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Cultural tourism and educational development: Creating new realities in the inner city
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Cultural tourism and educational development: Creating new realities in the inner city
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CULTURAL TOURISM AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT:
CREATING NEW REALITIES IN THE INNER CITY
By
JOHN CHRISTOPHER WOLFKILL
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTERS OF SCIENCE
EDUCATION
August 2000
Copyright 2000 John Christopher Wolfkill
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UMI Number: 1409665
Copyright 2000 by
Wolfkill, John Christopher
All rights reserved.
___ ®
UMI
UMI Microform 1409665
Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
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UNIVERSITY O R S O U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
TMC GMADUATt SCHOOL
UNIVKRSITV RANK
LOS ANGCLSS. CALIFORNIA 1 0 0 0 7
This thesis, written by
JOHN CHRISTOPHER WOLFKILL_______
under the direction of hLs---- Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, s r partial fulfilm ent of the
requirements for the degree of
Masters of Science
Dmm
May 1 0 , 2000
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my wife, Julie, whose love and encouragement
embraces me and moves my spirit towards greatness and humility, and
to my parents, Ken and Wanda, whose unending support throughout the
years has inspired me to risk, to serve, to love, and . . . to study.
The Lord will guide you always; He will satisfy your needs
in a sun-scorched land and will strengthen your frame.
You will be like a well-watered garden, like a spring
whose waters never fail. Your people will rebuild the
ancient ruins and will be called Repairer of Broken
Walls, Restorer of Street with Dwellings.
Isaiah 58:11-12
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Numerous university, community, government, and business stakeholders
contributed substantially to the completion of this thesis.
Dr. William Rideout (USC - Thesis Committee Chair)
Dr. Nelly Stromquist (USC - Thesis Committee)
Leonard Mitchell (USC Center for Economic Development - Thesis Committee)
Dr. Edward J. Blakely (formerly of the USC School of Policy, Planning &
Development)
Teryl Watkins (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Tim & Janine Watkins (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Dr. Messelle Negash (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Naima Greffon (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Julia Duenes (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Sabrina David (Watts Labor Community Action Committee)
Watts Tourism Advisory Council Members
John Cozza (Councilman Svorinich’s Office)
Bill Price (Los Angeles Community Redevelopment Agency)
Curt Gibbs (Los Angeles Community Redevelopment Agency)
Melissa Hayes (Los Angeles Convention & Visitors Bureau)
Damu Vusha (King-Drew Place of Family)
Alexander Pratt (Drew Economic Development Corporation)
Nina Montgomery (Los Angeles County, Supervisor Burke’s Office)
Mike Davis (Los Angeles County, Supervisor Burke’s Office)
Tom Hawkins (City of Los Angeles, Community Development Department)
Mehdi M. Naini, P.E. (City of Los Angeles, Department of Transportation)
Clinton Minnis (City of Los Angeles Empowerment Zone Oversight Committee)
David J. Eder (City of Los Angeles, Community Development Department)
Kenneth A. Johnson (Los Angeles Community Development Bank)
Caroline Kim (Los Angeles Community Development Bank)
Richard McNish (Economic Resources Corporation)
D.C. (Cope) Norcross (Small Business Development Center)
Kashif Rasheed (Small Business Development Center)
Sharon D. Evans (The Business resource Group)
Michael Banner (Los Angeles LDC)
Thomas Tseng (Community Development Technologies Center)
Deepak Bahai (USC Center for Economic Development)
Various Local Watts Residents (youth and adults)
I would like to thank the aforementioned community stakeholders for their time,
their knowledge, and their commitment to the Watts community.
iii
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Table of C ontents
Dedication ii
Acknowledgements iii
List o f Tables vii
List o f Figures viii
I. Introduction 1
II. Thesis Proposal 4
A. Background o f Problem Area 4
B. Purpose 6
C. Statement of Problem 7
D. Hypothesis/Questions to be Answered 8
1. Socio-Cultural and Cultural-Historic Questions 8
2. Informal Education Question 9
3. Nonformal Education Questions 9
4. Formal Education Question 9
E. Significance of the Problem 10
F. Assumptions 10
G. Limitations 11
H. De-Limitations 11
I. Definitions 12
J. Methodology 13
K. Review of Literature 13
L. Developing a Master Plan for Cultural Tourism in Watts 14
1. Determ in ing the Development Capacity o f Watts 14
2. Selecting a Local Development Strategy 14
3. Selecting Local Development Projects ' Identify ing
Stakeholders' Roles 15
4. Recommendations for M aster Plan Development and
Implementation 15
III. Review of Literature 16
A. Chapter One - Social Capital 17
1. The Definition and Types o f Social Capital 20
2. Building Blocks o f Social Capital 23
3. Benefits o f Social Capital 29
4 . Impact o f the Political Environment on Social 3 1
iv
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B. Chapter Two - Community Building, Participation & Power 34
1. Building Blocks o f Empowerment & Definitions o f Power 35
2. Reasons for and Principles o f Community Empowerment 39
3. Roles o f Government. Faith-Based Institutions. Community-
Based Organizations, and Education in the Empowerment
o f a Community 44
C. Chapter Three - Sustainability 52
1. Definitions 53
2. Key Elements o f Sustainability 54
3. Lessons Learned 57
4. Roles o f Government. Universities, Schools & CBOs 61
D. Chapter Four - Economic Development 64
1. Definitions and Goals o f Local Economic
Development 65
2. Local Economic Development Theories 67
3. Local Economic Development Approaches 74
a. Business Development
b. Human Resources Development
c. Community-Based Development
d. Locality Development
4. Roles o f Community Stakeholders 85
E. Chapter Five - Cultural Tourism 88
1. Definitions and Conceptual Models o f Tourism Growth 89
2. Challenges and Benefits o f Cultural Tourism 94
3. The Planning Process 96
4. Elements o f a Cultural Tourism Strategic Plan 98
IV. Developing a Master Plan for Cultural Tourism in Watts 103
A. Chapter Six - The Development Capacity of W atts 104
1. Introduction to the Community 104
2. The Development Capacity o f Watts 107
a. Watts Labor Community Action Profile
b. W LCAC's Organizational Capacity
c. Demographic Analysis
d. Environmental & Business Analysis
e. Community Assets
B. Chapter Seven - Selecting a Local Economic Development
Strategy 120
C. Chapter Eight - Project Design and Expected Outcomes 125
1. Design 125
a. Street/Landscaping
b. Cultural Presentation
c. Tourism M anagement
d. Educational & Career Development
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2. Expected Outcomes 145
a. Employment Impacts
b. Linkages & Spin-offs
c. Community Improvements
D. Chapter Nine — Viability Assessment 150
1. Community/Political Viability 150
2. Location/Market Viability 151
3. Economic Viability 154
E. Chapter Ten - Implementation Plan 156
1. Barriers 156
2. Implementation Plan 157
3. Financial Strategy 159
F. Chapter Eleven - Recommendations 164
Bibliography 170
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LIST OF TABLES
TITLE________________________________________________________ PAGE
Table 1: Competitive Advantages of High Levels of Social Capital 31
Table 2: Matching Business Development Tools and Objectives 77
Table 3: Human Resource Development Tools and Techniques 81
Table 4: Location Development Tools and Objectives 83
Table 5: Demographics for the Community of Watts 111
Table 6: Physical Assets of Watts 119
Table 7: The Twenty Most Visited Cultural Sites in Los Angeles 123
Table 8: Overnight Visitor Volumes in Los Angeles 152
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LIST OF FIGURES
TITLE______________________________________________________ PAGE
Figure A: The Resources and Roles of Local Governments. Universities.
Faith-Based Organizations and Community-Based Organizations 50
Figure B: Key Elements of Sustainable Community Development: The
Big and Little C"s 55
Figure C: Cycle of Neglect in the Inner City 73
Figure D: 1996 Cultural Tourists 91
Figure E: Hierarchy of Recreational Needs 93
Figure F: 1980 & 1990 Watts Age Characteristics 113
Figure G: Six Categories with the Most Establishments 117
Figure H: Local Economic Development Strategy for Watts 121
Figure I: Four Primary Economic & Educational Development
Project Areas 125
Figure J: Three Phases of Job Growth 148
Figure K: Steps Toward Economic Development in Watts 158
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I Introduction
/ too have a dream,
A dream o f streets with dwellings.
A place where the age-old foundations
Preserve the young and old age.
A place where ancient ruins
Become a starting point.
As 1.5 billion people in the world earn less than one dollar a day and as
some of the poorest countries are pressed to spend more on the interest of their
external debt than on the education and development of their people, a chasm has
opened and threatens to swallow the escalating number of the politically, socially,
and culturally exploited poor. While governments and aid agencies commit
themselves primarily to economic development "through stimulating growth in
certain sectors of the economy" that "do not necessarily improve the living
standards of most poor people and indeed, create large groups of development
victims," the chasm widens (Zachariah 1994). The voiceless poor desperately ask
for a new approach to development, one that acknowledges them and the assets of
their communities and allows them to become self-reliant instead of dependent
upon outside aid directives. Denied access to the education and development
debates that determine their communities’ futures, poor minority communities have
become entrenched in the mire of political mediocrity and bound by social systems
which inherently seek to produce winners and losers. Once marred and labeled as a
“disadvantaged community,’’ these poor communities, over the course of several
generations, remain “at-risk.”
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As the United States’ “War on Poverty” demonstrated, even when millions
of dollars are spent and when hundreds of services are offered, poor communities
continue to be poor. So the questions arise, are impoverished communities static
and unchangeable and is the “American Dream” only for a certain type o f person,
with a certain education level, and a certain ancestral heritage? If the answers are
no, then does the enduring poverty of America’s inner cities persist because of the
poor themselves or because o f the society in which they live? On the surface, one
can easily point to the lack o f education, training, ambition, and participation that
characterizes many of America’s disadvantaged communities. History books and
news reports have catalogued every deficiency inherent in impoverished
communities. Politicians and residents from New York to California have singled
out the leading causes o f poverty. And yet, despite this apparent introspection into
the causes of poverty, poverty remains.
While past educational and economic inputs have alleviated some of the
symptoms of poverty and have helped a small minority escape from the bondage of
poverty, urban communities across America are seeking new approaches to
sustainable development strategies that will accomplish more than the temporary
relief of poverty. As a result, communities, like the Watts community in Los
Angeles, are embarking on a journey of “praxis,” “the action and reflection o f men
and women upon their world in order to transform it” (Freire 1994, 60). Unlike the
approaches of most government agencies that focus on the visible results o f poverty
(high levels o f crime, poverty, unemployment, dropout rates, gang affiliation,
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substance abuse, teen pregnancy, and child abuse rates and low levels o f education,
job readiness, and affordable health services), praxis -- through the lenses of history
and culture — seeks to discover the unacknowledged causative forces that shape the
present realities o f these communities. Through praxis, “people develop their
power to perceive critically the way they exist in the world with which and in which
they find themselves (emphasis his Freire 1994, 64). As a community engages in
the struggle for self-development, a new development process is forged, one that
rejects the trickle-down, prescribed approaches of the past. Instead of attempting to
remedy the deficiencies of a community, this new process identifies the assets of
the community in order to reshape the current community reality. As such, this
grassroots-based approach to local economic and educational development
recognizes the structural inequalities that confine a community to a low level of
functionality and create a culture of dependency. This reflective, action-oriented,
community-driven approach begins by engaging the community in a dialogue about
its strengths and about its expectations regarding development. For development to
be truly responsive to the people and participatory in nature, the process must start
and end with the people themselves, making the people “masters of their own
thinking” and controllers of their own destiny (Freire 1994, 105).
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II T hesis P roposal
Background of Problem Area____________________________________________
Designated as an Empowerment Zone and an Enterprise Community, the
greater Watts community represents one of the most economically depressed areas
in the County of Los Angeles. As a result of societal neglect and cultural
abandonment, individual, societal, and institutional dysfunction characterizes the
target community. Though numerous government, community-based, and private
organizations offer services to the community, these services and resources have
never been sufficient enough to meet all the needs of the community. Fifty-five
percent (55%) poverty rates, thirty-nine percent (39%) unemployment rates and
high crime and substance abuse levels create an environment much in need of
additional resources, and more importantly, in need of services and jobs that lead
toward economic self-sufficiency. Economic self-sufficiency will come only when
additional resources and a new level o f public/private collaboration make it
possible to create long-term structures that support and promote personal,
community, small business, and light industrial development.
Though rich in organizational, social, cultural, and infrastructural assets, the
Greater Watts Community suffers from poor resource coordination and a lack of
institutional collectivism. Within the general boundaries o f the Greater Watts
Community (Avalon Blvd. to the west, Alameda Street to the east, E. Century to
the north, and 120th Street to the south), the individual, organizational,
institutional, and political resources exist to move the community from a culture of
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dependence to economic self-sufficiency. Yet, despite the capacity for economic
development and the substantial finances invested in the community after both the
1965 and 1992 rebellions, the community continues to suffer from the same
economic depressed and environmentally blighted conditions that have existed
since before 1965. Furthermore, the resources invested in Watts, by both
Community Based Organizations (CBO) and governmental agencies, tend to be
directed toward people-based development projects and rarely toward place-based
developments. The term “place-based’' refers to an economic development
approach that focuses resources and attempts to make changes at a community
level, not at an individual or family level. The reliance on people-based projects
and programs, while allowing the Watts community to develop a strong social
service network, has also created a community that is home to countless social
service projects that aim to alleviate an individual’s deficiencies and, yet, never
address the systemic ailments o f the community. As a result, few programs have
accomplished little in the way o f changing the long-term social, political,
environmental, or economic realities o f the community. In other words, Watts, as a
community and as a region within the larger context of Los Angeles, has always
lacked a focused, collective, prioritized place-based attempt at economic
revitalization.
5
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Purpose
Although the end result of local economic development (e.g., the increase in
local economic capital, the decrease in unemployment, etc,) is important, the
primary emphasis o f this report will be on the process of local development in
Watts. The process, not the product, provides a roadmap for other future
development efforts. As a community engages in the struggle for self
development, a new development process is created, one that rejects the trickle-
down, prescribed approaches enforced by most federal, state, and local government
agencies. Instead of attempting to remedy the deficiencies of a community, this
new process identifies the assets of the community in order to reshape the current
community reality. The grassroots approach engages community stakeholders in a
dialogue about the community’s strengths, and its expectations regarding, and
capacity for, economic development.
This report seeks to provide the residents of low-income communities with
a roadmap for establishing a sustainable economic development master plan that
directly benefits the often neglected, disadvantaged members o f the community. In
the course of documenting and evaluating the development capacity of Watts and
of suggesting possible development strategies and projects, a different story will be
told, a story that re-captures the history and re-envisions the future of the
community. A brief community history, beginning with the 1920’s, will help
explain the past successes and failures that created the present reality. By defining
a vision for the future, this report will make several recommendations for the steps
to be taken by the Los Angeles government, the community-based organizations
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and the people of Watts. A new story will be told, the story o f a people struggling
for their voice to be heard in a development debate that has already made thousands
of promises and consumed billions of dollars with minimal results for the majority
of Watts residents and for the majority of other low-income communities.
Statement of Problem
The target area is generally characterized by (a) low income households, (b)
a large number of public housing projects, (c) high unemployment rate, (d) a large
number of female-headed families with children, (e) high child abuse/foster care
rates, (f) low level of educational attainment, (g) high crime rates, (h) high drug
alcohol abuse rates, (0 lack of access to basic health services. As a result of these
conditions, the community must expend most of its energy to just survive, leaving
little time to devote to community development. Combined with the fact that most
residents have experienced the futility of past development efforts, residents are
hesitant to participate in development efforts that do not directly and economically
benefit their families. In addition to the residents expectation of failure, the
organizations (grassroots, non-profit, and government) also hold low expectations
for any collective project or development initiative. As such, for a project to be
successful, not only must the project address the risk factors inherent in the target
area, but the project must find some means of building trust among agencies,
institutions, businesses, and the residents themselves.
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Hypothesis /Questions to be Answered____________________________________
The primary hypothesis is that through an intentional, participatory, and
collaborative process of developing an economic development plan for Watts, the
levels o f consciousness, community mobilization, sustainable development, and
local economic capital will increase. This project will answer, or in some cases,
begin to answer, several informal, non-formal, and formal education questions as
they relate to cultural tourism development in Watts. All three types of education
will be necessary to change the community’s expectations about development, to
provide new employment training opportunities, to reshape the local and national
image of Watts as portrayed by the media, and to recapture and re-teach the
historical and cultural significance of the community.
Questions to be asked are as follows:
Socio-Cultural and Cultural-Historic Questions
• What are the key factors and/or stakeholders in local economic development?
• What role does social capital play in the development of a sustainable tourism
program?
• What development approaches (Locational, Business-Development,
Community-Based, and Human Resources) must be incorporated in a viable
economic development strategy?
• What are the opportunities and challenges of cultural tourism in Watts?
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Informal Education Question
• How does a community reshape its local, regional, and national image when it
continues to be negatively characterized by the media?
Nonformal Education Questions
• How does the past impact a community’s present ability or desire to participate
in the economic development process? How does the past shape a
community’s current expectations of development activities? And how can
nonformal education reshape development expectations and rebuild local
participation?
• Can local economic development be bottom-up? What skills, behaviors, and
values are necessary to make alternative development approaches sustainable?
• Is there a need for educating the community about development? If so, how
does this best occur?
• Can nonformal education create communities of praxis and collectivity out of
historically diverse, disenfranchised, and neglected geographic enclaves?
Formal Education Question
• What roles do educational institutions (universities, secondary schools, etc.)
play in economic development, specifically cultural tourism?
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Significance of the Problem______________________________________________
Given the demographics, history of broken promises, overall economic and
educational conditions of the community, and the lack of focused resources, a
comprehensive, feasible, participatory development plan must be designed and
implemented. As a result of intentional down-zoning from commercial and
industrial to strictly residential, Watts lacks the industrial space to attract large-box
manufacturers and, therefore, must create local jobs using local resources. The
culture of dependency can only be broken as residents engage in their own
development by mobilizing their own resources first, realizing that their community
possesses something o f value. The true question is not “Can Watts become a center
for Cultural Tourism in Los Angeles,” but “Who will develop tourism in Watts,
will tourism be sustained, and will residents benefit economically, educationally,
socially, and environmentally?”
Assumptions
1. That Cultural Tourism is a viable and feasible economic development activity.
2. That despite weaknesses inherent in the community, the community can
sustain development efforts.
3. That residents’ participation in the development of cultural tourism in Watts
will ensure direct economic gains for local residents and that their participation
will lead to increased levels of project sustainability.
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Limitations
This paper will focus primarily on the process of engaging the community
in economic development and the educational inputs necessary to sustain
development. As such, a brief re-telling of the history of the community, beginning
with the 1920's, will set the stage for a more in-depth discussion of the assets and
deficiencies (both internal and external) of the Watts community. A review of
literature will provide the ideological and methodological framework for discussing
community-based economic development. Through the community's dialogue
about cultural tourism in Watts and through a review of literature pertaining to the
issues of social capital, community building, participation and power issues,
sustainability, local economic development, and cultural tourism, this paper will
provide a framework for understanding the role of education, consciousness
raising, and alternative development approaches. Further, the paper will begin to
map the social, political, physical assets of Watts.
De-Limitations
Given the limited length and focus o f this paper, the comprehensive and
complex history of Watts will not be discussed. Secondly, overall tourism
development issues will be discussed only as they relate to cultural tourism, a very
specific type of tourism that emphasizes the cultural, historical, architectural, and
environmental assets o f a destination. And finally, this paper will only provide a
basic roadmap for developing cultural tourism in Watts. As such, the paper will
not create a comprehensive master plan, nor will it create a detailed curriculum for
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community education and consciousness raising. Though a master plan for cultural
tourism development and a specific community-wide education program are
necessary, this report will only sketch a preliminary plan for cultural tourism
development and will only provide some key recommendations for developing an
empowering model of community education. Eventually, a thorough, long-term,
integrated community master plan must be developed. This master plan must be
developed within the larger context of Los Angeles’ Cultural Heritage Masterplan
currently in the draft stage and within the broader context of the State of
California’s regional tourism agenda.
Definitions
For the purposes of this report, several definitions will be necessary. These
definitions encompass development terms, sociological terms, economic terms, and
educational terms. Some of the identified terms are:
• Culture
• Economic Development
• Community Development
• Cultural Tourism
• Sustainability (economic and cultural)
• The four approaches to development (Locational. Business, Community-Based,
Human Resource)
• Informal, Nonformal, and Formal Education
• People-Based vs. Place-Based Development
• Consciousness Raising
• Praxis
• Discourse of Power
• Human Capital
• Social Capital
• Social Networks
• Neighborhood
1 2
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Methodology___________________________________________________________
In the writing of this report, several methods were used to gather a personal
knowledge of the Greater Watts Community and of the process of community-
based development. These methods include:
• Review of Literature
• Focus Groups (Large and Small)
• Participation in the Watts Tourism Advisory Council
• Interviews with government leaders (District 15 Councilman’s office, CRA,
Mayor’s office, Community Development Commission, Community
Development Banks, etc.), community leaders (WLCAC, Drew EDC, ERC,
Place of Family, WTCAC, etc.), local businesses, community residents, and
cultural and historical informants both inside and outside the community o f
Watts.
Review of Literature
This report will conduct an integrated review of literature regarding
community-based development, community organizing, consciousness raising,
cultural tourism, nonformal and informal education, social capital, and the history
of the systemic neglect and disinvestment of Watts. This report will cover these
topics with some depth. However, the emphasis will be placed on piecing together
the polarized discussions of economic development and social capital formation
through community consciousness raising and participation.
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Developing a Master Plan for Cultural Tourism in Watts
Determining the Development Capacity of Watts
The section will provide a brief sketch o f the institutional, environmental, and
economic characteristics and risk factors of the Watts community. This community
analysis will outline the various political, physical, demographic, and economic
forces impacting the community.
Selecting a Local Development Strategy
Having a clear understanding of the contributing factors, I will recommend one of
or a combination of the four primary development strategies to be used in
developing the cultural tourism industry in Watts. The four strategies are:
• Locality Development,
• Business Development,
• Human Resource Development,
• Community-Based Development.
After several initial interviews of political and community-based leaders, the
development strategy will almost certainly be a combination of the four
approaches.
14
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Selecting Local Development Projects & Stakeholders' Roles
Once an approach(s) is/are selected, through the use o f focus groups and interviews
with primary stakeholders (political leaders, community-leaders, and local
residents), viable development projects will be identified. These projects will be
specific in nature and have clear objectives as to the activities involved, the jobs
created/needed, and the economic benefits to the community as a whole.
Additionally, besides recommendations for implementation, this section will
outline the roles various community stakeholders should play.
Recommendations for Master Plan Development and Implementation
Going one step further than just identifying projects and the people involved in
their implementation, this thesis will conclude with a brief outline of the steps
necessary to implement the identified projects and the types of educational
programs essential to project sustainability. This section will synthesize the lessons
learned through the review o f literature, the history o f the community, and the
dialogue among community, government, and business representatives.
15
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Ill REVIEW OF LITERATURE
Chapters one through five will review bodies o f literature on the five
interconnected issues of social capital, community building, participation and
power, sustainability, local development, and cultural tourism. This review is
intended to provide community residents and community development
professionals with a foundation for understanding the critical issues involved in
developing community-driven strategies for the economic and cultural
revitalization of impoverished and neglected inner city communities. While the
first four chapters will likely apply to most “at-risk” communities, Chapter Five,
Cultural Tourism, will not apply to all communities. Though culture and cultural
landscapes should be valued and preserved by all communities, the development of
cultural tourism is not a viable option for every community. On the other hand, all
communities should recognize the importance of education. The formal K.-12
system, the community-based nonformal system, and the informal process of
learning while living each play a significant role in preparing a community for
economic progress and for sustaining that progress once development strategies are
implemented.
1 6
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CHAPTER ONE:
SOCIAL CAPITAL
As the cries of school violence and massacre still ring throughout the
nation, politicians, school officials, teachers, parents, and students ask how could a
child as young as seven years old could murder a fellow classmate. In a society
where youth are raised for independence not interdependence, the media, the
school, and the family stress the importance of individuality from an early age. On
a community level, this shift toward individualism inevitably leads toward a loss of
shared values, shared behaviors, shared symbols, and shared experiences. This loss
of shared culture erodes the foundation of community, which in turn erodes the
building materials o f a person's identity. The term “Generation X” describes more
than a generation of young adults searching for their place in society, it describes a
nation that no longer has a clear identity to pass on to its future generations.
As urban sprawl characterizes communities like Los Angeles, postmodern
urbanities, though continuing to develop some intimate social networks that are
spread across the city, exhibit less attachment and relational investment in their
immediate neighborhood (Tilly 1973, Fisher 1982, and Sampson 1999). As a
result, communities have become less o f a “collection of both people and
institutions occupying a spatially defined area that is conditioned by a set of
ecological, cultural, and political forces" (Sampson 1999 paraphrasing Park 1916)
and more o f a “mosaic o f overlapping boundaries” (Suttles 1972 as quoted by
Sampson 1999). Like a mosaic, communities become fragmented as the lack of
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strong local ties and solidarity creates less impetus for local action. Once
fragmented, communities become less able to collectively respond to the causative
forces o f poverty, and thereby, begin a perilous journey into the depths of despair.
And while every disadvantaged community may not experience this very linear
evolution of social fragmentation and decay, the results are the same for every
impoverished community — those with social networks outside the community and
with the necessary financial resources choose to relocate. As fairly stable residents,
families, and businesses leave the community, the social capital that once held the
community together in times of economic decline no longer exists (Lyons,
Lichtenstein, and Chhatre 1994).
