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Ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem and perceived discrimination: A comparison study of Asian American adolescents
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Ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem and perceived discrimination: A comparison study of Asian American adolescents
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ETHNIC IDENTITY, ACCULTURATION, SELF-ESTEEM AND PERCEIVED
DISCRIMINATION: A COMPARISON STUDY OF ASIAN AMERICAN
ADOLESCENTS
by
Jin Zhang
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTERS OF ARTS
PSYCHOLOGY
August 2002
Copyright 2002 Jin Zhang
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UMI Number: 1414908
UMI
UMI Microform 1414908
Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
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UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This thesis, written by
J iU 2HA/J6_______________
under the direction of h j.i Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
/ftAster ° f Arti.................
---------------------------------------- = r
Date Aug u s t 6 , 2 0 0 2_ _
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Abstract
TABLE OF CONTENTS
IV
Introduction .....................................................................................................................1
Ethnic Identity and Acculturation.............................................................................. 3
Ethnic Identity......................................................................................................4
Acculturation........................................................................................................8
Self-Esteem................................................................................................................ 11
Previous paradigms............................................................................................ 12
Ethnic identity and self-esteem......................................................................... 12
Perceived Discrimination......................................................................................... 13
Perceived discrimination and self-esteem........................................................13
Perceived discrimination and ethnic identity.................................................. 14
Asian American Groups.......................................................................................... 15
Self-esteem and Asian culture.......................................................................... 15
Acculturation and Asian population.................................................................16
Hypotheses...................................................................................................................... 20
Acculturation and Psychological Outcomes.......................................................... 20
Ethnic Identity and Psychological Outcomes........................................................ 20
Mediating Variables................................................................................................. 21
Preliminary Analyses............................................................................................... 21
Path Model and Invariant Analyses........................................................................21
Method.............................................................................................................................24
Participants..............................................................................................................24
M easures.................................................................................................................. 24
Demographic Information.......................................................................................24
Generational Status...........................................................................................24
Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM).................................................25
Acculturation Scale for Vietnamese Adolescent (ASVA)..............................25
Global Self-Worth.............................................................................................27
Self-Esteem........................................................................................................ 27
Perceived Personal Discrimination...................................................................28
Results..............................................................................................................................29
Preliminary Analyses.............................................................................................. 29
Correlations among variables........................................................................... 29
Differences by Gender, Asian origin, Generation, and Acculturation Style..29
Path Analysis I - Overall Model............................................................................. 30
Path Analysis II - Invariant Analysis (between East and South Asians).............. 31
Summary................................................................................................................... 32
ii
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Discussion........................................................................................................................33
Correlations among Variables.................................................................................33
Difference across Gender........................................................................................34
Difference across Asian Origin.............................................................................. 34
Path Analysis I - Overall M odel............................................................................. 35
Path Analysis II - Invariant Analysis (between East and South Asians).............. 37
Conclusions and Limitation.....................................................................................37
Reference..........................................................................................................................39
iii
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ABSTRACT
In the current study, simple path analysis was applied to explore the causal
relationships among ethnic identity, acculturation and self-esteem and perceived
discrimination in Asian American adolescents. This study also examined between
and within group differences in predictors of perceived discrimination, global self-
worth, and self-esteem among Asian American adolescents (by gender, Asian origin,
generational status, and acculturation style).
The results supported the hypotheses that high Asian ethnic identification and
high involvement in Asian culture predicted high perceived discrimination against
one’s race, and low self-esteem. Perceived discrimination was also found to serve as
a buffer to lower one’s self-esteem. A new method was proposed to categorize
Asian Americans into two groups - East Asians and South Asians — which may
reflect the true homogeneity and heterogeneity within Asian Americans. The result
of invariant analysis provided evidence which partially proved the effectiveness of
the new categories for Asian American groups.
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INTRODUCTION
Due to the continuous increase in immigrant population in recent years,
abundant research has focused on ethnic minority groups. Studies have addressed
how ethnic minority adolescents achieve a positive self-identity and how they face
challenges resulting from differences between their natal culture and the host culture
as well as how these variables influence their psychological development. Ethnic
identity and acculturation play critical roles in achieving psychological well-being in
ethnic adolescents. Although associations among ethnic identity, acculturation, self
esteem and perceived discrimination have been extensively investigated with
different ethnic minority groups (Carlson, Uppal, & Prosser, 2000; Farver, 2000;
Nguyen, Messe & Stollak, 1999; Phinney, 1991; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997;
Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts & Romero, 1999; Verkuyten, 1998), the
causal relationships among these variables remain unclear. Very few studies have
made efforts to build a causal model.
Another problem is that Asian Americans have been treated as a highly
homogeneous group when the above variables were examined. Although Asian
Americans include more than forty different cultural groups, they are generally
classified into three major categories: Asian American (Asian Indians, Chinese,
Filipinos, Japanese, and Koreans), Southeast Asians (Cambodians, Laotians, and
Vietnamese), and Pacific Islanders (Hawaiians, Guamanians and Samoans). Many
studies focusing on Asian American cultures emphasized homogeneity
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among various Asian groups. In those studies, Asian Americans were viewed as an
ethnic group, which contains homogeneous cultural characteristics distinguished
from Western culture. Some other researchers were interested in the uniqueness of
individual ethnic groups (e.g., Chinese, Japanese, or Asian Indian). Only a few
studies compared the difference among various Asian groups, but they usually
classified Asian Americans into the three major groups mentioned above. However,
because of historical and religious reasons, there are clear differences between East
Asian and South Asian cultures that may produce different psychological outcomes
when adjusting to the American culture.
The present study differs from prior work in the following ways: 1) it
proposes a path model to explore the complicated causal relationships among ethnic
identity, acculturation, self-esteem and perceived discrimination; 2) Asian
Americans were separated into two groups (East and South Asians) according to the
countries where they came from; and 3) differences between East and South Asians
were examined.
Preliminary analyses were applied to explore the relationships among the
exogenous and endogenous variables in the path model. Also, differences between
all measures by gender, Asian origin, and generation were examined. Attempts to
build a measurement model were made using Confirmatory Factor Analysis. Then, a
path model was specified and identified to examine the causal relationships among
ethnic identity, acculturation, and the outcomes — self-esteem and perceived
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discrimination. Finally, we examined the invariance of the model across Asian
origin (East and South Asians) and across gender (males and females).
