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Domestic violence in Korean immigrant families

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Domestic violence in Korean immigrant families

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Content INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality o f the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographicaliy in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9” black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. ProQuest Information and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 USA 800-521-0600 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN KOREAN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES by Sung-Hye Yu A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (SOCIOLOGY) December 2000 Copyright 2 000 Sung-Hye Yu Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3041547 __ ® UMI UMI Microform 3041547 Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA The G raduate School U n iversity Park LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089'1695 T h is d is s e rta tio n , w ritte n b y Yu, Sung-Hye________________________________ U n d e r th e d ire c tio n o f h. . ?T. . D is s e rta tio n C o m m itte e , a n d a p p ro v e d b y a ll its m em bers, has been p re s e n te d to a n d ac c e p te d b y The G ra d u a te School , in p a r tia l fu lfillm e n t o f req u ire m e n ts fo r th e d eg ree o f D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O P H Y ------------- / Dean o f G raduate Studies D a .C c December 18. 2000 D IS S E R TA H O N C O M M IT T E E r ' ton Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Sung-Hye Yu Edward Ransford ABSTRACT DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN KOREAN IMMIGRANT FAMILIES This study explores the relationship between immigration and domestic violence among Korean immigrant families. The Korean cultural and social context is stressed throughout the dissertation. The methodological approaches used in this study are both quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative part of the study examines the risk factors and predictors to the likelihood of wife battering among Korean immigrant men. A set of hypotheses is tested that compares batterers to a comparison group of community men for levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. The qualitative part of the study highlights the voices of Korean male batterers and illuminates how domestic violence is personally experienced in their family lives. This study concludes that Korean male batterers tend to be younger, less educated, in a lower income bracket, in lower occupational categories, have a higher frequency 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of marriage, shorter years of marriage, and have fewer years of U.S. residency. The mean levels of immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance are significantly higher for the batterers than for community men. The level of traditional gender role attitudes shows no statistical difference between two groups. A series of logistic regression analyses shows that while controlling for all other variables, three (occupation, years of U.S. residency, and female resistance) are significant predictors to the likelihood of wife battering. Korean immigrant men in the skilled/manual occupational category are about three times more likely to be wife batterers than Korean immigrant men in all other occupational categories. Each year of U.S. residency for Korean immigrant men is associated with a 8% decrease in the risk of wife battering. The odds of wife battering increase significantly as the level of female resistance increases. Further, the combination of immigrant life dissatisfaction and high female resistance is significantly related to battering. Beliefs about traditional gender roles and behaviors, cultural values and norms, and changes in 2 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. gender roles and relations within the immigration proces are important parts of the gender dynamics in which domestic violence takes place in Korean immigrant families. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. To All Korean Immigrants Who Share Common Dreams and Hopes for Future Generations In the United States Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the assistance of many people. First, I would like to thank Dr. Edward Ransford, chairperson of the committee, for his major contributions including invaluable advice, insightful ideas, and continual support from beginning to end. I would also like to thank Dr. Gayla Margolin and Dr. Edward Park, members of the committee, for their constructive comments and inspiring suggestions. I would like to express deep appreciation to my colleagues, Jin and Yuhai, whose friendship means more to me ever than their technical assistance and help with this study. My special gratitude goes out to all my loved ones, especially to Ken, Connie and Daniel, without whose support and love it would not have been possible to complete this study. Further, I would like to thank all my co-workers, especially Billie Weise, director of the Los Angeles County Injury and Violence Prevention Program, whose personal as well as professional commitment lies in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. work of violence prevention. This study would not have been feasible without her support. I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to the Korean American Family Service Center for their administrative support, and to Mr. Howard Kim who is so supportive of academic work related to domestic violence in Korean immigrant families. I would also like to thank all the survey respondents who took the time to answer the questionnaire surveys. Further, my deepest appreciation goes out to those clients at the Korean American Family Service Center who participated in the focus group and shared their inner thoughts and life stories. Their candid accounts have undoubtedly contributed to important understanding of domestic violence in Korean immigrant families. I would also like to thank Lisa Yu not only for her editorial help but also for the support and love she provided to me throughout this study. Finally, my deepest gratitude goes out to my mother-in-law, Ahn Chang Ok, and to my parents, Nah Jae Kwon and Kim Jung Kuen, whose continual prayers and encouragement never ceased from the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. day I started graduate school. Their have been my strength and anchor from support and love the beginning. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ............................................................................................. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................. iii LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................... viii CHAPTERS I. INTRODUCTION..................................................................... 1 The Purpose of the Research .................................................... 9 Korean American Immigrants.................................................... 12 Definition of Korean American Im m igrants.............. 