Left to struggle against the forces o f community decay in social and
political isolation, inner city communities become the breeding grounds of crime,
drug abuse, violence, unemployment, underemployment, welfare, and educational
inequity. This social despair eventually leads to what M.P. Baumgartner terms
“moral minimalism,” a condition where community residents view other residents
as strangers (Baumgartner 1988, found in Sampson 1999). Moral minimalism soon
makes collective action impossible, as residents do not trust residents, as
organizations and businesses do not trust one another, and as a spirit of competition
replaces the spirit of community. Disadvantaged and fragmented communities
become geographic enclaves of poverty, which, in turn, “produce high levels of
social isolation and a lack o f empowerment” (Mesch 1998). Consequently, it is not
only political isolation and economic devolution that create communities of
concentrated poverty, but also, the decay o f the social fabric o f the community
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caused by neglect and abandonment. To combat the geographic concentration of
poverty, communities must develop community-specific solutions that account for
the historical, cultural, and structural causes of poverty and community isolation.
To revitalize a community, residents and community development
professionals must begin with the basic building block o f a community, social
capital Emphasizing the importance o f social capital Angela Glover Blackwell
the senior-vice president at the Rockefeller Foundation, recognizes that “new and
unusual partnerships have been trying to expand the opportunities for inner city
residents whom other Americans have seemed prepared to forget” and that “these
hardy alliances gather momentum and draw their strength from community-
building strategies that seek to reweave the fabric of social cooperation that has
historically provided Americans with pathways out to stable and productive
futures” (Walsh 1997, i). Blackwells assertion echoes the earlier work of Robert
Putnam (1995), who ascribes the degree of government intervention, economic
vitality, and community health to the level of a community’s social development
(found in Gittell and Vidal 1995). In other words, the level o f social capital
determines a community’s ability to hold government and institutions accountable
and to ensure the well being o f the community in times o f plenty and in times of
economic scarcity. As Ernesto Cortes, Jr. (1996) concludes, “To reverse the
current dissolution of community, we need to rebuild social capital, to reinvest in
the institutions that enable people to learn, to develop leadership, and to build
relationships; to become, in Jefferson’s phrase, "participators in the affairs of
government’” (2). Although the rebuilding of social capital in neglected
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communities does not guarantee significant changes in the quality of life
experienced by a community, higher levels o f social capital form the foundation for
all future educational and economic development initiatives.
The Definition and Types of Social Capital
In order to discover the factors that build social capital and the benefits
derived from increased levels of social capital, an integrated definition of social
capital must be developed. As defined by the World Bank (2000), social capital
refers to “the norms and social relations embedded in the social structures of
societies that enable people to coordinate action to achieve desired goals"
(website). The Committee for Economic (Development (1995), while also
emphasizing the importance of social relationships among residents and businesses,
expands the goal o f social capital to include the building o f collaborative
partnerships (found in Gittell and Vidal 1998). The Civic Practices Network
(2000), borrowing from Putnam 1993, elusively refers to social capital as social
networks built on trust and common norms (website). Although these definitions
provide a starting point for defining what social capital is and how it relates to
community development, the definitions remain somewhat vague. While Dressner,
Fleischer, and Sherwood’s (1999) definition o f social capital as “ The collective
amount of skill, knowledge, values, time, and energy that people share with those
outside their household through interaction in personal relationships and
participation in voluntary organization," provides additional insight into the
nebulousness o f social capital, a discussion of culture and the differentiation
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between the types of social relationships remains absent (13). While in the past,
relationships could have been easily categorized into primary or deeply intimate
relationships and secondary, more distant acquaintances, social networks of the
twenty-first century are characterized by varying degrees of interaction, trust, and
intimacy based on the context of the relationship. Through modem communication
and transportation technologies and as a result of urban sprawl, a person's most
intimate relationships might exist well beyond the geographic confines of his or her
community.
So, while social capital refers to the historical, cultural, educational,
political, social, spiritual and intellectual resources and understandings of a
community and the skills, talents, energy, expectations, values, and shared
experiences of individuals, social capital is also measured by the level and degree
of community participation and collaboration among families, neighbors, co
workers, acquaintances, and strangers, not to mention business, institutions,
organizations, and public agencies. In order to accommodate the different types of
social networks and the various degrees of collaboration, it is important to reduce
social capital into two categories. Robert Putnam (1995) coined theses two
categories as “bonding capital" and “bridging capital." Bonding capital includes
the more intimate, horizontal ties among people o f similar family heritage, ethnic
ancestry, spiritual belief, occupational choice, and volunteer association. On the
other hand, bridging capital refers to the vertical relationships between less formal
social networks that bridge social divides like ethnicity, gender, religion, socio
economic status, and political or volunteer association. As bonding and bridging
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capital are difficult to measure in a community, Temkin and Rohe, as cited in
Gittell and Vidall (1998), further refine Putnam’s categories and offer empirically
measurable definitions. Instead of bonding and bridging, Temkin and Rohe divide
social capital into sociocultural milieu and institutional infrastructure. Like
bonding capital, sociocultural milieu measures
the degree to which residents feel that their neighborhood is a
spatially distinct place; interact with one another in the form o f
borrowing small items, visiting, discussing local problems, and
helping each other with small tasks; work and socialize in the
neighborhood; and use neighborhood facilities for worship and
grocery shopping. (Gittell and Vidall 1998, 17)
On the other hand, institutional infrastructure, like bridging capital, gages the level
of local political participation, organizational and institutional representation, and
community-based communication and influence in a citywide or regional context.
Although these two aspects of social capital may be called different things
by different researchers (Dressner 1999 uses the labels “social support” and “social
leverage”), for a community to be healthy and productive and able to determine its
own reality, both forms of social capital must be present. Sociocultural milieu,
while able to assist community residents in temporary times o f despair and able to
create some level of shared experience among neighbors, will not and cannot
sustain an impoverished community that lacks the basic resources for economic and
cultural survival. Institutional infrastructure provides the important connections to
the governmental, institutional and business resources outside the boundaries o f the
community (i.e. grant opportunities, access to higher education, opportunities for
improved employment, etc.).
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As Gittell and Thompson (1999) recognize, “outside of ethnic enclaves,
inner-city businesses and entrepreneurs often lack not only connections to one
another but also to bankers, investors, suppliers, and customers located outside the
neighborhood’* (492). The lack of connection among inner-city residents and those
outside the community points to the underlying problem of neglected urban areas.
Politicians frequently point to unemployment/underemployment as the key issue
facing inner city communities such as Watts. Community leaders often assert that
high school drop out rates are to blame for the high levels of poverty that exists in a
community like Watts. Still, other leaders fault high levels of crime and drug abuse
as the primary reason inner cities continue to be held in bondage to poverty.
However, while these factors contribute to the impoverished conditions evident in
the community, these issues point to a larger culprit. A careful analysis of the
demographic and economic statistics and the social, cultural, institutional, political,
and infrastructural assets o f many “at-risk” communities reveals the overwhelming
agent of stagnation and poverty is TRUST, or rather the lack of trust.
Building Blocks of Social Capital
The lack o f trust between the stakeholders of the community (community
leaders, political representatives, business proprietors, and community residents
themselves) creates a culture of competition. The lack of cooperation between
grassroots, larger non-profits, local political offices, and regional or national
government agencies, what Ferguson and Stoutland (1999) refer to as level zero,
level one, level two, and level three groups and organizations, reinforces this
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competitive nature of inner-cities. This competitive culture, systemic in its origin,
impedes efforts of collaborative community development and, in some cases,
makes sustainable, community-driven development impossible. Competition
among agencies, organizations, and institutions fragments the community and
forces an asset-rich community like Watts into poverty, isolation, and neglect.
Without adherence to a focused and participatory strategy that builds on the
existing social networks and connects them to more regional resources, inner city
communities like Watts will be bound to poverty and to an overwhelming sense of
hopelessness and animosity.
As social capital is the cornerstone of community development, trust is the
foundation on which social capital, both socio-cultural milieu and institutional
infrastructure, is built. Trust acts as the mortar used to connect and infuse the
broken pieces of glass into a complete, beautiful, and valuable mosaic. Over time,
however, as promises are broken and as competition-driven educational and
political systems prepare many inner city residents for failure and disillusionment,
trust erodes. More than that, barriers to trust are erected and the foundation of
social capital crumbles. Without trust, neighbors, organizations, institutions,
businesses, and governmental entities produce temporary alliances on sandy
foundations of self-interest. In the context of community-based partnerships, trust
becomes more than a reflection on the past; it becomes an anticipation and
expectation of the future. Trust says, “I am confident that I know your future
actions and that I understand your motivation.” Ferguson and Stout land (1999)
frame the issue of trust in what they call the four trust questions:
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Trust I: What are the motives of current or potential allies?
Trust 2: Are they competent?
Trust 3: Will they be dependable in fulfilling their responsibilities?
Trust 4: Will they be collegial? Respectful? Fair? (emphasis theirs 44)
The answers to these questions determine, to a large degree, the potential for
successful collaboration. Collaboration, in turn, determines the level o f bonding
and bridging capital that exists in a community. Whether it is as small as
borrowing some flour or as large as partnering with a multi-national corporation,
social capital and trust are the raw materials used in building strong, self-sufficient
communities which actively seek to determine their own development destiny.
Although social capital lays the foundation for community building, the
formation of socio-cultural milieu and institutional infrastructure also requires an
engaged citizenry. Unless residents take an active role in their community, the
bridges built by a few community leaders, organizations, or local institutions will
never support the weight of an impoverished community. While these bridges will
assist some to leave the community, the majority of the community will remain
bound to isolation, neglect, and dependency. However, as communities raise up a
significant cadre o f critically aware residents, schools will be held more
accountable, police more responsible, and institutions more liable for keeping
promises and delivering quality services. Sampson (1999) outlines seven key
issues that affect a community's ability to develop critically aware residents. As
increases in crime and neighborhood blight often signal the decaying social fabric
of a community, community policing and the reduction of social disorder can be
the first step toward arresting social and physical deterioration. Community
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policing strategies and neighborhood clean-up programs help residents build social
networks and provide feasible projects that can re-establish trust and confidence.
Even if crime and vandalism rates only decrease minimally, the perception of
increased social control and neighborhood pride often leads to higher levels of trust
and collaboration (Sampson 1999). Furthermore, social confidence creates new
systems of informal social control where older residents influence and supervise the
local teen culture. Informal social control, much like what has been observed in the
four housing developments that corner the Watts community, instills the youth
culture with community-determined values and social boundaries.
In addition to reducing social disorder and the use of informal social
control, responsible land use planning, integrated community development policy,
and housing-based preservation strategies stabilize struggling communities. As
Sampson asserts, “the peculiar American form of urban sprawl has carved up
physical space into isolated pockets, separated social functions, and banished
people from public spaces” (273). Unlike suburban neighborhoods where buildings
are designed and regulated in order to preserve public space, the hard urban edge of
streets, the lack of architectural codes, and the deliberate downzoning of inner cities
disassemble any existing public space and further fragment these all-concrete
communities. Impoverished communities must aggressively reclaim “an active
arena where purposeful human agency jostles problematically with tendential social
determinations to shape everyday activity, particularize social change, and etch into
place the course o f time and the making of history’' (Kling 1993, 35). In other
words, communities should create places where, through education and dialogue.
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youth and adults can collectively struggle in and against a society that has, in many
ways, predetermined their role and destiny. These places of human agency (a park,
a community center, a grocery store, a coffee house, a marketplace, a burger stand,
a school, a local street comer, etc.) illustrate what Kevin Lynch (1981) defines as a
good space; a space which “in some way appropriate to the person and her culture,
makes her aware of her community, her past, the web of life, and the universe of
time and space in which those are contained" (142). The critical dialogue that
occurs as an outgrowth of increased trust and cooperation and the provision of
designated public space make it possible for residents to reflect on their past
experiences, to make sense of their present situation, and to plan for their collective
future.
Although improvements in the physical environment increase the amount of
social interaction, an integrated community development policy that includes social
service provision can significantly affect the quality o f life experienced by a
community. Wallace and Wallace (1990) contend that “ ‘ the consequences of
withdrawing municipal services from poor neighborhoods, the resulting outbreaks
of contagious urban decay and forced migration which shred essential social
networks and cause social disintegration have become a highly significant
contributor to decline in public health among the poor" (427). Social
disintegration, besides breaking down social networks, lessens local ownership
(both in social and financial terms) and eventually leads to an overall physical
decline in the housing stock, the business sector, and the learning environment of
the community. The creation of good public space, the promotion of public health,
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and the reduction of housing blight and neighborhood flight will lead to higher
levels o f social stability.
While social stability may sustain a low level o f functionality for an
impoverished community, the intentional and systemic concentration of poverty
and disempowerment of local residents confines inner-cities to prisons of
dependency. As Sampson (1999) points out, the deconcentration of poverty and
the increase in community participation are necessary steps in moving a community
from poverty to economic stability. Urban communities like Watts frequently
possess an unequal share o f public housing. As demonstrated by generations of
high poverty rates, “ecological concentration of poverty and racial segregation”
deter “neighborhood integration among classes and races” (275). This
disintegration limits the growth of bridging capital. The Watts Labor Community
Action Committee’s (WLCAC) [this community-based non-profit will be discussed
in greater detail in Chapter Six] experiment in housing dispersement provides some
initial evidence of the opportunities for local-based efforts to succeed without the
support of the city, state, or national government. The Franklin Square program, in
the next two years, will afford 39 single-family units to be owned by former public
housing residents who participated in a volunteer lottery in 1982. Afier 20 years of
residency, these families will assume full ownership and responsibility for their
houses. Programs like this promote neighborhood stability and provide incentives
for residents to participate in and fight for community improvement initiatives.
Ownership, whether home, business, or otherwise, creates new impetus for local
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participation, participation that leads to the accountability of local, regional, and
national organizations, institutions, and agencies.
Benefits of Social Capital
Besides the various social benefits, increases in social capital can lead to
improvements in the business environment and entrepreneurial spirit of a
community. Relying on trust and social networks, social capital endows
communities with the “connectedness they need to face the new realities of
devolution" (Hornburg and Lang 1998, and Gittell and Vidal 1998). Bonding and
bridging relationships provide the support and resources necessary to overcoming
decades of disinvestment and abandonment. As Michael Eichler o f the Consensus
Organizing Institute claims, “Relationships free communities from the constraining
and often false presumption that powerful organizations respond only to force"
(Walsh 1997, 53). Partnerships with powerful organizations, institutions, and
corporations can leverage imbalanced power structures in disenfranchised
communities. As the structures and controls o f power become responsive to and
inclusive o f local demands, the voice of the community is heard in the development
debate. Genuine democracy stems from this more balanced decision making
process. And so, while the building o f social capital is often a long, demanding
process, “it is the key to making democracy work" (Ritchey-Vance 1996 quoting
Putnam 1993).
When democracy replaces the social totalitarian system o f decision making
in impoverished communities and when collaboration replaces fragmentation, local
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business owners and entrepreneurs can take collective action against what Johnson
et. al (1995) calls the “exploitation of inner-city resources by outside majority-
owned businesses." Although the market may promote the exploitation of the poor,
the lack of social networks allows this economic abuse to go unchecked and
unchallenged. Numerous researchers allude to the absence of social collaborations
and connections for the low success rates of many African-American business
owners (Fratoe 1988, Light and Rosenstein 1995, Boston and Ross 1997 and Gittell
and Thompson 1999). In business terms, social capital produces a competitive
advantage for increasing financial, human, and physical capital among inner-city
businesses. Furthermore, social capital, more specifically the shared knowledge
and local networks, helps entrepreneurs to collectively maximize their business
expertise and resources. Through sharing their experiences and knowledge and by
overcoming social disconnection, inner-city entrepreneurs not only strengthen the
social bonds of a community, but they begin to foster new levels of business
development. Table 1, adapted from Gittell and Thompson (1999), displays several
financial, intellectual, physical, and labor related competitive advantages gained
from increased levels o f social capital among inner-city businesses. However,
where new levels of business development exist, local residents must “have the
appropriate skills, behavior, norms, and support structures to take advantage of
opportunities" (Gittell and Thompson 1999, 491). So, while inner-city
development relies on the relational aspect o f social capital, it also depends on
community knowledge, understanding, skills, talent, and shared experiences
(Dickens 1999).
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Table 1: Competitive Advantages of High Levels o f Social Capital
S O C IA L C A P IT A L IN P U T C O M M U N I T Y O U T C O M E
Trust Reduced production costs
Shared Information Increased business effectiveness and market responsiveness
Shared Experiences Joint problem solving
Bonding Capital Increased access to capital through family or rotating credit
associations
Bridging Capital Increased employee loyalty that leads to increased employee
training
Collective Action Protection against external exploitation and market
competition
Social Networks Creation of new community norms and values that promote
economic growth and arrest social decay
Source: (Gittell and Thompson 1999.492-493)
The Impact of the Political Environment on Social Capital Formation
While trust, social networks, community knowledge, and shared
experiences help shape the social landscape of a community, social capital is not
created or expanded in the isolated context of a local community. Rather, as
Sampson (1999) asserts, "It [community social capital] is embedded in structural
contexts and political economy of place” (258). The same causative forces that led
to the impoverishment and neglect of a community, mainly the socio-political
environment and structure of power, continue to subversively work against the
construction o f an enlightened, empowered, socially-connected community. As the
concentration of public housing and the use of discriminatory zoning practices have
created enclaves of poverty that are geographically disconnected from thriving
business sectors, seemingly benign administrative policies that give tax breaks to
suburban developers and direct millions of dollars to building transportation
systems further harm the poor (Sampson, 1999). The downzoning of communities
31
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from industrial and commercial uses to strictly residential leads to increase business
relocation as local business expansion is impossible without going through the
costly red tape of variances and zone changes. As previously mentioned, the
fragmentation of a community, the concentration of poverty within a community,
and the decline in the economic vitality of a community breeds a sense of despair
that soon leads to a lack of participation that then gives way to social
disorganization. Disorganization nurtures the growth o f a criminal sub-culture that
inhibits any new economic development in the community. This linear process of
decline => decay => chaos, though overly simplistic, points to a type of political
self-fulfilling prophecy that believes inner cities will always be poor.
A political environment that allows no sharing of power or decision making
marginalizes the poor and, in many ways, dehumanizes them. However, in this
political power struggle, even those in power become less humanized (Freire 1994,
26). To break the cycle of poverty, the poor must begin to take an active role in
their release from the bindings of poverty, either by their own collective might or
by the gentle persuasion of their oppressors. Either way, true freedom and
economic prosperity for the disadvantaged will come only as inner-city residents
practice “conscientizacao,” the ability to perceive the social, political, and
economic forces that shape one's reality and to collectively act against these forces
(18). While this conscientization can occur as a community meets in public spaces
to discuss the past, present, and future of the community, unless this reflection
moves to action, the community will find itself more impoverished than before. If
bonding capital exists without bridging capital, a community will come to the false
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conclusion the community is poor and powerless. It is only through the effective
development of both types of social capital that communities move beyond
discussion to praxis, to reflective action. Although '"through communication can
human life hold meaning,” it is through participation that human life holds purpose
(58). To become masters of their own thinking and determiners of their own
destiny, local residents must build social networks that act in and against existing
power structures or what Stromquist (1995) terms “powledge, (existing power and
knowledge)” (450). Residents must also develop, and in developing, re-create the
powledge necessary to sustain changes in the socio-political environment.
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CHAPTER TWO:
COMMUNITY BUILDING. PARTICIPATION & POWER
Without knowledge there can be no power, yet, power exists without
knowledge. This paradox alludes to the struggle an impoverished community must
face to rebuild the social, political, and physical supports o f the community. While
disorganized residents must gain knowledge and understanding to secure power or
the ability to act in such a way as to affect change, the dominant majority must
recognize the culture of power they control. As a result, for a community to
become empowered to rebuild their community from the bottom up, residents must
actively endeavor to organize themselves and to become critically conscious of
their power to change the present reality. However, a part of this empowerment
process also relies on the conscientization of the people, elected representatives,
institutions, school systems, and local organizations that exert some form of power
over the marginalized residents.
To move a community from passivity to collectivity takes more than just
the development of social capital; a community must develop a comprehensive
community building strategy. The National Community Building Network
(NCBN) (1999) defines this process o f community building as “a comprehensive,
principle-driven approach to economic and social revitalization that highlights
relationships and partnerships among residents and others who care about the
community" (1). Community building, therefore, mobilizes the assets o f a
community to solve its own problems while also catalyzing “new relationships.
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more responsive institutions, new community resources, and empowered residents"
(NCBN 1999, 1). Like more affluent communities, inner cities possess both
strengths and weaknesses. However, those in power, including the media,
frequently measure inner cities by their deficiencies alone (Medoff and Sklar 1994).
This deficit paradigm teaches that the poor are poor because of their own
deficiencies. As a result, those in power, in many cases, refuse to acknowledge the
socio-political structures that have caused these so-called deficits. By bridging the
power divide that exists between poor communities and those with influence,
“community building seeks to foster new social contracts," based on mutual
obligation and reciprocity, “that keep the urban poor from being isolated by
products of a volatile, changing economy" (Walsh 1997, ii). Although the
conscientization of those with power is important, the most crucial element in
building new structures of power is the participation and critical engagement of the
poor themselves.
Building Blocks of Empowerment & Definitions of Power
Before the marginalized can or will participate, they must attain the skills
necessary to participate. To build these skills requires a conceptual shift from
providing the marginalized with specific, temporary, interventions and services
toward assisting residents to build and develop the competencies essential for self-
determinence (Barton, Watkins, & Jarjoura 1998, 34). These competencies and
skills include the ability to develop and maintain social networks, the skills
necessary for effectively running meetings and for organizing local residents, and
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the knowledge needed for understanding community development and for creating
local development strategies. Before residents can become empowered, they must
understand how power is structured around them, realize their own potential to
exert power, and acquire the tools necessary for exercising power responsibly. As
a result, those without power or with little power over the affairs of their
community must begin by reshaping their attitudes, behaviors, and skills (34). This
reshaping and retooling occurs through the deliberate re-education of the
community (the three types of education necessary for catalyzing community
change will be discussed later in this section on ‘'Community Building,
Participation and Power”). Although Barton, Watkins, & Jarjoura (1998) discuss
the development of youth, the youth development components outlined by the
authors equally apply to the development o f stable communities:
a Safety and structure
a Belonging and membership
a Self-worth and an ability to contribute
a Independence and control over one's own life
a Closeness and several good relationships
a Competence and mastery
These six elements create an environment that fosters individual and collective
development. When residents feel safe, have a sense of belonging, and possess a
healthy self-image, they gain the vision needed to take control of their futures and
the trust necessary to develop close relationships.
When the marginalized become aware of their own agency, they are better
prepared to recognize the power structures that exists among and around them. The
conscious reality experienced by a community is a reflection of the worldview or
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idea o f reality created by those in power. As Lisa Delpit (1995) points out, “Power
plays a critical role in our society and in our educational system. The worldviews
of those with privileged positions are taken as the only reality, while the
worldviews of those less powerful are dismissed as inconsequential” (xv). It is the
reality of the powerful and the rules that govern this reality that, in turn, erects what
Delpit calls "the culture of power” (24). Although this culture of power impacts
every aspect of life from politics to education to the formation of social networks,
the issue of power is frequently a non-salient issue, an issue that is rarely discussed
or reflected upon. By not acknowledging or even thinking about the way in which
power relationships are determined and how these relationships determine the way
in which society is organized, the powerful maintain their power and the less
powerful remain disempowered, disenfranchised, and neglected.
Although there are three primary ways to conceptualize the issue of power,
in dealing with the interconnection of power and community building, the Marxist
viewpoint best captures the struggle a community must engage in to establish an
equilibrium of control. The culture of power, when seen through the beliefs
promoted by the variable sum and zero-sum concepts of power, becomes either too
static where the powerful's total sum o f power remains constantly greater than that
of the less fortunate or too linear where one group gains power and the other group
loses an equal share o f power (Mayo & Graig 1995). The zero-sum’s linear model,
though accurate in many ways, fails to take in account the different forms of power
and control Neither the variable sum or zero-sum worldviews recognizes the
multiple dimensions of power. Ironically, in countries and cities where minorities
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have been generally more included through the multiculturalism of education and
politics, the economic divide between the dominant majority and the disadvantaged
has continued widening. The Marxist perspective asserts that "political power is
inherently connected to economic power’' (6). Furthermore, the Marxist worldview
proposes that the power over economics, ideas, values, and norms results in socio
cultural, eco-political hegemony. As a result, to gain power, a group must, as Paulo
Freire confers, enter into a process of conscientization, of realizing the structural
inequalities that cause power differentials. In other words, the participation o f the
disenfranchised requires praxis and “the opening of power distribution channels"
(Marien and Pizam 1997).
Through praxis, a community can begin to understand the causative forces
of systemic neglect and, in turn, begin the struggle toward empowerment.
Empowerment, as defined by Stromquist (1992), "seeks to combine both
consciousness-raising and action so that individuals not only understand their
society and the place they have in it, but are encouraged to undertake efforts to
modify social relations affecting" the economic, political, social, infrastructural,
and educational development of the community (53). In a broader sense, the levels
of organization among community residents, the degree to which residents
understand local issues, and the extent to which the disenfranchised influence local
politics measure the degree to which a community is empowered (Mesch 1998).
Community empowerment, then, is the sum of the individual consciousness levels
of residents and their ability to act collectively. In its very essence, community
empowerment requires learning, whether through the formal, nonformal, or
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informal systems. To be empowered is to be able to re-explain the past, re-possess
the present, and to re-envision the future. This re-explanation, re-possession, and
re-envisioning is what Antonio Gramsci describes as the essential steps for
establishing a counter hegemony that counters the social, cultural, political, and
economic ideologies of the powerful.
Reasons for and Principles of Community Empowerment
Through the development of a counter hegemony, a disconnected
community begins to create a new foundation of shared beliefs and norms. Upon
this foundation, residents can rebuild trust and re-develop the social supports
needed for more effective and collective action. In their article entitled
“Reconceiving the Community Development Field,” Ferguson and Stoutland
(1999) observe that local control and participation are important parts of
community development for four reasons:
1. Community empowerment ensures that the real needs of local
residents, not the self-interests of political representatives or service
deliverers, determine the development priorities, whether social or
physical.