Ethnic Identity and Acculturation
Ethnic identity and acculturation are often used interchangeably in the
literature. Despite many attempts to differentiate ethnic identity and acculturation,
the two constructs are still not clearly defined. For example, in a number of studies,
ethnic identity has been defined as being a part of one’s social identity (Hutnik,
1991). According to this definition, ethnic identity refers to the part of individual’s
self-concept which derives from his/her membership of a social group (Tajfel, 1981;
Phinney, 1990).
Acculturation, on the other hand, is described as the changes in cultural
attitudes, values, and behaviors when one is exposed between two or more cultures
(Berry, Trimble, & Olmedo, 1986). Acculturation is defined at both the group level
and individual level (Berry, 1989). Acculturation is a process during which
individuals change over time in their identity, attitudes, values, and behavioral norms
via contact with a different culture (Berry, 1980). More specifically, Phinney (1996)
described acculturation as “the extent to which individuals have maintained their
culture of origin or adapted to the larger society”.
According to the previous definitions, these two constructs are conceptually
different. Acculturation emphasizes the relationship between the ethnic individual
and the mainstream culture, whereas ethnic identity focuses on the relationship
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between the individual and the ethnic minority group within the dominant society
(Phinney, 1990).
Ethnic Identity
The components of ethnic identity can be divided into three main areas:
affect, cognition, and behavior. The affective component includes ethnic self-
identification that individuals use for themselves (Phinney, 1990, 1991, 1992).
Individuals are likely to form an ethnic identity if they live in a pluralistic society
(i.e., the U.S.) where there are multiple social systems. Another affective component
involves individuals’ sense of belonging and commitment with members of their
own ethnic group (Ibrahim et al., 1997; Phinney, 1990, 1991, 1992; Phinney &
Kohatsu, 1997). The cognitive component is associated with knowledge about one’s
ethnic group including its history, traditions, values, and norms. The knowledge
about one’s ethnicity influences the way in which one processes information and
events within the ethnic group and dominant society (Uba, 1994). Individuals’
psychological development is affected and filtered by their cognition and attitudes
toward their ethnic group. The behavioral component refers to the degree to which
individuals are involved in activities and events in their own culture. Language
usage is one of the most important factors in this component.
Although the three components can operate separately, they interactively
work together to determine the level and the form of individuals’ ethnic identity.
Strong identification appears to lead to an increase in cultural behaviors and
activities. For example, results of previous studies with Chinese youth in the
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Netherlands (Rosenthal & Feldman, 1992a; Verkuyten & Kwa, 1996) indicated that
those who self-identified as Chinese were more involved in Chinese ethnic activities
than in Dutch activities. Attempts have been made by many researchers to construct
an appropriate model of the development of ethnic identity. These include
categorical model, stage models, and multidimensional models.
(1) Early typologies models
Based on their studies on Asian Americans, Sue and Sue (1971) proposed
three types of ethnic identity: traditional, marginal, and Asian American. These
types of identity were thought to result from the interaction of acculturation, ethnic
values, and the family. Using this model traditional Asian Americans are defined as
having a very strong identity with their natal culture. Their goals are to bring pride
to their families through educational or occupational achievements. On the other end
of the scale, marginal Asian Americans rejected identification as a member of their
own ethnic group, even though they may have grown up in that culture. They
psychologically identify with the values of mainstream culture and behaviorally fit
the norm of dominant group. Asian Americans, the third type, hold a bicultural
orientation. These individuals take pride in the Asian culture, but do not reject
American values. The Asian American types attempt to incorporate their own ethnic
values with those of the dominant culture and they participate in the activities of both
cultures. Bicultural individuals are more likely to develop a positive self-identity.
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Kitano (1989) stressed the importance of two variables: assimilation
(identified with the dominant culture) and ethnic identity (identified with original
culture). He developed four types of ethnic identity: Type A (Westernized): high
assimilation, low ethnic identity; Type B (Bicultural): high assimilation, high ethnic
identity; Type C (Traditional): low assimilation, high ethnic identity; Type D
(Dropout): low assimilation, low ethnic identity.
(2) Stage model of ethnic identity
Attempts were made to clarify the process of the development of ethnic
identity. Among several stage models, Atkinson et al. (1989) proposed a Minority
Identity Development Model in which ethnic identity goes through five stages.
Stage 1 (conformity): individuals negatively evaluate their own ethnic group
and accept values and norms of mainstream culture. Stage 2 (dissonance): ethnic
minority Americans may experience discrimination because of their identity with
their race. They begin to question their entire acceptance of mainstream culture.
Stage 3 (resistance and immersion): they begin to accept their own ethnic culture and
to reject the values of dominant culture. All problems and failures are attributed to
their acceptance and involvement of the mainstream norm. Stage 4 (introspection):
they experience the conflicts between adherence to the goals of their ethnic group
and their individual autonomy. Stage 5 (integrative awareness): individuals view
the advantages and shortcomings of both ethnic minority and dominant groups
objectively. They are more likely to accept the positive elements and to
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reject negative elements in both cultures. A bicultural and integrative self-identity is
formed in this stage.
(3) Multidimensional models
A multidimensional model developed by Sodowsky et al. (1995) states the
multidimensional components of ethnic identity. Multi-variables have been used in
assessing ethnic identity: (a) ethnic identification; (b) sense of belonging; (c)
positive and negative attitudes towards one’s ethnic group; (d) participation in ethnic
activities and cultural practices; and (e) ethnic sociopolitical consciousness
(Sodowsky et al., 1995). In the Multidimensional Ethnic Identity Model, Sodowsky
et al. (1995) and Sodowsky and Maestas (1999) proposed four ethnic identity
combinations formed by one’s orientation to one’s ethnic group and to the dominant
group: (1) Bicultural identity (identifying with both cultures); (2) Strong ethnic
identity (retaining one’s ethnic identity over dominant group identity); (3) Strong
U.S. White identity (the individual is not ethnically identified); and (4) Identity of
cultural marginalization (not identify with either cultural group). While there are
four forms of ethnic identities, it is possible to have variations in a particular
orientation. For example, in the bicultural orientation, there could be high
identification with one culture and medium identification with another.
