University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Differences in preference for immediate or delayed reinforcement, social responsibility, acquiescence and father absence between two sub-groups in the Mexican-American community

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Differences in preference for immediate or delayed reinforcement, social responsibility, acquiescence and father absence between two sub-groups in the Mexican-American community

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Content DIFFERENCES IN PREFERENCE
FOR IMMEDIATE OR DELAYED
REINFORCEMENT. SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY,
ACQUIESCENCE AND FATHER ABSENCE
BETWEEN TWO SUB-GROUPS
IN THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY
by
Susan Rosenzweig Brown
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(Psychology)
June 1969
UMI Number: EP64111
All rights reserved
INFORMATION TO ALL USERS
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript
and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed,
a note will indicate the deletion.
Oisssftation PüblisKing
UMI EP64111
Published by ProQuest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author.
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unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code
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P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor. Ml 48106- 1346
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90 0 0 7
This thesisj written by
Susan
under the direction of h.3X..Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
f 7 ^
-&éan
D ate June. 1969
THESIS COMMITTEE
£Ihairman
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
In the completion of this thesis, I have
incurred several outstanding debts which I wish
to acknowledge. First to my children, Jonathan
and Jennifer, whose ability to delay their grati
fication enabled me to look at others and then
to my other family for their encouragement and
goading. Also I wish to thank Dr, A, Marston
and Dr. D, Martin for their interest.
Most of all I wish to thank Dr, Robert
Priest for his guidance, insight and determina
tion, without which I would not have finished
this project. Dr. Priest has proved to be a
loyal teacher.
ii
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................... ii
LIST OF TABLES..................................... iv
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION............................... 1
II. THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY............. 4
Immigration........ ..................... 6
Education ............................... 8
Family............................... 8
Roles................................... 10
Changing Patterns ....................... 11
III. ACCULTURATION, CULTURE CHANGE AND DELAY OF
GRATIFICATION........................... 14-
Acculturation ........................... 14-
Delay of Gratification.................... 18
IV. DELAY OF GRATIFICATION................. 21
V. STUDY DESIGN............................... 25
Method................................... 26
Subjects............................... 26
Measures............................... 27
Procedure............................. 28
Selection of Reinforcement.............. 30
VI. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION..................... 31
Results................................. 31
Discussion............... 35
VII. SUMMARY....................... 4-1
REFERENCES............... 4-2
iii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Per Cent of Delayed Gratification...............31
2. Chi Square Tests of Delay of Gratification
Between MA and NES, and with Reference to
Sex and Placement in Job Training Program . . 32
3. Chi Square Partitions of Differences in
Acquiescence Between MA and NES, and
Within Each Group............................33
4. Chi Square of Differences in Father Absence
Between MA and NES............................33
5. Mean SRS Scores (by Group)...................... 34
iv
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Various field workers in the Mexican-American com
munity in East Los Angeles, i.e., social workers, public
health workers, teachers, have reported on group character
differences between native-born Mexican-Americans (MA) in
the low income group and the recent non-English speaking
(NES) immigrants from Mexico who are also in the poverty
group.
Native-born Mexican-Americans are characterized as
poorly motivated, lacking direction, unlikely to plan for
the future, and essentially resemble the sociological
stereotype of the poor.
In contrast, the recent immigrants are described
as better motivated, goal directed, eager to succeed, and
more loyal to the traditional family patterns of life.
Mischel ( 1 958) tested an observation made by
anthropological field techniques, regarding personality
differences between the East Indian and Negro populations
of Trinidad, B.W.I. The primary results were significant
differences between preference for immediate smaller re
inforcement by the East Indian versus larger, delayed re
inforcement preferred by the Negroes. This correlated
1
2
with the difference between father absence and presence
variable with East Indians having greater father absence.
In a later study (1959) Mischel examined East
India's adolescents for their ability to delay gratifica
tion and their scores on the Harris Social Responsibility
Scale. Again he found significant differences between
Negro adolescents and East Indian adolescents. The former
significantly differed from the latter group in their
tendency to choose larger delayed rather than smaller im
mediate gratification. Also these choices correlated with
higher mean scores on the Harris Social Responsibi.lity
Scale (SRS) so that high scores on the SRS significantly
chose delayed reward in contrast to the immediate reward
choices of low SRS scorers.
In yet another cross cultural study Mischel (196la)
compared a preference for delayed gratification, social
responsibility, acquiescence and McClelland»s Need Achieve
ment. He found that these variables correlated with each
other and distinguished between two ethnic groups of
boys, one group being juvenile delinquents and the other
group of a normal school.
This study proposed to measure gross personality or
group character differences between two subcultiares in the
Mexican-American low socio-economic group, as observed by
various field workers. These reported differences were
assessed by responses to a behavioral measure of preference
3
for larger delayed versus smaller immediate gratification,
a measure of acquiescence, and an index of social re
sponsibility.
In addition, this study attempted to establish the
generality of the relations between preference for delayed
gratification, social responsibility, acquiescence, and
father presence. Mischel found all four measures were
positively correlated in an East Indies population. It
was desired to confirm that these variables were positive
ly correlated in a Mexican-American population.