2. The process of participation develops the skills, attitudes, and
behaviors necessary for individual and collective action.
3. The collective action and shared beliefs o f previously disconnected
residents hold service providers and political representatives more
accountable.
4. Community collaboration, when it successfully creates a change in a
policy, a circumstance, or an expectation, provides the social capital
needed for further collaboration and further solutions to more
serious issues. (51)
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However, more than just providing solutions to serious issues, the empowerment of
marginalized communities ensures the more efficient use of the community’s
assets. Unlike the top-down, expert-driven approaches to development, community
empowerment strategies recognize and begin with the assets, not the deficiencies,
of a community. Following what John Kretzmann and John McKnight (1993) term
as the “Asset-Based, Internally Focused, Relationship-Driven” community
development strategy, communities “start with what is present in the community,
the capabilities of its residents and workers, the associational and institutional base
of the area — not what is absent, or with what is problematic, or with what the
community needs” (9). This development approach aligns itself with Paulo
Freire's (1994) idea of praxis, “the action and reflection of men and women upon
their world to transform it” (60). By beginning with a community's assets,
community leaders communicate the message that the people are vitally important
and valuable and have something to give. This initial step helps the community to
see the local leadership as personally interested in them, thereby creating an
atmosphere of dialogue from the beginning. As local residents realize their own
assets, the community avoids the “deepening of the cycle of dependence" which
looks to outside experts to solve the community’s problems (Kretzmann and
McKnight 1993, 4). By focusing on a community’s assets, residents move from
being consumers to becoming producers, producers of knowledge, skills,
community artifacts, and community solutions.
The asset-based, relationship-driven approach to community building and
revitalization not only recognizes and reinforces “ the resources within the
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community.*’ but also mobilizes those assets to leverage outside resources and to
connect with external social networks (emphasis theirs Medoff and Skylar 1994.
254). These assets include the physical, institutional, associational. political,
financial, recreational, and cultural resources, as well as the talents, skills, hobbies,
knowledge, and energy of children, youth, adults, seniors, people with disabilities,
welfare recipients, community organizers, community leaders, community
historians, and local artists. Kretzmann and McKnight. in addition to detailing the
various assets the previously mentioned community stakeholders can provide,
outline five steps toward community mobilization and participation:
1 . Mapping completely the capacities and assets of individuals, citizens'
associations, and local institutions:
2. Building relationships among local assets for mutually beneficial
problem-solving within the community:
3. Mobilizing the community's assets fully for economic development and
information sharing purposes;
4. Convening as broadly representative a group as possible for the
purposes of building a community vision and plan:
5. Leveraging activities, investments, and resources from outside the
community to support asset-based, locally defined development. (345)
These five steps, while inventorying the community's assets, engage residents in a
dialogue very different than the one most town hall meetings elicit. Instead of
discussing their problems and complaints, residents talk about what is good within
them and within their community.
This reflective and positive dialogue can begin to rebuild the walls of an
abandoned community's self-image. Furthermore, when residents come together to
talk about what is right in the community, they inevitably find themselves in a
discussion of their past, of a time when things were different. It is this type of
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reflective dialogue that leads to the re-consciousing of a community. The term re-
consciousing is used to suggest that impoverished and neglected communities
frequently suffer from an intentionally seared consciousness that has become
unable to see beyond the present reality. As the causes of the impoverishment of
the community are realized and as residents begin to see themselves as an
indispensable part of the solution to overcoming years of disinvestment and
neglect, essentially, the community is progressing through the stages of
conscientization. Conscientization refers to learning to critically reflect on the
social, political, and economic reality created by those in power in order to take
individual and collective actions against the oppressive elements of that reality.
Through the taking of action, conscientization or organizing efforts seek to abolish
oppressive realities and replace them with more responsible, people-driven,
egalitarian realities.
Though the re-consciousing of America's inner cities is not an easy task,
“harnessing our experiences of the recent past in order to shape the processes that
will mould and reform our urban environment" is paramount to bridging the
development divide that threatens to swallow the escalating number of the
politically, socially, and culturally abandoned poor (Smyth 1994. 1). The poor
must examine the past, celebrate their strengths, be honest about their own
shortcomings, embrace the diversity of the community, and join together in the
struggle toward a new conscious reality. As the Cornerstone Consulting Group.
Inc. (1998). in their report on the Pew Charitable Trust's Neighborhood
Preservation Initiative, quotes one NPI site’s final summary, a “conscious
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community is an organization o f residents that watches out for the welfare o f the
community, that provides a means for problem solving, celebrating, social
interaction, and security as an outlet for community involvement” (12).
The process of re-consciousing a community, while beginning with the
mapping of the community's resources and assets, occurs as residents engage in an
intentional and focused organizing agenda. This agenda must include the re
building of social networks and the expansion of external supports. Although there
are different types of organizing strategies, conscientization requires a combination
of both the conflictual and consensus styles of organizing. Conflictual styles like
Saul A 1 insky's approach are helpful in organizing a smaller group of residents
around a specific, winnable issue. This approach relies on existing social networks
and sees confrontation as the only way to changing the social, political, and/or
economic system. In a community where there is minimal organizing activity and
has been little or no success in making locally based changes to the system.
Alinskv's method proves valuable for taking the first steps toward community
praxis. However. Alinskv's approach, because it involves a limited number of
residents around specific issues that the rest of the community may not be
interested in and because it places those in power in a defensive position, is limited
in its ability to unite the entire community and to affect long-term, sustainable
change. On the other hand, consensus organizing emphasizes the "development of
strong and weak ties, namely, both bonding -the nurturing o f internal social capital
(e.g.. furthering trust and cooperation among neighborhood residents) - and
bridging (creating weak ties, i.e., working relationships) to those with resources.
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power, and influence'’ (Gittell and Vidal 1995). If the consensus approach can
avoid what Stromquist (1995) calls ’'romancing the state." and accomplish the
building of new community leadership and the developing of the community's
capacity for self-development, a new reality can be cultivated in the minds of
residents and lived out in the life of the community. For example, the World Bank
concludes that schools are more effective, teachers more supported, students better
prepared, and facilities better used in communities where a committed group of
parents and residents are concerned about the educational well-being of their
children (website). As a critical mass o f community residents begin acting on
behalf of the community, institutions, businesses, organizations, and even schools
are held more accountable for changing the way they do business.
Roles of Government. Faith-Based Institutions. Community-Based
Organizations, and Education in the Empowerment of a Community
Since long-term improvements in the reality of a disadvantaged community
can only occur when residents become critically aware and actively engaged in the
reformation process, local government, faith-based institutions, and community-
based organizations (CBOs) must play vital roles in this conscientization process.
However, as worsening and stagnant neighborhood conditions demonstrate, when
these three entities do not effectively or responsibly play their role, the overall
impoverished conditions of inner city communities will remain unchanged. Not
only can the local government make community revitalization a complicated
labyrinth of policies, procedures, regulations, and bureaucracies: it can impede
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local participation by demanding the control of all community resources and of the
development process. On the other hand, the more open the government is to
community input and participation, "the more empowered are neighborhood
associations and the greater the number of actions taken by the neighborhood to
protect and improve their environment" (Mesch 1998. 50). Los Angeles's recent
Charter Reform and the creation o f neighborhood councils could be a sign of a shift
toward a more inclusive government, or could merely give a false sense o f
community participation if the councils fail to afford the people with any real
power to make local decisions. If the councils are able to mobilize local residents
and give them control over part of the development process and if these councils do
not become one more "government" agency fighting for the already scarce
government dollars, these councils could become one o f the best examples of
responsible, participatory government. Participatory governments seek to guide the
people, not to provide entirely for the people. Or. as Osborne and Gaebler (1992)
propose, local government should "steer" not "row" (found in Clavel et al. 1997.
453).
Similarly, universities should provide direction and support for local
movements. Professional schools should nurture the leadership that already exists
within communities and connect them with external resources and networks
(Clavel et al. 1997. 454). While many universities are doing this, others, under the
auspices of studying the urban paradigm, continue to see impoverished
communities as laboratories where university experts can complete research and
benefit financially through grants, publication, and prestige without necessarily
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building the capacity of local residents to organize themselves and to play an active
role in the self development o f their community. Universities must become
critically aware of their role as both teachers and learners when working with low-
income communities. These communities can offer a wealth of local knowledge
and expertise. Although the government's and the university's support and
resources are necessary for community building and helpful for the development of
a community's social, human, and economic capital, unless elected politicians and
university administration and faculty engage with residents in the re-consciousing
process, it is likely that government and university resources will continue to come
with costly bureaucracies and hidden agendas attached.
Even though political agencies and university departments can help promote
community organizing and social capital building agendas, local organizations,
whether community-based non-profits or faith-based institutions, provide the most
efficient means o f recruiting community leaders, providing support services, and
offering education programs. Community-based organizations (CBOs). because
they typically lack the bureaucracies of governments and institutions, are usually
more cost-effective and better at developing trust among community residents. As
outlined in Figure A. CBOs and faith-based organizations are better positioned to
engage in the re-education of the community through the development of non-
formai and informal education opportunities. While the government, the
university, and the formal school system play an important role in the development
of community-based education, they must remember that they are partly
responsible for the systemic neglect that brought poverty and fragmentation to the
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community in the first place. Unlike formal education that is a highly organized,
institutionalized, degree oriented, professionally staffed, and emphasizes a
Westernized form of classroom education, nonformal education tends to be shorter
termed, systematic, non-degree oriented learning taught by practitioners not
necessarily professional educators (Coombs and Ahmed 1974). Informal
education, while referring to the “lifelong learning process by which every person
acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes, and insights from daily
experiences and exposures to the environment - at home, at work, at play." is
usually unorganized and does not lead to any form of degree or accreditation (8).
The reason nonformal and informal education play an essential role in the re-
consciousing of the inner city is partly because of the failure of the formal school
system to prepare America's low-income students of color.
As a result of inequitable distribution o f resources, inner cities struggle to
secure both the physical and human resources necessary to ensure the effective
education of America's already disadvantaged youth (disadvantaged in that they do
not have the life experiences other suburban youth have). According to an U.S.
General Accounting Office (GAO) report in 1996. inner city schools own a
disproportionate number o f dilapidated facilities (Richards 1996. cited in Dupper
and Poertner 1998). Furthermore. Resnick and others (1991) (cited in Dupper and
Poertner 1998) found that over 70% of youth bom into a household that lives below
the poverty level experience severe academic problems in cognitive development,
language acquisition, abstract-reasoning, impulse control, etc. These findings do
not even capture the cultural devaluation that occurs once children enter into the
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formal school system. As a result of encountering severe learning challenges and
cultural intolerances, inner city, minority youth are dropping out of school at an
alarming rate. In communities like Watts, between 60-80% of students attending
8th grade will not graduate from high school. If communities are to move toward
economic self-sufficiency, new systems o f nonformal and informal education will
have to bridge the educational divide caused by an inefficient, ineffective, and
inequitable formal education system.
Community-based organizations that offer after-school and alternative
school programs will be necessary for increasing the graduation rate of inner city
youth and for assisting those who have been failed by the system to gain the
knowledge, skills, and attitudes required for gaining living wage jobs'. Community
building strategies must include youth development as a central part of building
social capital. Low educational attainment and high drop out rates mean that a
majority of the community will eventually be either underemployed or unemployed
or. as is the case for many minority males, in the prison system. Each of these
three outcomes will place an extreme strain on the social and economic economy of
a community. As such, community revitalization strategies must couple the
development of informal and nonformal education with community organizing and
social network building agendas. Nonformal education programs in employment
training, leadership building, community organizing, parenting, financial
management, and entrepreneurship, when combined with informal educative
agendas that seek to rebuild the community's image in the eyes of residents and
1 The City o f Los Angeles, under the Living W age Ordinance, currently defines a “liv ing w age" as S7.51 per
hour plus a S 1.25 per hour o f benefits
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those outside the community, can provide the impetus for social and economic
change. Furthermore, nonformal education programs, through the formation o f new
social groupings o f youth and adults, can facilitate the rise o f new social norms and
expectations. As Dickens (1999) proposes. "Changing norms and expectations can
create radical changes in behavior” (405). These changes in behavior and in
thinking occur as innovative types o f liberating, nonformal education are
implemented within a community. This type of transformative nonformal
education diverges from the typical service model used by schools and. instead,
provides opportunities for community members to access the skills and knowledge
they need while critically reflecting on the assets they already possess. Unless
community-based education programs go beyond just educating residents in order
to obtain appropriate degrees, the community will remain in a cycle of dependent
authenticity, continually seeking pieces of paper to validate its powledge and its
chosen reality.
Recognizing the inequitable education opportunities, federal, state, and
local governments have sought to increase formal education, adult education,
recreation, and even participation programs in impoverished communities.
However, while these social and economic inputs can and do improve the quality of
life in inner cities, they also, like opium, numb the senses and dull the pain of the
poor. These educational inputs are nothing more than romancing by the state. The
state woos the people with pleasing tokens of its affection and concern, while all
the time, pledging itself and its resources to another. Despite increased levels of
access to education, to social services, and to nondiscriminatorv legislation.
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powledge remains in the hands o f the powerful and resources continue to be
directed to those with the least need.
Figure A: The Resources and Roles of Local Governments, Universities, Faith-Based
Organizations and Community-Based Organizations
GOVERNMENT UNIVERSITIES FAITH-BASED COMMUNITY-BASED
ORGANIZATIONS ORGANIZATIONS
Facilities Facilities Facilities Facilities
Tax Incentives Map A ssets Map Assets Map Assets
Public Services Intermediary Shared Values Shared Values
Formal Education Formal Education Cultural Enrichment Cultural Preservation
Decentralization Career Exploration Shared Expenences Shared Experiences
Fiscal Resources Fiscal Resources Educational Support Educational Support
Human Resources Faculty Expertise Disseminate Community
Zoning Regulations Educational Support Information Organizing
Reduced Red Tape Educational Family & Youth Disseminate
Community Marketing Scholarships Development Information
Educational Employment & Develop Bonding Family & Youth
Scholarships Training Relationships Development
Neighborhood Economic Social Services Social Services
Councils Development Provision Provision
Private Sector Private Sector Employment & Employment &
Relationships Relationships Training Training
Economic Entrepreneurial Economic Economic
Development D evelopm ent Development Development
B ridging B ridging
Entrepreneunal Entrepreneurial
R elationships R elationships Development D evelopm ent
Bonding & Bridging Bonding & Bridging
Relationships Relationships
A shift in powledge can only come as inner city residents engage in the process of
becoming empowered. This empowerment process begins as governments,
universities, faith-based organizations and community-based organizations focus
their resources, whether financial, real estate, or intellectual, on specific functions
as outlined in Figure .-1 . Through praxis and through organization, the poor can
develop new forms of nonformal and informal education that build on the assets of
5 0
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the community and that develop the skills, knowledge, attitudes, expectations,
critical understandings, and social networks necessary to gain power over
determining their own economic destiny.
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CHAPTER THREE:
SUSTAINABILITY
While education is consistently the chosen scapegoat for the inner cities'
economic and social decay, history demonstrates that improving the educational
level of residents does not necessarily lead to the revitalization of a community.
Evidence suggests that money spent on formal. K.-12 education does not always
provide strong community returns on the initial investment. Often times, those that
succeed in the education system leave the community and those that do not leave
find themselves underemployed or unemployed as a result of consistent
environmental and social decay. In fact, if money alone was the answer, the
communities served by the Los Angeles Unified School District would not continue
to face high unemployment, poverty, and social blight. Unfortunately, the culture
of dependency created by generations of ad hoc social services and unfocused
government resources has disillusioned many communities and mislead many
government departments in believing that if a problem exists, give it money and it
will disappear. As the community of Watts exemplifies, billions of dollars can not
change a community, only people change a community. Only as the "geography of
opportunity" expands to include the children whose lives are spent on concrete
playgrounds will inner city development and revitalization become a reality
(Rosenbaum 1995 as found in Jargowskv 1997. 195). And. while government
departments, educational institutions, private corporations, and community-based
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organizations provide important resources for community stability, the degree of
resident participation in and community ownership o f the development process
ultimately determines the level of long-term sustainability.
Definitions
Local participation, not only determines a project's or development
approach's level of sustainability, it. in many ways, detines sustainability. If
sustainability is "development that meets the needs of the present without
compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs." then
sustainability depends on the responsible involvement o f citizens engaged in praxis
(World Commission on Environment and Development 1987. 43). Only through
the reflection of the past and envisioning of future can communities determine what
resources and skills their posterity will require. In the case of tourism
development, the natural, the built, and the cultural heritage of a community must
be preserved for the future development and expansion o f tourism. However, for
development to be sustainable, more than just resources must be conserved. Hardy
and Loyd (1994) extend the definition of sustainability to include the equitable
distribution o f the benefits o f development (as referenced in Hoff 1998). In most
local development efforts, the development divide frequently swallows the
economic and social benefits before they reach the people. When critically aware
communities participate in the design and implementation of development, they
will benefit. Asking the people to provide input or to review a development plan
that has already been decided by local government denies the people power over
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the development process. Whoever controls power controls the distribution of
development benefits. And so. under top-down approaches to development and
decision-making, by the time economic and social benefits trickle down to the
people, they have been so absorbed by the bureaucracies and pocketbooks of those
in power that the people see little change in their own lives. Without change, there
can be no sustainability.
Kev Elements of Sustainability
In fact, without change, there can be no development. Development, by
definition, demands change, change in the quality of live lived in a neglected
community, change in the level of community involvement, change in the capacity
of the community to develop itself, and change in the ability of the community to
control power over decisions and power over the distribution of the wealth created
by the development process. While these types of changes are inevitably difficult
to measure. Gittell and Vidal (1998) identify three primary and fourteen secondary
elements that determine the sustainability of a community development strategy.
This development framework captures the interrelation of eleven factors
(confidence, credibility, comfort, comprehension, critiques, competence,
congruence, communication, consistency, context, and counterbalancing tensions)
and how these factors impact a community's commitment to the development
strategy, control over the development decisions, and capacity to design, adapt,
continue, and benefit from the development process. Their conceptual model is
seen in the following figure. Figure B:
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Figure B: Key Elements of Sustainable Community Development: The Big and Little
C’s
Com m itm ent Capacity
counterbalancing
tensions
Control
confidence
comprehension
com petence
critiques com fort
Source: (Ciittell & Vidal 1998. 147).
In this model, comprehension refers to the community's knowledge of the
development process. Comprehension affects a community's capacity to control
the development process and their commitment to the specific development
projects. As Gittell and Vidal assert. “Acquiring this deep understanding and sense
of perspective is central to how program participants develop trust in one another,
based on an understanding of their mutual interests and shared vision o f the
program” (148). In other words, comprehension lavs the foundation for building
bonding capital and for building a community's own vision o f local development.
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While the outcomes of comprehension are trust and shared vision,
communication plays an important role in developing both trust and vision.
Communication among community members and outside developers (government,
institutions, corporations, etc.) has a direct effect on a community's level of
commitment. When a community's vision and interests, not just its needs, drive
the development process, residents become more willing to delay temporary'
benefits for long-term solutions. Sustainable development is always a process,
never an immediate outcome. Sustainability requires long-term vision and a
consistency of purpose. When the outside developer comes with hidden agendas,
over the course of time, these purposes are revealed. These hidden purposes create
"confusion and a paucity of clear direction" (165). If direction becomes unclear or
controlled by those outside the community, community commitment decreases and
the confidence of residents begins to weaken. Lacking commitment and
conscientization. the community may work against project staff and project goals.
This turn in cooperation and participation quickly breeds a feeling that project staff
are no longer credible or competent and that the development process is no longer
congruent, meaning that the words and actions of the development staff no longer
match. Trust is broken and the development unravels.
However, trust can be restored as the community is invited to critique the
development process and make the necessary adjustments to the development
strategy. The process of critiquing, like praxis, affords the community the time to
reflect on past experiences, identify the causes of their frustration, be honest about
their expectations, and to mold future actions and solutions. Critique, when viewed
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as formative evaluation, adds strength to the development process and input to the
process of continual improvement that is necessary for long-term sustainability. As
external direction and control is balanced by local praxis and participation, the
comfort level of the community increases and trust and shared visions are restored.
Burt more than the comfort level, as residents engage in critical dialogue, their
ability to understand and to direct the development process increases. In effect, as
residents become more educated about development and more involved in its
implementation, power over development decisions is more readily shared.
Though this description of Gittell and Vidal's model appears somewhat linear,
given the community context, the eleven factors of sustainability each depend upon
each other, while at the same time, determine one another.
Lessons Learned
Using this model o f sustainability as a starting point, several key lessons
can be learned about the process of developing sustainability. In addition to the
necessity of local participation and control, sustainability requires that a community
and those outside the community engage in a critical discussion of the community's
development capacity. Development capacity is primarily determined by the level
of previous community development activity, the level of private sector support,
the level of community interest and understanding, and the level o f social and
political inclusion (Gittel & Vidal 1998. Blakely 1994). Once a community's
capacity has been determined, community leaders and outside devlopers are able to
design a development process that best fits with what already exists within the
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community. It may be that the process must begin with a strategy for organizing
the community and educating them about the process and benefits of development.
Through nonformal education programs, local residents can acquire the
understanding, skills, attitudes, and expectations necessary to ensure initial
commitment and success of a development project. Furthermore, as residents
become aware of the development process, they can assist in the setting of realistic
development goals and the identification of plausible opportunities for residents to
participate in the development process. Frequently, a project fails because of a
mismatch between a community's understanding or skills and the types of
opportunities they are invited to participate in. The case of the City o f Los
Angeles' attempt to invite the people to participate in the determination o f the
structure for neighborhood councils illustrates this point. The city's request for
participation was not preceded by any attempt to prepare the people for this type of
involvement. As witnessed in the Echo Park / Silver Lake / Hollywood
neighborhood meeting, few residents offered any type of organizational input.
Most residents focused on the need to have more control over the process o f local
decision making and the desire for help in getting organized. Although nearly 300
residents attended this meeting, only ten or so actually participated at the level of
helping design the organizational structure of neighborhood councils. It is obvious
that to more effectively include the people's voice in the development debate, the
people must first be prepared to speak at the level that the opportunity requires to
be truly participatory.
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Despite the City of Los Angeles* failure to take in account each
community's capacity to participate, the city should be commended for at least
beginning the discussions with local neighborhoods. Although it is too early to tell
if neighborhood councils will be able to increase the local development capacity of
communities. Los Angeles demonstrates a valuable lesson in what Anita Miller of
the Comprehensive Community Revitalization Project in New York calls
"planning while doing” (Walsh 1997. 20). Unlike Los Angeles* neighborhood
council effort, many projects fail simply because they spend too much time
planning and too little time making incremental changes in the lives of people.
Sustainability, as stressed earlier, requires that change occur in the quality of life
experienced by local residents. This change can be in the strength o f social
networks, the availability of support services, the quantity of educational and
business opportunities, or even in the image and identity of the community. In the
case of cultural tourism or any business development scheme for disadvantaged
communities, changing the image or identity o f the community represents one of
the largest challenges and. yet. one of the most significant pre-determiners o f a
community's commitment to the development process. As long as a community
feels disempowered and believes that it has nothing to offer, the community will
likely remain bound by a culture of dependency. However, as a community
realizes its own value and as this value is projected throughout the community and
throughout the surrounding communities and regions, residents become empowered
to share their ideas, concerns, and criticisms. Through this sharing of information,
local development can better create new markets that are responsive to local needs
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(Smyth 1994). In addition to meeting local needs, markets that are built on the
assets of a community are an important step in diversifying the economic base of a
community. It is this diversity that leads toward sustainability.
Although local diversity helps to stabilize a community economically,
unless a deliberate effort is made to market the community to the larger regional
market, development results will remain locally confined and therefore minimal.
As such, sustainable development strategies incorporate activities that re-build the
community image and re-form bridging relationships that have been lost by years
of systemic neglect and social abandonment. Communities are known by the
images they elicit. In the case of Watts, one immediately thinks of one of three
images, the 1965 riots and smoldering ashes, the 1992 riots and the truck driver
being hit by bottles and bricks, or the Watts Towers. As the media and those in
power continue to report only the car chases, violence, and poverty that exist within
this 1-mile square community, an unproductive, un-liberating image of the
community is produced. "The process of image formation." as Gartner (1997)
proposes, "involves not only creating awareness of a place but projecting selected
images to an identified audience or market segment that is deemed most receptive
to the message embodied in the images" (180). Unfortunately for Watts, the
audiences of the media's and of Los Angeles' marketing campaign against the
community are the potential businesses and tourists who will never see beyond the
images portrayed on their television screens or engraved in their history- books.
Similar to all other disadvantaged communities, for sustained development to occur
in Watts, a new' identity must be created and embraced, first by local residents, and
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then projected beyond the boundaries o f the community. In the process of forming
this new image, four central questions must be asked:
1. What type of tourist do we now attract?
2. Is this the type of tourist we want to attract in the future?
3. What is the image we currently project?
4. How do we project our current image? (Gartner 1997. 190)
In taking ownership and control over the image and identity o f their community,
local residents are able to transcend the system that has fought to define them as
disadvantaged and impoverished. Unless there is systemic change, there can be no
sustainability. Systemic change rarely occurs without the conscientization and
participation of the people.
Roles of Government. Universities. Schools & CBOs
Besides the critical awareness o f the people, in order for a development
strategy to affect significant, long-term change in a community, government,
institutions, and local organizations must make a determined effort to maximize the
community's resources. These resources, whether physical, human, cultural,
environmental, or intellectual, must be focused around specific development
objectives. All too often, inner cities do not lack the resources for revitalization:
rather, they lack a political will that is committed to specific, community-driven
agendas. By conceptually viewing an impoverished community not as a place of
deficiency but as a place with tremendous assets, government agencies and
institutions can mobilize a community's assets and channel them toward
measurable outcomes. Therefore, in sustainable development, government and
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universities and other local institutions (formal school system, hospitals, police
departments, etc.) function primarily as facilitators and managers not as experts and
service providers.