A multidimensional model proposed by Phinney (1991) stressed a different
process of development of ethnic identity. In her theory, ethnic identity formation
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includes three stages. In the first stage, individuals in certain ethnic groups have
little interest or concern with their ethnicity. Then they experience the problems,
denies, discriminations, and conflicts related to their minority ethnic culture. This in
turn forces them to explore and to learn more about their ethnicity and its meaning.
This is the second stage. This search leads to awareness and knowledge of one’s
own ethnic culture and its differences from the dominant culture, and ultimately an
achieved identity is accomplished through a commitment to one’s ethnicity. As a
component of social identity, key elements that contribute to ethnic identity include:
self-identification as a group member; attitudes and evaluations related to one’s
ethnic group; attitudes about oneself as a group member; extent of ethnic knowledge
and commitment; and ethnic behaviors and practices (Phinney, 1991). Based on her
theories of ethnic identity, Phinney (1992) developed the Multi group Ethnic Identity
Measure (MEIM) to measure the extent of ethnic identity among ethnic groups. The
14-item scale consists of four dimensions: self-identification, ethnic behaviors and
practices, affirmation and belonging to an ethnic group, and the stages of ethnic
identity achievement. In the present study, Phinney’s measure was used because her
theories of ethnic identity has been widely accepted and the instrument MEIM was
used in many studies with Asian American group.
Acculturation
Acculturation is one of the most important concepts in studies on minority
ethnic groups, and has been found to be directly related to an individual’s
psychological development and mental health. In the early research, acculturation
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was defined as a group-level phenomenon (Redfield, Linton, & Herskovists, 1936).
More recently, it has been conceptualized as a change in the cultural attitudes,
values, and behaviors that result from contact between two distinct cultures (Berry,
Trimble, & Olmedo, 1986) or “the extent to which individuals have maintained their
culture of origin or adapted to the larger society” (Phinney, 1996: 921).
Several factors may produce acculturation stress or adjustment difficulties.
That is the greater the difference between the natal and the new cultures, the higher
the stress (Hears & Revilla, 1994: Thomas, 1995). For newly arrived immigrants,
the acculturation process may be more difficult than for second generation minority
individuals who were bom and educated in the United States, or for those who have
been exposed to US society for a long time (Kitano & Daniels, 1988). The difficulty
is thought to be primarily due to language barriers and a lack of knowledge of the
values of the new society. A variety of models describing acculturation types or
processes have been proposed.
(1) Unidimensional model
Also called the linear model, the unidimensional model suggests that changes
in cultural knowledge, attitudes and behaviors progress in a unidirectional manner on
a continuum from the natal culture to the dominant culture. An increase in
involvement in one culture indicates a reduction in involvement in the other. In this
model, acculturation was defined as the process of adaptation to the mainstream.
Individuals’ failure in achieving full assimilation into the mainstream culture would
lead to negative psychological outcomes (Oetting & Beasuvais, 1990, 1991).
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(2) Bidimensional model
To overcome limitations of the unidimensional model, Berry et al. initially
proposed a bidimensional acculturation model in which one’s acculturation attitude
was measured based on responses to two questions: (1) “Is my cultural identity of
value to be retained?” and (2) “Are positive relations with the larger society to be
sought?”. Some researchers (e.g., Sanchez & Fernandez, 1993; Laroche et al., 1996)
found support for the 2-D approach. They suggested that two critical factors
determine type of acculturation: the extent to which individuals value and maintain
the cultural characteristics of their own group and the importance that they attribute
to maintaining positive relationships with the larger society and other ethnic groups.
More recent studies have used an orthogonal, multidimensional model. This
model views acculturation as a variety of adaptations that can be categorized into
four distinct “styles”: assimilation (identifying solely with the dominant culture and
severing ties with the original culture), integration (maintaining characteristics of
one’s natal culture while selectively acquiring those of the mainstream culture). An
“integrated” individual may adopt some characteristics from the host society; while
at the same time retain characteristics from their original culture of origin (Berry,
1990; Rogler et al., 1991). Separation (identifying solely with one’s original culture
and rejecting the dominant culture), and marginalization (rejecting both natal and
dominant culture).
Integration has been found to be the most supportive socio-cultural base for
mental health, followed by either assimilation or separation, with marginalization as
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the least preferred mode (Berry & Kim, 1988). Berry and others (Berry, 1990; Berry,
Kim, Minde, & Mok, 1987; Berry & Krishnan, 1992), in several studies assessing
the acculturation strategies of various immigrant groups in North America, also
found that integrated individuals experienced the least amount of “acculturative
stress” and manifested positive psychological outcomes. On the other hand,
assimilated and separated individuals suffered more from psychological problems,
with marginalized individuals suffering the most from problems of self-identification
and cultural alienation. This psychological stress, in turn, was associated with a
sharp decrease in self-esteem.
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem has been defined in many ways. For early psychologists, self
esteem was defined as one’s success in attaining his/her desired reputation or
attribute (James, 1890), or one’s ability to cope with life’s stresses with healthy
psychological defenses (Allport, 1961). Roger (1951) believed that self-esteem
depended on the courage to become and remain true to oneself, while Rosenberg
(1979) addressed self-esteem as one’s feelings of self-worth and self-respect. More
recently, Harter (1993) has defined self-esteem as “the level of global regard that one
has for the self as a person.” According to some theories, self-esteem may consist
of two components: group and personal self-esteem. Group self-esteem refers to
how individuals feel about their natal ethnic or racial groups and personal self
esteem refers to how individuals feel about themselves in a comprehensive manner
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(Porter & Washington, 1979; 1989). Group and personal identity are isomorphic;
positive group-esteem is expected to lead to positive personal self-esteem.