CHAPTER II
THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMUNITY
’ ’Mexican-American” includes peoples as varied as
the American population itself. All peoples of Hispanic
descent, regardless of whether they originated in Spain,
Mexico, or South America, are so classified. Some have
been residents of the United States since before the nation
was formed; others have immigrated within the last few
years or perhaps slipped across the border illegally within
the last century. Many ethnic variations are included
within the Mexican-American community— from the pure-
blooded Castilians to the pure-blooded descendants of the
indigenous Indian population. The largest percentage,
however, is represented by a combination of these two ele
ments --the Mestizo (a person of mixed blood). There is
not only diversity ethnically but also socially, economi
cally and culturally. Some of the descendants of Spanish
’ ’first families” of the Southwest are in every respect
’ •first families” of the nation. At the other extreme are
the impoverished, illiterate migrant workers— illegal or
legal— who form the backbone of agricultural production in
the Southwest. Between these extremes exist the numerous
first, second, and third generation Mexican-Americans who
4
5
reside within the metropolitan areas but who remain
culturally apart from Anglo-Americans.
Throughout the past and down to the present, there I
has been antagonism, animosity, and covert hostility be- j
tween the Mexican-Americans and the Anglo-Americans. Much!
of this hostility has arisen because of the different
value orientations of these two groups. Julian Samora I
( 1 9 6 3) finds the socio-cultural traditions of the Mexican-j
American to be a "disdain for change; clinging to tradi
tion; fatalism and defeatism; emphasis on being, not
doing ; geographic isolation; strong family and kinship
ties with the community; lack of formal education; patron |
I
system of personal relations in government and the
economy; passive role in the society; strong religiosity;
rural backgrounds.” In contrast, the Anglo-American
idealized "hard work; individual effort; humanitarianism;
freedom; efficiency and practicality; formal education;
science and secular rationality; and social mobility."
According to Ortiz ( 1 9 6 2), )
American culture is based on the future. We insure
for the future, educate ourselves for the future,
take a job "with a future," save for the future, and
so on. . . . The cultural background of persons of
Mexican descent is not always based on the future,
but on the present . . . American culture is based
on organizations. We organize into groups, we j
organize our time, we organize our lives. We sur
render our individuality to the interest of the
group. We tend to give up our immediate desires
in favor of a previous plan. ... We want to be
governed by law, not by persons. We try to be
objective. In contrast, the culture of Mexico
generally is based on individuals . . . They
sacrifice the group to the person . . . Human and
personal relationships are very important. Rules
should be changed to fit each individual case.
Impersonality and objectivity have no charms.
Personal favors are expected. Planning, budget
ing, team-work on the basis of a plan does not
always play an important role. -----
Immigration
Mexican-Americans are concentrated in the five
southwestern states and include close to four (4) million
persons. The great majority are native-born (85^), and ^
more than half have both parents born in the United States.
In i9 6 0, the number of persons who were born in Mexico
or were of Mexican or mixed parentage totaled more than
1 .7 million, and they accounted for 45^ of the Mexican-
American population of 3 .8 million. The remainder are
the descendants of still earlier immigrants and of the
original settlers of Hispano-Mexican origin, who became
citizens when the Southwestern territories were incorpo
rated (Greber, I9 6 6).
Belliaeff (I9 6 6) discusses five main factors which
have characterized the immigration of Mexican citizens
into the United States :
First. Mexican immigration occurred comparatively
late in the United States history. While Europeans had
made their presence known for many years, the first sig
nificant wave of recorded immigration from Mexico did not.
7
begin before I9 1 0. This was about the time when total
world immigration in the U.S. had reached its peak and
started to decline. Again, during the twenties and later
after World War II, the number of immigrants from Mexico
has been greater than at any other time. 1
Second, there has been great variety among the -
types of Mexican immigrants. Legal immigrants who may be
seasoned agricultural workers ; others who commute to their
jobs in the United States but continue to reside in Mexico;
daily or short-term visitors, vacationers or businessmen
from Mexico; immigrants desirous of permanent residency;
and illegal immigrants who cross the border in search of
greater economic opportunity.
Third, the immigration from Mexico has been con
centrated into three periods of time since I9IO, and not
spread out.
Fourth, our land boundary, which is devoid of un
usual geographic and man-made obstacles, makes security
from illegal entry impossible.
Fifth, the closeness of the two countries and ease
of immigration has produced a situation whereby the
Mexican immigrant is far less committed to his new home
than was his European counterpart. If he is not satisfied
with the United States, he can easily return to his native
land. Voluntary return to Mexico has been continuous, and
forced return of Mexicans by United States authorities was
8
enforced during the depression and the mid-5 0*s.
Education
The Mexican-American ranks among the lowest in edu
cational accomplishment (lower than comparable Negro
group). According to the i960 census, the median number
of school years completed by the Spanish speaking people
in California was 8.6; this compares with 4.7 in Texas,
7 .0 in Arizona, and 7 .7 in New Mexico (Hunter and Saunders,
1965).
According to Hunter and Saunders (19^5)# much of
the Mexican-American population is functionally illiterate.
In the Los Angeles-Long Beach area, 19.4 per cent had four
years or less of schooling. This illiteracy was confirmed
by an informal survey of East Los Angeles by Dr. David
Martin of USC (I9 63). He found that one-fourth of persons
interviewed had no formal education, had never attended
school. The most outstanding characteristic of the
Mexican-American in the 1950 census data was that they
constituted the only ethnic group for which a comparison
of first and second generation failed to show a substantial
intergenerational rise in socioeconomic status.
Family
As in the ninteenth century western society, the
family, not the individual, is the basic unit. Social
9
t
roles are determined by a defined family structure where
responsibility and initiative are very definitely a matter^
of age and status (Ortiz, I9 6 6), Important class differ
ences probably exist within the general Mexican type, but
some of the main elements survive even in the urban Anglo
barrios (ghettos).