Seeing that they have something to offer, that they have important insight
and experience, the people and the community organizations that represent them
will be empowered to higher levels of active participation. What is often lacking
among inner city residents, as a result of the media's constant, unbalanced portrayal
of the inner city as places of despair and decay, are the norms and expectations for
sustainable revitalization. When a community does not believe that it can improve
or that it is worth improving, residents will unconsciously work against
development efforts by either not participating, by not accepting outside assistance,
or by refusing to work with certain neighbors in the community. Although
establishing a new community image or identity is important, a community must
change its attitudinal and behavioral norms and its expectations for success. And
while the formal school system can play a part in changing norms, community-
based organizations (CBOs) are best positioned to form groups of youth and adults
that adhere to more productive social norms and that hold to higher expectations for
the development process. From these norms and expectations, new community
behaviors like trust, dialogue, praxis, and participation emerge (Akerlof 1997.
Ferguson and others 1996. and Dickens 1999). Unless the people are provided with
"the appropriate skills, behaviors, norms, and support structures." they will be
unable to take advantage of any increase in opportunity (Gittell and Thompson
1999.491). CBOs play a critical role in preparing the people for change. Through
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nonformal education programs and through the delivery o f support services, CBOs
help to create conscientized peer groups, to train skilled workers, and to support the
empowered community. Without social services like childcare, transportation,
employment training, basic health services, parenting classes, substance abuse and
personal counseling, and after-school programs for youth, inner city residents that
struggle to provide for their family’s every- day needs will not be able to effectively
participate in the development process. Without the people's active involvement
and leadership, inner city development will continue to produce temporary changes
and minimal results.
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CHAPTER FOUR:
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
After decades of trickle down, government driven development strategies
and after years of fighting poverty with welfare schemes, the development divide
continues to separate neglected communities from the resources and tools they need
for economic self-sufficiency. Despite billions of dollars invested in inner city
development, the majority of residents still lives below the poverty line, still
remains unemployed or underemployed, and still continues to be forced to spend
their money in other communities because they lack adequate commercial
developments. As resources have tended to be directed toward people-based
development projects, inner cities have developed strong social service networks
that have created cultures of dependency. As those that receive social services and
job training gain employment and leave the community in the hopes of finding a
better community in which to live and work, the money invested in that person or
family also leaves the community. Soon other individuals or families with less
skills, less education, and less economic stability replace those who have
"escaped." For all the money spent towards the development of the community,
little is actually accomplished in terms of changing the overall social, political,
environmental, or economic realities of the community. People-based strategies
fail to recognize that it was the disappearance o f work, the closure of industries,
and the reality o f market discrimination that initiated the downward spiral of inner
cities. Thus, if the disappearance of work is partly to blame for the economic
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deterioration and disinvestment of low-income communities, then changes in a
community's (not an individual's) opportunities for living wage jobs and for social
revitalization might produce greater long-term changes in the overall economic
health of a community (Dressner. Fleischer. & Sherwood 1999). As Michael Porter
(1999) asserts, while providing social services and educational and housing
opportunities is important and necessary, these services "must be balanced with a
concerted and realistic economic strategy focused on for-profit business and job
development . . . by harnessing the power o f market forces, rather than trying to
defy them" (32). In other words, to revitalize inner cities, local government, the
private sector, community-based organizations, local institutions, and community
residents must come together for the purpose of establishing clear, place-based
development strategies that seek to permanently alter the economic landscape of
the community. And while there are numerous theories and strategies for local
economic development, each community must choose an approach that capitalizes
on the physical, organizational, cultural, environmental, and human assets o f the
community.
Definitions and Goals of Local Economic Development
During the last fifteen years, considerable discussion has surrounded the
issue o f local economic development. Being a relatively new approach to the
revitalization of low-income areas, the field of local development lacks an
extensive literature and well-proven theories (Blakely 1994). However, in a
general sense, the term economic development, as defined by the American
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Economic Development Council (AEDC), refers to the "process of creating wealth
through the mobilization o f human, financial, capital, physical, and natural
resources to generate marketable goods and services" (33). But as the previous
discussions of social capital, community building, and sustainability have
contended, the creation of wealth does not necessarily lead to the economic
development of inner cities unless there is a change in power dynamics and in the
way wealth is distributed among community residents. An alternative and a more
enlightened definition of local economic development views development as "the
process in which local governments or community-based (neighborhood)
organizations engage to stimulate or maintain business activity and/or
employment" with the principle goal of stimulating "local employment
opportunities in sectors that improve the community, using existing human, natural,
and institutional resources" (Blakely 1994. xv & xvi). In its most basic form, local
development seeks to improve the quality of life and the quantity of opportunities
for neglected communities (Wall 1997). As such, local economic development is
more than the private accumulation of wealth and the expansion of consumerism: it
is also the cultivation of “non-material goods, such as leisure and community
interaction, family, friendship." local culture and the arts (Hoff 1998. 11). By
increasing a community's material and social wealth, local economic development
strategies afford communities the opportunity to become masters o f their own
thinking and determiners of their own economic destiny.
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Local Economic Development Theories
While recreating an economic destiny is possible for many low-income
communities, the first step toward a new future is recognizing the fundamental
beliefs and values that have created the present situation o f neglect and low levels
of development. Frequently, these beliefs and worldviews result from the type of
theoretical frameworks that dictate where development occurs, who makes
development decisions and who benefits from the development process. In his
article. "Sustainable Tourism - Unsustainable Development.” Geoffrey Wall
(1997) outlines the four major development theories: modernization, dependency,
neoclassical counter-revolution, and alternative development. Modernization, the
adopted approach of most of the "modem” world, emphasizes state involvement
and trickle-down development. Under this theory, development activities are
concentrated in specific regions (i.e. capital cities, harbors or resort areas). It is
believed that as these areas mature through the stages o f development, nearby
disadvantaged areas will also benefit from the economic spillover caused by the
concentration of development efforts. On the other hand, while modernism
promotes the expansion o f external, market-driven relationships, dependency
theorists advocate for protectionism and isolation from a global market that exploits
the poor. As Wall (1997) notes. “Dependency theorists see a dualism between the
rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless, both between and within
countries, and see development as being best promoted by the favoring o f domestic
markets, import substitution, protectionism, and social reform” (36).
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Believing that the modernism and dependency approaches to development
gave too much control to the state, in the late 1970s and early 1980s. a new
development theory began to emerge. The Neoclassical Counter-Revolution theory
stresses "the role of privatization and the free market' (37). Reversing the trend
toward protectionism, neoclassical counter-revolution theorists support structural
readjustments and free economies led by market forces. Unfortunately, however,
neglected communities are rarely prepared to capitalize on their competitive
advantages or to harness the market forces that favor those communities or regions
already the most developed.
In an effort to tame market forces and to direct developments to the
communities most in need, some theorists began advocating the necessity of local
participation and control. This belief in community-level planning serves as the
basis for the alternative development approach. Most local economic development
strategies, though indirectly influenced by the theory or theories that guide regional
or national development, fall under the alternative development framework.
Stressing the importance of meeting the basic needs of the community (housing,
education, employment, and health), the alternative development engages local
residents and seeks to equitably distribute wealth among them, regardless of
ethnicity or gender. So. while development in many communities may be
influenced by more than one theory, it is the interplay of these theories and the
ideas and values they espouse that eventually determine to some degree the
political openness to local participation and the social control over the distribution
of wealth.
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Just as the modernization, dependency, neoclassical counter-revolution and
alternative theories influence the conceptual rules of development, four other
theories dictate the specific types of development that occur within a community,
region, or nation. These theories provide further rationalization and concrete
actions for the previous theories. And like the other theories, no one theory can
truly serve the needs and protect the interests o f low-income communities.
However when combined, neoclassical economic, economic base, location, and
central place theories can provide a roadmap for local economic development that
is responsive to the people and acknowledging of the local, regional, national, and
global market forces.
For example, although neo-classical models for development may wrongly
assume that capital will automatically flow to areas with lower property costs and
lower wage costs, this theory offers two important concepts for inner-city
development. First, because the market will decide some decisions regardless of
the state's control, communities must position their assets in a way that best attracts
and retains capital, be it financial, human, or institutional (Blakely 1994).
Secondly, neglected communities "should argue for the resources necessary to
assist them to reach" equality with nearby communities (Blakely 1994. 54). These
resources include commercial development, employment training programs,
educational advancement, and capacity building of local organizations and
institutions.
Similar to the neo-classical belief in equilibrium, the economic base theory
proposes that the development of a strong export economy will stimulate the
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development of a vibrant service sector to meet the demands of the export
businesses. The rationale is that for every job produced in the export sector, two
or more jobs are created that serve that position or function. Though in many
regards this is true, the economic base model makes decisions according to external
demand rather than local desires. Despite this significant weakness, the approach is
"useful in determining the balance between industrial types and sectors that a
community needs to develop for economic stability” (Blakely 1994. 55). After all.
a key factor in economic stability and sustainability is diversity. Heavy reliance on
any one sector often leads to economic despair when either the market or the state
decides that that sector is overvalued or is no longer competitive.
Although advancements in technology and telecommunications have made
geographic location a less important factor in deciding where to locate a business,
the location theory continues to dictate the types of communities businesses see as
viable for reaching their markets, minimizing their costs, and building their
workforce. In the late 1970s and early 1980s when large manufacturers began to re
locate their operations in other countries, thriving central city communities changed
almost overnight. With the closure o f a few large industries, unemployment, crime,
and despair rose dramatically. Soon, other smaller industries that depended on or
supplied the larger firms either left or shut down. This downward spiral of business
closure and poverty has led. in part, to the economic, social, and institutional decay
of most inner city communities. Other location variables, like "labor costs, the
cost of energy, the availability o f suppliers, communications, education and
training facilities, local government quality, and responsiveness, and sanitation.”
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also affect the stability or suitability of an area for business development (Blakely
1994, 55). And so. while inner cities may offer central locations and proximity to
markets, the misperceptions that these communities are unsafe, uneducated, and
unstable have fueled the growth of the suburbs.
As the mixed results of President Clinton's Empowerment Zone initiative
demonstrate (Wier 1999). tax incentives alone are not enough to entice businesses
back to inner city communities. According to the location theory, what inner cities
need are new development strategies that “build on [their] advantages and a plan to
eliminate or reduce the many disadvantages to conducting business" (Porter. 1999.
46). These new development strategies must recognize and build upon the
competitive advantages inherent in the inner city. Although his argument for the
competitive advantage of inner cities has ignited strong debate. Michael Porter
(1999) proposes three reasons why inner cities have not been able to harness
market forces. First, he suggests that misperceptions and biases, fueled by the
media's portrayal of low-income communities as "combat zones devoid of
economic activity and populated by people with no ambition, skills, or resources."
severely limit the types and intensity of development in the inner city (19).
Secondly, the numerous advantages of the inner city (its location, proximity to
untapped markets, lower property costs, cheaper labor, and tax incentives like the
Empowerment Zone initiative) have been weakened by years of neglect.
"Inadequate infrastructure investments and maintenance." for example, have
diluted the competitive advantages of the inner city (19). Furthermore, the
deliberate down zoning of low-income areas has lessened, if not all together
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removed, the opportunities for development in communities whose histories
contain decades of commercialization and whose archives house volumes o f site
plans and permits for industrial uses. And finally, in addition to the misperceptions
and misguided planning of inner cities, miscommunication and unrealistic
expectations among community advocates, political leaders, and business
executives have created environments of hostility and defensiveness. While
pressure tactics may coerce some companies into investing in neglected
communities, potential investors frequently find the community's demands
unreasonable.
Although Porter does not explicitly show the interrelation of these three
misconceptions about the competitive advantage of inner cities, theses three
excuses demonstrate the cyclical nature of low levels of inner city investment. As
misperceptions and exaggerations contort a community's view of itself and the
views held by those outside the community and as discriminatory' policies create
physical, social, and political environments with few opportunities for
development, the levels of community frustration and bitterness rise. This
frustration leads to expectations of desperation and demands for immediate
solutions. As local residents make demands, even when these demands are
warranted, local governments and businesses become defensive and retreat into
arguments of the instability and unsuitableness of low-income communities. The
following diagram captures this cyclical nature of poor community identity, public
policies that reinforce these misconceptions, unrealistic expectations that result
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from a frustration and tension between community leaders, political
representatives, and business professionals:
Figure G Cycle of Neglect in the Inner Gty
Lo>* Levels o f
P rivate Investm ent
C om m um tv E x p ec tatio n s
Unless a new type of bicultural leader (bicultural in that they are accepted by local
residents, local government, and local industries as someone who listens and
understands and who is critically aware of the issues o f power and of the needs of
each group of stakeholders) arises from the ashes of the smoldering relations
between communities, politicians, and corporations, inner city communities will
not develop the type of economic and social economies necessary to improve the
quality of life and to attract private investments.
In many ways these bicultural communicators act as consciousness raising
educators whose primary goal is to facilitate critical dialogue that leads to
collective problem solving and participatory solutions. To keep low-income areas
isolated from development opportunities, in the long run. will cost the state more in
terms of lost human capital and unrealized economic returns than if politicians.
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corporations, entrepreneurs, financial institutions, educational institutions, faith-
based institutions, social organizations, and local residents came together to
develop development strategies based on the assets and advantages inherent in the
community. Beginning with the recognition and evaluation of the theories that
drive local development, community stakeholders can design development projects
that are viable, feasible, and sustainable. More importantly, development agendas
that are collectively determined will be more compliant to the needs of residents
and businesses and more responsive to the trends of the local, regional, and global
markets. By taking in account the various factors of development, strategies that
grow out of a clear theoretical understanding will be able to more effectively
mobilize the resources of low-income communities. Blakely (1994) summarizes
the key local development components in the following formula:
Local/Regional Development = f (natural resources, labor, capital
investment, entrepreneurship, transport, communication, industrial
composition, technology, size, export market, international
economic situation, local government capacity, national and state
government spending, and development supports). (53)
In order to ensure the sustainability o f development and the advancement o f the
social and economic reality o f a community, successful development strategies will
also look at the level of community participation, the image o f the community, and
the architectural, historical, and cultural resources of the community.
Local Economic Development Approaches
Although the weight o f each development factor may not be know
explicitly, throueh the conscientized analysis of the communitv and throush
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participatory dialogue with local residents and educators, developers can more
effectively determine the mix o f factors with the greatest importance. Since low-
income neighborhoods face multiple obstacles to economic and social
revitalization, development solutions must be multidimensional and must address
business, location, education, training, institutional, and support services issues. By
determining the essential local/regional development factors and by defining the
core obstacles to long-term development, a community can develop an appropriate
and effective development strategy that recognizes a community's constraints while
building on the area's strengths. In the second edition of his book. Planning Local
Economic Development: Theory and Practice. Edward J. Blakely (1994) outlines
four strategic approaches to local development. These approaches (business
development, human resource development, community-based development, and
locality development) view economic problems as complex issues that demand
diverse, interconnected solutions. Although planning the strategic development of
inner cities involves solving complicated dilemmas caused by years of neglect,
economic stagnation, and even social deterioration, these four approaches to local
economic development provide a solid foundation for rebuilding healthy, viable,
self-sufficient communities.
Business Development
Even though skill attainment, community building, and image maintenance
are important contributors to local business growth, the capacity o f a community to
attract, develop, and retain businesses serves as the primary determinant of a
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community's economic health and stability (Blakely 1994). In central cities where
industries have closed or moved and where the majority of residents must travel
outside the community to find work, the process of revitalizing business districts is
both challenging and imperative. However, despite the obvious challenges of low
education attainment rates. less proficient hard and soft job skills, and the
continued prevalence o f ethnic stereotyping, at least twelve (12) tools exist to
rebuild the private sector of inner cities. These tools fuse community building and
business development strategies together in order to "mobilize essential community
resources for the generation of shared wealth, both in terms of individual and
collective well being and in terms of a stronger set of economic institutions that can
compete both locally and globally" (Blakely 1994. 179). However, the first step in
business development is deciding on a development objective of either expanding
current businesses, attracting new firms, establishing new small business start-ups.
or fostering local entrepreneurship (Blakely 1994). Table 2. adapted from Blakely
(1994). displays the correlation between the twelve (12) business development
tools and the four strategic objectives. By stimulating business growth and/or
retention, a community's tax base, its capacity to capture local and outside capital,
and most importantly, the number of local jobs increases. Even though scholars
have not resolved the debate of whether or not small business development creates
more living wage, skill building jobs than the attraction of larger firms (see Gittell
and Thompson 1999). the forging of new local businesses directly impacts the
overall business environment of inner city communities. Small business start-ups.
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Table 2: Matching Business Development Took and Objectives
Tool
OBJECTIVE
Business
Start-Ups
Business
A ttraction
Expansion/
Retention
Nurturing
Innovation &
Entrepreneurship
O ne-stop center X X X
Start-up and venture
financing company X X X
Small business
assistance center X X X
G roup m arketing system X X X
Promotion and tourism
program m ing X X X
Research and development X
Incubation center X
Technology and
business park X X X
Enterprise /one X X X
Entrepreneurship
developm ent activity X X
W om en's enterprise X X
M icro-enterprise X X X
Source I Blakely IS*>4. ISOl
when adequately supported and the result of careful market analysis, mobilize local
talent, serve local and regional market niches, and arrest the declining economic
conditions of low-income areas. Furthermore, as entrepreneurs and small business
owners form collectives, either for joint marketing or for increasing buying power,
the community faces less risk of its resources being exploited by those outside the
community. As Blakely (1994) concludes, “the community must become an
entrepreneur in the use of its resources if it wants to attract and retain firms as a
major component of its economic dev elopment strategy" (203-204).
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Human Resource Development
Like an entrepreneur, a community’s economic success, to a large degree,
depends on the knowledge, experience, skills, attitudes, and values of its human
resources. And just as an entrepreneur must have the vocational expertise, work
experience, and management skills for starting, growing, and maintaining his or her
business, a community’s human capital must possess hard skills (specific work
function knowledge and skills) as well as soft skills (appropriate attitudes, work
ethics, and on-the-job behaviors and communication patterns). The success of any
human resource (HR) development strategy depends primarily on the levels of hard
and soft skill attainment. Although every community must foster the expansion of
soft skills, communities must match their existing human resources with feasible
development objectives and must design a suitable development strategy using a
mix of HR development tools.
Unlike business development’s placed-based approach of changing the
private sector environment, human resource development utilizes several people-
based approaches to change the level of skill proficiency and marketability of local
labor pools. By providing the "tools and knowledge to control the resources of their
community ” and by “providing technical skills and knowledge to people already
working in a community so they can carry on the effort of development." HR
development, according to Michael Swack. recognizes that "one of the most
valuable resources in a community is its people” (Blakely 1994. 207).
In the wake of the welfare reform of the late 1990s. local, state, and federal
governments have placed a renewed emphasis on employment training and have
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sought to design more integrated systems o f education and job development.
Models like the One-Stop Workforce Development Centers of California and like
the new federal Workforce Investment Act's (WIA) and Youth Opportunities
System's employment training programs (to be implemented in the summer of
2000) demonstrate the government's attempt to combine basic skills education, on-
the-job training, specific hard skills training in growing sectors, job preparation and
retention skills, and the involvement of community organizations and private
corporations. Realizing that past programs created by the Job Training Partnership
Act (JTPA) tended to be "fragmented, overhead intensive, and disconnected from
the needs of industry and recipients" and that males who had dropped out of school
and enrolled in JTPA programs "earned 8% less than those who were given no
training." the new systems of employment and training require higher levels of
collaboration among service providers and employers, provide for less
administrative and overhead costs, and emphasize a client-driven, individualized,
long-term support approach (emphasis his Porter 1999. 42. see also ICIC. Devadutt.
and Fletcher 1995. and DeParle 1993).
Although inner cites will continue to face higher levels o f unprepared and
problematic employees as long as high school drop out rates persistently range
from 25% to 80% and as social networks remain disjointed, approaches that weave
together a mix of HR development tools can prepare youth to become self-
sufficient adults and can assist unemployed or underemployed adults to attain more
marketable skills. Programs that connect classroom curriculum with community
development agendas, offer customized training in emerging sectors of
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employment, that secure first-source agreements with local firms, and that provide
important support services to both employees and employers will be better prepared
to meet the challenges o f inner city employment development. Furthermore,
communities that engage in identifying their labor resources and labor needs and
that work in connection with Private Industry Councils, or councils of local CBOs.
businesses, and employment departments will more effectively meet current
community needs, project future industry needs, and develop stronger bonding and
bridging capital. In addition to these five HR development techniques, as shown
below in Table 3. four other employment and training tools can be utilize to
accomplish the HR goals of vocational training and education, job placement,
client-oriented job creation, and job maintenance. While it is too early to tell if the
new WIA and Youth Opportunities Systems will be able to overcome past JTPA
shortcomings, if the systems empirically integrate the several development tools
emphasized in their approach and if they connect to other place-based business
development strategies, new levels of local employment, educational attainment,
and social revitalization can emerge. However, if the programs created by WIA
teach hard and soft skills devoid of real world context, then the ability of residents
to control their own community resources, to continue the development effort, and
to cross the development divide will be drastically limited.
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Table 3: Human Resource Development Tools and Techniques
GOAL
Tool
Vocational
T raining and
Education
C lient-
Job O riented
Placem ent Job C reation
Job
M aintenance
C ustom ized train in" X X X
First source agreem ents
Supported work programs
Local em ploym ent officer X
X
X X
X
Skill banks X X X
Training programs X X
Youth enterprise X X
Self-em ploym ent initiatives X X
Disabled skill
developm ent X X X
Source: (B lakcl) l*)4 M. 210)
Community-Based Economic Development
Even though all of the strategies for business and HR development could
also be considered community-based approaches, true community-based
development initiatives tend to be smaller in scale and more exact in their focus
and in the population they are meant to serve. Falling under the alternative
development approach, all community-based strategies "aim to generate socially
useful, labor-intensive projects that meet their expenses or make a profit while
improving the employability o f participants'* (emphasis his Blakely. 1994. 226).
As such, these initiatives incorporate people-based and place-based tools for
development. But more importantly, community-based revitalization or
employment activities, like HR initiatives, endeavor to build a community's
capacity for self-development and to enable a community to take ownership of the
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social and economic benefits generated by local development. As Parzen and
Kieschnick (1992) maintain:
Ownership is integral to the notion o f economic development. It has
become commonplace to describe economic development by citing
the old parable that you can feed someone for a day by giving them
a fish, or you can feed someone for life by teaching them to fish.
This may be true. But the twentieth century postscript to the story is
that what really matters is who owns the pond with the fish. There
is surely a difference between two communities, one with all its
tangible assets owned by distant investors and one with a significant
degree o f local ownership, (as quoted in Blakely 1994. 226)
By re-building social networks through local development organizations and
cooperatives, low-income communities are more capable of advocating for more
equitable lending practices, more indigenous forms of local enterprises, and more
responsive public policies and systems of tax incentives. In essence, community-
based initiatives provide a forum for the voice of the community to enter into the
development debate. Whether it is through the use of community development
corporations, community cooperatives and joint marketing programs, local
enterprise agencies, employee owned businesses, or community employment and
training boards, community based economic development strategies afford
residents new levels of power in determining their economic realities.
Locality' Development
While community-based development may seek to improve a specific,
defined area of a community (a street, apartment complex, or entire neighborhood
for example) or a targeted population of the community' (artists, auto shop workers,
youth, etc.). locality development approaches strive to create a new community
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identity, to improve the quality of life experienced in a community, or to increase
the overall social and economic attractiveness o f the community. As discussed
earlier, the perception of a community as a safe, stable, vibrant place to do business
is a primary determinant for sustained business development and economic
progress. The cultures of dependency on external aid that exist in many inner city
areas can only be broken as residents take ownership of their assets and as
organizations, institutions, governments, and corporations direct their resources at
working with, not for. low-income communities.
Through the use of the various locality development tools, communities can
nurture new levels of solidarity and fiiture-oriented planning. Table 4. adapted
from Blakely (1994). provides a comprehensive list of the tools available to
developers for the enhancement of a community's physical, commercial, and social
identity and locality. Each of these tools offers opportunities for collaboration and
Table 4: Location Development Tools and Objectives
OBJECTIVE
Tools
Image
Building
Am enity
Im provem ent
Business
Im provem ent
Landbankins X X
Infrastructure provision
Speculative buildings
X X
X
Incentive zonina X X
Regulation im provement X X
Tourism planning X X X
Townscaping X X X
Shopsteading
Mousing and
ncishborhood
X X
improvement X X
Community services X X X
Source. (Blakclv 1994. 156)
83
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for community building. For example, landbanking -- the process o f piecing
together contiguous parcels of land -- while preserving the little land available in
low-income communities, requires participatory praxis. Otherwise, as is usually
the case, local governments or absentee owners will use strategic land parcels for
whatever seems best today.
To more effectively utilize landbanking. Blakely (1994) suggests that a
"locality should set up a real estate division to search continuously for
underutilized and/or underdeveloped properties, catalogue these properties by size
and location, and computerize the information for rapid updating and quick
reference” (156). In the case of South Central Los Angeles, the University of
Southern California’s Lusk Real Estate program could design a model for a
communitv-university landbanking partnership. The information contained in the
landbanking database could assist local community development corporations and
city agencies to plan more productively and responsibly. Secondly, speculative
buildings with unfinished interiors can provide space for industrial or incubator
development in communities with a shortage o f such space. When joined with
other business development tools, speculative buildings produce cost-effective
space for entrepreneurial or small business development. Thirdly, shopsteading
can generate new business development as deserted commercial and industrial
spaces are sold to private developers. However, for shopsteading to stimulate the
local economy, communities should establish first-source agreements, guidelines
for the types of preferred uses, and timelines for the renovation and operation of all
shopsteads. And lastly, the establishment of a community theme, or townscaping.