Previous paradigms
Among the cultural studies on self-esteem, various components of the
preference models/diagrams have been proposed and examined for minority ethnic
groups. Several paradigms of personal self-esteem for Asian Americans have been
proposed (Porter & Washington, 1993). The first suggests that as the individual
assimilates and/or acculturates, there is less conflict and greater psychological health
(Martinez & Mendoza, 1984). Alignment with both host and ethnic culture provides
the individual with psychological flexibility and adaptability and good personal self
esteem (Sue & Wagner, 1973, Martinez & Mendoza, 1984). The second paradigm
states the importance of social mobility and economic success which will lead to
ability to cope with acculturative stress, and good personal self-esteem (Takaki,
1989; Vega & Rumbaut, 1991; Moyerman & Forman, 1992). The third one suggests
that individuals who have social associations within ethnic communities or extended
ethnic kin networks may experience more personal self-esteem (Keefe & Padilla,
1987). Those individuals who lack these ethnic social associations will exhibit lower
personal self-esteem.
Ethnic identity and self-esteem
In the present study, the relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem
was of interest. Carlson and colleagues (2000) found that ethnic identity was a
significant predictor of global self-esteem among minority girls. Adolescent girls,
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when compared with boys, were more vulnerable to lower levels of global self
esteem. Tsai et al. (2001) indicated that cultural orientation significantly predicted
self-esteem, beyond the contribution of age, gender and grade point average, and
socioeconomic status in Chinese American young adults. Specifically, proficiency
in English and Chinese languages and pride in Chinese culture were positively
correlated with self-esteem.
Perceived Discrimination
Discrimination is a phenomenon currently encountered by minority group
members and it occurs whenever two or more ethnic groups exist. It is a behavior
that accompanies racism and may be influenced by how an individual interprets the
intentions of others. Differences in language, a clearly defined subculture,
continuing immigration patterns, and skin color help perpetrate subgroup ethnic
identification (Porter & Washington, 1993). For example, a large survey conducted
by the Roper Organization (1982) showed that non-European groups received lower
that a 53 percent positive rating of personal image. Non-Asian groups received
higher than a 47 percent positive rating (Espiritu, 1992).
Perceived discrimination and self-esteem
In some studies, self-esteem has been related to perceived discrimination.
That is, members of an ethnic minority group who perceive discrimination, tend to
attribute negative feedback to discrimination which in turn may protect self-esteem
(Crocker & Major, 1989). Verkuyten (1998) found that group discrimination had a
negative effect on self-esteem in a path model and perceived personal discrimination
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had a direct negative effect on personal self-esteem. Higher self-esteem as been
strongly related to a secure ethnic identity (Phinney, 1992; Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz,
1997). Individuals with higher self-esteem experienced less depression, and in turn
also perceived less discrimination. Thus, with the current study, it is proposed that
high self-esteem may serve as a buffer against perceived discrimination.
Perceived discrimination and ethnic identity
Ethnic identification may also influence individuals’ perception of
discrimination. Individuals’ attitudes toward their ethnic groups, their involvement
in cultural activities or their ethnic identities may influence whether or how they
perceive racial discrimination. A strong ethnic identity was found to be related
indirectly to a more positive attitude towards other groups (Phinney et al., 1997).
For Asian Americans, racial discrimination accounts, in part, for the retention
of an ethnic identity despite long years of settlement in the United States and loss of
ethnic language by some members of a group (Arce, 1981). Experiences with racism
can have a strong effect on one’s ethnic identity (Uba, 1994). Moreover, negative
stereotypes may prevent ethnic minorities from developing a positive ethnic identity
(Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). For, example, Branscombe (1999) proposed
a model in which the effect of discrimination on psychological well-being was
mediated by ethnic identity. Additionally, foreign-born adolescents (e.g., Chinese,
Korean and Japanese) felt less racial discrimination from other ethnic groups than
those American-born members of ethnic groups. The reason may be because the
foreign-born individuals recognize and accept the differences between two cultures,
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while American-bom individual identify with members of the dominant ethnic
group, but may experience being treated differently and attribute this to
discrimination.
Asian American Groups
In 1965, the U.S. Congress passed the Immigration and Naturalization Act,
which changed the number and characteristics of immigrants, and abolished the
previous law which favored individuals of Western European origin. Since then, the
number of Asian immigrants has drastically increased and their socioeconomic status
has differed from the earlier Asian immigrants (Lee, 1997). For example, most of
the earlier Asian immigrants worked in low income occupations, such as waiter,
railroad worker, cashier, and etc. Others immigrated into the U.S. with money and
businesses. More recently, Asian immigrants come from a variety of socioeconomic
levels. Many of them were educated in American educational institutions and earned
middle-class level incomes. There were approximately 10.5 million Asian Pacific
Americans in the year 1998, and there will be at least 20 million by the year 2020
(Ong, 2000).
Self-esteem and Asian culture
Obviously, there are differences between Asian and Western cultures. For
instance, the members of Asian culture (e.g., Chinese, Japanese) and Western vary in
the extent to which they value and promote positive feelings of the self (Heine,
Lehman, Markus & Kitayama, 1999). The evidence showed that North American
individuals view the self as separate from others and view themselves positively,
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whereas Chinese and Japanese individuals view the self as connected with others and
may sometimes view themselves negatively. As a result, reported levels of self
esteem tend to be lower among Asian Americans when compared to European
Americans (Heine et al., 1999).
Acculturation and Asian population
In addition, Asian immigrants experience acculturation processes during
which they might perceive discrimination or suffer from loneliness and various types
of cultural differences. All those painful experiences may lead to many types of
psychological problems and pressures. For the Asian Americans who were bom in
the U.S., they still have to face the problem of how to develop their ethnic identities.
Although some Asian American groups have been portrayed as economically and
educationally successful, many others live in poverty and suffer from high levels of
psychological stress (Sue & Sue, 1990; Chiu, Feldman, & Rosenthal, 1992).
Studies of differences within Asian American populations have not been
carried out. This may be due to the difficulty in categorizing these populations.
According to the time and frequency that an Asian group has been exposed to
Western cultures, the religious history, and the cultural kinship, Asian Americans
can be separated into two major categories: East Asians (Chinese, Japanese, Korean,
Cambodians, Laotians, and Vietnamese) and South Asians (Asian Indian, Pakistani,
and Filipinos). Most East Asian countries including China, Japan, Korea, and
Vietnam have been heavily influenced by cultural values that stemmed from
Confucian (Min, 1995) and Buddhist (Kim, Yang, Atkinson, Wolfe & Hong, 2001)
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philosophies. For East Asians, specific values have been formed and have remained
constant.