The Mexican-American family is much larger than the
Anglo family. The I96O census reveals that nearly one in
five Mexican-Amerlean families had seven or more members,
as compared to one in seventeen among Anglo families.
These figures relate only to the immediate family and do
not take into consideration the extended family, which is
an important element in this sub-culture.
The extended family of the typical Mexican-American
includes three or four generations of grandparents, aunts,
uncles, and cousins— many of whom may be living within the
same household or neighborhood. Although kinship ties are
considered to be "extended" by American standards, these
relatives are perceived as part of the immediate family by
the Mexican-American.
Sister Mary Immaculate (1959) concluded that:
A true Mexican would feel most impoverished if the
only relatives he had about him were his parents
and children. His nieces and nephews are almost
the same to him as his own sons and daughters, and
his cousins are very little different from his
brothers and sisters. . . . There is even a sharing
of children, which certainly strikes us as strange.
Since it is felt that a family without children is
10
not a family, the unfortunate family without children
will usually take one or more of those belonging to
sisters, brothers, or even other people who have too
many . . .
In addition to the "blood relatives," another
group, the compadrazco, is also included within the ex
tended family. The compadrazco is a pseudo-kinship insti
tution which includes godparents or Padrinos who are
chosen for many different occasions such as the reception
of the Sacrament of Baptism, Confirmation, First Communion,
and Matrimony. The Padrinos are ready to lend a helping
hand should any misfortune befall the family or one of its
members. Commenting on this institution, Ralph Beals
(1957) said;
Possibly nowhere in the Latin-Catholic world has the
godparent relationship been so elaborated as in
Mexico. Not only does the child treat his godparents
like true parents but parents and godparents treat
each other like true siblings. The Compadrazco is
an elaborate system that extends kinship to a large
number of unrelated individuals.
Roles
The roles of individual members of the traditional
Mexican-American family are distinct and well-defined in
contrast with the changing, overlapping tendencies in
American families. Mexican culture is characterized by
male dominance. The concept of machismos governs male
behavior in the traditional Mexican-American environment.
Jane and Chester Christian (1959) explain the role of the
11
male in Hispanic culture as one of the explorer and con
queror— of ideas, lands, and women. He is both a Cortez
and a Qui jote— first a man, and only secondarily a store
keeper, mechanic or even lawyer or physician; the role is
not promoted at the expense of the man. While this may
put him at a disadvantage in economic competition with the
Anglo, in the world of compromise he can get satisfaction
from being ruler in his family, and master of his own
personal destiny. Whether this leads to personal grandeur
or petty dictatorship, the male in Hispanic society re
ceives personal gratifications rarely available in Anglo
society, and stable expectations develop solidarity within
the family.
In contrast to the male, the female role in the
Mexican-American culture is characterized by its sub
ordinate position. The Mexican woman is expected to be
submissive, faithful, devoted and respectful to her husband
and to take the major responsibility for rearing the
children. She is not to question or express anger or
sorrow regarding her husband’s political, economic, or
social interests. c
Changing Patterns
The proceeding discussion of family patterns relates
primarily to first generation Mexican-American families and
to those residing in isolated pockets throughout the South
12
west. The Mexican-American family which lives in a modem
Anglo metropolitan area finds it very difficult— but not
impossible--to maintain patterns and roles which are
suited to another culture and era. Changes which have
occurred in traditional roles vary greatly among Mexican-
American families and are often determined by the degree
of influence from the Anglo community. Many wives now
seek employment outside the home, children adopt behavioral
patterns from their classmates at school, American laws
guarantee the equal rights to women— and these are but
three of many influences which have tended to alter the
traditional family patterns.
Herschel T. Fîanuel (I9 6 5) concludes that the tradi
tional patriarchal family concept of the Mexican is facing
many challenges in the new culture in which it finds it
self. The authoritarian father, the mother devoted largely
to home and church duties, the extended family including
different generations and even unrelated persons, the
close supervision of the girls and relative freedom of the
boys— these developed in a social and economic setting
which no longer exists, or at least is rapidly disappear
ing.
So we see that the major purveyors of Mexican-
American culture recognize the traditional patriarchal
system of family life in Mexico, but there has been no
13
follow-up on the development and accommodations of that ^
style to several generations of adaptation to America’s
poverty culture. Likewise, no comparison of the current
and past immigrant groups is available.
CHAPTER III
ACCULTURATION, CULTURE CHANGE AND
DELAY OP GRATIFICATION
Acculturation
The concept of acculturation may be useful in ex
ploring the changes in behavior which are occurring within
the Mexican-American group, Doob (i9 6 0) defines accultu
ration as the change in motives and goals.
He suggests that while ordinary institutions are
available to help frustrated people solve their problems,
when the frustration persists, the institutions may be
deemed inadequate. Then, those who are truly discontent
are ready to depart from the usual routine. Acculturation
occurs during such a crisis and can be viewed first as a
response to, and then as a producer of, discontent.
Barnett (1923) suggests that since culture is made up of
interdependent parts, the acceptance of something new in
one sphere will always entail stress and dislocation in
the entire structure.