12 Korean Immigrant Familes and Wife-Battering 13 The Korean American Family Service Center............. 20 Theoretical Model for Research.................................................. 21 Traditional Gender Roles.................................................. 27 Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction........................................ 30 Emasculation...................................................................... 32 Female Resistance.............................................................. 34 II. RESEARCH M E T H O D S........................................................... 38 Two Methods o f the Study................................................ 38 Subjects and Procedure..................................................... 41 Instruments.......................................................................... 45 Definitions and Operationalization of Concepts and Variables..................................................... 46 Hypotheses........................................................................... 54 Statistical Analysis of Data................................................ 55 III. DATA FINDINGS........................................................................ 59 PART I: BASIC QUANTITATIVE A N A LY SIS................. 61 Descriptive Statistics for the Total Sample.................... 61 vi Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Comparisons between Batterers and Non-Batterers 63 Socio-demographic and Marriage-Related Variables................................................................ 63 Immigration-Related Variables.......................... 70 Traditional Gender Role Attitudes...................... 73 Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction........................... 75 Self-percieved Level of Emasculation................ 77 Self-perceived Level of Female Resistance 78 PART II: ADVANCED QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS 82 Bivariate Logistic Regression for the Association between Traditonal Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance to Battering Status...................... 84 Multivariate Logistic Regression Analysis..................... 87 Multivariate Logistic Regression Analysis with the Product T erm s.................................................... 88 PART III: QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS................................. 94 IV. DISCUSSIONS................................................................................ 114 V. CONCLUSIONS.............................................................................. 128 VI. REFERENCES.................................................................................. 140 VII. APPENDICES.................................................................................. 146 vii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF TABLES Tables Page 1. Categorization of Independent Variables for Quantitative data.......................................................................................54 2. Summary of Statistical Tools used for Quantitative data.......................................................................................58 3. Descriptive Statistics for the Total Samples...........................................62 4. Battering Status by A g e ........................................................................... 64 5. Battering Status by Education..................................................................65 6. Battering Status by Income...................................................................... 66 7. Battering Status by Occupation............................................................... 67 8. Battering Status by Frequency of Marriage........................................... 68 9. Battering Status by Years o f Marriage................................................... 69 10. Battering Status by Age at U.S. Entrance.............................................. 70 11. Battering Status by Years o f U.S. Residency.........................................71 12. Summary of the Chi-square results for Risk Factors Comparison Between Batterers and Community M e n ....................... 72 13. T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community Men for Traditional Gender Role Attitudes............ 74 14. T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community Men for the Level of Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction...........................................................................................76 15. T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community Men for the Level of Emasculation..........................78 viii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16. T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community Men for the Level of Female Resistance.................................................................................................79 17. Summary of T-test Results for the Mean Score Comparison between Batterers and Community Men on Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance.............................................................................80 18. Correlation Analysis Matirx for Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance................................................. 81 19. Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Traditional Gender Role Attitudes and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterers).............................. 85 20. Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterers).............................. 85 21. Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Self-Perceived Level of Emasculation and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterers).............................. 86 22. Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Self-Perceived Level of Female Resistance and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterers).............. 86 23. Odds Ratios in Multivariate Logistic Regression for Seven Risk Factors, Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, And Female Resistance(l=Korean male batterers)............................ 