These include viewing the self as an element of society, valuing education,
maintaining a hierarchical structure in society, and encouraging harmony in social
relationships. East Asians absorb the advantages and achievements of Western
industrialized society, but not the spirit of Western culture. On the other hand, South
Asian areas were the colonies of Western countries (Britain, Span, Netherlands, and
Portugal) for considerable time periods. For example, East Indians, who were
colonized by the British and adopted English as an official language, have fewer
language barriers than do other Asian ethnic groups.
Similarly the Philippines were colonized by Spanish in 1521 which led to the
rise of Catholicism as the new state religion and the ascension of biracial Spanish
and Filipino. The arrival of American conquerors in 1898 resulted in changes in
Filipino society. For instance, English was adopted as the official medium of
communication in educational institutions and it brought about an increased
transmission of American cultural values (Espiritu, 1995). For South Asian
countries, their political system, educational system, social structure, even lifestyle
were affected and changed by Western cultures. South Asian cultures are mixtures
of two or more cultures, including native Asian culture and Western cultures. South
Asians are used to living in “bicultural” circumstances in which the Western culture
and their natal culture can be more easily combined. Obvious evidence is that there is
a large proportion of the population who are bilingual (e.g., English and Tagalong or
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Hindu). Thus, when Filipinos or East Indians immigrate into the U.S. they have some
distinct advantages over immigrants from East Asian countries.
The first wave of Chinese immigrants arrived in San Francisco just before the
Gold Rush in 1849 (Kitano & Daniels, 1988). Early Asian immigrants were mostly
laborers, farmers, or refugees. In recent years, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean
immigrants have varied in their socioeconomic status (i.e., their educational and
occupational backgrounds). When Asian individual immigrate, they tend to reside in
heavily concentrated own ethnic enclaves. The majority of East Asian Americans
have settled into urban Areas such as Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, and New
York City (Kitano & Daniels, 1988).
South Asians began immigrating to the U.S. in the early 1900s when India
was a unified colony of Great Britain (Kitano & Daniels, 1988). Some were political
refugees while others were artists, agricultural laborers, and educators. The second
wave occurred when India and Pakistan became independent in 1947 (Kitano &
Daniels, 1988). Similar to the Filipinos, the recent immigrants were also educated,
upwardly mobile professionals and would-be entrepreneurs. Unlike East Asians,
recent Filipino and South Asian immigrants have not established ethnic enclaves but
rather are widely scattered in suburban areas.
The two types of Asian Americans distinguished above are different in their
experience of acculturation and in forming an ethnic identity. As a result, they may
perceive discrimination differently and use different strategies to defend it. These
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experiences in turn may lead to differences in self-esteem and psychological
outcomes.
Gender and generational status are also important for the researchers in
examining the diversity of Asian Americans (Tsai, Ying & Lee, 2001; Fang, 2001).
Among Asian Americans, Japanese Americans have the highest rate of native-born,
second-, third- or fourth generation citizens compared to other Asian American
groups followed by Chinese and Filipino Americans (Min, 1995). Generation of
immigration and social class may also be a factor in acculturation attitudes. There is
evidence that ethnic group members do retain a strong identification with and are
committed to their group, even though later generations of immigrants show a
decline in some cultural practices (Keefe & Padilla, 1987; Rosenthal & Feldman, in
press).
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HYPOTHESES
Acculturation and Psychological Outcomes
Several major hypotheses were developed based on the literature review.
First, adolescent Asian Americans, with an integrated acculturation style (high
involvement in both Asian and American culture) were expected to manifest the best
psychological outcomes (as measured by low perceived discrimination and high
global self-esteem). Based on the literature on generation differences, it was
expected that second generation adolescents would have a higher level of
involvement in the U.S. culture and a lower level of involvement in Asian culture
than would first generation adolescents. However, first-generation adolescents were
expected to have higher self-esteem and higher self-worth than second-generation
adolescents.
Ethnic Identity and Psychological Outcomes
In terms of the relationship between ethnic identity and psychological
outcomes, it was hypothesized that adolescents who have a stronger or more
committed ethnic identity would manifest the highest psychological well being (as
measured by lower perceived discrimination, and higher global self-esteem). In
several studies, Phinney and colleagues (e.g., Phinney, 1992; Phinney, Cantu, &
Kurtz, 1997) showed that ethnic identity achievement and a high score on a self
esteem measure predicted less perceived discrimination across all ethnic groups. In
addition, second generation adolescents were expected to have an equal or higher
level of ethnic identity than were first generation adolescents.
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Mediating Variables
Among the demographic variables, gender may have an important impact on
overall levels of self-esteem in the Asian American group. Generational status, as
mentioned above, was expected to influence the type of acculturation, the level of
ethnic identity, and level of self-esteem. We proposed a dichotomized variable: two
Asian groups: Asian Americans with East or South Asian origin. The impact of
acculturation and ethnic identity on psychological well being may be mediated by
this within-Asian group difference.
Preliminary Analyses
Before constructing a path model, a series of preliminary analyses were
applied: descriptive analyses provided the means and standard deviations for all
relevant variables for the whole sample or by certain demographic variables. The
results of Pearson product-moment correlation indicated the potential associations
between each pair of variables. For each variable, we also used T-tests to examine
group differences between males and females, and used Analysis of Variance
(ANOVA) to test differences among four generational statuses and differences
among acculturation styles. If there was an overall significant difference,
Tukey’s multiple comparisons were applied to find the exact differences between
each pair of the groups.
Path Model and Invariant Analyses
After preliminary analyses, path analysis was employed. First, all the
endogenous/exogenous variables in the path model were considered as continuous
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variables. Ethnic identity and acculturation were treated as exogenous variables,
while self-esteem and perceived discrimination were endogenous variables.
Generational status may serve as a mediating variable in the model. Based on the
review and the rationale in the introduction section, a series of causal and
correlational relationships were hypothesized to exist among these variables. A
significant correlation between ethnic identity and acculturation was expected. High
ethnic identity (identification with Asian group) or high acculturation (high
involvement in both Asian and American culture) would predict high self-esteem
(positive effects). Ethnic identity should have a positive direct effect on perceived
discrimination. In addition, both ethnic identity and acculturation were hypothesized
to have indirect effects on self-esteem and perceived discrimination, which were
mediated by generational status. One who perceived more discrimination against
his/her ethnicity may have lower self-esteem.