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and improvements to the visual presentation o f a community can promote new
community identities and foster community pride. Locality development strategies
that combine image building, improvements in social service delivery, and direct
business improvement schemes will not only teach residents to fish but will train
residents how to expand the shoreline of their ponds.
Roles of Community Stakeholders
Before determining the roles of community members. CBOs. institutions,
and government should play in economic development of inner cities, communities
need to first develop a strategic plan. A strategic plan, while comprised of various
strategies and approaches for economic development, fundamentally seeks to
identity- and resolve immediate obstacles to long-term development. Thus
"strategic planning typically is more oriented to rapidly changing future situations"
and devises strategies for coping with change organizationally (World Tourism
Organization 1994. 9). In the process of designing a strategic plan, community
stakeholders should:
1) gather and analyze community data:
2) inventory the community's physical, human, social, cultural, and
institutional assets:
3) determine overarching goals and measurable objectives:
4) identify the community's positioning in the local, regional, and
global market;
5) select an appropriate local development strategy:
6) develop project specific action plans: and
7) execute implementation and evaluation plans (see Cooper 1997.
Blakely 1994. and Kemp 1992).
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When communities move through these steps collectively, hearing the voice,
opinion, needs, and concerns of all stakeholders, the strategic planning process can
yield "a common sense of ownership and direction for the myriad of stakeholders"
(Cooper 1997. 82). Additionally, strategic planning, on the anvil of praxis, can
begin to heal charred relationships and forge a mosaic o f social networks and
shared power.
As is the case in community building, different stakeholders should play
different roles in the design and implementation o f strategic plans. Every
organization, institution, corporation, and government agency comes with a pre
determined mission and with certain limitations to its area of expertise. These
missions and past experiences, though not completely analogous to the part the
stakeholder should play, should help determine a stakeholder's role in the
development process. Regarding local economic development, four broad roles
exist. Blakely (1994) defines these roles as the entrepreneur, coordinator,
facilitator, and stimulator. Basically, the entrepreneur operates the commercial
developments derived from the strategic plan. The coordinator collects community
data and helps to establish clear policies, procedures, and plans for economic
development. The facilitator seeks to improve the "attitudinal environment in the
community or area" by “streamlining the development process and improving
planning procedures and zoning regulations" and organizing local residents and
businesses to participate in the planning process (Blakely 1994. 71). And. the
stimulator creates financial and/or social incentives to attract and retain firms.
While some stakeholders will find themselves playing more than one role, the
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effective coordination of these four primary roles will mobilize existing assets
within a community, further the capacity of local ownership, and lay the foundation
for revitalizing inner cities.
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CHAPTER FIVE:
CULTURAL TOURISM
In the introduction to the Partners in Tourism: Culture and Commerce
report by the Los Angeles Convention and Visitors Bureau (LACVB). George
Kirkland, the president and CEO o f the LACVB. asserts. "Soon it will be evident
that destinations with cultural tourism programs have an effective edge over those
that relv on traditional approaches to tourism marketing" (as found in Craine 1999.
1). In light of this, communities with rich histories and traditions o f diverse cultures
should work to preserve their cultural-historic heritage(s) as part of their long-term
development plan. Even where there is little opportunity to develop tourism, the
preservation of a community's culture, its history, its architecture remains
important. As Kneller (1965) defines it. culture accounts for:
the learned and shared behavior (thoughts, actions, and feelings) o f a
certain people together with their artifacts - learned in the sense that
this behavior is transmitted socially not genetically, shared that it is
practiced by the whole population or by some part of it. (4)
Despite the current trend toward "planned" communities that offer sterile
environments of seeming perfection and false perceptions of historic culture, older
cities are places of life and art. Still today, the streets of inner cities have a story to
tell. Their worn roads and cracked sidewalks seem to illuminate the times of
progress and the joumev to neglect. Their littered alleys and walls of aerosol art
sing songs of deterioration . devolution, and dying creativity. Within the sights.
sounds, and textures of cities, culture is both bom and gives birth. It is a
community's culture that "defines and shapes the symbolic economy thatgg
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encompasses everything from production o f symbols to the creation of the public
space where most social and economic activities take place” (Stanziola 1999. 22).
And. it is a community's culture that can "unite all sectors o f the community to
promote local economic development’’ (59). For culture, like buildings and people,
is a resource to be developed, preserved, and capitalized on. Although cultural
tourism development alone will not move low-income communities from poverty
to self-sufficiency, as part of an overall development strategy, cultural tourism can
stimulate cultural, social, environmental, and economic restoration.
Definitions and Conceptual Models of Tourism Growth
Cultural tourism generally refers to tourism that emphasizes the cultural,
historical, architectural, and environmental assets of a destination. By inviting
tourists to visit historical sites, attend cultural festivals, taste ethnic cuisine,
participate in ethnic craft demonstrations, and to buy local wares (music, crafts,
etc.). cultural tourism weaves a rich tapestry which envelops the senses of tourists.
While cultural tourism may include the development of the fine arts, cultural
tourism "is a much broader concept than a focus on palaces, cathedrals, temples,
and national galleries" and any other historical or high culture destination
(Prentice 1997. 210). In the last ten years, cultural tourism has grown for five
significant reasons:
□ Adds value to the tourist experience:
□ Fits into the contemporary pattern of consumption tourism, ever in the
search of new products and experiences which yield a high satisfaction;
□ Allows for wide product differentiation which is needed to meet the
demands of a growing and segmented tourism market;
89
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□ Opens perspectives for new destinations which cannot benefit as 'sun.
sand, and sea’ resources;
a Offers a solution to the problem of seasonality, fits in with the trend
towards more active holidays, more environmentally sensitive activities,
more short breaks, and added value for the business traveler. (Jansen-
Verbeke 1997. 238)
As these reasons allude to. cultural tourism is growing because of its ability to
appeal to diverse types of travelers. Jansen-Verbeke (1997) categorizes the types of
cultural tourists into the following three typologies:
1) The culturally sensitive tourist: . . . Such tourists are highly
motivated to learn and to benefit from each opportunity, and
they will spend several days in a particular destination (city or
region);
2) The culturally inspired tourists: .. . They travel around and pick
up experiences in many places, and never stay long in one place
. . . According to many forecasts, a growing number of travelers
will belong to this type of'culture consumer’;
3) The culturally attracted tourist: . . . The tourist . . . sees an
occasional visit to a city or historical site . . . cultural attractions
need to be packaged, marketed as part o f an arrangement and
embedded in a lively urban environment, (emphasis hers. 239)
From the young to the aged, from the casual tourist to the business traveler, from
the culturally sensitive to the culturally attracted tourist, cultural tourism can offer
unique experiences that engage the senses and refresh the spirit.
Besides determining types o f tourists most likely to visit a particular
community, tourism planners must evaluate the local market for cultural tourism
promotion and development. Unfortunately, the old saying. "Build it and they will
come.” does not always apply to tourism. On a national scale, the 1997
TravelScope® Survey of the Travel Industry Association of America indicates that
in 1996 "53.6 million U.S. adults included a historic place or museum in on their
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itinerary while traveling" (5). The surv ey also reveals that of those who included a
historic or cultural event on their agenda. 89% also went shopping. 43% visited
museums, and 30% participated in some form o f night life/dancing. As the case
study that follows this section will show, the Watts community is in the position to
offer all three o f these activities.
F igure D: 1996 C ultural T ourists
5 0 %
4 0 %
3 3 %
3 0 % 27%
65.9
2 0 %
53.6
M illion
17%
M illion
1 0 %
33.0
M illion
0 %
Historic Cultural Historic and/or
Place/Museum Event/Festival Cultural
Source: Travel Industry Association. National Travel Survey (1997)
In addition to these general activity preferences, the TravelScope® Survey
highlights some common trends of cultural travelers. The survey indicates that,
when compared to the average tourist, cultural travelers take longer trips (4.7 nights
vs. 3.3 nights), participate in more activities (2.5 vs. 1.8). and spend more money
per day ($615 vs. $425). Given these statistics, communities that are part o f a
larger regional tourism destination have a competitive advantage over many other
cultural destinations. For example. Watts is located in a region (Los Angeles) that
is already attracting millions o f domestic and international travelers, has both
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historical and cultural activities to offer, is easily accessible from multiple
freeways, and is located twelve (12) miles from the Los Angeles International
Airport (LAX) and only seven (7) miles from Downtown Los Angeles. In
economical terms, the community of Watts combines demand factors like
"international and domestic tourist markets and local residents who use the tourist
attractions, facilities, and services** with supply factor like tourist attractions,
events, festivals, transportation, and proximity to the airport and other major
regional attractions (World Tourism Organization 1994. 5).
However, as the brief history of inner city development suggests, even
apparent competitive advantages can not predict the success or sustainability of
economic revitalization strategies in low-income communities. Thus, before
determining if tourism development is right for a particular community, planners
and community leaders should consider the Manning-Haas-Driver-Brown
Sequential Hierarchy of Recreational Demands. This hierarchical framework
makes a distinction between four levels of demand: "activities, settings,
experiences, and benefits” (Prentice 1997. 220). Initially, activities and the
potential for relaxation, excitement, and/or enrichment draw people to certain
destinations. However, once there, or if in the process of planning their trip,
tourists sense that the planned activity is located in a deteriorated or violent
physical setting, the demand for the destination greatly decreases. It is at this level
that effective locality development strategy become increasingly important. The
third level deals with a visitor's actual or anticipated experience of the community.
Still today, an attraction's best marketing tool is word o f mouth or. in many cases.
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Figure E: Hierarchy of Recreational Demands
Source: (Prentice 1999)
word of e-mail. And finally, more than just enjoying an activity or a destination in
a pleasing setting that offers a positive experience, for an attraction to have a high
demand value, it must offer social, psychological, or physical benefits to the tourist.
In a more mathematical sense, the following formula can be used to test the
viability for the successful development of cultural tourism in a community:
Tourism = xfDemo, Set. Cost. Experience. Image. Trans. Incentives)
In this formula adapted from Satnziola (1999). Demo refers to the demographics of
the area. Set reflects the environmental, built, and social setting o f an area. Cost
refers to the ratio between the cost and the perceived financial, educational, social,
or physical value of a destination. On the other hand. Experience is the past or
heard about experiences o f a particular place. Image measures both the perceived
view and the actual ambiance o f the tourist attraction. Trans relates to the
infrastructural development of the area -- its transportation systems. hotel9
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accommodations, and guest services facilities (restaurants, visitors’ centers,
medical facilities, banks, etc.). And finally. Incentives applies to any private
discounts like reduced event fees or public enticements like school credit or
business conference excursions.
Challenges and Benefits of Cultural Tourism
As evident by the number of variables that affect a destination's or a
community’s ability to attract visitors, the development o f cultural tourism, though
presenting some challenges, offers several significant benefits. One early tourism
development challenge is the creation of living wage jobs. Although tourism tends
to create a variety of local jobs at a substantially lower cost rate than jobs
developed in manufacturing, tourism frequently only produces "low-paid and low-
skilled temporary jobs that do not alleviate the structural unemployment that
plagues most" inner cities (Stanziola 1999. 2). Business development activities like
entrepreneurial development and incubator centers can balance temporary, low-
skill jobs with more long-term, skill-specific employment opportunities. Although
high-wage jobs are important for low-income communities, unless communities
develop protective policies, cultural tourism often leads to gentrification.
Frequently, cultural tourism leads to increased land and rent prices. Soon, "the
original residents - mostly minorities and immigrants - find themselves unable to
afford their properties since the cultural strategy neither includes them in [its] plan
nor prepares them to take advantage of the new situation” (6). In order to avoid
gentrification. it is important that local residents benefit economically from all
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development efforts. Additionally, as alluded to in the previous quotation,
communities should prepare residents to take advantage o f improving conditions
through human resource development strategies and should ensure that the people's
voice is heard and its concerns considered in the development of cultural tourism.
If these dilemmas are solved, cultural tourism can produce economic,
social, environmental, and cultural returns for the community. Economically,
tourism assists communities to capture more local capital, attract additional
external capital, increase the number of local jobs, and stimulate other commercial
sectors within the community (World Tourism Organization 1994). As local
residents participate in the planning and implementation of tourism and as
ethnically and economically diverse groups of travelers visit the area, a community
expands its levels of bonding and bridging capital, leading toward higher rates of
sustainability for other local development efforts. Higher levels of social capital, as
presented earlier, also lead toward better living standards, higher levels of
community pride, and more responsive investment from those outside the
community. Furthermore, because cultural tourism requires the preservation and
conservation of the natural environment and the cultural heritage of the community,
tourism development can "achieve environmental and cultural conservation
objectives for which resources are not otherwise available" (World Tourism
Organization 1994. 23). Through the inclusion o f local residents and the equitable
distribution o f wealth generated by tourism development, cultural tourism, as part
of an overall development strategy, addresses all o f the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development’s local economic development objectives:
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— > Strengthening the competitive position o f regions and localities within
regions by developing the potential of otherwise underutilized human
and natural resource potential
— > Realizing opportunities for indigenous economic growth by recognizing
the opportunities available for locally produced products and services
— » Improving employment levels and long-term career options for local
residents
-> Increasing the participation of disadvantaged and minority groups in the
local economy
— > Improving the physical environment as a necessary component of
improving the climate for business and of enhancing the quality o f life o f
residents. (Blakely 1994.42-43)
Cultural tourism, because it builds from the inherent competitive advantages of a
location and since it nurtures a new community identity and cultivates an improved
business environment, can enable local residents to become masters of their own
thinking, thereby altering the economic destiny o f a community.
The Planning Process
However, the journey to a new economic destiny begins with one collective
step, strategic planning. As discussed earlier, planning is essential for giving local
residents ownership in the development process and for providing a path toward
sustainable self-sufficiency. Emphasizing this point, the World Tourism
Organization (1994) in their publication. National and Regional Tourism Planning:
Methodologies and Case Studies, begins by proclaiming:
It is now recognized that tourism must be developed and managed in a
controlled, integrated and sustainable manner, based on sound planning.
With this approach, tourism can generate substantial economic benefits to an
area, without creating any serious environmental or social problems, (viii)
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Similar to other development strategies, tourism is most successful when it is
“targeted to specific groups and linked to the total regional economic system"
(Blakely 1994. 27). Besides linking local markets to regional and national markets,
tourism strategic planning, despite its complex nature, offers several benefits to
communities. According to the World Tourism Organization (1994). advantages of
local/regional tourism planning include:
• Establishing the overall tourism development objectives and policies
• Developing tourism so that its natural and cultural resources are indefinitely
maintained and conserved for future, as well as present, use
• Integrating tourism into the overall development policies and patterns . . .
and establishing close linkages between tourism and other economic sectors
• Providing a rational basis for decision-making by the public and private
sectors
• Making possible the coordinated development of all the many elements of
the tourism sector
• Optimizing and balancing the economic, environmental and social benefits
of tourism, with equitable distribution of these benefits
• Providing a physical structure which guides the location, types and extent of
tourism development of attractions, facilities, services and infrastructure
• Establishing the guidelines and standards for preparing detailed plans of
specific tourism development areas that are consistent with, and reinforce,
one another
• Laying the foundation for the effective implementation of the tourism
development policy and plan and continuous management of the tourism
sector, by providing the necessary organizational. . . framework
• Offering a baseline for the continuous monitoring of the progress of tourism
development. (3-4)
Given these benefits, the only way to ensure that local tourism meets the needs of
residents, builds on a community's existing assets, and responds to the regional,
national, and. in some cases, global market forces is to devise a well-documented,
multi-faceted, participatory plan for developing cultural tourism.
9 7
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Elements of a Cultural Tourism Strategic Plan
Whereas tourism planning is a complex process o f weaving together various
elements and activities, planning should never become and end in itself. Like the
Constitution, strategic plans are meant to be living documents that can be adapted
to changing times without losing their original essence and purposes. In other
words, a strategic plan that results in static and dogmatic policies will inevitably
reduce cultural tourism activities to once in-a-lifetime experiences. Sustainable
tourism depends on the ability of communities to offer experiences that can be
enjoyed over and over without seeming old or commonplace. Tourism, by its very
nature, requires change and either grows or disappears according to a plan's ability
to remain flexible to consumer demands while accomplishing local economic
development objectives. As a result, "making history and culture alive and
attractive for the average tourist means developing ways in which the tourist can
'read' and 'understand' an artefact, a cultural landscape, a historic site, or a
monument" (Jansen-Verbeke. 243). Strategic plans, in developing their
overarching goals and specific objectives, must view local residents as part of the
cultural landscape and as the makers of artifacts, while also viewing tourists as
active participants in the shaping and reshaping of the development agenda.
Having this understanding of the interrelated nature of those who develop
cultural products and those who consume them will assist communities in planning
for sustainable development. Similar to all local economic development, tourism
planning begins with the collection and analysis o f historical, cultural,
environmental, demographic, and economic data (see World Tourism Organization
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1994). This research lays the foundation for all other elements of a comprehensive
development plan. Knowledge of a community's assets and its weaknesses, as well
as an understanding of regional and national trends leads to the competitive
positioning of a community within the various markets. Furthermore, during the
research stage, communities should identify all potential sites and organize them
into a site management plan.
This site management plan "should take in account all the resources of a site,
all possible user and interest groups ' (Wigg. 1994. 15). This site plan will then
become part of a larger plan that differentiates between primary and secondary sites
and attractions and that further specifies the various development objectives, the
types and locations for all existing and planned attractions, accommodations,
facilities, and services, and the kinds of other development strategies necessary to
improve the community's ability to carry on tourism development once it begins
(World Tourism Organization 1994). Site plans must not only plan for the present
situation of a community, but must also anticipate future changes in the
community. As Butler (1997) concludes:
Anticipatory' planning, community support, clarification of the
effects and changes associated with tourism compared to other
possible forms of development, and regulations and control o f the
rate, type and level of development, are all essential if destinations
are to move towards sustainable development. (122)
Anticipatory plans are flexible plans that contain contingency plans to ensure that
the community' participates and benefit and that the tourism products are effective
delivered to the targeted interest groups and ty pologies o f tourists.
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As is the case for all products, cultural tourism deliverables -- the
experiences, artifacts, memories, or social networks -- depend on a comprehensive
and intentional marketing plan. The marketing plan, though only a small part of
the overall tourism development process, impacts both demand for and the supply
o f the tourism product. In developing the marketing plan, a community needs to
determine:
> Whether the marketing will be general, aimed at general interest tourists, or
be selective and directed to specific types of tourist markets . . .
> The general types o f promotional techniques to be used and where they
should be directed - to tour operators, the tourist consumer or a
combination of these.
> The timing or priority scheduling o f promotional efforts to certain types of
markets
> The image and reality o f the area to be conveyed.
> Any particular obstacles to overcome such as recent political instability or a
natural disaster [or in the case of inner cities, economic disasters and
structural discrimination]. (World Tourism Organization 1994. 46)
More generally, marketing plans answer the questions of what product is being
sold, who will buy this product, what is the best way to reach the identified
consumers with the message about this product, and what is the message these
consumers should hear. Essentially, marketing strategies for cultural tourism
development in inner cities must do more than sell a product or event or even a
cultural-historic site like the Watts Towers: they must sell a new community image.
Recognizing this fact. Blakely (1994) maintains that. "All locations worldwide,
have nearly equal market access, so a community's presentabilitv makes a big
difference to its future” (68). Therefore, part o f a community 's market plan should
be the identification and promotion of a clear community theme. The design of a
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community theme, to be truly marketable, requires community participation and
buy-in. It is here that non-formal education and community building activities play
their most significant role in the development of cultural tourism in low-income
communities. As was discussed earlier, in order for neglected geographic enclaves
to evolve into sustainable communities, local residents must share some common
experiences and central beliefs, even if those experiences are only local festivals
and those beliefs are in the ability of the community to improve itself through
tourism development.
Ironically, the first step toward becoming a sustainable, self-sufficient
community is backwards. Backwards, in that communities must begin "bv
reminding people where they come from and who they are." by remembering the
age old foundations upon which the community was built (Kleymeyer 1996. 32).
Through praxis, communities can reflect on their cultural heritage, recognize the
structural inequalities that diluted their community's competitive advantages, and
actively plan for the economic and cultural revitalization. Within the process of
praxis, new value is added to the oral histories, songs, and traditions of the
community. Instead of being confined to textbooks or to distant memories,
"stories, songs, dance, and other forms of cultural expression can be powerful
teaching tools since they often preserve local history, define and interpret
dilemmas, and pass on lessons" (31). These cultural expressions can be utilized in
both the formal and nonformal education systems. Through the preservation and
promotion of a community's shared culture, relationships are healed and
cooperation characterizes every action, objective, and plan relating to the economic
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development of the community. Out of the process of cultural rediscovery,
participatory strategies for tourism development emerge and solutions to the social,
environmental, economic, and cultural abandonment of inner cities begin to take
shape.
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IV. DEVELOPING A MASTER PLAN FOR CULTURAL
TOURISM IN THE COMMUNITY OF WATTS
The following section offers Watts. California as a case study of the steps a
neglected community has gone through and the journey that remains as the
community endeavors to develop a community-based form of cultural tourism.
Although the section does not include an actual master plan for the community, it
does offer a community and market analysis and several recommendations that
should prove useful as the community further develops its plans for local economic
development.
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CHAPTER SIX:
THE DEVELOPMENT CAPACITY OF WATTS
Photo by John Wolfkill
Introduction to the Community
Despite long-term systemic neglect and political isolation, the Watts
community possesses several significant assets. However, as the above picture
reveals, the life and beauty o f the community lies caged behind bars with barbs
pointed inward, as if to confine dangerous animals, while in other communities, the
barbs face outward as if to protect and preserve the beauty within. Only through
the tearing down o f physical and figurative barriers that imprison the community
will Watts, a small enclave in Los Angeles, ever rise above its violent past.
Designated as an Empowerment Zone and an Enterprise Community, the Watts
community represents one o f the most economically depressed areas in the County
of Los Angeles. As a result o f societal neglect and cultural abandonment.
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individual, societal, and institutional dysfunction characterizes the target
community. Though numerous government, community-based, and private
organizations offer services to the community, these services and resources have
never been sufficient enough to meet all the needs o f the community. More
importantly, few of these resources have sought to build the capacity of the
community to sustain itself. Fifty-five percent (55%) poverty rates, thirty-nine
percent (39%) unemployment rates and high crime and substance abuse levels
create an environment much in need o f additional resources, services and jobs that
lead toward economic self-sufficiency. Economic self-sufficiency will come only
when additional resources and a new level of public/private collaboration make it
possible to create long-term structures that support and promote personal,
community, small business, and light industrial development.
Though rich in assets (strong local leaders, significant artistic community,
recognized learning and medical institutions, prime transportation infrastructure, a
major political presence in terms of the number o f local government offices in the
community, etc.). the Watts community suffers from poor resource coordination
and institutional collectivism. Within the general boundaries of the Watts
community (Central Ave. to the west. Alameda Street to the east. E. Century to the
north, and Imperial to the south), the individual, organizational, institutional, and
political resources exist to move the community from a culture of dependency to
economic self-sufficiency. Yet. despite the capacity for economic development and
the substantial finances invested in the community after the 1965 and 1992
rebellions, the community continues to suffer from the same economic depressed
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and environmentally blighted conditions. Furthermore, as resources invested in
Watts tend to be directed toward people-based projects. Watts has developed a
strong social service network and has become home to countless social service
related projects. Throughout the history of Watts, few programs have
accomplished little in the way of changing the overall social, political,
environmental, or economic realities o f the community. In other words. Watts, as a
community and as a region within the larger context of Los Angeles, has always
lacked a focused, collective, prioritized place-based attempt at economic
revitalization.
In order to understand how a community that was known as "The Hub”
became a place of systemic neglect, a brief overview of the history o f Watts is
necessary. Incorporated as a town in 1907. Watts Junction housed German.
Scottish. Mexican. Jewish. Italian. Japanese, and African American farming and
working-class residents. As time went on. an area on the southern border o f Watts
(eventually known as 'Mudtown') "served as an entry point into the region for
newly arrived Southern blacks excluded from living in other local communities
owing to racial covenants and segregation” (Leonard Pitt 1997. 537). In the early
1920s. the strength of African American voters began to rival the control o f the Ku
Klux Klan. Fearing that blacks would dominate the Watts government, the Klan
worked diligently to annex the City o f Watts to Los Angeles in 1926. Frustrations
built until the culminating explosion of the 1965 rebellion. The civil unrest
destroyed much of the community, despite the fact that the rebellion neither started
nor ended in Watts. After the riots, large promises were made, but according to
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several long-time community residents, "Few were kept.” Despite the national War
on Poverty, in the early 1970’s. several major factories shut down, never to re
open. Attributed to the volatile environment and the need for cheaper labor, the
Goodyear. GM. Firestone. Ford. Crystler. BF Goodrich, and others slowly moved
their plants south of the border, creating enormous unemployment rates. In the
place o f these factories, the Los Angeles Post Office and a patchwork of residential
and commercial sites were eventually sown into the tearing fabric of Watts. This
ad hoc of commercial sites and the gradual down zoning of Watts created a
stagnant, antiquated community that was unable to compete with the new
developments surrounding Watts (Hawthorne. LAX area. etc.). With businesses
moving out or shutting down and with poverty rates increasing, another tear in the
fabric of Watts was heard around the world in 1992. This time, the civil unrest
claimed 1.120 buildings, temporarily and permanently unemployed 20.000-30.000
employees in South Central Los Angeles, and closed 40% of all the buildings
damaged. A 1995 survey by Keyser Marston Associates revealed that 90% of the
buildings in Watts continue to be in a state o f deferred maintenance or utter
dilapidation.
The Development Capacity Of Watts
In determining the development capacity of Watts, organizational,
demographic, environmental, business, and community analysis are offered. While
there are many organizations to choose from, the Watts Labor Community Action
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Committee (WLCAC) was chosen because o f its long history in the community, its
diverse accomplishments, its unparalleled resources, and its vision for the
development of cultural tourism.