91 24. Odds Ratios in Multivariate Logistic Regression for Seven Risk Factors, Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, And Female Resistance and the Product Term (Product term=Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction x Female Resistance and l=Korean Male Batterers)..............................92 25. Summary of Odds Ratios in a Series of Bivariate and Multivariate Logistic Regression Analyses...........................................93 ix Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I I. INTRODUCTION I recall well my first visit to the Korean American Family Service Center. As soon as I walked into the conference room, it suddenly became quiet. All conversation stopped and everyone turned their eyes on me. There were more than 10 men staring at me at once. I felt my face turn red and my legs begin to shake. Maybe I wasn't as prepared as I should have been. I didn't actually recall any situation in my past where I was the only female with that many men in a room at one time. Moreover, they were all domestic violence offenders participating in a court-mandated batterers' program. Before I came to this first session I thought hard about how I should pose myself. I didn't want to portray myself as if I was there to reprimand their violent behavior nor as a crusader for all 'Korean women.' Further, I didn't want to create an atmosphere that somehow enhanced Korean male bonding against the Korean female species. This meant I had to be careful of my body language and be appropriate in timing when I chose I Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. to smile or not smile, laugh or not laugh. Maybe I could at least try to make a conscious effort to be gender- blind for a while, I tolc myself, until I felt comfortable being the only female in the group. I told myself to sit back and relax. Or try to pretend, at least for now. The male facilitator asked me to introduce myself. I simply stated that I was interested in the work of violence prevention both personally and professionally and that I was there to learn from the group. One of the men cautiously asked me if my job was related to the area of domestic violence and if I would in any way be reporting what was discussed to a court or probation office. I replied 'yes' to the first question and 'no' to the second. In a somewhat relieved atmosphere, the session continued. A newcomer in his late 40's began. It was apparent that he really didn't want to talk about what brought him there. He was brief and avoided direct eye contact with anyone in the group. Although unspoken, his voice and general posture reflected a tone of resentment and anger. My wife and I had a few drinks with dinner one evening... when we came home we began to argue about something., it was something so trivial I don't even 2 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. remember i t... I guess we were noisy and disturbing... one of the neighbors called the police... yes.. I hit her and left a few scratch marks on her... I know what I did was wrong... but she always tended to dwell on things that happened so long ago... I couldn't understand why she did that... it's hard to stand her... I don't think we communicate well either. A man in his 50's who was close to completion of the program responded. I compliment him as a newcomer for admitting that what he did to his wife was wrong... when I first came here because of a court order, I was so angry and in such denial; I resented my wife so much for what she put me through by calling the police that it took at least a few months before I realized that what I did was wrong and I accepted my responsibility . . . I had no idea about domestic violence laws in the United States or heard of such legal consequences... I was simply ignorant about U.S laws and never thought they could put me through what I' ve been through... I used to tell my wife what to do and order her around.... I was in charge of things around the house. . that was the way I ran the house... marriage was marriage., and I had obligations and responsibilities as the head of the household.. ..but now I am grateful for what happened. It gave me the opportunity to learn what marriage is really about and rebuild my relationship with my wife... unlike in the beginning, I now almost feel like I don't want these weekly meetings to end. This experience truly was a blessing for me. The men continued to share how they were doing at home and talked about how the program was affecting their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. relationships with their spouses at the time. Some had positive feedback and other reports were more negative. Although the degree of participation from each man varied from topic to topic, in general they seemed to be genuine in sharing their intimate thoughts and feelings with the group. I haven't talked to my wife for a long time since the incident., she sleeps in her room and I sleep in my own. We go off to work in the morning and come back at different times... it is ok with me and I think she is ok too... it is even convenient... maybe I should move out. I just avoid a situation if I think there is a chance for a heated argument... I know avoidance is not the best way to deal with conflicts., but it is the best way for me to deal with it now... we are ok for the time being. I never understood women's mentality before. I just knew women were sensitive and emotional.... I guess I never knew my wife well enough to marry her... but this program has helped me to learn about women..that is a great plus in our relationship. I don't really have much feeling toward my wife..it was an arranged marriage... though I want her to do what I tell her, if she doesn't do what I say I get upset.. I have good reasons when I get mad and she knows it., but I think our marriage has definitely improved since I began to come to this program. Having worked as a counselor for Korean battered women in a shelter in the past, I had drawn certain generalizations about Korean male batterers from the stories the women shared with me. From the stories it Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. became clear that Korean male batterers shared similar experiences in their immigrant lives in the U.S. They had a hard time finding steady jobs and seemed to face many challenges while trying to settle in the U.S. They appeared to have strong traditional gender role attitudes, insisting on male authority and power. However, their traditional male roles somehow appeared to have been weakened and threatened in the process of immigrant life adaptation. At least in part, physical violence was used as an attempt to rekindle their Korean male status as head of the household. Was this the picture I now saw in the group of Korean domestic violence offenders at the Korean American Family Service Center? Who were these men? In what context did violent behavior or incident occur for these Korean immigrant men? These questions prompted me to further investigate particular socio-cultural contexts of Korean immigrant families in which domestic violence took place. What is domestic violence? Levinson (198 9) defines domestic violence, following Gelles and Straus, as 'an act carried out with the intention or perceived intention of physically hurting another person' that occurs within 5 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. a family setting. Similarly, Watkins (1982) refers to domestic violence as any violent behavior that occurs in the family context; such as child physical and sexual abuse, battery of women, marital rape and abuse of vulnerable adults, which all fall under the umbrella term of 'family or domestic violence.' Common to all definitions is the notion that this form of violence involves the unjust exercise of force to dominate, abuse, or coerce another (Dwyer et al. , 1996) . Although domestic violence may affect both women and men, it disproportionally affects women. Annually, compared to males, females experience over 10 times as many incidents of violence by an intimate and on average, women experience 572,032 violent victimization at the hands of an intimate each year (Bachman, 1994). Further, current governmental reports indicate that domestic violence is the leading cause