoritative orders to settle disputes from her own administrative headquarters, and could propose nominations for court promotions for those who served her. The death of Mochihito’s daughter was a historical contingency, but the failure to promote her to at least a title of “princess of the blood” was not due solely to Hachijō-in’s lack of ability. Rather it suggests a long-lasting gender imparity within the institution of monarchy. A nyoin held authority to name her heir as she pleased, but since naishinnō and nyoin titles (as well as prerogatives pertaining to them) were bestowed by a tennō’s edict, a nyoin did not have the capacity—the power—to guarantee her heir enough authority to succeed as a supreme estate proprietor. In other words, to finalize her inheritance decisions, she needed to maintain a strong tie with the throne and ensure the monarch’s agreement to protect her heir as well as the inherited estates. Otherwise, someone else who had access to the throne could interfere with her decision concerning inheritance. The cases of Hachijō-in, Senyōmon-in, and Takatsukasa-in suggest an increasing challenge for royal women in transmitting their properties without the monarch’s support during the mid-thirteenth century. A century earlier, Kōkamon-in maintained her estates even though she had no children and had lost the support from her husband, Sutoku, 290 given his failed attempt against the reigning monarch in 1156. In 1160 when Princess of the Blood Shōshi (later Hachijō-in) received a large estate group from her mother, Bifukumon-in, Retired Monarch Go-Shirakawa and his son the monarch could not interfere with Bifukumon-in’s inheritance decision to increase their landholdings. During the late 1190s, however, Hachijō-in could not convince the reigning monarch, Go-Toba, to promote Prince Mochihito’s daughter to an official position that she needed to inherit the nyoin’s estates. In contrast with Hachijō-in’s case, Senyōmon-in retracted her decision even though her original heir, Takatsukasa-in, held a nyoin title. Takatsukasa-in had already shown that she was able to sponsor religious events and manage estates. Takatsukasa-in’s credentials—her official status and her actual capability in estate management—were not inferior to those of her predecessors. Although she was childless and lost her tie to the throne at Shijō’s death, earlier nyoin who experienced similar or even more challenging fates still inherited estates and managed to control their land. In 1251, however, Senyōmon-in wrote in her will that she would transfer the Rokujō estates to the reigning monarch based on his father’s advice. It is doubtful that she made this choice because she disliked Takatsukasa-in, or that she was worried about losing her own political influence to that of her adopted daughter. Here, we have to consider both historical contingencies and historical trends at the cultural and institutional levels that influenced her decision. The death of Shijō was an accident, but there were non-accidental factors—different roles expected of and prerogatives given to male and female royals—that discouraged Senyōmon-in from transferring the Rokujō estates to Takatsukasa-in. 291 By the end of the Kamakura Period, nyoin ceased to inherit a great number of estates. Even when they happened to inherit some estates, they managed the lands under retired monarchs who held supreme proprietorship. 620 Historians agree that the late Kamakura tug-of-war between the two royal lines—the Jimyō-in Line and the Daikakuji Line—triggered this phenomenon. The heads of these lineages competed to collect royal estates to consolidate their own economic base. 621 From the perspective of nyoin’s authority and power, however, I want to mention other factors that prevented nyoin from continuing to serve as large estate proprietors. First, as more royal women became nyoin without satisfying the original precedents, the authority of their positions became weaker, and they were less able to share ruling power with the tennō. Under the original condition in which only a queen- consort who gave birth to a monarch could receive the title, being a nyoin meant enjoying close access to monarchical power. This type of nyoin had strong potential to obtain favorable court decisions when their estates had border disputes or sought exemptions from dues levied by provincial governors. Senyōmon-in, the first nyoin who received the title without satisfying any of the original precedents, had to continuously create and maintain connections to the throne to wield political power. It is important to note that Senyōmon-in retracted her previous will by following “the suggestion given by Retired Monarch [Go-Saga],” a father of the reigning tennō. If she had ignored his “suggestion” and chosen Takatsukasa-in as her main heir, not only she but also Takatsukasa-in would 620 See Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka," 62-63. 621 Banse also explains that the hierarchical relations among holders of shiki (posts including rights and responsibilities) over estates became unstable during the late Kamakura Period. She argues that this also motivated retired sovereigns to collect estates and strengthen their control over land. See ibid., 68-69. For further information about the competition between the Jimyō-in Line and the Daikakuji Line, see Goble, Kenmu: Go-Daigo's Revolution. 