Watts Labor Community Action Committee Profile
Despite the impoverished conditions and continued cycle o f neglect, like
other communities tom by civil unrest. Watts has experienced intense, though brief,
times of re-birth. However, unlike many communities, these intense times of
regeneration and redevelopment were able to do more than replace lost
infrastructure or property. The times of rebuilding brought about the formation of a
new. community-based organization dedicated to "improving the quality of life for
residents in South Central Los Angeles." The Watts Labor Community Action
Committee (WLCAC). a non-profit 501 [c (3)] organization, founded in 1965.
strives to:
• Provide a wide range o f community services, economic development
activities and community preservation initiatives.
• Provide skills training and employment opportunities for community
residents.
• Aid and assist the residents of South Central Los Angeles in their efforts to
improve the economic, social, and physical environment of the South
Central area and the surrounding communities.
• Develop and coordinate activities with the other community organizations
and associations in the furtherance o f common goals.
WLCAC was founded by a group of concerned union members who were
interested in using their talents, experience, and influence to help the poor and
disadvantaged residents of South Central Los Angeles. Starting with extremely
' 108
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limited funds and relying mainly on voluntary commitment. WLCAC has grown
during the last 35 years to become one of the largest and most successful
community-based organizations in the nation. Funded by various private
foundations, the City and County of Los Angeles, the State of California, and the
Federal Government. WLCAC operates a wide spectrum of programs, including
child care and development services, a youth enhancement program, arts and
culture development (including venues for art. photography, dance, theater and
music), employment and training services for youth and adults, mental health
services, senior citizens nutrition and socialization programs, transportation
services, homeless assistance services, housing construction and rehabilitation,
property management services, weatherization and handyworker services, tree
planting and landscape design services, and a graffiti removal service. WLCAC
has over 330 employees working in the various programs listed above. The annual
budget o f WLCAC's funded programs is approximately $14.5 million.
WLCAC’s Organizational Capacity
Through its diverse experiences. WLCAC has learned what works in South
Central Los Angeles and its surrounding communities. Besides having a proven
track record in managing social service, educational, and entrepreneurial programs
since its inception. WLCAC continues to enjoy a strong, positive reputation in
South Central Los Angeles. WLCAC's programs have, at times, set precedence for
other community-based agencies throughout the nation. For example. WLCAC
organized one of the first summer youth programs for disadvantaged youth in 1966.
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And in 1969. with the creation of the Saugus Urban Residential Education Center,
WLCAC pioneered the beginnings o f large-scale, community-based job training
initiatives. The Saugus Center housed 300 16-21 year olds and trained them in the
agricultural, automotive, culinary, construction, radiology, nursing, and para
medical fields. Even today. WLCAC designs its programs to meet the needs of the
youth and their families by incorporating life-skills training, academic tutoring,
community clean-up campaigns, economic development opportunities, art and
culture programs, and other after-school and weekend enrichment activities.
In the past, through community gardens, the Saugus Farm, the Shop-Rite
markets, over 600 low-moderate housing units, a museum, the One Stop Workforce
Development Center, hardware and toys businesses, and through the Kenneth Hahn
Plaza (a shopping center of which WLCAC owns 25% and that is adjacent from the
Charles R. Drew University of Medicine and Science) WLCAC has sought to
enable the South Central region to become economically self-sufficient. The plan
to develop Cultural Tourism in Watts, a plan that dates back to 1994. further
demonstrates WLCAC’s commitment to improving the lives of local residents and
the organization’s persistence in changing the image o f the community, with or
without broader political support.
Demographic Analysis
The area is characterized by low income households, with a median income
of $17,867 as compared to $23,982 for the Los Angeles City Service Planning Area
(SPA) 6 and $43,942 for the county o f Los Angeles as a whole. As can be seen
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from the following table. 44% of the households (3.86 persons per household) have
less than a $15,000 annual income. Furthermore, the Greater Watts area is
generally characterized by: (a) low income households, (b) a large number of
public housing projects, (c) high unemployment rate, (d) a large number of female
headed families with children, (e) high child abuse/foster care rates (f) low level of
educational attainment, (g) high crime rates, (h) high drug alcohol abuse rates, (i)
lack of access to basic health services.
Table 5: Demographics for the Community of Watts
DEMOGRAPHICS/ STATS. S # PERSONS % OF TOTAL
TOTAL POPULATION
(zio codes 90059 and 90002)
81,950
AFRICAN AM ERICANS
44%
LATINOS
56%
OTHERS (ASIANS PACIFIC. AMERICAN
INDIAN. AND WHITE)
0%
INCOME CHARACTERISTICS
MEDIAN INCOME 17,867
HOUSEHOLD WITH !NCOMES< 1500 44%
PERSONS BELOW PROVERTY LEVEL 55.0%
Source: United Way. State o f the County Report for SPA 6 (1999)
a. Income Characteristics - The 1999 United Way of Greater Los
Angeles report estimates that approximately 55% of the persons residing in
the target area live below the poverty level. This low income / poverty level
is reflected among the student population at one of the Jordan/Locke Cluster
schools. Markham Middle School, where 90% o f the students participate in
the National School Lunch Program, according to the Principal. Mr. John
Miller. Furthermore, a high concentration o f public assistance recipients
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exists in the target area's neighborhoods. According to the January 1998
statistics found in the 1999 United Way County Report, 38% of this
community's residents receive some type of public assistance, including
AFDC-FG. AFD-U. Food Stamps. Medi-Cal. and General Relief.
b. Prevalence of a Large Number of Public Housing Projects - The
Greater Watts area has four o f the major housing projects in the County of
Los Angeles: Jordan Downs. Imperial Courts. Nickerson Gardens, and the
Hacienda Village. As Mike Davis. County Grid Deputy for the
Watts/Willowbrook area, asserts. "No other region has as high of
concentration of low income public housing developments" (interview).
According to the United Way's Los Angeles 1996 State of the County
Databook. 53% of the adults (ages 16 and older) living in the public
housing are either unemployed or "no longer in the labor force." meaning
they no longer look for work. This percentage does not include another 20-
30% o f housing development residents who are incarcerated.
c. Labor Force Status - According to a United Way estimate based on
California Employment Development Department County Employment
data. 18.55% of the target community residents are unemployed. Secondly,
the United Way report concludes that 35% of the service area persons ages
16 and over are not in the labor force. These data indicate that the
unemployment rate is probably higher, possibly even double the 18.55%
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reported. For a further comparison, the Los Angeles County unemployment
rate, as reported by the California Employment Development Department.
August 1999 statistics, is only 5.8%.
Regarding the age o f the labor force in Watts, the following 1980
and 1990 statistics used in Figure F reveal that Watts possesses a young
labor pool. In fact the 1980 and 1990 median ages are 25.1 and 23.9 years
of age respectively compared to the City of Los Angeles's medians of 30.3
and 30.7 years of age for the same two years.
d. Female-Headed Families with Children - As compared to the County
of Los Angeles, the target service area has a larger number o f female
headed families with children. According to the 1990 Census data. 48.35%
of households within the target area and only 8.3% of households within LA
County were female- headed, single parent families with children. In many
cases, these single parent females do not have the time or parental skills
needed to ensure that their children stay in school, avoid risky behaviors,
and develop the resiliency needed to mature into self-sufficient adults.
Figure F:
1980 Watts Age Characteristics 1990 Watts Age Characteristics
22.30%
36.40%
41.30%
19%
□Under 18 / ^ M ^ 4 0 %
□Under 18
■ 18-44
MB
■18-44
□45 SAbove
□45 & Above
4 1 % ^ ^ ^
ti:
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e. Child Abuse / Foster Care — Based on the information received from
the Department of Children and Family Services, the 1996 United Way of
Greater Los Angeles State of the County Report indicates that the target
service area has a high rate o f child abuse/foster care (90.30 per 1.000
children). The rate for the county as a whole is only a median of 41.9 per
1.000 children. This statistic hints at the frustrations and anger that lie just
beneath the surface of the community.
f. Low Educational Attainment Rates - According to the United
Way 1996 State of the County report, approximately 57.5% of the target
area's and only 30% of Los Angeles County's adult residents do not have a
high school diploma or its equivalent. According to the Los Angeles
Unified District s School Accountability Report, the dropout rate for one
school in the target area. Markham Middle School, during the 1994-95
School year was approximately 6%. Although this figure seems low. Mr.
John Miller, the school's principal, considers this percentage high in
comparison with the average for the Los Angeles Unified School District.
But this only tells half the story.
As the youth continue into high school, the dropout rates increase to
82.20% for students at Jordan High School alone (City of Los Angeles
1999. 2). So. while Los Angeles Unified School District dropout rate stays
around 13.3%. more than three-fourths (%) o f the youth in the Greater
Watts Community are dropping out of school before attaining the basic and
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vocational skills desperately needed to be gainfully employed and to
become productive members o f the community. Furthermore, according to
the recently released 1999 Academic Performance Index for California's
public schools, four of the five local high schools (Locke. Jordan. Fremont,
and Washington) rank in the bottom 10% of California's schools — the
other school. Gardena High School, ranks in the bottom 20%. More than
that. Locke and Fremont high schools, when compared to schools of similar
economic, ethnic, language, and teacher credential characteristics, have
received the lowest possible ranking. Jordan and Washington high schools,
on the other hand, received the second to lowest ranking.
g. High Crime Rates - The target area has one of highest crime rates in
the City of Los Angeles. Based on the 1994 Los Angeles crime statistics,
the United Way of Greater Los Angeles 1996 report places the crime index
rate for the Southeast Los Angeles Police Department jurisdiction (an area
that include Watts) at 8.411.7 per 100.000 population as compared to
4.744.1 for the entire City of Los Angeles. The types of crimes committed
in the service area primarily include: willful homicide, forcible rape,
robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, and motor theft. LAPD statistics
indicate that the Southeast Division has the second highest cost per capita
($252.98) among the 18 Divisions. In fact, the cost per capita is over 62%
above the City wide average of $155.87. It should be noted that these
statistics are not necessarily 100% reflective o f the Watts community where
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local residents report a significant drop in violence, crime, and overall gang
activity.
The Los Angeles Police Department March 1996 Crime Statistics
Digest indicates that of the total number of persons arrested in the Southeast
Police Jurisdiction. 17% were juveniles. Furthermore, police statistics show
that 90% of gang members are arrested by age 15: 75% are arrested twice
by age 18: 95% of gang members do not finish high school: and 60% are
dead or in prison by age 20. With the high concentration of gangs in the
target area, the youth in the service area are at great risks of becoming one
of these, or all of these, statistics. Local youth and community leaders,
according to the Watts Labor Community Action Committee's focus group
findings, attribute the high rate of gang affiliation to the fact that few youth
ages 5-18 have the family structure or positive role models to reinforce
positive life management skills or to promote positive alternatives to gang
membership.
h. High Drug and Alcohol Abuse Rates - The United Way report
indicates that the use of tobacco, alcohol, or illicit drugs (including cocaine
and crack) by LA County teenagers is on the rise. For the target area,
approximately 797 youth under the age of 18 were in Juvenile Hall in 1997.
with an additional 721 on probation for drug and alcohol offenses.
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Environmental & Business Analysis
A recent window survey of Watts reveals that over 75% of the businesses in
the Watts community remain in disrepair and dilapidation. Signage was frequently
absent and almost every business facade needed some repair. O f the fifty (50)
business/institution types noted, the six business/institution types with the highest
concentration in the Watts area are: l)Churches -4 1 :2 ) Market/Liquor Stores - 38:
3) Educational Institutions - 26: 4) Fast Food - 24: 5) Auto Parts and Repair -
20: and 6) Beauty Salons/Barber Shops - 18.
Figure G: Six Categories with the Most Establishments
S o u rc e : W in d o w S u rv e y by Jo h n W o lfk il!
This chart reveals the lack of commercial development in Watts. As churches and
liquor stores consume much of the street-front property in Watts, commercial
development has been greatly hampered. Although churches and other faith-based
institutions play an important role in the social revitalization of communities,
churches located on street front properties can consume vital commercial property.
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However, if faith-based institutions participate in business, human, community, or
locality development strategies, they could become key players in the economic
development of the community. Regardless, if Watts is to develop economically,
new zoning regulations must be established to reduce the imbalance in the types of
businesses and institutions located in the community.
Community A ssets
Like an unfinished painting, while the above statistics portray an accurate
picture of the disparity and inequality existent in Watts, the statistics do not capture
the beauty and strength of the community. Besides its rich cultural and artistic
history, the Watts community offers several assets to residents and business alike.
First, as an Enterprise Community and an Empowerment Zone. Watts offers
numerous tax incentives to prospective businesses. Furthermore, the fact that 50%
of the Watts population is less than 25 years old provides an additional incentive
for businesses to locate in the area. Thirdly, the extensive social networks that
exist within the community have established a high level of stability despite the
impoverished conditions. With this relative stability has come several recent
developments (two new shopping centers that house fast food restaurants, grocery
stores, pharmacies, clothing stores, and banks, the Lanzit project, a 173.000 sq. ft.
industrial park, and the Cultural Crescent Redevelopment Plan that will construct a
new restaurant and night club, a multimedia institute and broadcast studio, and an
amphitheater). Even though the Lanzit site and Cultural Crescent have yet to see
any actual construction other than utilities expansion and street improvements,
these four developments attest to the community's ability to support newng
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businesses both on the supply and demand side of the equation. Lastly, in terms of
tourist attractions, the Greater Watts community possesses a variety of historical,
architectural, and cultural sites:
Table 6: Physical Assets of Watts
Watts Towers ! Watts Towers Art Center
WLCAC Museum WLCAC Marketplace
Old Watts City Hall Old Train Station
Build Plus Com. Marketplace Watts Arms Complex
Watts Health Center [ MLK Jr. Medical Center
King Shopping Center Kenneth Hahn Shopping Center
Jordan High School Verbum Dei High School
Grant AM.E. Church St. John’ s Methodist Church
St. Lawrence Church Jordan’ s Restaurant
Ted Watkins Memorial Park | Walk of Fame
Watts Rose Garden Bank of America Building
Franklin Square | Imperial Courts
Nickerson Gardens | Famous Homes
Source: Watts Tourism Advisory Council meeting on March 10. 2000
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CHAPTER SEVEN:
SELECTING A LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
STRATEGEY
In an effort to develop cultural tourism in Watts and to ensure that the local
residents themselves reap some o f the economic rewards, a comprehensive, place-
based development approach is proposed. The term "'place-based" refers to an
economic development approach that focuses resources and attempts to make
changes at a community level, not at an individual or person level. This place-
based approach combines locality, business, and human resource development
schemes to create one overarching Cultural Tourism Development and
Sustainability Strategy. Figure H displays the three schematic components of the
proposed strategy. The locality development scheme, the central scheme to the
proposed development strategy, involves six (6) essential components. These
components aim at revitalizing the physical textures and tones o f Watts. By
creating a common, community-wide theme that promotes the positive side of the
community, the community can take the first step toward improving its image, both
in its own eyes and the eyes o f others. As Mark Greenfield, the Director of the
Watts Towers Art Center stated in a recent interview, in order for Watts to attract
tourists. ”A major PR campaign must be mounted." Cultural Tourism offers a
unique opportunity for staging Watts' first planned marketing campaign. Through
the creation of community banners and through the involvement o f local media
(print, cable and radio), a re-imaging of Watts can take place. Possible themes
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like” Watts: The Hub of The Universe - The Crossroads of Time and People.** or
"Watts: Where Two Worlds Meet" connect the past to the present. African to the
Latino, the culture to the people.
Figure H: Local Economic Development Strategy for Watts
Locality Development Human Capital
Development
Busiacsc Development
1. Community Theme 1. Incubation Centers 1. Hospitality and
a. Kitchen Travel Training
2. Facade Improvement b. Bakery Programs
c. International
3. Comprehensive & Marketplace 2. Community-
Collaborative Site d. George’s Education &
Coordination Meatmarket Recruitment
4. Community-Wide 2. Entrepreneurial 3. School-based and
Joint Tourism Development Community-based
Marketing a. Mudtown™ Youth Mkro-
Industries Enterpriscs
5. Overlay Zoning b. Watts Towers
c. Compton &
6. Cultural Events Southwest
Planning Colleges
a. Cultural Festivals
d. King-Drew Magnet
b. Farmer’s Market
Secondly, the process o f creating a community theme will provide a non
competitive starting point for government and community collaboration. This re
imaging process, when combined with the Community Redevelopment Agency's
existing facade improvement program, will not only increase community pride and
community involvement, but will lay the foundation for all further tourism
I
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development activities. The requirements to receive a facade improvement grant
from the CRA have deterred all businesses, except WLCAC. from even applying
for the grants. Since the requirements demand that a business stay in operation for
a certain number of years, many businesses, when faced with the economic
conditions of the community, determine the risk of going out of business to be too
high. There are several possible solutions to this critical issue. First, the CRA
needs to reduce the expected years of required operation. Secondly, the CRA
should allow WLCAC to lease the tra d e s from the business owners. Once the
facades are leased. WLCAC can use its existing Handyworker programs to train
older youth to repair and maintain the facades. Directly linked to the facade
improvement program, the City of Los Angeles must establish overlay zones to
protect the primary corridors of Watts (Central. Compton, and Willowbrook) from
becoming more cluttered with liquor stores and churches. Seeing that
approximately 41 churches and 38 liquor stores/markets exist in the small
community of Watts, it is necessary to establish zoning regulations that prohibit
certain uses while promoting other more commercially viable uses of street front
properties. First adopted in 1979 and revised in 1997. the Historic Preservation
Overlay Zone (HPOZ) Ordinance, as discussed in the Preliminary Draft of the
Cultural Heritage .Yfasterplan. "is a planning tool which recognizes the special
qualities of areas of historic, cultural, or architectural significance (23). This tool
can add significant protection against the further proliferation of unwarranted
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commercial uses. The City of Los Angeles and the Watts community should
determine if it is in the best interest of the community to register Watts as a
Historic Landmark District.
Although WLCAC has proven its ability to promote and provide cultural
tourism in Watts, greater levels o f collaborative site coordination, joint tourism
marketing, and community-wide event planning are necessary if Watts is ever to
become a LA County tourism contender. As the following LACVB produced chart
demonstrates, the majority of LA’s overnight tourists prefer to visit local sites that
offer various cultural activities and attractions.
Table 7: The Twenty Most Visited Cultural Sites in Los Angeles
1. Universal Studios* 11. Queen Mary
2. Disneyland** 12. Star Homes
3. Walk of Fame 13. Magic Mountain
4. Rodeo Drive 14. Will Rogers Beach
5. Venice Beach 15. Oldtown Pasadena
6. Chinese Theatre 16. Farmer’ s Market
7. Sunset Boulevard 17. 3rd Street Promenade
8. Santa Monica Beach/Pier 18. Griffith Park
9. Knott’s Berry Farm 19. Ports O'Call
10. Marina del Rey 20. Beverly Center
’Includes them e park. City Walk, am phitheater and movie complex
’’Study does not include overnight visitors in Orange County.
Source: 1995 L.A. Visitor Tracking Study
While Watts may not become an Oldtown Pasadena. Watts can become
Mudtown ™ . reminiscent of life and old times on Central Avenue, of eras past that
emanate the sites, sounds, flavors, and styles that fueled the jazz legacy that
I
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endures to this day. Like Venice Beach and Queen Mary, Watts can offer a unique,
engaging cultural experience for the more than 65.9 million cultural tourists
identified by the Travel Industry Association.
In addition to and as part of cultural tourism, the proposed development
strategy incorporates business development initiatives that center on tourism and
the food service industry. By linking WLCAC's newly remodeled industrial
kitchens, bakery'. Chili House restaurant, and Mudtown Art Studios to a
coordinated tourism development approach. WLCAC will provide new
opportunities for small business, entrepreneurial and incubation development.
Through the creation o f the Mudtown™ Industries (Mudtown™ Studios.
Mudtown™ Farms, and Mudtown™ Motors), youth can learn ceramic art. glass
blowing, silk screening, high-end graphic art and multimedia production, organic
farming and food packaging, and auto/truck renovation and kit-car building.
Furthermore. Mudtown™ Flats, a series of facades reminiscent of the historic sites
along Central Avenue, will serve as a backdrop for outdoor events, concerts, and
family reunions and video shoots. WLCAC is prepared to offer local youth and
adult entrepreneurs affordable means o f establishing small business that cater both
to tourists and to the local community. By selling these newly produced goods at
the Watts International Marketplace, the Watts Towers, the Los Angeles
International Airport (LAX) and other sites throughout the community, residents
can begin to capture a larger share of local and regional capital.
124
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CHAPTER EIGHT:
Project D esign and E xpected O utcom es
Design
In order for WLCAC to capitalize on its present resources and for the
community of Watts to develop an effective, sustainable cultural tourism industry,
in addition to the general strategy just outlined. WLCAC must initiate several
street/landscaping projects, make certain organizational adjustments, establish new
management structures and develop a comprehensive nonformal education and
career development campaign. The following figure delineates the proposed
projects under each of the mentioned areas:
Figure I: Four Primary Economic & Educational Development Project Areas
Street/Landscaping
1. A d d itio n o f tre e s a n d fla g s
a lo n g W est b o rd e r o f p ro p e rty
2. Im p ro v ed S ig n a g e
3 G re e n in g o f The Center
4 . C e n tra l A v e n u e M e d ia n a n d
P ed estrian C ro ss in e
C u ltu ral Presentation
1. P e rm a n e n t T en t w ith “ C u ltu ra l
C e le b ra tio n " e x h ib it
2. P h y sica l C o n n e c tio n o f The
Center's A c tiv itie s
3. W a lk in g T o u r
4 . Watts is L I™ B u s T o u rs
Tourism M anagem ent
4.
F o o d -S e rv ic e G M
W L C A C M a rk e tp la c e &
E n tre p re n e u ria l D ire c to r
W a tts C u ltu ra l T o u rism
C o m m itte e
T o u rism In c u b a tio n C e n te r
Education & C areer
Development
1. Community-Based Institutes
2. WIA A dult & Youth
Opportunity Systems
3 . Community College &
University Certificate Courses
125
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Street/Landscaping
By employing numerous Street/Landscaping tools, WLCAC can assist the
community of Watts in creating a new physical image. While some o f the
following tools focus on properties that are not owned by WLCAC. most
recommendations concentrate on improving WLCAC's seven-acre Center site.
The Center, in regards to developing cultural tourism in Watts, acts as the primary
hub for tourist activity. As such. The Center must be visible and welcoming and
serve as a connecting point to other areas of interest in Watts and the Central
Avenue Corridor. Therefore, the first project recommendation is to add additional
trees and international flags around the southern, western, and northwestern borders
of The Center. The trees (no higher than 20-25 feet) and the flags will be visual
signs that separate The Center from the rest of Central Avenue. Additionally,
international flags like El Salvador. Guatemala. Brazil. Ethiopia. Jamaica. Belize.
Japan. Germany. Mexico, as well as the California state flag. Los Angeles City and
County flags, and the WLCAC flag will not only make The Center move visible to
the passerby, but more welcoming to the domestic and international tourist and
more inviting to local Latino and African-American residents. These flags, through
a partnership with the Department of Water and Power, could be lit during the
night, providing further ambiance and safety to The Center.
The second streetscape project, which also seeks to make The Center more
accessible and more welcoming to visitors, focuses on improving and expanding
existing signage. Currently. WLCAC lacks adequate on-site and off-site signage.
First. WLCAC needs to use one umbrella address for The Center. The various
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address numbers confuse visitors and cause visitors to perceive that several
different organizations and businesses are located within The Center. Secondly,
new signage needs to be created for the 105 freeway. Central Avenue and Imperial,
and Central Avenue and 103rd Street. Next, in partnership with Coca-Cola. Kodak,
a major sign company, and possibly local retailer like Auto Zone. Smart-N-Final.
and/or Food 4-Less. WLCAC should construct a new on-site "The Center" sign and
an electronic marquee sign on its triangle lot at the northeast comer of Central and
Imperial. And finally, in regards to signage, like Disney World or Knotts Berry
Farm. WLCAC must create on-site directories or signs that tell visitors where to
find specific buildings (administration. Phoenix Hall. One-Stop Workforce
Development Center. Bones & Blues Cafe. etc.).
While the additional trees, flag poles, and signage will make The Center
distinguishable and accessible, the following three project recommendations will
further establish a warm, healing atmosphere at The Center. By using 8-12 potted
trees. WLCAC can break up the hard, strip-mall look caused by the vast black-
topped parking lot that surrounds the seven-acre site. Potted trees, while providing
a contrast to the stark blacktop, will not take away any of the needed parking
places. Secondly, as planned by the organization, further African and Central
American foliage should be planted along the winding path to the Mother of
Humanity, creating a micro-arboretum. Additionally, through a partnership with
the Department of Water and Power. WLCAC should begin operating the fountains
connected to the Mother o f Humanity. The water and foliage symbolize the birth
and re-generation of the community and will help make The Center a place of
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healing. And finally, by accomplishing their plans to remove all but a few of the
cars from in front o f Mudtown Flats and to replace what is now blacktop with
grass. WLCAC can significantly change the hard, urban feel of The Center.
Lastly. WLCAC. in connection with the City of Los Angeles Department of
Transportation and Department of Public Works and the Southern Pacific Railway,
must advocate for the construction of a tree-lined median on Central Avenue
between 111th and 103rd and the resurfacing of the rail lines at 111th and Central.
The median will help slow traffic, make that part of Central more pedestrian
friendly, and create a sense of revitalization. Furthermore, a new pedestrian
crosswalk should be established that links The Center to the Bradley Center, where
the proposed kitchen and bakery incubation centers and the multi-generational
computer refurbishing lab are be located. Although the above projects may not
directly impact the level of participation and empowerment o f local residents, these
projects will cultivate the type of informal messages that the community is
changing and that a new. more healing identity of the community is forming.