of injury to women between the ages of 15 and 44 in the United States (Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Reports, 1991). Medical expenses from domestic violence total at least $3-5 billion and businesses forfeit another $100 million in lost wages, sick leave, absenteeism and non- 6 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. productivity (Colorado Domestic Violence Coalition, Domestic Violence for Health Care Providers, 1991). In reviewing historical statistics of homicides for the years 1885-1905 in England and Wales, Dobash and Dobash (1979) found that over 50% of all murder victims were women with long-standing relationships with the male murderer. Wolfgang, in Philadelphia during the 1950s, showed similar findings: he reported that the number of wives homicidally assaulted oy their husbands constituted 41% of all women who were murdered. Over the 6-year period between 1983 and 1988, sixty- four percent of spousal homicide victims were female (Barnett and La Violette, 1993). The FBI reported in 1990 that about 30% of all women who are killed each year are the victims of husbands or boyfriends (Eng, 1995). These statistics are quite alarming, given that domestic violence is not a new social phenomenon. Despite evidence of its long existence and dire consequences, it is only during the last few decades that the grave and ill effects of domestic violence upon individuals and society have come to the attention of many social scientists. They have begun to recognize its seriousness, shifting from traditional measures regarding 7 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. domestic violence as a 'private' matter to a 'public' issue, and have started to unveil its social pathology, seeking etiology, treatment, intervention, and prevention. The study of domestic violence is also multi dimensional, involving various types and forms among different family members within a family structure. Violence may be physical, sexual, emotional, or any combination of these. It may be between spouses, between children, and/or between child and parent. This study limits its scope and study of domestic violence to wife (or female partner) battering within Korean immigrant families. The term 'domestic violence' in this paper is limited only to wife (or female partner) battering and used interchangeably. Wife-battering, according to Levinson (1989), is defined as the physical assault of a woman by her husband that includes slapping, hitting, shoving, pushing, hitting with an object, burning, cutting, shooting, and so on. Levinson finds in his sample that wife-battering is the most common form of family violence around the world, occurring at least occasionally in 84.5% of 90 societies around the world. 8 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In a broader scope, battering is defined as an intentional act that is used to gain power and control (Petretic-Jackson and Jackson, 1996) . Based on this definition, wife-battering in this paper is defined as the intentional physical assault of and/or violent behavior towards a woman by her husband or cohabitant to gain power and control. The study of wife-battering in any particular population has no simple answers. When wife-battering occurs within the context of immigrant family settings, it can be even more abstruse. Without studying the specific cultural contexts in which wife- battering takes place, it would not be possible to understand its full complexity. 1. Purpose of the Study The family is the most basic structural unit in a society. It is the very first place where an individual learns of oneself as a social being. It is where an infant is nurtured, fostered, and shaped from the moment of birth. It is where love and trust are learned, mutual respect and human integrity are shared, and individual hopes and dreams are planted, carved, and carried out. 9 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Needless to say, the effects of domestic violence upon individuals are profound. At the personal level, either direct or indirect involvement in domestic violence may bring temporary or permanent physical damage, irreversible emotional and psychological scars, and even death. At the societal level, domestic violence leads to the distortion of the family structure, dysfunctional family units, or destruction of the family system altogether. The central point of this research is to explore the relationship between immigration and wife-battering. This study is divided into two parts. First, the quantitative part of the study focuses on identifying risk factors and predictors to the likelihood of wife- battering for Korean immigrant men. Second, the qualitative part of the study provides the voices behind the data and brings to light the contexts in which wife- battering takes place in Korean immigrant families. In this qualitative data, emphasis is placed on how Korean male batterers define traditional gender roles, what these roles mean to them in their immigrant lives, how they perceive changes in gender relations within 10 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. immigrant life, and how they experience wife-battering in their own voices. Specifically, this research will: (1) examine factors associated with Korean male batterers compared to other male members of the community based on socio demographic, marriage-related, and immigration-related variables, (2) test whether Korean male batterers have higher levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, self-perceived levels of emasculation and female resistance than other members of the community, (3) to explore significant predictors to the likelihood of wife-battering, and (4) provide excerpts from Korean male batterers who were enrolled in 52 weeks of a court mandated batterers program at the Korean American Family Service Center. At the macro level, this study reviews historical roots of wife-battering in relation to the power structure of the traditional and modern Korean family system that Korean immigrants bring along with them to America. At the micro level, this study examines the cultural and social contexts of Korean immigrant family settings where wife-battering may be used as a tool by which Korean men attempt to maintain their status in the 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. family. Hopefully, at the community level, this dissertation should be useful in forging constructive and effective strategies in dealing with domestic violence that are specific to the culture of the Korean immigrant family. 2 . Korean American Immigrants a) Definition of Korean American immigrants The definition of Korean American immigrants in this paper is derived from a dialectic model conceptualized by Hurh (1980). Based on his definition, the Korean American ethnic group is a collective sociocultural entity that shares a sense of common origin and destiny as being both Korean and American. Since 1965, with the passage of the Immigration and Naturalization Act, the number of Korean immigrants in the U.S. has grown dramatically. The 199 0 U.S. Census reported that the number of Korean immigrants in the U.S. reached 798,849 in 1990, with a 125.3% increase from 1980, and the total number of Korean American immigrants in Los Angeles County was 143,672 (United Way of Greater Los Angeles- Asian Pacific Factfiner, 1996) . 