Thus, acculturation, or culture change, can be de
fined as any modification in the way of life of a people,
consequent either to internal stimuli or to contact
14
15
between two peoples with unlike ways of life (Spindler,
1963). Culture change involves all dimensions of adapta
tion— social, cultural, and psychological. Changes in the
norms for behavior shared within a society occur as ante
cedents, consequences and concomitants of psychological
adaptations on the part of individuals interacting in the
social context. Problems which relate to matters of im
mediate survival cannot be unresolved for very long.
Changes in the Mexican-American culture can be viewed as
responses to a frustrating situation.
The "culture of poverty," a term first used by
Oscar Lewis in the National Conference on Social Welfare
(i9 6 0), is our current umbrella for the frustrating situa
tion of the poor. Culture, as defined by Lewis, consists
of a design for living which is passed down from genera
tion to generation. Reissman ( 1 9 6 5) has described the
social and psychological deprivations of the poor— the
lethargy, anomaly, little education, poor health and wel
fare facilities, prejudice, psychological depression.
Chilman (I9 6 6) concludes that the very poor, more
than other groups, tend to employ child-rearing and family
life patterns that are maladaptive to our society in the
areas of mental health, educational achievement, social
acceptability, "moral behavior," and family stability.
Miller (I9 6 5) refers to two different approaches
in defining the poor. One approach emphasizes the
16
definition of groups in terms of "class" characteristics;
the other employs "cultural or status" criteria, such as
style of life.
Class characteristics as measured by Hollingshead
and Redlich (1958)» occupation, education, income, place
of residence, etc.— the advantage of using an economic
indicator in defining "lower class" is that such an indi
cator specifies a political-economic category to which
legislation and other remedial programs could be devoted.
Style-of-life variable refers to the attitudes and
behavior in the family relationships and consumption pat
terns . Miller has employed the notion of "stability/
instability" to dichotomize the style-of-life variable.
Stability patterns are characterized by families coping
with their problems— the children are being fed, the
family meets its obligations, so that it is not forced to
be on the move, and the family does not tend to get into
a lot of trouble.
Future research may reveal that Oscar Lewis is
correct in his contention that certain characteristics,
attitudes and behavior patterns are found in the "cultures
of the poor" in all Western societies, but class or occupa
tional criterion is not so clear-cut as it appears. Some
unskilled workers have stable, fairly well paid jobs and
are not a pressing social or economic problem. Many semi
skilled and some skilled workers suffer some degree or
17
irregularity of employment, due to seasonal factors.
Another segment of the poor (30-35 per cent) have no
family member in the labor force (Keyserling, I9 6 2). Some
governmental studies of the recipients of Aid to Families
with Dependent Children (AFDC) and others of the dependent
poor indicate that there are important differences between
the very poor who manage to maintain themselves without
public assistance and those who do not have the resources
to achieve even a minimum level of economic independence
(Bandler, I9 6 5)* For example, negative public attitudes
toward mothers who are dependent on AFDC tend to transfer
to the mothers and their children, with an associated
sense of failure, strong self-disparagement and hopeless
ness.
In the Mexican-American group, a majority of recent
immigrants and native-born Mexican-Americans would be
classified as members of the poverty culture as measured
by the Hollingshead Index (1958).
However, a stability-instability dichotomy may be
said to exist among the poor in the Mexican group. Various
field workers have observed group differences between the
indigenous Mexican-American or first, second, or third
generation descent of an Immigrant family (MA), and the
recent non-English speaking immigrants (NES). The former j
can be characterized by qualities ascribed by Reissman j
J
(1 9 6 5) to the larger culture of poverty and Miller’s ^
"N
18
Instability (I9 6 6), The latter group, which qualifies
economically as part of the poverty group, seems to have
a different life style, possibly a more stable one. While
this stability is not related to a static or stationary
style of life, since these families and individuals have
made a major change by way of immigration, it may be con
nected to the stability process. The change reflects the
ways in which they have actualized long-range goals, ^
This hypothesis predicts that the NES group would indicate
greater preference for larger delayed gratification on the
basis of their past^history of planning and achieving the
goal of immigration.
Delay of Gratification
One of the most outstanding characteristics of the
development of modern man is the development of his
ability to tolerate delay. In comparison to animals, a
child’s period of dependence on adults is so long that he
must learn to anticipate instead of instantly realizing
his goals. The history of man was completely changed with
the invention or discovery of activities that bring future
but not necessarily present gratifications— when the nomad
society stayed awhile and developed into a pastoral and
agricultural people.
Life in more industrialized countries is based on
the assumption that impulses can be curbed. People are
19
urged to delay until they are ready for the responsibility.
The future determines the present. This theme of patient
renunciation pervades the thinking of Western man. Preud
( 1 9 3 0) emphasized the belief that basic impulses are
curbed in childhood so that later they may be released
in altered and acceptable form. Weber (1930) has singled
out Puritanical asceticism as part of the "spirit of
capitalism" which the Reformation foreshadowed and en
couraged before the coming of large-scale industry--if
men had not believed it sinful to consume now, they could
not have put aside for capital investment.
Kluckhohn (1950) interprets her data as evidence
that middle class America is future oriented. Davis and
Dollard (1940) found that both Negro and Caucasian middle
class oriented to the future more frequently than children
from lower class. When asked to compose stories, middle
class children selected plots extending over a longer
period of time than those from the lower class; and Barndt
and Johnson (1955) found a similar difference when stories
of non-delinquent and delinquent boys were compared.