Cultural Presentation
Although the street/landscaping projects will make The Center more visible
and more welcoming to visitors and to residents, the following three projects will
assist WLCAC in presenting visitors with an impressionable and comprehensive
cultural experience. While WLCAC has already developed an extensive and
impressive cultural experience through the Mother o f Humanity. Phoenix Hall.
International Marketplace. Mudtown Flats, and the Watts Museum of Art History
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and Culture, these sites or points of interest, though located on the same seven-acre
site, remain somewhat disjointed and unconnected. This disconnection makes it
difficult for a visitor to gain a comprehensive picture of the vision of WLCAC and
the history of the Watts community. Through the use of a permanent tent structure,
that will act as a gallery for an exhibit that celebrates the role of minorities in the
making o f Los Angeles (rail labor, auto industry, film industry, agriculture, and
politics). WLCAC can change the strip-mall image of The Center (this idea was
originally included in the architectural designs of the Watts International
Marketplace located at The Center). By celebrating the multi-ethnic history of the
community and its impact on Los Angeles, this celebratory exhibit of Watts will
not only bring Latinos. African-Americans. Chinese, and European descendants
together, but will help begin the healing process of reclaiming the fragmented past
in order to collectively move toward the future. Like the tones of jazz music, the
textures o f art offer a neutral, all-encompassing starting point for reflective
dialogue and conscious action.
WLCAC could further enhance connectivity among its various site
attractions by weaving the symbols and exhibits of the Mother of Humanity, the
Mississippi Delta Road. Freedom Hall, and the Hall o f Shame to the stories of
slavery and the Civil Rights Movement and to the history of the Watts community
and the role Watts played in the development of Los Angeles. Additionally, by
using sidewalk art and aerosol art projects on existing walls and on walls
specifically built for aerosol art. WLCAC can provide a smooth transition from one
point of interest to the next. Through the further training o f youth, adults, and
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senior adult docents, local residents can become more engaged in the daily events
happening at or around The Center. These docents can weave living testimonies
into the historical and cultural tapestry created by the various WLCAC venues.
Continuity is an important element for engaging visitors at all times during their
visit to The Center. In fact, sidewalk art and aerosol art will provide opportunities
for visitors to watch art being created and even learn to create art for themselves.
Another tool to further engage visitors is the self-guided ''walking tour."
Just as the Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) offered visitors the
opportunity to rent a walkman and self-guided tour cassette for the Van Gogh
exhibit, it is imperative and cost beneficial for WLCAC to develop a similar self-
guided tour option. This project not only enables the visitor to learn about
WLCAC and Watts at their own rate, by offering the tour cassette and walkman for
an additional S3. WLCAC can begin to create a new source of revenue. As part of
the self-guided tour. WLCAC should complete plans to create several interactive
points. Firstly, the La Ship Amistad exhibit needs to be finished and the
audio/lighting effect of a spot light shining on a particular body casting and a story
being told about the Middle Passage and the trail of bones that leads back to Africa
needs to be created. An interactive attraction that could be developed for the
Mississippi Delta Road is a plaque that tells the history of the noose with a button,
that when pushed. lights up the tree and plays Billie Holiday's emotionally jarring
song. Strange Frail.
130
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Tourism Management
Although the street/landscape and cultural presentation projects will
improve the quality o f cultural experiences WLCAC offers, without the proper
management. WLCAC’s cultural tourism and food service development activities
will become more like social service programs and less like economic development
initiatives. The proposed development strategy relies on WLCAC's and the
community's ability to move out of the culture of dependency on government
subsidy and away from the social service program mindset. WLCAC's own
experience with economic development initiatives teaches the necessity of placing
qualified, strategic-thinking, profit-minded experts in key positions. Therefore.
WLCAC. following Cal Poly’s previous recommendation, should hire a Food
Service General Manager and an International Marketplace and Economic
Development Director. The Food Service GM should oversee the food-related
incubator centers, the senior citizen nutrition programs, and the restaurant and
catering businesses of WLCAC. The Economic Development Director should not
only oversee the daily operation of the International Marketplace and provide
assistance to the storefront tenants located in the marketplace, but the director
should also recruit and develop new- businesses to be located in WLCAC's seven-
acre industrial site located a few blocks west of The Center.
In addition to these two in-house positions. WLCAC must aggressively
continue to facilitate the formation of the Watts Tourism Advisory Council.
Having met only three times, the Watts Tourism Advisory Council has already
began to bring together the diverse stakeholders in Watts, including community
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leaders, artists, educators, business professionals, university scholars, residents,
youth, and city employees. With the mission of Preserving the culture o f Watts as
a vital place in an evolving Los Angeles by nurturing a positive community identity
through the promotion o f tourism and community self-sufficiency, the Watts
Tourism Advisory Council has began to identify the cultural, historical,
environmental, and architectural assets of the community, as well as develop a clear
marketing strategy and calendar of events for the Watts community. Using their
relationship with the LACVB. local organizations (WTCAC. WCLO. YES. Girls
Club. HACLA. etc.). local institutions (LAUSD. Charles Drew University. MLK
Jr. Medical Center. Watts Health Foundation. Maxine Waters. Southwest College.
USC. etc.). the City of Los Angeles (CDD. CRA. Cultural Affairs. LAPD. DOT.
Councilman Svorinich. and the mayor's office). Los Angeles County (CDC.
Supervisor Burke, etc.). MTA. area businesses, faith-based institutions, and local
community leaders, the Watts Labor Community Action Committee and the Watts
Tourism Advisory Council must catalyze a group of representatives who are
dedicated to leveraging resources and committed to developing cultural tourism in
Watts and along the Central Avenue Corridor.
As part of the tourism development effort and in order to ensure that local
residents lead, participate in. and benefit from development efforts. WLCAC
should establish a tourism incubation center. With the assistance and partnership of
the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). the University of Southern
California (USC). the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA). California
Polytechnic University-Pomona, Compton and Southwest Junior Colleges, the
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Small Business Development Center o f Los Angeles, and the Los Angeles
Community Development Bank, the incubation center should offer entrepreneurial
residents the space, support and capital necessary to begin marketable businesses.
While older youth should be included among those eligible to receive assistance
through the incubator center, the formal school curriculum should also emphasize
and cultivate the entrepreneurial spirit. Using the academy model LAUSD has
established for other professions (transportation, entertainment. law enforcement,
etc.). either Jordan or Locke high schools needs to develop a program that
integrates entrepreneurial and small business principles and "real-world" work
experience with professionals. These principles and career development activities
must be consistently reinforced in all core subject areas (English, math, science,
history, and languages). The WLCAC tourism incubation center will not only
stimulate local involvement and economic progress, but will serve as converging
point for institutional, governmental and even private investment into the self
development capacity of the community.
Educational & Career Development
More than just changing the social image and business environment of
Watts, the proposed cultural tourism development strategy increases the capacity
and improves the quality of human resources present in the community. As stated
several times previously, unless local development strategies prepare residents to
take advantage of new opportunities, the economic benefits of development will be
minimal, unsustainable, and/or absorbed by those outside the community.
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Effective human resource development schemes combine formal and nonformal
education and hard and soft job skills training. Although WLCAC has began to
improve the academic and career outcomes of local residents through its Inner
Circle Youth™ (ICY) program, community-based Institutes. and its One Stop
Workforce Development Center for youth and adults, partnerships with the local
schools, community colleges, and universities will be necessary to transform the
educational inequalities present in Watts.
As evidenced by the two civil rebellions that have moved through Watts2 ,
social and economic inequalities have persistently held Watts in bondage to
poverty. However, while their buildings still smoldered in the ashes of the 1992
civil disturbance. WLCAC convened several meetings of community leaders,
educators, professionals, and youth to design a programmatic personal development
model that takes in account the diversity of intelligence, interests, and abilities
present in the Greater Watts Community. Believing that, in some ways, the
organization had neglected the growing number of youth. WLCAC. with the help
of the Ford Foundation, committed its resources and focused its rebuilding efforts
on developing infrastructure that would nurture the entrepreneurial development of
youth. A central component of this rebuilding process evolved out of the meetings
between community stakeholders and WLCAC staff. After several large and small
group meetings, this group of stakeholders designed what they called the Inner
Circle Youth™(ICY) initiative.
: It should be noted that neither the 1965 or the 1992 civil rebellions started or ended in Watts
despite popular beliefs.
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The mission of ICY is to promote community wellness by providing
opportunities for youth to develop personal genius though interdisciplinary’
enrichment. More specifically, the initiative endeavors to:
(1) Build a responsible, safe, and stable community;
(2) Reverse at risk behavioral trends in youth including school absenteeism,
dropout tendencies, gang association, poor academic performance,
substance abuse, criminal behavior, and disciplinary problems;
(3) Increase literary development, logical processing, physical and mental
coordination, creative expression, leadership development, personal
growth exploration, and physical world awareness in youth;
(4) Enable youth to build community and cultural values, set lifelong and
positive goals, break social, educational, and economic barriers, and
reverse the culture of dependency.
As such. ICY™ addresses the individual, family, and societal risk factors identified
by community analysis in Chapter 6. ICY™ targets at-risk youth and seeks to
equip them with the knowledge, tools, and skills necessary for personal success and
professional growth. This innovative model of personal development consists of a
three-phase process (Engagement. Enrichment, and Expansion) designed to help
youth participants develop the values of cooperation, tolerance, initiative, and
independence. As such. ICY™ is tailored to the individual youth -- each youth can
participate in all the activities or can choose the programs in which he or she is
most interested. During the three-phase program. ICY™ offers participants college
counseling. leadership development, community organizing workshops, conflict
resolution, peer counseling, client management, computer skills, entrepreneurial
and business training, arts and skills training, tutoring and mentoring, referral
services and career development.
During the Engagement Phase, the ICY™ model emphasizes personal
growth, especially the values and behaviors of tolerance and cooperation. ICY™13 5
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staff meets regularly with participants and helps provide essential maintenance.
This includes dealing with legal issues such as child abuse and guardianship and
assessing the needs of the individual (i.e. food, shelter, clothing and counseling). A
service plan is developed for each youth, determining the services (tutoring,
counseling, etc.) and frequency of services necessary. Upon the completion of the
initial assessment, if the participant is willing to commit to the program, he/she will
be able to begin the 160-hour Challenge. The primary criteria during the 160- hour
Challenge are that youth punch in a time card, maintain a written journal, spend
their time constructively while at the center (i.e.. doing homework, reading
newspapers, getting academic counseling, etc.) and. most importantly, that the
youth exhibit the capacity to be tolerant and cooperative. An ICY™ Peer Council,
a group of youth leaders elected by all members, establishes the code of conduct
that is used to settle any disputes or problems that arise. This code o f conduct is
based on positive reinforcement, tolerance, and cooperation. If an ICY™ member
engages in an act of intolerance, destructive or aggressive behavior, as judged by
the Peer Council, he or she will have to repeat the 160-hour Challenge, but will
remain in the program. There are other optional activities in which youth can
participate, including academic and SAT tutoring, basic computer skills instruction,
mentoring, and personal and college counseling. If the participant successfully
finishes the 160-hour Challenge, he or she will be able to move on to the next
phase.
The focus of the second phase. Enrichment, is to explore personal
interests, discover new talents, and find potential for personal genius. Participants
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do this by participating in computer literacy, performing arts, visual arts (including
fine arts, ceramics, glassblowing and graphic arts) and leadership development
activities and workshops taught by on-staff instructors in collaboration with
community volunteer/mentor teaching assistants. WLCAC offers these labs as part
of the organization's innovative entrepreneurial initiative called Mudtown
Studios™ . a network o f creative arts studios equipped with state-of-the-art.
borrowed, and donated equipment. After participating in each lab at least once and
in order to move to the next phase, each youth must give a presentation to the
ICY™ Peer Council, exhibiting their commitment to a specific entrepreneurial
direction. Throughout the program, participants must maintain the same standards
of tolerance and cooperation. If a participant breaks these standards at any time, as
judged by the Peer Council, he or she must repeat the 160-hour Engagement phase.
Having attained interpersonal skills and a sense of maturity and
independence, the Expansion phase focuses on enhancing skills with
entrepreneurial and professional training and/or college preparation.
Entrepreneurial mentors are recruited and assigned to the participants according to
the youth's interests and abilities. Professional and entrepreneurial experience is
achieved in a variety o f ways through WLCAC's resources and through other local
and regional contacts with corporations, universities, and government agencies.
For example:
• Students interested in filmmaking can gain experience through an on-site
video studio with professional filmmaking equipment, and will be able to
film WLCAC events and performances:
• Youth interested in the culinary arts can learn restaurant management and
food preparation from WLCAC's catering business staff:
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• Those interested in the visual arts can act as assistants to WLCAC's artists-
in-residence that work for the site's museum and galleries. They will be
able to manufacture products for the on-site museum gift shop and
International Marketplace:
• Participants can learn business, administrative, and managerial skills as well
as gain workplace experience by assisting WLCAC's administrative
personnel. This can include project development, grant writing, and office
management:
• Those interested in computer programming or multimedia can become
involved in generating data bases, computer programs, network updates,
graphics, and possibly a virtual shopping mall:
• Youth interested in automotive repair and industrial arts can learn those
skills in The Center 's mechanics shop, which services WLCAC's vehicles:
• Those interested in the performing arts have access to the 99-seat "Tell-it
Theater" and audio equipment, and will be able to plan community events
including "Bones and Blues" music concerts. "Tell-it Theater" storytelling
performances, and "Poet Central" self expression and poetry readings.
These events provide youth performance opportunities and integrate a sense
of history and culture:
• Participants who have creative entrepreneurial ideas can take advantage of
WLCAC resources including the art supplies and labs, computer facilities,
kitchens, vending machines, and community networks with businesses and
universities.
Through these three phases, the ICY™ model of social, educational, and
entrepreneurial development affords youth and the community the opportunity to
gain interpersonal, academic, and career skills that will equip them for lifelong
success. As a result of this unique human capital development initiative designed
by the stakeholders of Watts, youth, adults, and the community at large will say:
“I see whv it is important to be tolerant and cooperative: I see whv youth are so
important to the health of their community: I see whv it is absolutely essential to
nurture solid family and community relationships: l-C-V the entrepreneurial and
educational development of the community is the first step toward economic self-
sufficiency."
138
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As an outgrowth of ICY™, WLCAC has began the development of four
community-based Institutes that endeavor to build the educational, entrepreneurial,
artistic, health, and economic development capacity of local residents. Although
still in the negotiation phase. WLCAC's partnership with UCLA and the
Community Education Resource Center (CERC) program will expand and enrich
these Institutes. WLCAC's Institutes, through the coordination and expansion of
existing services, will engage area youth and adults, university students and faculty,
and local professionals in a critical dialogue and training process that recognizes
the knowledge and assets each group possesses and emphasizes the importance of
mutual benefit. From skill-specific workshops and events to assisting in the further
development of long-term, permanent structures. WLCAC envisions the CERC
becoming a national model for how communities and universities jointly build
bridges over the educational, nutritional, cultural, digital, and developmental
divides that separate low-income communities from the resources and skills
necessary for self-sufficiency.
Through WLCAC's efforts to nurture community self-sufficiency, several
short-term and long-term projects have been identified. These projects will address
the immediate needs o f the community's youth and build the capacity of the
community to meet the future needs o f youth, adults, and local businesses.
WLCAC has identified the following opportunities for immediate assistance:
> SAT preparation
> Literacy and basic skills development
> Academic tutoring and career development for all ages
> Community service program for high school students
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> Immigration and Street Law workshops
> On-site college counselor to staff WLCAC's existing college office
> College preparation workshops (financial aid. essay writing, etc.)
> College tours for area youth
> Regional college fair this fall for youth from the area's high schools
> On-line Advance Placement / College Prep courses
> Accessible community college courses (offer courses at WLCAC)
Besides these more immediate activities. WLCAC has identified the need to further
develop and expand the following Institutes to better coordinate, facilitate, and
enrich its ICY™initiative.
-> The Institute for Art and Culture will foster the development of educational
and professional growth in the arts. This includes music, dance, theatre, film,
photography, graphics, ceramics, glassblowing. woodworking, painting, etc.
The Art and Culture Institute, for example, would partner with the Los Angeles
Unified School District and design courses for credit that satisfy the "G“
requirement^.
-> The Institute for Multi-lingual Communications' primary aim will be the
promotion of multi-lingual expression. As such, the institute would devise
strategies for creating foreign exchange opportunities for high school students
and would establish the curriculum and structures for hosting various language
3 The “G“ requirement refers to the art prerequisite for college entrance in the University of
California system.
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courses. This institute could also arrange local "study abroad” opportunities for
university students interested in experiencing the cultural diversity o f urban Los
Angeles4.
-» The Institute for Health and Wellness will facilitate the healthy development
and growth of the community, including children, youth, adults, and seniors.
Furthermore, the institute will establish policies, procedures, and plans for the
centralization and coordination o f WLCAC's current nutritional, food, basic
health, mental health, and child development programs. The Institute of Health
and Wellness w ill develop the types of services, outreach, workshops, training
courses, and student-managed clinics necessary to meet the nutritional,
physical, emotional, and educational health needs of the community.
— > The Institute for Planning and Community Development, recognizing the
interconnectedness o f a community's health with a community's wealth,
emphasizes participatory planning and the development o f increased local
planning capacity. This institute will establish a strategic plan for preparing
local resident and business leaders to participate in the development debate and
to actively engage in the process of local economic development. Additionally,
the institute will seek to foster opportunities for local business development and
job creation that enable community residents to capture more local and regional
capital.
4 Pomona College in Claremont, California has developed an extensive curriculum and program for
this unique cultural exchange.
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Regardless of its particular focus, each Institute seeks primarily to inspire,
educate, train, and engage youth, adults and families in the process o f self-
improvement and community development. By improving individual abilities,
building social capital, and developing the local capacity for participatory
development, the Institutes will enable the community to move from a culture of
dependency to a culture o f self-sufficiency. For this reason, any participating
university student, faculty, or "expert"' must be critically aware of his or her role as
both a teacher and a learner. Instead o f attempting to remedy the deficiencies o f a
community, the Institutes will emphasize and mobilize the assets of the community.
The CERC should bring additional support and resources for the expansion and
enrichment of WLCAC’s Institutes. The Institutes will build upon WLCAC’s
various partnerships with universities, community-based organizations, private
foundations, private corporations, and government agencies (including UCLA.
Charles Drew University. Cal State Long Beach. King Drew Medical Center.
LAUSD. Maxine Waters Employment Preparation Center. Archdiocese. Boy &
Girls Club. AOL Foundation. California Community Foundation. Ford Foundation.
HACLA. Community Redevelopment Agency, etc.). In order to combat the
geographic concentration of poverty and the systemic neglect that characterizes the
Greater Watts Community, the Institutes must nurture the individual skills and
talents o f area residents while collectively developing community-specific
solutions that address the historical, cultural, and structural causes o f poverty and
community isolation.
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Different from most university-community partnerships. WLCAC's
Institutes do not aim to produce research, though research will be produced: they
do not even aim to bring recognition to WLCAC and its collaborating partners.
Rather, these Institutes strive to build the capacity of local residents to enter the
formal higher education system, to seek higher wage jobs, to create local jobs, and
to participate in the development of their community. Through programs like
CERC and through university/junior college certificate courses, the WLCAC
Institutes can enable local residents to overcome inequalities in academic and
career achievement and the devolution of inner-city education. By connecting
students, faculty, and other university resources to the community. CERC can act
as a further catalyst to WLCAC's efforts to change the image and reality of Watts.
Even more, as universities like California State Polytechnic University. Pomona
establish permanent certificate courses for the hospitality industry and as the
University of Southern California (USC) institutes courses in webstreaming.
multimedia technology, and entrepreneurial business management'. Watts residents
will gain highly marketable skills, local development efforts will be more
sustainable, and the identity of the Watts will change dramatically.
In most low-income communities, educational development frequently ends
here with increased opportunities for certification, for authentication o f achieving
according to the rules of the dominant culture that controls the formal education
system. And when the community fails to see long-term change in educational
outcomes, the dominant majority cast blame on the apathy, ingratitude, or
' These certificate courses have been identified by WLCAC and the respective university and are
currently in the development phase.
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deficiency o f those they sought to “educate.” Unless educational advancement is
coupled with social development and local job creation, low-income communities
will remain unchanged. If residents do not have the soft skills necessary to
maintain employment, marketable skills become irrelevant. For this reason. Watts
must link the community-based institutes and the certificate courses with local
employment programs that afford youth and adults the chance to practice and
develop the communicative skills and work ethics essential to finding work and
keeping it. Initiatives like the Workforce Investment Act's (WIA)Youth
Opportunity System and adult employment and training program must be key
components of any educational and career development strategy.
By establishing a client-driven information, education, and service system.
WIA’s programs will afford youth and adults access to essential soft skill straining
and support services. Services like educational remediation, tutoring, occupational
training, job shadowing, job placement, career counseling, computer literacy,
leadership development. comprehensive individual and family
counseling/management services, substance abuse counseling, violence prevention
and intervention services, basic health services, parenting and family skill
development, life skills training, child care, legal counseling, and transportation
will enable youth and adults to effectively move toward a stable culture of
economic and social stability . As the recommended lead agency in a $2.5 million
WIA youth program for South Central Los Angeles. WLCAC possesses the
financial and collaborative resources to substantially alter the level of employment
readiness in the Greater Watts Community. By connecting this program with its
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adult One Stop Workforce Development activities. WLCAC and its partners6 can
assist youth and adults to access the education, training, and support services
necessary to become well-adjusted, healthy, productive, self-sufficient residents
who take an active role in the well being of their community.
Expected Outcomes
The proposed development strategy, by incorporating image, business, and
human resources development schemes, presents several direct and indirect benefits
to the Watts community. Traveling back through the pages and stories of history,
scholars note that in the beginning was the word, then the word became print, and
now the word has become images. At the dawn of the Modem Age. as reason
replaced observation, the written word dominated the spoken. Yet. as the world
enters a new millennium, and as modernism is no longer modem, visual content has
become the dominant means o f communication. This visual content finds its
existence in the soil of culture. Culture fertilizes and nurtures images, giving them
shape and meaning. In this image consumed world, visual content that engages a
persons senses and connects them to the broader world sells everything from
diapers to jeans, juice to wine, and Disneyland to Watts. Just as Disneyland has
been visually marketed as "The happiest place on earth". Watts has been portrayed
as one of the most violent, gang ridden, and crime infested places in America. As a
6 W LCAC's partners include: the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). the Housing
Authority o f the City o f Los Angeles (HACLA), the University o f California at Los Angeles
(UCLA), the Archdiocese o f Los Angeles, the M axine Waters Employment Preparation Center, the
California State University - Los Angeles, the UAW Labor. Employment and Training Corporation.
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result, an aggressive, visually-driven marketing scheme, when supported by real
physical evidence (and in most cases the evidence can be very limited) is needed to
reshape the image the average viewer or consumer holds of the community.
If Alcatraz, a place of violence, brutality, and evil can become a tourism
destination, then Watts, a place where crime is actually decreasing and gang
activity is declining, can become a place where families come to experience the
tastes, sounds, sights, and textures o f community. The proposed strategy, as a
result, emphasizes the overlooked assets of Watts while, at the same time,
implementing business development and human resource programs that enable
local residents to overcome the harsh realities created by decades of systemic
neglect. As such, the products of this strategy are three-fold. Through the re
imaging of Watts and through the facade improvement scheme, the strategy creates
tangible physical improvements and intangible social adjustments. Secondly, the
collaborative tourism program produces cultural content that can be marketed on
the internet, in print media, on television, and most importantly, through human
interaction. And finally, linked directly with the re-imaging o f Watts and the
production of valuable cultural content, the business and human resource
development schemes will provide local residents with marketable skills and create
an environment that encourages innovation and incubation.
The proposed cultural tourism and food service development strategy will
meet the City of Los Angeles. Community Redevelopment Agency's (CRA)
the Los Angeles Conservation Corps, the Charles R. Drew University o f Medicine and Science -
College o f Allied Health. LA Youth at Work. Jr. Achievement, and several private employers
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following employment, job training, business development, and community
revitalization objectives:
• Hire and train local residents
• Create training and apprenticeship opportunities for youth
• Establish joint venture/partnerships between local enterprise (WLCAC) and
corporations
• Develop business incubators to increase and promote local entrepreneurial
opportunities
• Expand o f existing commercial base
• Utilize the inherent potential o f the enterprise zone and enterprise
community opportunities
• Improve public image through signage and facade improvement
• Design and promote a community theme for Watts, (website)
As these objectives are realized, residents of Watts will be better trained, better
served, and more involved in the economic development of the community.
Employment Impacts
The proposed strategy creates an atmosphere that encourages the
community to view itself differently, empowers the community to try something
different, and enables the community to use its high-touch. hands-on skills. Given
the young median age of the community, the creative expressions of the residents,
and the relatively low educational level, cultural tourism and food preparation and
hospitality business incubation afford the community the opportunity to develop
new skills that build on the social and cultural character of the area. Although most
of the first wave of jobs created by tourism will be lower level, entry positions, as
tourism grows and produces revenue for the community, second and third wave
jobs will tend to offer higher wages. As Figure J outlines, some o f the first, second,
and third wave employment opportunities:
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Figure J: Three Phases of Job Growth
Light industrial Dev.
Heavy Construction
Entertainment
Clubs/Movies
Video Stores
Hotel
Church Staff
Government Staff
Grocery Stores
Larger Retail
Gas Station
Health Care
Transportation
Day Might Childcare
Business Services
Catering Businesses
E-Commerce
FIRST WAVE
JOBS
Bus/Van Drivers
Docents
Local Artisans
M emorabilia Retail
Basic Food Preparation
Dance/Choir/Band Dir.