12 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Considering the substantial proportion of Korean American immigrants in the United States, relatively little information is available on the Korean American immigrant family, let alone domestic violence within these families. Only a handful of research studies have been conducted on wife-battering within Korean immigrant families. Song (1987) compared one hundred fifty Korean immigrant battered and non-battered women. Hong (unpublished doctoral dissertation) studied 51 Korean male batterers in Los Angeles, and Kim (unpublished doctoral dissertation) analyzed factors contributing to husband-to-wife abuse among 256 Korean immigrant families. Kim's population was Korean immigrant men: no comparative study between batterers and non-batterers was done. Further, no previous research has been done to identify risk factors and predictors to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. Accordingly, this study will be exploratory in nature. b) Korean Immigrant Families and Wife-battering Mi Kyung is a Korean woman in her thirties with two children in elementary school. Her husband first slaps her shortly after they are married.. as times goes by, he continues to be violent., begins to blame her for their unhappy marriage and for making 13 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. him angry. She tries to please him. .but most of the time he finds something wrong--the cooking is bad, the stew is too salty--she cannot even make one dish right. She tries to get help from her parents., her mother tells her that she is not the only woman who is battered by her husband.. she should try to be more patient and a better wife so her husband will not hit her.. her mother says her own husband used to hit her too. Feeling isolated, she talks to the few friends that she has. They emphasize the negative effect of family break-up on the children and the importance of a wife's submission... she learns that she should endure her husband's violence despite the physical and emotional danger to herself and her children... (p. 9) Ikeda-Vogel at el. (1993), using the above scenario as an example, report that within the Asian Pacific community in the U.S., domestic violence occurs just as often as it does in the dominant community, in at least one out of every four families. However, both the incidence and prevalence of domestic violence in the Asian Pacific community have been largely underreported. Rimonte (1989) identifies several factors attributable to this: a traditional patriarchal system common in the Asian Pacific community and the belief in the supremacy of the male; socialization goals which favored the family over the individual; a cultural emphasis on silent suffering versus open communication of needs and feelings; and the enormous adjustment pressures that come with the immigration process. 14 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The issue of domestic violence in immigrant communities in the United States has thus far never been comprehensively examined or discussed within the mainstream battered women's movement or in literature on domestic violence (Bui and Morash, 1999). The Korean immigrant family is not an exception. There are only a handful (including two unpublished doctoral dissertations) of research studies on wife abuse among Korean immigrant families in the United States done to this date. Yim (1978), who was the first scholar to study wife abuse in Korean immigrant families, found two main cultural components behind it; 1) the traditional acceptance of wife abuse in these families, and 2) traditional patriarchal gender relationships that also existed in these families. Further, the impact of frustration and stress caused by unemployment or underemployment among Korean immigrant men on marital relations and violence was seen in the Korean immigrant families. The second research study on the topic was done by Song (1987) . Song interviewed a total of 150 Korean immigrant women who were residing in Chicago at the time and found that 60% of these women experienced abuse by 15 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. their husbands. Her study also revealed that Korean women's cultural backgrounds and their traditional gender role attitudes, coupled with stress-evoking factors within immigration, were important cultural contexts in which wife abuse took place among Korean immigrant families. Korean immigrant couples who adhered to a rigid Korean sex role performance were more violent than couples who were less rigid. Language problems and social isolation were frequently associated with episodes of battering. Other stresses such as status inconsistency of couples in employment compared to pre immigration status were found to be one indicator in predicting greater occurrences of wife abuse in the Korean family. Further, in comparing demographic characteristics of battered and non-battered Korean women, there were no significant statistical differences between two groups in regards to age, education, and income. However, the length of U.S. residency showed significant differences between two groups. Of Korean immigrant women who have resided in the U.S. for 3-5 years, there were three times as many who have been battered as those who have not. 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A few years after Song's study, Hong (unpublished doctoral dissertation) analyzed 51 Korean male batterers in Los Angeles, applying the ecosystemic approach to his research. Based on the ecosystemic approach, which assumes that human behavior is based on interconnections and interactions between characteristics of individuals and their environment, Hong found that a variety of systemic factors at different levels were related to various levels of conjugal violence. According to his research, Korean traditionalism, the level of attachment to Korean culture, rigid gender role performance, and the degree of and exposure to abuse as a child each showed a positive correlation to the level of conjugal violence. On the other hand, English proficiency, the level of acculturation, the level of marital satisfaction, the level of marital cohesion, the level of marital adaptability, and the level of intimacy with mother each showed a negative correlation to the level of conjugal violence. Further, the relationship between length of residency in the U.S. and the level of conjugal violence was not statistically significant. However, the length of U.S. residency was positively correlated to life satisfaction, job satisfaction, and 17 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. English proficiency. This study, to a certain extent, builds on Hong's study of male batterers. However, unlike Hong's, the present study involves a more complete comparison of Korean male batterers to a comparison group of community men. In addition, this study includes both quantitative and qualitative analysis that allows for statistical prediction as well as qualitative richness and depth. In 1992, in analyzing the factors that contributed to family