On the basis of much evidence, Doob (I96O) hypothe
sizes that people changing centrally from old to new ways
are likely to become more tolerant of delay in the attain
ment of goals. This suggests that within the Mexican-
American community, recent immigrants who have broken out
of the culture of poverty in Mexico to align themselves
20
with an upwardly mobile orientation have already experi
enced more change than the native-born Mexican-American
reared in the culture of poverty, and thus the NES should
have developed greater tolerance for delay in the attain
ment of goals.
On the other hand, Ortiz» ( 1 9 6 2) contrast of
American and Mexican culture, as referred to in the pre
vious section, and Osgood»s (1958) postulates regarding
cognitive process and attitude change, particularly Item
2: ”If cognitive elements are to interact, they must be
brought into some relation with one another,” suggests
that since the native-born Mexican-American (MA) has had
more exposure to middle class American values than the
immigrant (NES), the MA group would prefer larger delayed
rewards because of his exposure to this value. Despite
the isolation of life in the barrio, one might suggest
that schools continue to promote the middle class concept
of the virtue and efficacy of delayed gratification.
Thus, in contrast to the immigration hypothesis
which predicts that NES immigrants would exhibit greater
preference for delayed gratification, the acculturation
hypothesis predicts the MA group will show greater
preference based on their exposure to middle class American
values.
CHAPTER IV
DELAY OP GRATIFICATION
The ability to tolerate delay of gratification in
order to win larger rewards later seems to be an important
element in social behaviors. Mowrer and Ullman (19A5)
explained bad behavior (criminal, neurotic or immature)
as, in part, explained by the inability to delay immediate
gratification for the sake of future rewards. Levine,
Glass and Meltzoff (1957) and Levine, Spivack and Wright
( 1 9 5 9) studied the correlation between intelligence, the
ability to make plans, and the delay capacity, all of
which they found to be positively correlated.
In contrast to studies using inferential methods
to assess the ability to delay reward, Mischel (1958)
used a technique for eliciting preferences for immediate, .
smaller as opposed to delayed, larger reinforcements (re
inforcements were candy bars in varying sizes, the smaller
being available immediately, and the larger available the
following week).
This study was executed in a cross cultural setting
where Trinidadian children aged 6 to 9 were the subjects.
The main finding was a significant relationship between
21
22
father absence in the home, as revealed in an interview
schedule, and preference for Immediate reinforcement.
A later study also used Negro and Indian Trinidadian
children between the ages of ? and 9 (i9 6 0). This study
explored the hypothesis that subjects preferring immediate,
smaller rewards would show less social responsibility than
subjects preferring larger delayed rewards.
Social responsibility was determined by responses
to a carefully constructed and independently validated
Social Responsibility Scale (Harris, 1957» Harris, Clark,
Rose and Valasek, 195^). The Social Responsibility Scale
(SES) used has been found to correlate substantially with
other measures of personal and social adjustment and was
designed to "discriminate children who have, with their
peers, a reputation for responsibility” (Harris, 1957» p.
326). Harris » theory of responsibility, to which items
in the scale were related, conceptualized responsibility
as a composite of attitude elements reflecting behavior
classifiable as reliable, accountable, loyal, or doing an
effective job (Harris, 1957, P. 322),
The 1954 version of the scale, designed for con
struct as well as concurrent validity, had reliability co
efficients of +.60 to +.70 for a four month retest inter
val.
The prediction that the Social Responsibility Scale
would discriminate subjects varying in preference of ImR
23
(immediate reward) and DelR (delayed reward), those
choosing the DelR scoring were higher in social responsi
bility was confirmed.
The rationale for this prediction is based on
Rotter's (19543 social learning theory. The subject's
choice behavior is a function of his expectation that the
promise will be kept, and the reward value of the particu
lar reinforcement. Another study (Mahrec, 1957) showed
that the subject's expectancy that reward would follow
even after a time delay, indicates a trust in the experi
menter as a social agent. This trust is a direct result
of the social responsibility, which infers an expectancy
that an act which promises reward will actually be forth
coming. Thus, social responsibility should be positively
related to DelR and negatively related to delinquent be
havior, both of which were confirmed (Mischel, I96I).
In these studies (Mischel, 1958, 1959* 1961a,
1961b), delay of gratification was found to be positively
correlated to presence of father in the home, and nega
tively correlated to the absence of the father. In one
study, Mischel (1961b) examined the relationship between
DelR, need-achievement, and acquiescence among Trinidadian
Negro children. Need-achieveraent is defined as ”competi
tion with a standard of excellence” (McClelland et al.
1 9 5 3)• Implied in this striving is the ability to delay
and postpone smaller, more trivial rewards, immediately
24
available, for a later larger reward. A positive rela
tionship between preference for DelR and need-achievement
was predicted and confirmed.
The tendency to agree, acquiescence, may also be
related to the degree of acculturation to Anglo culture.
Couch and Keniston (i96 0) demonstrated the existence of
two kinds of response sets. They administered hundreds
of items from a large and diversified collection of in
ventories and assigned each subject an "over-all agreement
score” (GAS). Subjects with a high GAS are the Yeasayers,
and subjects with low GAS are Naysayers. Yeasaying and
Naysaying were shown to be relatively stable and general
ized traits by showing that subjects with a high GAS
continued to agree with items from new tests of various
kinds and subjects with low GAS continued to disagree.
Clinical studies of extreme scorers on the GAS suggested
that Yeasayers are individuals with weak ego controls who
accept impulses without reservation, whereas Naysayers are
individuals who control and suppress impulses.