292 have developed an antagonistic relationship with the throne. Before making this final decision, Senyōmon-in had personally learned that maintaining access to monarchical power was challenging and often subject to sheer luck. If she did lose political power, she knew she could lose her estates as well. She therefore chose the monarch himself as her ultimate heir to protect her estates and hoped that he would safely transfer the responsibilities of holding religious services to succeeding generations of royal descendants. Second, the Jōkyū War of 1221 diminished the political influence of individual nyoin. The war resulted in the Kamakura’s victory and destabilized the decision-making authority of the court. This weakened the significance of a nyoin’s role in supporting her family’s royal line. Heian and early Kamakura nyoin often built an adoptive relationship with a specific royal prince and supported him against his rivals, usually lateral kin. As seen in the case of Jōsaimon-in and Hachijō-in, for example, unmarried royal daughters became the monarch’s junbo as his full elder sister or aunt, thereby strengthening his lineage as the one to produce successive monarchs. 622 This nyoin role of supporting the ‘main’ royal line became less important when the Shogunate strengthened its influence over the choice of royal successors. From 1192 until her retirement in 1251, Senyōmon-in carried out her responsibilities as the heir of the Rokujō Mansion and its estates. She was not always successful in using her inherited authority to collect resources, but she nonetheless maintained her control over a majority of the estates and safely transferred her supreme proprietorship to the royal heir. That heir, the Tennō, continued to sponsor Go- 622 Kuriyama Keiko, "Junbo ritsugō-sei ni miru chūsei zenki no ōke." 293 Shirakawa’s memorial services. He also protected the estates and passed them on to the next generation, creating and strengthening an economic base for his own royal lineage. The royal family’s economic power preserved the Rokujō Mansion until the end of the fifteenth century. Although the residence eventually disappeared, the Chōkō Temple survived. Despite the relocation and reconstruction of the building, it still stands today by Rokujō Avenue in Kyoto. The Buddhist artifacts that Senyōmon-in donated to Tōji also survived and still support that temple’s religious prestige, and the rituals that she helped to establish are still held at Tōji. More than seven centuries after Senyōmon- in’s death, her land-based power has some lingering effect. 294 Conclusion Studies since the end of the twentieth century have replaced an older image of nyoin— that of a titular landholder who was actually under the control of male royals—with that of a politically powerful, independent, and wealthy woman. Despite this scholarly reversal, most Japanese history textbooks, including those used in Japanese compulsory education, devote little space to explaining “nyoin.” Therefore the history of nyoin remains largely unknown except by specialists. In this dissertation, I have argued that it is important to move beyond simplified images of nyoin as either powerless or powerful. Newer studies have discovered that early medieval nyoin had the strong authority to issue orders, collect estate dues, protect estate borders, and decide inheritance matters. On the other hand, nyoin authority and power were not exactly the same. For female landholders, successfully exercising authority over their estates was no simple matter: they had to develop systematic plans and political alliances to keep receiving resources from their estates and to fulfill the religious responsibilities that they inherited with their supreme proprietorships. Furthermore, the privilege and prestige of each nyoin differed. As shown by the case of the childless Nijō-in, some nyoin received a lesser allowance from the government because they did not fulfill the original precedent of having given birth to a monarch. Likewise as seen in the case of Hachijō-in, late Heian courtiers viewed unmarried nyoin as less prestigious because they were neither queen-consorts nor biological mothers of monarchs. Although the nyoin title allowed unmarried royal daughters to establish an administrative headquarters necessary for managing a large 295 number of estates, these lesser nyoin needed to make alliances with other powerful households to bolster their weaker authority. Among different factors that affected the economic influence of nyoin, their property locations were extremely important. Owning estates in areas adjacent to transportation paths amplified the economic power of the owner through increased opportunities for trade and delivery of dues. As seen in Chapter 2, Kōkamon-in’s Wakayama Estate was close to the Japan Sea transportation networks, and soon after the launching of Suzu kiln operations within the estate, the residents began circulating their earthenware along these sea trading paths. This resulted in further production and enhanced economic growth for the estate, which ultimately benefitted the supreme proprietor. Owning properties in advantageous locations, however, did not always assure the supreme proprietor the ability to maintain control over her estates. As we have seen, managing estates was closely associated with holding political power, so nyoin who were not well connected or lost their connections to the throne experienced difficulties in protecting their estates. For instance, some of Kōkamon-in’s estates fell into the hands of the Taira warrior family when her political ties to other powerful households weakened. Other nyoin, however, were able to continually build strategic alliances with political power holders and thereby maintained many estates for an extended time. Nonetheless, many nyoin faced challenges in protecting their residences, collecting estate dues as expected, and sustaining political influence at different points of their lives. These cases therefore question a long lasting scholarly view that the reason why nyoin inherited many estates was because they “were free from the severity of 296 changing political situations.” 623 By challenging the idea that “nyoin status guaranteed women with politically stable and safe positions,” my study has shown that not every nyoin successfully used her status or supreme proprietorship to transform herself into an economically and politically transcendent woman at court. 