violence among 256 Korean American families in Chicago and New York, Kim (unpublished doctoral dissertation) found that male-dominant marriages, levels of marital conflict, and levels of stress were significantly associated with husband-to-wife violence. Further, his study also revealed that 18% of the 256 Korean husbands committed at least one assault against their wives during the past year. Applying this rate to the approximately 2 00,000 Korean couples in the U.S., he estimated that about 3 7,600 Korean wives in the U.S. experienced at least one assault by their husbands in 1991. Although most of these assault cases were relatively minor (items in the CTS included; throwing something at the other, pushing, grabbing or shoving, and 18 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. slapping the other), 6% of the 256 Korean husbands indicated the use of severe assault (items in the CTS included; kicking, biting or hitting with the fist, hitting or trying to hit directly with an object, beating and threatening and/or using a knife or gun) . There is no documented number of domestic violence cases officially reported at this time for Korean American immigrant families. However, Rimonte (198 9) reported that of the approximately three thousand clients served by the Center for the Pacific Asian Family in Los Angeles between 1978 and 198 5, one third were Korean. Further, according to the Los Angeles City Attorney's office, 350 of about 7,000 domestic violence cases in 1987 occurred among Korean immigrant families, comprising 50% of all Asian American cases of domestic violence (Hong, unpublished). A few years later, the Los Angeles City Attorney's office also reported that 80% of all Asian American domestic violence cases in 1995 were among Korean immigrant families (The Korea Central Daily, August, 2, 1996). Despite the high prevalence of wife- battering among Korean immigrants, there are only a handful of community based organizations to assist and serve Korean battered women or Korean male batterers. 19 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. c) Korean American Family Service Center (KAFSC) The Korean American Family Service Center is a non profit, community oriented organization that was founded in 1983 to meet the critical needs of the growing Korean immigrant population, particularly women, children and low-income families. Since its inception, KAFSC's programs and services have evolved along with the Korean American community in order to offer the most appropriate and effective services to meet the community's diverse needs. The center provides various services and programs for the community including counseling, education, economic development, job training, employment referrals, and diversion program such as a batterers treatment program. The batterers program was started in 1990 and a 52- week batterers training program was instituted in 1996. The center is also known to be the only batterers' program in Los Angeles County designed for Korean batterers who are mandated to participate in a 52-week treatment program by court order. The number of clients in the batterers program at the center steadily increased 20 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. since 1996 and the proportion of domestic violence cases handled by the center also increased. In 1999, seventy-eight percent of the total counseling services (431 of 550 cases) provided to adult clients at the KAFSC were related to either domestic violence or conflicts between spouses (Joongangilbo Los Angeles, Jan 24, 2 0 00). As of January 2000, there were a total of approximately 280 Korean immigrant men who went through the court-mandated batterers training program. And there were about 65 clients enrolled in the batterers treatment program as of January 2000. 3. Theoretical Model for the Study Quoting the work of Kurz, Abraham (19 95) names two major approaches in the study of family violence: the family violence perspective and the feminist perspective. In the former, she summarizes, the family is considered to be the basic unit of analysis, whereas in the latter, the abused woman is taken as the unit of analysis. The family violence perspective links marital violence to the personal characteristics of the husband or wife or various stress factors that affect marital relations and family. Accordingly, the causal factors of marital 21 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. violence focus on the origin of the family, childhood experience and exposure to violence, in addition to various individual psychological components. On the other hand, the feminist perspective framework looks beyond individual realms of psychological and familial factors. This perspective views unequal gender relations within the family as a reflection of a larger social structure. The root causes of physical violence of men against women, therefore, are attributed to institutionalized gender inequality within society at large. Unfortunately, neither the family perspective nor the feminist perspective includes the experiences of ethnic minority batterers or battered women in the United States. Accordingly, Abraham suggests an alternative framework, -an eth n o - g e n d e r approach. This perspective posits a two-dimensional approach in conceptualizing a framework for analysis in the immigrant context. It is based on the intersection of ethnicity and gender as a significant analytical category in the discourse of family violence. Ethnicity, within this framework, has two dimensions: one, as cultural differentiation based on 22 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. certain elements of primordiality, such, as race, origin, history, and language, combined with distinct religious practices, customs, and traditional beliefs and values; two, as a social construct that is dynamic, mediated, and symbolically manifested in social interaction in situational contexts. The latter dimension, a social construct, reflects life experiences in various social interactions and situations, and thus may be referred to as social differentiation. Regardless of social status in the home country prior to immigration, immigrants in a foreign land are bound to face different life experiences than those of the dominant group simply due to their status as minorities. Ethnicity, as Abraham contends, therefore often becomes the most visible marker of differentiation from the dominant group. In other words, as ethnic minorities, immigrants are placed in a particular situational context where cultural and social differentiation become important aspects of social interactions and experiences. Language barriers, unfamiliar legal and social systems, job conditions, different values and belief systems, and racism may all 23 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. come into play in immigrant life situations and experiences. Since domestic violence does exist in both social and cultural contexts (Kanuha, 1994) the study of domestic violence in ethnic minority families must take into account both social and cultural aspects of these immigrant families in which domestic violence takes place. Based on this framework, two dimensions of ethnicity are examined in this