For testing the overall fit of the path model, four major indices of goodness-
of-fit were used to decide whether the model fitted the dataset. These indices
included % , goodness-of-fit index (GFI), comparative fit index (CFI), and RMSEA.
If the level of significance for the model is greater than 0.05, it means that
differences between our specified model and the original data are not significant. In
other words, the model does fit the data.
An invariant analysis method was applied to test the model fit for both East
Asians and South Asians. The hypothesis here was that the overall path model did
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not fit the both Asian groups simultaneously. The model might apply to East Asians
better than to South Asians.
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METHOD
Participants
The participants (See Table 1) were 611 late adolescents (362 girls; 249
boys). The adolescents were all American citizens, including 203 Chinese, 121 South
Asians, 102 Filipinos, 80 Koreans, 32 Japanese, 26 Vietnamese, and 39 other Asians.
They were either first generation (N = 108), 1.5 (N = 125), or second and greater
generations (N = 378). More than half of the participants (56.8%) were bom in the
US. The adolescents ranged in age from 17-21 years old (M = 19.79; SD = 1.11). All
participants were university students. The average time they had lived in the United
States was 15.42 years (SD = 6.53).
Measures
Participants were recmited from the Psychology Subject Pool at the
University of Southern California. They took approximately 30 minutes to complete
a survey that included demographic information and six subscales.
Demographic Information
Each adolescent completed a one-page demographic questionnaire on sex
(male = 1, female = 2), age, ethnicity, parents’ ethnicities, place of birth (US bom =
1, foreign bom = 2), parents’ birth place, parents’ education level, and parents’
employment status.
Generational Status
(1) First generation (those who immigrated into the U.S. from any other
country after 12 years old); (2) 1.5 generation (who immigrated into the U.S. from
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any other country before 12 years old); (3) Second generation (children of foreign
immigrants); (4) Third generation (grandchildren of foreign immigrants).
Multi group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)
Ethnic identity was measured using three subscales of the Multiple Ethnic
Identity Measure (MEIM): ethnic identity achievement, affirmation and belonging,
and ethnic practices and behaviors. Phinney’s MEIM (1992) is a 14-item self-report
scale. Seven items were included in Ethnic Identity Achievement subscale (e.g., “I
have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me”) (Cronbach’s
a = .77). Affirmation and belonging subscale contained five items and measured
sense of belonging to and attitudes toward one’s ethnic group (e.g., “I have a strong
sense of belonging to my own ethnic group”) (Cronbach’s a = .82). Ethnic Behavior
and Practices was measured by two items (e.g., “I participate in cultural practices of
my ethnic group”). Adolescents rated each item on a 4-point scale (1 = Strongly
Disagree to 4 = Strongly Agree). A total Ethnic Identity score was derived by
summing the 14 items and obtaining a mean. High scores on the total score indicated
a strong identification with one’s ethnic group.
Acculturation Scale for Vietnamese Adolescent (ASYA)
The Acculturation Scale for Vietnamese Adolescent (Nguyen, 1999; revised
by Pearl Fang, 2001) is a 76-item self-report measure that contains two subscales:
involvement in the Asian culture (IAS) and involvement in the American culture
(IUS). Four life domains, regarding attitudes, behaviors, preferences, and values
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were measured in each subscale: (1) Everyday Lifestyles; (2) Group Interactions; (3)
Family Orientation; and (4) Global Involvement.
Everyday Lifestyles was the degree of preference and participation in various
cultural (Asian / American) aspects of one’s daily life (e.g., food, music, TV/movies,
language, etc.); Group Interaction was the extent of individual’s interpersonal
relationships, participation in gatherings, and level of comfort with Asian / American
people (e.g. “feel at ease with Asian people”; “go to American gatherings or
parties”); (3) Family Orientation was one’s sense of collectivistic values and gender
roles common in traditional Asian families, or one’s sense of individualistic values
and gender roles common in mainstream American families; (e.g., “children should
follow their parents wishes about choosing a career, dating, marriage,” etc.; Global
Involvement was one’s overall sense of identification or involvement with the
Asian/American culture (e.g., “ It is important for me to preserve my Asian
heritage”).
Each of the items in the IAS subscale was asked twice for Asian and
American groups separately (e.g., “Most my closest friends are Asian”; “Most my
closest friends are American”). For each statement, respondents were asked to rate
on a 5-point Likert-type scale that represents the extent to which they agree with the
attitude or engage in the behavior in question. For the present study, the reliability
analysis for IAS and IUS subscales was .89 and .90, respectively. A total
acculturation score was obtained by using the IUS and the IAS subscales (1 =
Integration, 2 = Assimilation, 3 = Separation, 4 = Marginalization). A high score
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reflected a high involvement in the Asian culture and a low score reflected a high
involvement in the U.S. culture.
Global Self-Worth
Global self-worth was assessed using the 6-item Global Self-Worth Scale of
the Harter Self-Perception Profile for College Students (Neeman & Harter, 1986).
To offset the tendency to give socially desirable answers, a question format was used
that asked the students to indicate which of the two types of students they are most
like. Students were asked to identify with the reference group most appropriate for
them. Then they chose one of two response choices, “Really True For Me” and
“Sort of True For Me”. Item included: “Some students like the kind of person they
are BUT other students wish that they were different”. Reliability analysis yielded
an alpha equal to .84.
Self-Esteem
Global self-esteem was assessed using Rosenberg’s (1986) 10-item self
esteem inventory. An item included: “On the whole, I am satisfied with myself.”
The response scale ranges from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). A total
self-esteem score was obtained by reversing the negative items and acquiring a
mean. Regarding the validity of this scale, researchers have demonstrated that the
scale is unidimensional and correlated strongly with Harter’s Global Self-Worth
Scale (Hagborg, 1993). In the present study, the reliability analysis yielded an alpha
equal to .82.