624 And if a certain nyoin succeeded in obtaining resources from her estates and gaining power, she and her household strategically worked together to make it happen. The aforementioned differences among nyoin also attest to the importance of case studies of individual nyoin. In comparison with male retired monarchs, few biographical accounts about nyoin are available. The inevitable consequence is that we are left with a vague nyoin image rather than understanding nyoin as particular historical figures. To explain nyoin power in a more nuanced manner, it is crucial to examine what kinds of resources each woman obtained from her estates, what problems she encountered, and how she responded to them at different stages of life. Here I have utilized the case study of Senyōmon-in, a Kamakura-period nyoin, in an attempt to do just that. Upon her father’s death in 1192, Senyōmon-in inherited the Rokujō Mansion, its Chōkō Temple, and numerous supporting estates. As Go-Shirakawa’s heir and the supreme proprietor of approximately ninety estates, she had broad responsibilities for supporting the livelihood of her Rokujō Mansion and regularly holding secular and religious events. Despite her nyoin status given in 1191, Senyōmon-in lacked a strong tie with the reigning monarch, partially because she was neither a royal wife nor an equivalent mother of the monarch. During her early nyoin career, she learned that an important strategy was to knit close ties with the major power holders of her time, such as 623 This explanation has been presented by historians today and in the past. For example see Shōenshi Kenkyūkai, ed. Shōenshi Kenkyū handobukku (Tokyo: Tokyōdō Shuppan, 2013), 73. 624 Ibid. 297 senior royal members, the Kamakura Shogunate, and leading courtiers. Her weak political position at a young age perhaps made her keener on building such political networks, especially with the main royal line that held the throne. The List of Rokujō Estates provides a concrete example showing how Senyōmon- in’s economic, political, and military power fluctuated over the course of her life. Initially, she lacked adequate security to protect the Rokujō Mansion, but she and her household coped by initially acquiring help from the Kamakura Shogunate. Later, Senyōmon-in and her officials established a long-term security system by gathering gate guards from the Rokujō estates. In addition to regularly requisitioning manpower, she developed a specific plan to obtain material goods as miscellaneous dues to support the livelihood of the Rokujō residence. Despite such efforts, her ability to make her estates submit dues declined over time, as seen in notes added at different times to the List. Though not perfect, she nevertheless ensured that a majority of the Rokujō estates continued to submit dues for six decades through the use of several management techniques. Senyōmon-in and her officials optimized the delivery of miscellaneous dues by requesting material goods and manpower from neighboring estates within the same month. This strategy allowed for a safer delivery of goods and laborers. Additionally, Senyōmon-in’s household distributed the collection of gold for the Lotus Sutra Lectures among more than fifty estates. Since gold was hard to obtain due to its limited production area within Japan, the strategy of requiring a small amount from each estate made the task manageable. This technique also gave estate officials the feeling that they were directly contributing to the memorial services for the deceased royal family head, Go- 298 Shirakawa, and had the added benefit of reminding everyone of Senyōmon-in’s authority as his heir. Material goods provided from her estates were crucial for Senyōmon-in to reinforce her authority as a nyoin and sustain her political connections. For example she collected materials such as dishes, gold, and torches, to support seasonal festivals. Holding these events was important because they provided the nyoin and her residents with opportunities to pray for their own wellbeing and to fend off disease. Senyōmon-in also required her estates to submit blinds, drapes, cushions, and mats three times a year and regularly refurnished the interiors of the residential buildings. By maintaining refined and polished spaces within the Rokujō Mansion, she was able to impress her guests with economic power matching her nyoin status. Specifically, with the use of flooring materials adorned with different rim types, she provided her household residents with appropriate seating spaces while creating exalted settings for herself, her adopted children, and noble visitors to the mansion. With such material culture at the Rokujō Mansion, Senyōmon-in and her officials showcased the productivity of the estates and their capability of managing these lands, thus making the Rokujō mistress a promising and resourceful ally. Adopting offspring of influential families was another important technique to strengthen nyoin power because it helped to build political networks. Twelfth- and thirteenth-century nyoin often adopted royal and regental sons poised to ascend to powerful positions. Senyōmon-in adopted Go-Toba’s son, Prince Masanari, soon after his birth in 1200 and raised him at her residence. Although Prince Masanari was exiled in 1221 for supporting his father’s failed attempt to overthrow the Shogunate, Senyōmon- 299 in’s adoption of the prince had enhanced her political influence at court for two decades. Nyoin also adopted female children. As shown by Senyōmon-in’s adopted daughter, Takatsukasa-in, some royal and regental daughters who were adopted by nyoin also grew up to become nyoin themselves. Another example was seen with Go-Toba’s first child Princess Shōshi (1195-1211), who was raised by Hachijō-in and received her nyoin title (Shunkamon-in) in 1209. The nyoin status provided these daughters with the prerogatives necessary for successful estate management and helped them fulfill