study: one, for cultural differentiation- traditional gender role attitudes of Korean male immigrants who import their traditional beliefs and values to the U.S.; two, for social differentiation- the immigrant life experiences that Korean men face as minorities in the U.S. Gender, within this framework, is a socially constructed category, which defines the roles and behavior of people based on one's biological sex. This approach posits questions about how gender relations are constructed and how cultural concerns are articulated at the individual, organizational, community, and societal levels. Based on Abraham's framework, this study examines the interplay between ethnicity and gender in the social and cultural contexts of Korean immigrant Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. families. The framework, in analyzing gender roles and relations of Korean immigrant men and women, is based on a patriarchy that is deeply rooted in the historical imbalance of power between men and women in Korea. Patriarchy has two basic components: a structure in which men have more power and privilege than women, and an ideology that legitimizes this arrangement (Smith, 1990). Patriarchal theory stresses the societal roots of sexual inequality and how gender relations between men and women have been institutionalized in the structure of the family. Patriarchy in family relations is supported by economic and political institutions as well as belief systems, including religious ones, that makes such relationships seem natural, morally just and sacred (Dobash and Dobash, 1979). According to patriarchal theory, husbands will control their wives and will use violence to maintain that control when necessary (Levinson, 1989). Similarly, Straus(1976) argues that sexual inequality produces violence because men use violence to maintain their position as head of the household, supported by cultural values and beliefs and 25 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. grounded in various institutional arrangements in a society. Feminist theorists point increasingly to patriarchy as the main source and the structural and ideological underpinnings of male violence against women in contemporary society (Smith, 1990). From a sample of 604 women between the ages of 18-50 who were married or cohabiting at the time of interview in 1987, Smith found that patriarchal beliefs, attitudes, and education were each significantly related to wife beating; husbands who adhered to an ideology of patriarchy and who were less educated, were significantly more likely than less patriarchal, more educated husbands to have beaten their wives or partners. Several other studies have also shown that battering husbands maintained traditional sex role attitudes to a significantly higher degree than non battering husbands (Walker, 1983; Telch and Lindquist, 1984) . Further, traditional sex role attitudes were the most powerful predictor of attitudes supporting marital violence (Finn, 1986). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4. Traditional Gender Roles, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance a) Traditional Gender Roles Korea is a country in which morals, ethics, and conventions have been powerfully influenced by Confucianism since its early history which views women as inherently inferior to men, thus resulting in the degradation of women's status in Korean society (Song, 19 96) . Before the twentieth century ordinary Korean women bore neither a name nor had any say in their choice of mate and an ideal woman was passive, quiet, and chaste (Yu, 1987). The status of women was based on her ability to bear a son so that he could pass down the ancestral lineage. The birth of a boy was openly celebrated whereas the birth of a girl was often resented by both family members and the mother herself. Privileges or resources to this day are granted first to sons instead of daughters in traditional Korean families. Sons are treated differently from daughters; sons are granted more lenient house rules and are less restricted in their behavior and social activities. From very early on, boys are brought 27 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. up to be 'man-like' and the exercise of physical force is not only accepted but often encouraged and praised by others. On the other hand, traditional Korean values teach women to be obedient, submissive, patient, enduring, and passive. Women who are valued by society uphold cultural values through conformity and commitment to their female roles, and therein lies the most reliable social security for women (Song, 19 96) . The traditional Korean family also makes a sharp distinction between gender roles of husbands and wives. Historically in Korean society, the husband was considered the primary breadwinner and decision-maker in the family and exercised authority over his wife and children (Min, 1988) . Reviewing the traditional Korean family system, Lee (1975) explains that Korea has maintained a strong notion of male superiority throughout history, based on the teachings of Confucius (551-478 BC). Over five thousand years, this has been deeply rooted, established, and perpetuated in every corner of the social system, including in the family structure. Within the family structure, the paternal role is defined in terms of power and authority. A woman is 28 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. expected to play the role of being an obedient, subservient, and sacrificing wife; furthermore, as a full time mother and a homemaker, she is in charge of all domestic affairs including child rearing, discipline, and education. The influence of Westernization in Korea during the past few decades has resulted in some changes in the structure and patterns of the traditional Korean family; most distinctively, from that of an extended family structure to a nuclear form. Yet most gender role practices and relations remain status quo. Kim and Hurh (1987) assert that the traditional role of the Korean woman has basically not changed: a woman is expected to leave her job upon marriage and to stay home as a full time mother and a homemaker. Yu (1987) depicts a succinct picture of the power structure of gender roles in the modern Korean family: Night entertainment is largely reserved for men...men freely stop by wine houses, beer-halls, or nightclubs on their way home from work. The wife is expected to wait for her husband and be ready to serve him however late he may arrive. Customarily, only men are invited to formal parties... male affairs with single women are a socially sanctioned practice while married women having affairs always ends in divorce., in terms of status and role, tradition remains strong...