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Perceived Personal Discrimination
A revised scale that was originally developed by Taylor et al. (1990) assessed
perceived discrimination. Participants were asked whether they personally had been
discriminated against because of their race and of their culture. Each item was
responded to on a 5-point scale ranging from 1, definitely not, to 5, definitely yes. In
the present study, the reliability analysis yielded an alpha equal to .82.
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RESULTS
Preliminary Analyses
Before running the structural equation model, we computed Pearson product-
moment correlations to examine the relationships among five major variables, which
were supposed to be included in the model: ethnic identity (the total score and
subscales), acculturation (the total score and subscales), self-esteem, global self-
worth and perceived discrimination.
Correlations among variables
There was a significant correlation between ethnic identity and acculturation
(r = -.230, p<.01). The very high and significant correlation found between self
esteem and self-worth (r= .707, p<.01) may be attributed to the fact that two indices
measured similar constructs. Ethnic identity was associated with the psychological
outcome measures in the present study and acculturation was negatively correlated
with self-esteem (r=-.212, p<.01) and self-worth (r=-.101, p<.01). (See Table 2)
Differences by gender, Asian origin, generation, and acculturation style
To examine means we used analyses of variance with ethnic group and
generational status. For testing gender differences and the difference between East
Asian Americans and South Asian Americans, and the difference between males and
females, t-test for independent groups was applied. The only significant gender
difference was found in self-esteem (t594=-3.879, p<.01) and males had higher scores
than females (See Table 3). There were also differences between East and South
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Asians self-esteem (t5 5 7= -2.490, p<.05), global self-worth ^ 543= 2.298, p<.05), and
perceived discrimination (t5 6o= 3.831, pc.Ol). (See Table 4)
The results of ANOVA indicated that there were generational differences in
acculturation (F(3, 601)= 9.702, p<.01) and perceived discrimination (F(3,
597)=9.366, p<.01). For acculturation, the first generation was significantly
different from the following generations (p<.01) (See Table 5). However, no
differences were found among 1.5 generation, second generation and third
generation. For perceived discrimination, first generation differed significantly from
1.5 and second generations (p<.01) but third generation. Differences among four
acculturation styles were found to be significant for all measures (p<.05) except for
perceived discrimination (See Table 6).
Path Analysis I - Overall Model
Based on our rationale in the hypotheses section, a causal model was
proposed (See Figure 1 and Table 7). Structural Equation Modeling was run using
LISREL 8.0. The indices of model fit indicated that there was no significant
difference between the data and the model (% = .02, p>.05). Other three indices of
goodness-of-fit also indicated that the path model we specified fit the Asian
American group well (CFI=0.99, GFI=0.98, RESEA=0.01). As we expected, the
association between ethnic identity and acculturation was found to be significant
(r=.23, p<.01). In terms of specific relationships among the variables, ethnic identity
had significant direct effects on perceived discrimination (P=.13, p<.05) and self
esteem (P=.16, p<.05), but the indirect effects from ethnic identity to perceived
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discrimination (P=.04, p>.05) and self-esteem (3= 07, p>.05) mediated by generation
(3=-.01, p>.05) were not significant. Acculturation directly influenced self-esteem
(3=-. 19, p<.05), but its indirect influence on self-esteem was not significant due to
the weak link between generation and self-esteem (3~-07, p>.05). The level of an
individual’s perceived discrimination appear to have an impact on his/her level of
self-esteem (3=-. 13, p<.05).
Path Analysis II - Invariant Analysis (between East and South Asians)
The model identified based on the whole sample was applied to two
subsamples: East Asians and South Asians. Although it was found that the model fit
both subgroups (p>.05) based on the indices of goodness-of-fit, the result of the Chi-
square difference analysis provided evidence that the stmcture of the path model for
South Asians was significantly different to the original model (p<.05). Thus, the
model was a fair fit for South Asians, but fit East Asians very well.
Although both path models for East Asians and South Asians were identified
as a “good fit”, the two models were quite different in terms of their path
coefficients. For South Asians, most of the path coefficients were weak except the
two significant direct effects (from ethnic identity to perceived discrimination and
self-esteem). However, for East Asians, the path model worked much better. The
results indicated that self-esteem was directly affected by ethnic identity (3=.22,
p<.05) and acculturation (3=-.07, p<.05) and perceived discrimination were also
influenced by ethnic identity (3=-21, p<.05). An important indirect effect from
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acculturation to self-esteem mediated by generation was also found to be statistically
significant (Pi=-.07, p2=.08, p<.05).
Summary
The correlation analysis indicated that the exogenous and endogenous
variables that we would use in the model were correlated to one another. Males were
found to have higher Self-Esteem scores than those of females. Differences between
East and South Asians appeared in self-esteem, global self-worth, and perceived
discrimination. Generational differences had an impact on both acculturation and
perceived discrimination.
The results of the path analyses suggested that the proposed path model fit
the data. By comparing the model fit for gender and Asian origin, we found that a
significant difference was found between East and South Asian, and it indicated that
the model fit East Asians than South Asians.
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DISCUSSION
Correlations among Variables
A key finding was that ethnic identity achievement was correlated with
global self-worth and self-esteem. This finding is consistent with the results of
Phinney’s (1989) work which reported that having a sense of belonging or
membership in one’s own ethnic group was related to self-esteem. The results
strongly support the importance of ethnic identity as a key component of social
identity that relates directly to the self-esteem of minority adolescents. This
correlation suggests that ethnic identity may be a good predictor of self-esteem. A
positive correlation between ethnic identity and perceived discrimination suggests
that a strong identification with one’s ethnic group is associated with the perception
of being discriminated against one’s race. This positive relationship supports the
notion that strong ethnic identity resulted from large differences of religions,
languages, skin colors, and cultural elements that would make individuals perceive
more racial prejudice (Sodowsky et al., 1991; Smart & Smart, 1995).
Many researchers (Berry, 1990; Phinney et al., 1992) have found that an
individual with a highly integrated acculturation style manifests positively
psychological outcomes (e.g. positive self-esteem). In the present study, as we
predicted, an integrated acculturation style (high involvement with Asian culture,
high involvement with U.S. culture) was related to high self-esteem. However, there
was no significant correlation between acculturation and perceived discrimination.