responsibilities that they received from their adoptive mothers. Having nyoin authority, however, did not always guarantee that a daughter would become her mother’s main heir. Senyōmon-in’s case provides a concrete example for how an individual nyoin made a series of inheritance decisions in response to her changing political influence. Historical contingency, especially the premature deaths of her relatives, also affected her decisions. In 1251 at the urging of Retired Monarch Go- Saga, Senyōmon-in decided to transfer the Rokujō estates directly to his son, Go- Fukakusa Tennō, rather than to Takatsukasa-in. By making this deal with the throne, Senyōmon-in was able to strengthen the possibility of preserving her estates as royal properties that would support the memorials of her family members. At the same time, however, her actions curtailed Takatsukasa-in’s economic base. Senyōmon-in’s actions in turn might have contributed to the disappearance of female landlords with large holdings by the end of the Kamakura Period. As seen in Chapter 6, despite a nyoin having living female royal relatives (daughters, full sisters, or nieces), the tennō could place a stronger claim over her estates and become the main heir. Although able to provide Takatsukasa-in with a smaller inheritance, Senyōmon-in could 300 not transfer to her adopted daughter the authority to choose the next heir. By doing so, Senyōmon-in created a precedent that affected future nyoin’s inheritance rights. In 1304, when Senyōmon-in’s main heir, Go-Fukakusa, transferred his estates to multiple heirs including his queen consort (Saionji Sōshi) and two nyoin (Yūgimon-in and Eifukumon- in), he ordered them to return their estates to the head of the royal family after their deaths. 625 Nomura Ikuyo claims that Go-Fukakusa’s decision signifies the beginning of “one-generation proprietorship” for nyoin inheritance, but this practice had already started at least fifty years prior with Senyōmon-in. 626 Even when royal women inherited estates, their authority over those lands was that of a fixed-term proprietorship limited to a single generation. Nyoin continued to inherit estates during the early fourteenth century, but they faced increasing difficulties in exercising the same degree of authority as did their predecessors. During the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, retired monarchs, especially those who were royal family heads, made greater efforts to force nyoin to transfer royal estates to their male heirs. For example, Retired Monarch Kameyama attempted to negate an inheritance decision by Ankamon-in (1209-1283; became nyoin in 1224), who inherited a large estate group from her father Go-Takakura-in. Although she wrote in her will that her niece Muromachi-in (1228-1300, became nyoin: 1243) should receive her estates, Kameyama sent his messenger to the Kamakura Shogunate after Ankamon-in’s death and sought its support to enforce his claim to the supreme 625 See Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka," 70. 626 Nomura Ikuyo, Kazokushi to shite no nyoinron, 195. It is important to note that the practice of lifetime- only inheritance for women also took hold in the warrior society of the late thirteenth century. 301 proprietorship of the estates. 627 Although Muromachi-in was able to challenge Kameyama by writing her will in 1293 to transfer her estates to his rival, Go-Fukakusa’s son, she was not able to transfer anything to her full sister, Shinsenmon-in (1231-1301; became nyoin in 1256). Banse argues that Shinsenmon-in, who was the closest surviving relative of Muromachi-in, would have had the strongest credentials to receive her sister’s estates during the Heian Period. Being pressed by the two retired monarchs, Muromachi- in denied her full sister’s inheritance. This suggests a significant increase in the authority of retired monarchs over royal estates during the late thirteenth century. In addition to historical contingency and individual decisions, larger social and institutional trends seem to have affected future royal women’s inheritance rights. For example, the changing prerequisites for the nyoin title might have weakened nyoin authority in general, as well as their power to make inheritance decisions. The changing early medieval family structure that strengthened the authority of a family head could be another reason. During the Kamakura Period, the individual heads of royal lineages increased their control over other members. 628 At a fundamental level, the medieval monarchical tradition preventing women from ascending to the throne created unequal power relations between male and female royals. These institutional and social factors seem to have made it difficult for royal women to make inheritance decisions against the wishes and interests of the heads of their lineages. The decline of the royal family’s political and economic power during the late medieval period reduced the authority and prerogatives that a nyoin could enjoy, but the 627 Banse Akemi, "Inseiki~Kamakuraki ni okeru nyoinryō ni tsuite: chūsei zenki no ōke no arikata to sono henka," 64. 628 Ibid., 70-74. 302 nyoin institution itself continued to the nineteenth century. 629 Likewise, although nyoin ceased to be large landowners by the mid-fourteenth century, royal women must have used their available resources and authority in different ways to exercise power. Investigating their changing strategies and struggles across the entire nyoin history is another area of research which should further reveal the complex relationship between authority and power. 629 The nyoin title was abolished in 1868 with the Meiji Restoration. 303 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abe Takeshi, Yoshie Akiko, and Aiso Takashi, eds. Heian jidai gishiki nenjū gyōji jiten. Tokyo: Tokyodō Shuppan, 2003. Adolphson, Mikael S. 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Creator Kawai, Sachiko (author)