CHAPTER V
STUDY DESIGN
This proposal was designed to explore the group
character or cultural differences which seem to exist be
tween two subcultures in Mexican-American low socioeconomic
groups. These hypothesized differences were assessed by
responses to a behavioral measure of ability— to delay
gratification, by a measure of acquiescence, and a measure
or index of social responsibility. Also, relevant material
previously correlated with these measures, such as presence
of father in home, sex, and achievement as measured by
membership in the primary or advanced group of the train
ing program.
Five hypotheses were tested:
1. The two groups will differ in their ability to
delay gratification.
2. The groups will be differentiated by their
scores on the Social Responsibility Scale.
3. The SRS measure will correlate with delayed
gratification.
4. The groups will be differentiated by their
scores on the acquiescence measure.
25
26
5. Father absence will correlate negatively with
ability to delay gratification social responsi
bility.
These hypothetical differences are related to dif
ferent expectations and history of reinforcement in regard
to the occurrence of change. If the Mexican-American
culture of a poverty group is prone to see change as an
act of fate or luck coming from the outside, while the NES
group is oriented toward individual initiative in change
(by virtue of planning and effecting their immigration),
then the groups should have different expectations of
delay of gratification based on different past experiences.
In other words, it is assumed that the process of immigra
tion involves planning and delay of immediate gratification
for a potentially greater one in the future.
Method
Subjects
A total of 82 subjects, enrolled in the Youth Train
ing and Employment Program, ages 16-21, were tested. Of
these, half were non-English speaking (NES) and half were
native-born Mexican-Americans (MA). These groups were
matched for age, sex/ and position in training program.
This program, which is available to high school drop-outs,
provides a small monthly allowance along with a program of
basic skills in remedial English and math, followed by
27
training related to the acquisition of specific job
skills. The program is federally funded and administered
by the EYOA in Los Angeles County,
Measures
An actual behavior choice to elicit preference for
either immediate, smaller reinforcement or delayed, larger
reinforcement was used with each group. In addition, two
direct questions were added to the Social Responsibility
Scale to obtain a preliminary test of the consistency with
which subjects prefer immediate or delayed rewards, and
also to relate the consistency of such preferences to the
dependent measures.
The two questions were:
1. I would rather get ten dollars right now than
have to wait a whole month and get thirty
dollars then.
2. I would rather wait to get much larger gifts
much later rather than get a smaller one now.
The behavioral choice of preference for immediate, smaller
as opposed to delayed, larger reinforcement was given as
the last item of the total battery. Forty items of the
Social Responsibility Scale (Harris, 1957) were administer
ed. Mischel has used different numbers of items in dif
ferent studies ( 1961a, 1961b, 1 9 5 9). The scale was
translated into Spanish and administered to both groups
28
in Spanish and English by an instructor in the Job Corps
program and the investigator. A simple measure of acqui
escence or conformity developed by Mischel (I96I) for use
in research in cross-cultural studies— simple to answer,
simple and rapid in administration, and meaningful in
other cultural contexts, was presented. The measure con
sists of the following instructions, administered orally
by the experimenter:
I have something in mind; I am closing my eyes
and concentrating and thinking of it . . . it is
something that you might agree with or that you
might disagree with . . . you might disagree with
what I'm thinking of or you might agree with it
. . . if you agree, put down a Y for Yes; if you
disagree, put down an N for No (this will be re
peated twice, reversing the position of Y and N
in the sequence of instruction). Now I'm concen
trating on it (closing eyes); go ahead.
Procedure
The experimenter was introduced as being from the
University of Sotithem California and interested in gather
ing information on their attitudes. The directions were
given as follows:
Let me explain to you what we are going to do to
day. It is really quite simple if you will listen
very carefully. As a part of our studies we are col
lecting information of all sorts from young people
all over the world. None of the things you will be
doing are tests or examinations, none of them have
right or wrong answers, none of them will be marked
or graded, and none of them will in any way affect
your position here. As a matter of fact, your
teachers here will never see your answers to any of
the questions that we will be asking you. Nothing
will be marked or graded. Instead, we want to get
29
some information about you— like how old you are and
how you feel about different things. Although there
are no right or wrong answers, it is most important
that you try to be honest and truthful throughout;
we are interested in how and what you are feeling
and thinking. Remember, this is not an examination;
there are no right or wrong answers, your teachers
will not see what you write, and you will help us
most by being completely truthful and honest through
out.
Questions were posed orally, in English and Spanish, with
the subjects following the experimenter question by ques
tion on the printed questionnaire, since previous work
indicates the superiority of this method with respect to
insuring greater attention, interest, and clarity. Sub
jects were instructed about how to record their answers
next to the appropriate numbers on their questionnaires.
Upon completion of the Social Responsibility Scale,
the acquiescence item was presented. When this was com
pleted, the experimenter thanked the group for their co
operation, and displayed two kinds of reinforcement, say
ing:
I would like to give each of you § Q p but I don't
have enough money with me today. So you can either
get 25^ (less preferred) right now, today, or, if you
want to, you can wait for 5 0 ^ (the larger) which X
will bring back next week.
These instructions were repeated and re-phrased to insure
clarity, and both reinforcements were carefully displayed.
It was stressed that getting the 2 ^ 9 ^ today precluded
getting the 50^ next week and vice versa. Subjects were
asked to Indicate their choice by writing T (today) or F
30
(Friday, next week) on their questionnaires. The subjects
were seated sufficiently far apart to insure reasonably
that their choices were made independently. All testing
was done in a group situation at the same time of day,
the only difference being that the NES group was tested
in Spanish, and the MA group received instructions in both
English and Spanish.