The path model, in which a direct path from acculturation to perceived
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discrimination was not specified, was also considered with expectations. Not
surprisingly, the highest correlation was found between global self-worth and self
esteem because we measured the same construct with two different scales.
Therefore, when specifying path models, only self-esteem was used as an
endogenous variable.
Difference across Gender
Kling et al. (1999) found that American men and women were treated
differently and had independent views of self. Self-esteem differed for Asian men
and women (Okazaki, 1998; Tsai, Ying & Lee, 2001). In the present study, when
gender was examined, self-esteem was significantly different for Asian boys and
girls, but differences were found in neither cultural variables nor psychological
outcomes.
Difference across Asian Origin
Since no studies have examined how the cultural variables or their outcomes
vary for Asian Americans with East Asian vs. South Asian origin, we could not
compare our findings with previous studies. However, one’s Asian origin was found
to be a factor which is relevant to psychological outcomes. Asian Americans with
South Asian origin tended to have higher levels of global self-worth and self-esteem
than those with East Asian origin. This finding supported our hypotheses that South
Asians may be able to become involved in American culture faster and easier than
other Asians. As we predicted, East Asian Americans reported more perceived racial
discrimination than did South Asians. Contrary to our theory, there was no evidence
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of difference between East and South Asians in two cultural predictors: ethnic
identity and acculturation. The homogeneity across Asian American groups may be
due to the poor measurement of ethnic identity and acculturation (as is discussed
below).
Path Analysis I - Overall Model
The path coefficients and correlation coefficients were displayed in Figure 1.
The path analyses suggests that there is no overall discrepancy between the
hypothesized model and the true model (p>.05). This means that our specified
model fit the data very well. Overall, two cultural variables: ethnic identity and
acculturation were used as predictors of two psychological outcomes: self-esteem
and perceived discrimination. A positive relationship between ethnic identity and
self-esteem indicated that an individual who had a high ethnic achievement score
tended to report a high level of self-esteem. This result is consistent with prior
studies (Phineey, 1989; Bautista de Domanico, Crawford, & DeWolfe, 1994).
However, when the effect of ethnic identity on self-esteem was mediated by
perceived discrimination, it turned out to be a negative indirect relationship: that is,
one’s strong identification with one’ ethnic group was also associated with
perceiving more racial discrimination, but one’s feeling of being discriminated
against for his/her ethnicity had a negative influence on his/her level of self-esteem.
The results in the present study strongly support the importance of ethnic identity as
a key component of social identity that relates directly to the self-esteem of minority
adolescents.
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Another predictor, acculturation, also had a significant negative direct effect
on self-esteem. Not like Phinney’s (1992) and Berry’s (1990) findings that high
involvement in both US and Asian cultures was related to high self-esteem, our
results suggest that high involvement in US culture predict a high level of self
esteem for Asian American adolescents. This contradiction is probably due to
limitations in the measure of self-esteem. Although the self-esteem inventories and
scales were designed to measure the level of esteem for all ethnic groups, the item
design and the sample might be biased toward an American European population.
As we predicted, perceived discrimination was negatively related to self
esteem. This result was similar to the findings of a study of Turkish and Moroccan
adolescents living in the Netherlands. Verkuyten (1998) found that perceived
personal discrimination had a direct effect on personal self-esteem. The perception
of personal discrimination was negatively related to the adolescents’ sense of
personal control over events and outcomes, which, in turn, was related to personal
self-esteem. A reverse direct causal relation between self-esteem and perceived
discrimination was identified by Phinney (1992) and her colleagues (Phinney, Cantu,
& Kurtz, 1997). They concluded that individuals with higher self-esteem
experienced less depression, and in turn also perceived less discrimination. In the
present study, we did not consider the latter causal relationship.
In addition, the indirect relations between ethnic identity/acculturation and
perceived discrimination/self-esteem mediated by generation were not significant for
the overall model.
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Path Analysis II - Invariant Analysis (between East and South Asians)
Since the overall model had a good fit to the data, we applied the same model
to two subgroups, East and South Asians, respectively. The Chi-square difference
analysis was conducted to test the difference across these two Asian groups (Ho: the
path model fit both East Asians and South Asians). The results of the invariant
analyses are displayed in Table 7. The path coefficients and correlations for each
model are shown in Table 8. The results of the Chi-square difference test for East
and South Asians indicated that the overall path model did not fit both groups
equally well. It fit East Asians very well but only fairly fit South Asians. Based on
the tests of path coefficients we found that this model did fit the East Asian group
because most coefficients were significant (p<.05). Just was the case in the overall
model, all the significant causal or correlational relationships in the overall model
were found also to be significant for the East Asian group. More than that, for East
Asians, there was an indirect negative relation between acculturation and self-esteem
mediated by generation. Through the comparison test, it is concluded that our path
model fits the East Asian group better than the South Asian group and the overall
Asian American group. This suggests that it might be necessary to specify a
different model for the South Asians.
Conclusions and Limitation
A path model (See Figure 1) was proposed and was found to be effective for
exploring the causal relationships among ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem,
and perceived discrimination. As we predicted, one who has high identification with
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the Asian group or is involved more in the Asian culture, may perceive more
discrimination against the Asian group. Perceiving more discrimination against
one’s race predicted low self-esteem. However, ethnic identity within the Asian
group was surprisingly associated with high self-esteem. Contrary to expectations,
there were no significant indirect effects between ethnic identity/acculturation and
self-esteem/perceived discrimination. In other words, generational status was not a
good mediating variable in this path model. The results of the invariant analysis
provided evidence of a structural difference in the relationships among variables
between East and South Asians. The path model fit East Asians better than South
Asians.
Due to limitations in the instruments, we could not determine whether the
measures had good construct validity and reliability. The measures were not on a
true continuum. Thus, when applying LISREL to run the path model, the indices of
goodness-of-fit of the model may not be reflected accurately. In a future study, a
measurement model needs to be tested using confirmatory factor analysis. A
structural equation modeling method may provide a better understanding of
ethnicity-related variables and their relationships and the difference between East
and South Asians based on a reliable and valid measurement model.
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Zhang, Jin
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Ethnic identity, acculturation, self-esteem and perceived discrimination: A comparison study of Asian American adolescents
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Psychology
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OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, developmental,sociology, ethnic and racial studies
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