Core Title Power of the purse: estates and the religio-political influence of Japanese royal women, 1100-1300

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

School College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program History

Publication Date 04/23/2015

Defense Date 03/03/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag economic history,gender,Heian,Japanese history,Kamakura,Land,material culture,Monarchy,nyoin,OAI-PMH Harvest,premodern Japan,royal court,royal women,women's and gender history

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Advisor Piggott, Joan R. (committee chair), Bennett, Judith M. (committee member), Meeks, Lori R. (committee member)

Creator Email kawai@usc.edu,sachiko@mehringer.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-558872

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Identifier etd-KawaiSachi-3378.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-558872 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-KawaiSachi-3378.pdf

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Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA

Abstract (if available)

Abstract In the early spring of 1129, the courtier Minamoto no Morotoki (1077-1136) recorded this complaint: These days, the female attendants and retainers of the nyoin [Retired Queen Consort Taikenmon‐in] have been grabbing lands all over the archipelago from powerful families and various households. Relying on their ties with the nyoin and searching for further opportunities, these people have cared little whether such acts were right or wrong. (Chōshūki, the 24th day of the 3rd month in Daiji 4 [1137]) ❧ Twelfth‐ and thirteenth‐century Japan was an era of warfare, which ultimately led to the emergence of a diarchy comprising the existing royal court in Kyoto and a newly formed warrior government in Kamakura. Interestingly, this same era witnessed royal women with the title of nyoin (retired queen consort) inheriting and accumulating landed estates. My dissertation closely examines successful and unsuccessful cases of such premodern female landholders in maintaining their estates and exercising land‐based power. The medieval estate system consisted of a vertical chain of rights and responsibilities, involving various groups who jointly took part in administering and sharing income from the estate. What a nyoin “owned” in this system was “supreme proprietorship,” the highest authority (socially sanctioned rights) in this estate hierarchy. I argue that supreme proprietorship did not always guarantee a nyoin an ability to influence