Selection of Reinforcement
Following the procedure developed in an earlier
study (Mischel, 1958)» pre-experimental sessions were used
to select two appropriate reinforcements for use in the
experiments. For this, 20 subjects, randomly selected
from the same program, were seen in individual sessions
and their preferences for various specific reinforcements
elicited. The selected reinforcement satisfied the re
quirement that approximately 50 per cent of the group
chose the larger delayed and approximately 50 per cent
chose the smaller immediate. The purpose of this procedure
was to select a reinforcement pair that would, as closely
as possible, dichotomize the choices of subjects in the
two groups, without actually testing it in the two groups
and thus avoiding contamination effects from pre-experi
mental discussion by the subjects in the same program.
CHârTEH VI
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Results
The results of this study did not confirm Mischel's
finding that preference for delayed gratification, greater
social responsibility, acquiescence, and father presence
were significantly correlated. The statistical analysis
did not reveal significant differences between the two
ethnic sub-groups (MA versus NES), although a trend to
higher SRS scores appeared in the NES group.
The data on the preference for delayed gratifIcation
is included in Table I.
TABLE 1
PER CENT OF DELAYED GRATIFICATION
m NES
Subject
PA FP FA FF
Male
6,
3 3 %
( 9)
5 0 %
(10)
Female
(10)
3 6 %
(16)
1 2 %
( 8)
3 3 %
( 9)
31
32
The data regarding differential preference for
smaller immediate reinforcement versus larger delayed re
inforcement were analyzed in relation to ethnic subgroup
(Mâ or NES), sex (more P), sex within ethnic subgroup, and
location in the Youth Training Employment Program (advanced
or primary).
TABLE 2
CHI SQUARE TESTS OF DELAY OF GRATIFICATION
BETWEEN MA AND NES, AND WITH REFERENCE TO
SEX AND PLACEMENT IN JOB TRAINING PROGRAM
Source
^2
df
Between MA vs. NES 0 1
Between Male vs. Female
.45 1
Within MA (Male vs. Female)
.05
1
Within NES (Male vs. Female) 2.6 1
Between Primary vs. Advanced .21 1
Within MA (P vs. A) .48 1
Within NES (P vs. A) .01 1
As presented in Table 2, a chi square partition did
not reveal any significant differences between the two
ethnic subgroups on the delay of gratification measure.
A chi square partition of differences in acquies
cence between MA and NES and within each group also did not
yield significant differences (Table 3).
In similar fashion, no differences between MA and
WES appeared in the father absence measure (Table 4).
33
TABLE 3
CHI SQUARE PARTITIONS OF DIFFERENCES IN
ACQUIESCENCE BETWEEN MA AND NES, AND
WITHIN EACH GROUP
Source df X2
Between MA vs. NES 1
.055
Within MA 1 .01
Within NES 1 .24
TABLE 4
CHI SQUARE OF DIFFERENCES
FATHER ABSENCE BETWEEN
MA AND NES
IN
df X^
Between MA and NES 1
.785
34
Likewise, the t test for difference of mean Social
Responsibility Scores between Mâ and NES did not yield
significant results at the .05 level, but it did indicate
a trend toward higher scores for the NES group and with a
two tailed test this is significant at the P < .10 level.
The SRS scores did not distinguish between delay and non
delay groups, or father absent-father present groups.
TABLE 5
MEAN SRS SCORES (BY GROUP)
1
MA NES
27.9 31.3^
2
Del
^9.6
Non Rela.
29.95
3
FA FP
29.75 29.81
^Significant, P < .10.
The study followed Mischel*s procedure for select
ing an appropriate reinforcement so that 50 per cent of
Ss chose larger delayed and 50 per cent chose smaller
immediate reinforcement in the pretest. In the actual
test situation, 39 per cent of MA and 41 per cent of NES,
or 40 per cent of Ss, chose delayed reinforcement. The
difference between delayed gratification in the pretest
and delayed gratification in the actual experiment is not
significant.
35
Discussion
Two hypotheses were suggested predicting different
outcomes regarding preference for smaller immediate versus
larger delayed rewards between two subgroups in the
Mexi can-Ame ri can commun!ty.
The acculturation hypothesis predicted that the MA
group would show greater preference for larger delayed re
wards than the NES group because they have had more ex
posure to middle class American values. Implicit in this
hypothesis is the assumption that middle class Americans
prefer larger delayed to immediate smaller rewards.
The immigration hypotheses predicted that the NES
group would have greater preference for the larger delayed
reward because, unlike the poverty culture MA group, they
have actually experienced the rewards of delayed gratifi
cation through the process of immigration. Implicit in
this hypothesis is the assumption that immigration in
volves planning and a series of acts which choose delayed
larger rewards over immediate smaller ones.
This study also included an attempt to replicate
Mischel*s (1959* 1961a, 1961b) findings of positive corre
lation between preference for delayed gratification higher
social responsibility, acquiescence, and father presence.
This study did not replicate Mischel*s findings. Perhaps
this phenomenon is not as general as Mischel suspected.
36
and further research is indicated.
Neither of the hypothesized differences between
the groups was supported. However, there was a trend in
the data on mean Social Responsibility Scores which lent
support to the fact that the NES group is more socially
responsible, thus supporting the immigration hypothesis.
This difference might be further enhanced by other factors
enumerated below.
What characteristics of the sample population, the
test variable and/or the testing procedure may be obscur
ing the group differences which field workers refer to?