-Dancers
Musicians
Facade Improvements
Signage
Painting
Landscaping
Fast Food
Bakery
Childcare
M arketplace Developer
Cultural Coordinators
Travel Agency
Kodak Store
Restaurants
Cultural Promoters
Light Construction
Home Repair
Janitorial
Retail
Art
Clothing
Souvenirs
Culture Schools
Dance/Music/Craft
Print/Copy Store
Mini-Conventions
Larger Festivals/Concerts
Com puter Refurb/Retail
Linkages & Spin-offs
In an area marked by blight and characterized by relative stagnation, the
only new businesses have tended to be markets/liquor stores, churches, or
government program offices. Aside from the intersection of 103rd and Compton.
Watts has seen little commercial development since the early 1970's. As the
"window" business survey suggests. Watts lacks many o f the basic amenities found
in most communities. The proposed development strategy seeks to expand Watts's
business base in three distinct ways. First, by using and encouraging locally
produced goods, cultural tourism will employ the community's raw labor skills.
Secondly, tourism and the incubation centers will offer goods to tourists and to the
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local markets. And thirdly, the re-imaging o f Watts, the development of
entrepreneurial businesses, and the training and education o f local residents will
attract new investment, both private and public. In the end. by strengthening the
educational, social and the economic fabric o f Watts, this development strategy will
forge a new community identity and expand the community's human, financial, and
institutional capacity for self-development. The changing community climate will
offer new hope to younger generations and renew community pride in older
generations.
Community Improvements
Every scheme and activity o f the proposed strategy aims at reshaping the
visual image and the physical appearance of the community. By focusing on
culture, the community can reclaim its past, understand its present, and re-create its
future. Through praxis, residents and those outside the community who act as
gatekeepers of power can engage in the process of conscientization. Additionally,
as community stakeholders collectively participate in and benefit from the
development of tourism in Watts, higher levels of trust and cooperation will result.
This trust will lead to other forms o f social development and collaboration.
Collaboration and collectivity, in turn, increase the likelihood o f long-term
sustainability. The cultural tourism and food service development strategy, at its
core, attempts to improve the psychological, social, educational, political, physical,
and environmental conditions o f the community.
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CHAPTER NINE:
VIABILITY ASSESSMENT
Community/Political Viability
While WLCAC and the other community stakeholders and institutions
possess the materials, human resources, and even the market to successfully
promote and establish viable tourism and food service industries, unless certain key
people are hired and certain partnerships are formed, the tourism and food service
industries in Watts will never grow beyond infancy. WLCAC. with its six years of
museum experience and tourism promotion and its substantial infrastructural and
organizational base (technical services department, accounting, project
management, community organizing, transportation, etc.) can effectively engineer
the development o f tourism and the food service industry. Relying on its thirty-five
years of collaborative experience. WLCAC can orchestrate the necessary
partnerships (both private and public) to ensure that essential funds are leveraged
from other agencies, institutions, businesses, and foundations. If WLCAC's
current plans to draw in some commercial giants are successful, these new business
partnerships will make it possible to attract other big names to the area. Once these
nationally and regionally recognized businesses begin promoting cultural tourism
and the food service industry in Watts, the community will be able to grow its
market share and develop its competitive advantage in both industries, with or
without government sponsorship and participation. However, though political
support is important, unless the community members themselves (especially youth
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between the ages of 17-24) "buy in," participate, and become engaged in the
planning, entrepreneurial development, and employment side of the proposed
strategy, political and commercial support will not matter significantly. Thus,
developing a clear community theme and making certain that the voice of the
community is heard during the planning and implementation stages is paramount to
ensuring that the community, and not external private companies or local
government agencies, benefit economically from the tourism and food service
developments. By holding several community "townhall" meetings and by
involving community leaders on the Watts Tourism Advisory Council, community
support can be garnered, but more than that, project success can be achieved.
Location I Market Viability
As the third largest employer in the United States and in California, the
travel and tourism industry plays a significant role in determining the overall
economic vitality of both the US and California. In fact, in California, the tourism
industry created more than twice as many jobs as the overall state economy from
1986-1996. In 1998 alone, the travel industry boasted a 3.6% growth rate, "while
employment in industries like aerospace and agriculture continued to decline"
(California Trade and Commerce website). Furthermore, for Los Angeles County
alone, tourism spending creates 5% o f the countywide employment and 3% of the
gross regional sales according to the Los Angeles Convention & Visitors Bureau
(LACVB). Recent statistics compiled by the LACVB research firms. CIC
Research and PFK Consulting, credit the visitor industry with more than $27
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billion, including $6.1 billion in household income (wages and salaries). The
LACVB estimates that a 1% increase in overnight visitors to LA County would
result in a $270 million expansion o f the regional economy. Despite a .5%
decrease in visitors in 1998. the LACVB (as shown in the following table)
estimates that 23.7 million overnight visitors will arrive in Los Angeles County in
1999, an increase of .5% since 1997.
Table 8: Overnight Visitor Volumes in Los Angeles
Year
Arrivals
{millions)
Direct Soendine
(billions)
1999ff 23.7 $12.4
1998 23.5 11.9
1997 23.6 11.3
1996 23.2 10.5
1995 22.1 9.7
1994 22.2 9.5
1993 21.3 8.3
1992 20.9 7.6
1991 23.3 8.1
1990 24.9 8.3
f = forecast
S ource: L A C V B 1996
Given these statistics and the projected increase in domestic and foreign
travel to Los Angeles, the Watts community, a community rich in culture and
history, stands at an economic crossroads. The community, comprised of its
community leaders, political representatives, business owners, and its local citizens,
are now faced with two choices: 1) to ignore its past and remain characterized by a
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culture of dependency upon government aid. or 2) choose to proactively determine
its own economic future through the effective development o f cultural/heritage
tourism.
The greatest advantage to developing tourism in Watts, a community at the
epicenter o f Los Angeles, are the 14.5 million people who live within the 5-county
Los Angeles region (Los Angeles. Orange. San Diego. San Bernardino, and
Ventura counties). Furthermore, during the year 2000. several significant
conventions will be held in Los Angeles, attracting over 130.000 visitors not
including the thousands of press related personnel sent to cover the events. The
following upcoming conventions present excellent opportunities to attract cultural
tourists from all over the United States with little marketing efforts:
■ Democratic National Convention (8/21/00 - 8/24/00).
■ Americans for the Arts (6/17/00 - 6/19/00).
■ National Tour Association ( 11/09/02 - 11/14/02).
■ National Baptist Convention (8/31/00 - 9/9/00).
• Organization of American Historians (4/24/01 - 4/30/01).
■ National Trust for Historic Preservation (10/29/00 - 11/6/00).
■ National Society of Black Engineers (3/14/03 - 3/15/03).
■ National Alliance of Black School Educators (11/15/01 — 11/19/01).
■ National Association of Black Social Workers (4/25/00 - 4/29/00).
In addition to the tourism market, the proposed development strategy relies on the
demand for food processing/packaging and retail of food product either through a
farmer's market or restaurant. In 1998. WLCAC commissioned the Professional
Development Institute, School o f Hotel & Restaurant Management of California
Polytechnic University. Pomona to conduct a restaurant and food service industry
feasibility study. While 1990 Census County Zip Business Patterns are not specific
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enough to provide useful shift-share analysis, the study by California Polytechnic
University sheds valuable insight into the market competitiveness of the further
development o f the food service industry in Watts. The overall food service
industry is predicted to grow at the rate o f 1.6% per year (Professional
Development Institute 1998). Partly because o f a poorly qualified labor pool, fast
food (QSR) growth will probably out perform the industry's overall real growth. In
fact, as 30% of adults eat out more than their food budgets allow. 47% report that
they eat out more than they did two years ago (Professional Development Institute
1998). The California Polytechnic phone survey reveals that during the prior week
20.7% purchased breakfasts. 67.3% purchased lunches, and 66.8% purchased
dinners (32). Furthermore, a survey o f WLCAC's 350 employees reveals that
85.6% and 70.5% stated that they were very likely or likely to try a restaurant at
WLCAC for lunch and dinner respectively. Despite the findings from the 1997
Restaurant Growth Index that asserts that the market area for Los Angeles and
Long Beach are close to saturation, the California Polytechnic University study
concludes that the "home replacement meal" market "is a positive match for the
market area residents and for the employees o f The Center (WLCAC) and
surrounding employers" (40).
Economic Viability
The proposed strategy and project recommendations are not only
economically feasible, but promise several economic returns for WLCAC. the City
o f Los Angeles, participating corporations, and community residents. While the
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comparison with LACMA's Van Gogh Exhibit may not be exactly analogous, the
example sheds valuable light on the possibilities of a wee-marketed tourism
strategy. According to the LACMA report. 94% of museum visitors from the Los
Angeles County and 80% of international visitors came specifically for the Van
Gogh exhibit (Morey & Associates 1999. 9). As a result of the exhibit, which ran
from January 17. 1999 - May 16. 1999. 2.872 jobs were created, nearly $800,000
was raised in transient occupancy tax. just over S2.i million in sales tax. and
approximately S39.0 million in personal income (33. 37). Given that cultural
tourists, when compared to average travelers, spend more days touring, participate
in more activities (43% in at least 3 activities per trip), spend more money per day.
and participate in more group tours, and given that within the Watts community the
resources and attractions exist to attract and engage thousands o f visitors in a
cultural experience, the proposed tourism and food service strategy will result in
significant economic benefits. Sales tax will increase significantly as tourists spend
money in Watts and. as tourism and incubation centers spur the development of
lacking services (entertainment, grocery stores, restaurants, etc.). the Watts business
community will capture more local dollars. Furthermore, because tourism and the
food service industry create a plethora of entry level jobs, as well as managerial
positions, the proposed strategy will produce economic capital for the large number
o f unemployed, yet. minimally trained workers in Watts.
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CH APTER TEN:
IMPLEMENTATION PLAN
Barriers
Compounded by the high rates o f poverty, abandonment, and systemic
neglect. Watts faces five other obstacles to economic revitalization. These five
issues, determined through interviews with Teryl Watkins (WLCAC). Timothy
Watkins (WLCAC). Bill Price (CRA). Richard McNish (ERC). Nina Montgomev
(County Supervisor's Office), and John Cozza (Councilman Rudy Svorinich's
Office), hold the Greater Watts Community in bondage to low levels of
development. First, the deliberate down zoning of the community has erased much
needed commercial and light industrial land. Where industries once stood,
apartment buildings are being resurrected. Watts has become in many ways a
strictly residential community. Even where land is zoned as industrial or
commercial, zoning regulations make it near impossible for site expansion.
Second, the lack of large land assemblages further impedes significant economic
development initiatives. Third, even where substantial land is available, the public
perception of Watts deters even promising businesses from locating in this easily
accessible location. Fourthly, the lack of trust between grassroots, larger non
profits. and governmental agencies (what Ferguson and Stoutland (1999) term
Level Zero. Level One. and Level Two Organizations) further limits and. in some
cases, destroys economic development efforts. The lack o f trust between the
stakeholders of the community (community leaders, political representatives, and
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community residents themselves) continues to reinforce a culture of competition.
Competition among agencies, organizations, and institutions fragments the
community and forces a relatively rich community into poverty and isolation. And
finally, the failure of the formal education system to prepare the majority o f the
community's youth to lead productive, self-sufficient lives. Unless new programs
like those offered under the auspices o f WLCAC’s Institutes, the Workforce
Investment Act's Youth Opportunity Systems, or other community-based formal
and nonformal education initiatives enable in-school and out-of-school youth to
gain the basic and career-specific skills they need, the community will not be able
to sustain development efforts. Without adherence to a focused and collaborative
economic strategy for moving the community out of a culture of dependency and
into a culture of self-determination, the Watts community will always be enslaved
to poverty, apathy, hopelessness, and economic and educational discrimination.
Implementation Plan
In order to implement the recommended projects. WLCAC will need to
play the role o f the designer, construction manager, entrepreneur, community
organizer, and political activist. While the organization has the expertise and staff
to act effectively in each role. WLCAC must make a determined effort to establish
collaborative partnerships and create local civic organizations like the Watts
Tourism Advisory Council. The Watts Tourism Advisory Council should position
itself to play the role of the facilitator. Although acting alone. WLCAC lacks the
financial resources and human energy to develop cultural tourism to the point of
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self-sufficiency, the effort to develop the tourism industry in Watts and connect
Watts to the larger Central Avenue Corridor and to the rest o f Los Angeles can be
achieved organizationally and community-wide if a clear, comprehensive,
collective plan for economic development is established. The following
implementation chart delineates the essential steps to be taken at both the
organizational level bv WLCAC and at the communitv level bv the Watts Tourism
w * •> 0
Advisory Council.
Figure K: Steps Toward Economic Development in Watts
I U I) By Ju n e I. 2 0 0 0
M K a. D esig n a W L C A C F acility
g W im p ro v e m e n t P lan (ten t.
■ ■ p o tte d trees, a e ro so l w a ll, a rt
sid e w a lk e t c .)
b. E sta b lish c o n ta c ts w ith
D e m o c ra tic N atio n al
C o n v e n tio n a n d N a tio n a l
A sso c, o f B la c k S o cial
W o rk e rs R e p re se n ta tiv e s
e. C o n stru c t W L C A C C a m p u s
S ign
d. C re a te 5 -v e a r stra te g ic p la n
fo r W L C A C
2) By Ju ly I. 2 0 0 0
a. F in ish C o m p u te r L ab
b. D e te rm in e ste p s n e c e s sa ry to
c o m p le te th e In te rn a tio n a l
M a rk e tp la c e & C h ilih o u s c
3) By A u g u st 3 1. 2 0 0 0
a. B e g in F acilitv Im p ro v e m e n t
Plan
b. R e -P a in t The Center's
b u ild in g s
c. C re a te a W L C A C se lf-
g u id e d to u r c a s se tte ta p e o r
C D
d . F o rm a lly e s ta b lis h th e
W L C A C Institutes
I) By Ju n e I. 2 0 0 0 £
a. In v ite all p o te n tia l W atts T o u rism
C o m m itte e m e m b e rs to a lunch
b. A p p ro a c h C R A w ith fayadc
im p ro v e m e n t
plan
o
m
m
u
n
2) By Ju ly 1 .2 0 0 0
a. H o st T o u ris m C o o rd in a tio n
m e e tin g to d is c u s s p la n s fo r
D e m o c ra tic N a tio n a l C o n v e n tio n —
( W L C A C . D u n b a r. C o k e . Ja p a n e se m
A m e ric a n M u s e u m . L A C V B . a n d
W atts T o u ris m A d v iso ry C o u n c il)
b. O rg a n iz e se v e ra l c o m m u n ity
" t o w n h a i r a n d /o r fo cu s g ro u p s
to d isc u s s th e o p p o rtu n itie s an d
p o te n tia l b a rrie rs o f to u rism
d e v e lo p m e n t
c. C re a te a c o m m u n ity re so u rc e
d a ta b a s e
d . E sta b lish a c u rric u lu m fo r
c o m m u n ity -b a s e d e d u c a tio n an d
a d v o c a te fo r th e c re a tio n o f a local
L A U S D T o u ris m A c a d e m y
p ro g ra m
t
y
w
/
d
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Financial Strategy
As has already been stated, within the boundaries o f the Watts community,
the human and political resources exist to mobilize the necessary financial capital.
What is lacking is a focused commitment by political leaders to designate Watts as
an important historical and cultural area. And while there are numerous political
reasons not to acknowledge the important role Watts played in making Los Angeles
what she is today, no reason can outweigh the potential benefits cultural tourism
would bring to the neglected residents of Watts and to the larger City of Los
Angeles region. Besides the various tax incentives that come with being an
Empowerment Zone and an Enterprise Community. Watts, if designated as a
National Historic Landmark District, would be eligible for several other tax-
incentive and cultural preservation programs.
a. Federal Rehabilitation Tax Credit:
A program administered by the National Park Service (NPS). this tax
credit program provides a twenty percent (20%) tax credit for all
qualifying hard and soft cost expenditures related to the rehabilitation of
income-producing properties that are either listed in the National
Register o f Historic Places or a contributing structure in a locally
designated district. Ten percent tax credits are available for properties
built prior to 1936 which are not listed in or eligible for the National
Register o f Historic Places.
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b. Marks Bond
The Marks Historical Rehabilitation Act o f 1976 gives local
governments the authority to issue bonds to finance the acquisition,
relocation, reconstruction, restoration, renovation, or repair of historic
properties. As stated in the City of Los Angeles. Cultural Affairs
Department 1999 Draft o f the Cultural Heritage Masterplan, properties
eligible for a Marks Bond “include . . . any property deemed of
importance to the history, architecture, or culture of an area" (27). The
entire Watts community falls under this category.
c. Miles Act of 1972
This Act provides for a reduction in the property taxes for owners of
qualified residential and commercial buildings, given a ten-year
agreement to rehabilitate and/or maintain the historic or architectural
character of the building.
d. California Heritage Fund of 1993
This Act authorizes the State of California Office of Historic
Preservation to give grant awards to public agencies and nonprofit
organizations for historical resource preservation and resource
management projects.
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e. California Main Street Program
This program, birthed from the National Trust Main Street Program, has
established programs to enable neglected urban areas to expand their
economic capacity through a coordinated approach of economic
development, technical assistance, and marketing.
In addition to these incentive programs. WLCAC and the City of Los
Angeles, through the redirection and coordination of current funds and through the
securing of additional capital from corporations, foundations, and other government
and nonprofit agencies, can assemble the monies necessary to implement the
proposed cultural tourism and food service economic development strategy. Other
financial resources include:
1) 1% construction tax
This tax is collected from all new construction projects and designated
for arts and cultural uses (WLCAC. along with the Watts Tourism
Advisory Council could position themselves to receive all generated
revenues in South Central Los Angeles).
2) Corporate Sponsorship
a. Coca C ola
b. Auto Zone.
c. Shell. Food 4 Less.
d. Compaq.
1 6 1
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e. Kodak,
f. Konica
g. Getty and Autry Museums,
h. Philip Morris.
i. Pacific Pipeline,
j. LACVB.
k. Los Angeles International Airport
I. Krispy Kreme
m. Starbucks
3) Private Grants
a. Office of Community Support Job-Opportunities for Low Income
Individuals - $500,000.
b. City of Los Angeles. Community Redevelopment Agency Facade
Improvement Program - $25,000 per facade.
c. Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA) Pearls of Los Angeles
initiative.
d. The Getty Institute's Preserve LA competitive grant.
e. Department of Housing and Urban Development.
f. Department of Education.
g. Ford Foundation.
h. California Endowment (Healthy Communities Program).
i. Ahmanson Foundation.
j . Bank of American Foundation,
k. California Community Foundation.
I. Greenville Foundation.
m. Joseph Drown Foundation.
n. Norman Foundation.
o. William G. Gilmore Foundation.
p. CCH: Community Heritage Planning grants program.
4) Other Local Opportunities & Incentives
a. Los Angeles Community Development Bank (LACDB)
The LACDB has received $420,000,000 in funds to lend from HUD.
and $50,000,000 from LA County and City of Los Angeles, each, in
CBDG (Block Grant) funds for lending. As described by Mr.
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Kenneth Johnson, Senior Loan Officer o f LACDB, the eligibility of
LACDB loan is predicated on the following requirements:
1. The project or business must be located within the
Empowerment zone.
2. One full time job must be created for every $35,000
loan assistance.
3. 51 % of the jobs created must be for residents within
the EZ.
4. The project or business loan must have been declined
by a regulated lending institution or bank.
b. Community Development Department (CDD) - Industrial &
Commercial Development Division (1CD)
This agency offers direct financing, tax incentives and technical
assistance to promote economic growth and job creation in
economically distressed areas of the City.
If the Community Redevelopment Agency, the Councilman's Office, the Mayor's
Office, the Community Development Bank, the City of Los Angeles' multiple
departments. One-Stop Workforce Development Centers, and community-based
organizations, like WLCAC. collectively decide to concentrate their resources and
programs toward developing cultural tourism, money will never be an issue. For
now. however. WLCAC and the Watts Tourism Advisory Council must continue to
weave together a diverse tapestry of federal, private, and local support.
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CHAPTER ELEVEN:
RECOMMENDATIONS
After analyzing the community characteristics. WLCAC's development
capacity, and the viability of cultural tourism and food service development in
Watts, a development strategy that emphasizes locality development but. at the
same time, incorporates business and human resource development schemes best
enables the community to move out of the culture of dependency and toward a
culture of self-determination. By reshaping the image and identity of Watts in the
eyes of local residents and politicians and in the eyes o f domestic and foreign
travelers, the community of Watts can become a desired destination for African
Americans. Latinos, and Caucasians. As Los Angeles and the world begins to
focus on the rich heritage o f Watts, the textures and tones of the community will
come alive, shaping new social attitudes and composing new economic melodies.
But for the quality of life to improve in Watts and for cultural tourism and food
service incubation to be sustained, the following key lessons must be understood
and acted upon:
1) A balanced place-based/people-based approach to development that relies
on image, business, and human resource development must replace the
current people-based, fragmented, service-focused development
methodology employed by most government and community-based
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organizations. Additionally, this balanced approach to community
development must build on the competitive advantages and assets of the
community.
2) Tourism, because of its dynamic nature, requires decisive decision
making and expediency. As the LACVB has identified 28 distinct
neighborhoods in the greater Los Angeles Area that are prime cultural
tourism destinations and as the City of Los Angeles Community
Redevelopment Agency (CRA) prepares to implement the Pearls o f Los
Angeles cultural tourism planning project in Little Tokyo. Alvera Street.
Chinatown. San Pedro and Watts, the community of Watts must move
quickly to capture a large share o f the cultural market and take advantage
of region wide marketing strategies.
3) Linked with recommendation 2 and 3. WLCAC. as the initiator and leader
in cultural tourism in Watts, must proactively coordinate with other
cultural sites along the Central Avenue Corridor (WLCAC Center.
WLCAC museum and theatre. International Marketplace. Watts Towers.
King Drew University o f Medicine and Science, the old Watts Train
Station. Dunbar Hotel. Coca-Cola Regional Office, and the Japanese
American Museum). This effort should be coordinated by the Watts
Tourism Advisory Council.
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4) Furthermore. WLCAC must aggressively develop The Center as the
"Hub" or connection point for all cultural tourism activities and points of
interest in Watts.
5) The Watts Tourism Advisory Council, in partnership with the 26
educational institutes in the Watts community and the numerous
government and community-based organizations, must design and
implement a comprehensive community education and recruitment
campaign. This campaign must increase secondary education degree
attainment levels, lead to higher education and formal certification
opportunities, and seek to create new social norms o f on-the-job behavior.
6) The facade improvement program, by amending the ownership
requirements, must be better adapted to the needs of the community.
Secondly, the tirade improvement initiative should make a lot of noise
both figuratively and literally, meaning the community should hear about
it and hear it happening.
7) Beyond the educational campaign, the human resource scheme, as part of
the overall development strategy, must coordinate and expand existing
employment training programs, balancing the emphasis placed on hard
and soft skills preparation. From the school site to the work site to the
community site, the same message and set o f skills should be emphasized.
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What youth earn in school should directly prepare them for work within
the community, while at the same time nurturing their interest in post
secondary education.
8) Innovative, motivated, determined visionaries must be recruited to
manage WLCAC's food service developments. International Marketplace,
light industrial sites, and tourism incubation center.
9) A cross-cultural mediator who speaks the language of the dominant
majority and the language o f the community must transform the intensely
competitive environment into a community characterized by trust.
10) As trust leads to the rebuilding of bonding and bridging capital
(sociocultural milieu and institutional infrastructure) community-based
organizations like WLCAC must intently seek the conscientization of all
community stakeholders and must purposely engage them in the process
and continued improvement o f local development.
11) In order to build the capacity of the community to continue development
efforts, practitioners and planners must assume the role of both teacher
and learner, thereby, recognizing the knowledge and wisdom community
residents bring to the development debate. For every class, event, or
project that practitioners and university faculty participate in or lead, the
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capacity o f the community to improve or sustain itself must increase.
Community self-sufficiency must be the primary objective o f all
development activity within the community.
As was stated earlier, through a focused and collaborative economic strategy for
moving the community into a state o f self-sufficiency, economic independence and
into a culture of self-determination, the Watts community can become an example
to Los Angeles and a model for the nation in how communities, institutions,
corporations, and governments come together to alleviate community
fragmentation, desperation, and cultures of poverty. In the process o f re
developing the economic foundation of the community. Watts, like other neglected
inner cities, must simultaneously rebuild its social capital. Through comprehensive
community building initiatives that combine local economic development with
community organizing, improved formal and nonformal education, and coordinated
social service support systems, inner city communities can break the cycle o f
systemic neglect. As residents, political representatives, and business executives
engage in praxis, power can be redistributed, local residents empowered to
participate in the development o f strategic plans, and geographic enclaves will
become living communities of shared experiences, shared values, and shared
dreams. Working side by side and hand in hand, as they sit at the development
table together - both listening - both speaking, inner city stakeholders can forge
new community identities on the anvil o f culture and rebuild economic foundations
on the ancient ruins of the **Land where my fathers died. land of the pilgrim's
pride" (King Jr. 1963). ,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
Streets with Dwellings
I too have a dream.
A dream of streets with dwellings.
A place where foot steps are heard
Above the whispers o f willows.
A place where children come home
With grass stains and skinned knees.
I too have a dream.
A dream of broken walls repaired.
A place where the colors of us
Covers the color of me.
A place where a father cries
And a son returns.
I too have a dream.
A dream of caged lives freed.
A place where red-dipped silver
Is replaced by black ink pens.
A place where round, cold steel
Is confined to a closed history’.
I too have a dream.
A dream of streets with dwellings.
A place where the age-old foundations
Preserve the young and old age.
A place where ancient ruins
Become a starting point.
I too have a dream.
A dream worth dying.
A dream worth living.
John Wolfkill
1 69
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Wolfkill, John Christopher
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Core Title
Cultural tourism and educational development: Creating new realities in the inner city
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Education
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education, sociology of,OAI-PMH Harvest,Recreation,sociology, public and social welfare,Urban and Regional Planning
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