To begin with the sample variable, it is possible
that the NES sample is not representative of the NES
group, but a stratified sample. Field workers typically
characterize the NES adolescent-young adult as having more
traditional attitudes, i.e., more respectful attitudes
toward authority, maintaining stronger familial ties, being
better behaved and more diligent in school with less acting
out behavior. The NES adolescent group appears to be less
involved in the American teen culture, as reflected in
dress, language, relations to adults and family.
Perhaps the NES adolescent participating in a Job
Corps training program is more acculturated to the larger
teen culture than the total NES group. They have dropped
out of school and enrolled in a training program directed
toward more immediate reinforcement, i.e., getting a job
37
for money. It would be interesting to repeat this study
in a high school where special NES classes are provided,
and also with a NES group who have dropped out of school
and directly joined the labor pool. This latter group
might relegate themselves to menial jobs as busboys,
garment workers, or maintenance workers where English is
not required, and salaries are minimal.
One might conceive of these three groups as having
different abilities to delay gratification. The NES high
school student should reflect greatest ability to delay
gratification, the working drop-out the least ability, and
the high school drop-out enrolled in a job training program
should have an intermediate amount of ability to delay
gratification.
These data raise questions about the validity of
the acculturation hypothesis. As referred to in Chapter
II on the Mexican-American community, most observers
(Ortiz, 1 9 6 2; Samora, I9 6 3» Grebler, I9 6 5) view the
Mexican-American as a unique immigrant group and different
from the typical patterns of other Immigrant groups.
Their thesis is that this group has not, to any significant
degree, acculturated to middle class American life. They
point to the existence and maintenance of the barrio and
bilingualism as evidence for this position.
The lack of differentiation between the MA and NES
group supports this idea. If the relevant reference group
38
in acculturation is the American middle class, then the
MA group should have expressed greater delayed gratifica
tion. But if the reference group for the MA group is the
poverty culture, then a higher SRS and preference for delay
should be expected. If low economic success and failure
to adopt the English language are adequate signs of failure
to acculturate, then the MA group should not be expected
to prefer delayed gratification and higher social responsi
bility.
Similarly, the data question the immigration
hypothesis, which predicts NES to be more socially re
sponsible as well as to prefer delayed gratification.
However, if immigration is conceptualized as an instance
of immediate gratification, rather than the tedious process
of improving one's lot in Mexico, then the predictions
would not follow. Also, the traditional authoritarian
society of Mexico might account for a higher value and
attitudinal measure, such as SRS, but not a behavioral
measure as in the delayed rewards test.
Similarly, the NES may have different attitudes
about authority figures so that field workers such as
teachers and social workers see the two subgroups as
different.
If Mexican society is characterized as more tradi
tional authoritarian and American as democratic-egalitarian
that the NES group would initially be more respectful.
39
submissive, and agreeable to the authority figures. In
contrast to the esteem and respect of educators and social
service workers in a traditional society, our society does
not hold these positions in especially high esteem. On
the contrary, if salaries are used as a measure of value,
America sees these professions as low in value. They are
very vulnerable to political and public pressure. All
these factors serve to make them more sensitive and open
to criticism and even hostility. The differential ob
servations of these field workers may be due to the fact
that the NES group has not yet become aware that teachers
and social workers do not command the respect they have in
Mexican society.
Consequently, if inability to delay gratification
as reflected in current minority and student group pres
sures for immediate change is a consequence of disengage
ment from the tradition of poverty cycle, then the most
acculturated would be those most able to defy tradition,
reject authority and demand immediate gratification. Such
preference should discriminate between those most and
least acculturated.
Another finding which may have contributed to the
failure to replicate Mischel»s findings that preference
for delayed gratification correlates with social responsi
bility, acquiescence and father presence, was the avaria-
bility of the delayed gratification measure. Whereas in
40
the pretest approximately 50 per cent chose the delayed
fifty cents versus the immediate twenty-five cents, in the
actual test situation only 40 per cent preferred delayed
reward. Though this difference is not significant, it is
a trend. Perhaps this difference results from the fact
that in the pretest the Ss were tested individually, where
as in the experiment they were tested in a group, and
individual attention from E to S elicited greater prefer
ence for delayed gratification, based on more trust in E?
CHAPTER VII
SUMMARY
A study was conducted to distinguish "between
native-born Mexican-American and non-English speaking
youth. Hypothesized differences were assessed by responses
to a behavioral measure of ability to delay gratification,
a measure of acquiescence, an index of social responsi
bility measured by Harris* Social Responsibility Scale,
father absence or presence, and primary or advanced train
ing in the training program.
A total of 82 subjects included 41 native-born
Mexican-Americans (MA) and 4l non-English speaking youth
(NES) enrolled in an East Los Angeles Youth Training and
Employment Project were tested.
The study failed to replicate Mischel»s (1959*
1961a, 1961b) findings of positive correlation between
preference for delayed gratification, higher social
responsibility, acquiescence and father presence.
Hypothesized differences between groups* preference
for delayed reward, acquiescence, and father absence was
not supported. A trend (P < .10) for the non-English
speaking group toward higher SRS scores gave support to the
immigration hypothesis over the acculturation hypothesis.
41
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Creator Brown, Susan Rosenzweig (author)

Core Title Differences in preference for immediate or delayed reinforcement, social responsibility, acquiescence and father absence between two sub-groups in the Mexican-American community

Degree Master of Arts

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology,Social Sciences

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

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