(p.24-25) 29 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Rapid modernization during the last few decades has brought little change to the status of women in Korea. Although there have been obvious improvements in terms of economic gain and educational attainment for Korean women, there has been little change in gender relations in today's Korean family. The practice of male superiority is still very much alive and deeply entrenched in every sphere of social life. Modern Korean women are still socialized from very early on to believe and accept what has been culturally prescribed. When Koreans immigrate to America, traditional gender roles and gender relations in the family structure may dramatically alter through the years. These significant changes may often be related to wife-battering. b) Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction Korean immigrant men and women may experience frustration due to the language barrier, unfamiliar cultural and social settings, limited resources in skills, knowledge, and information of employment opportunities, inability to cope with new cultural norms, intrafamily and role conflicts between spouses and/or 30 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. children, or racial discrimination. Social stress from various angles begins to emerge with immigration. Social stress, according to Lincoln and Straus (1985), is defined as the process in which individuals or groups are required to adjust or adapt to new conditions and situations. Stress that flows from the sociocultural environment is termed 'sociogenic stress' and stress that springs from the psychological adjustment of life change is called 'psychogenic stress.' According to their definitions, even though individual differences and adjustment rates play crucial roles in the extent to which social stress will be manifested, emigration in and of itself may bring both sociogenic and psychogenic stress to both immigrant men and women. Korean immigrant men, in particular, are vulnerable to emerging social stresses as they struggle with their lives in a foreign land. As social stress begins to surround the realm of one's immigrant social life, feelings of powerlessness and inadequacy may begin to sprout. Further, Korean women's increasing awareness of egalitarian attitudes in the U.S. and/or their own economic power; under-employment of Korean men; language barriers; unsatisfying job status, and cultural conflicts 31 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. may all contribute to the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction that Korean men experience. Accordingly, the level of U.S. immigrant life satisfaction depends on the extent of the level of stress Korean men experience as minorities. The family may become the 'zone of vulnerability,' where various forms of family violence including wife-battering may take place over trivial family matters. Physical force of Korean immigrant men over women may be exercised in an attempt to gain or regain control and power. c) Changes in Gender Relations: 'Emasculation' The Oxford Modern English Dictionary (Thompson, Ed. 1996) defines 'emasculation' as a state of deprivation of force, or vigor originating from the Latin word 'emasculatus,' meaning 'castrated.' The definition of 'emasculation' in this paper implies a state of becoming deprived of the Korean traditional male role which Korean men may experience after immigration to the U.S. The emasculation process may begin with under employment of Korean immigrant men. Yu (1982) documents a clear trend of general downward mobility in occupational ranking for Korean men after moving to the 32 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. United States. According to his analysis, only 35 percent entered professional occupations while the rest took jobs below their former professional rank. Yim (1978) also suggests that the unsatisfactory occupational status (including unemployment and underemployment) among husbands combined with wives working outside the home is an important structural element of stress that makes Korean immigrant families vulnerable to marital violence. Song's (1987) study supports this. Out of a total of 90 Korean batterers, fifty-two (58%) of them were at lower employment levels compared to their pre-immigration status. In contrast, out of 60 Korean non-batterers, only ten (18%) of them were holding lower employment levels compared to their pre-immigration status. The emasculation of Korean immigrant men may occur with or without the economic participation of Korean women. In either case, it calls for a re-adjustment of the power structure within the family and wife-battering may become a tool by which Korean men attempt to reassert power and authority in the family. Korean immigrants who bring traditional values and attitudes with them to America are faced with this new dilemma. 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. d) Changes in Gender Relations: 'Female Resistance' In the traditional Korean family system, power usually flows in a one-way direction in that it is in the hands of men over women. Women accept and tolerate the consequences without resistance. In other words, gender relations are vertical in direction and operation. However, in the United States, gender relations in the family may-no longer be unidirectional. Compared to Korea, the women's liberation movement in the United States has been more successful in equalizing gender roles between women and men in the past few decades. Although the struggle for women's rights and status still continues, gender relations are viewed in a much more egalitarian manner in the United States, at least much more obviously so, compared to in Korea. Substantial percentages of married Korean immigrant women enter the labor force in the United States, unlike in Korea. Based on findings of the U.S Bureau of the Census, Min (1988) reported 56% of married Korean American women to be in the labor force. This percentage was approximately three times greater than the percentage of married women in the labor force in Korea. Similarly, 34 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Yu (1982) found a 63% labor force participation of Korean immigrant wives in Los Angeles County. Furthermore, the high economic participation rate among Korean immigrant women weakens the traditional Korean role of male dominance, according to Yu (1990). He argues that a new value system embedded with an egalitarian orientation emerges as Korean women take part in economic activities in the family, and Korean women no longer obediently accept the superior position of males given in the traditional family system. Wife-battering in Korean immigrant families may occur when Korean immigrant men perceive changes in gender relations. Yim (1978) succinctly presents a case that illustrates this: my wife did not work in Korea, yet, she has to work in this country..she used to have breakfast ready for me but not anymore because she says she is too busy getting ready to go to work.. if I complain, she talks back to me..I tell her "..you have to fulfill the Korean wife's role no matter where you are!"., when she doesn't listen to what I say, I get irritated .. and become very frustrated about her, start fighting and hit her., (p.179) Rimonte (1989) similarly describes these dynamics for Pacific Asian men as a whole: already humbled by his lack of control in the new and alien world, and perhaps also feeling a sense of failure, the Pacific Asian man 35 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. resists change, insisting on his accustomed privileges and esteemed place, also insisting that his wife mustn't change and mustn't become Americanized. Other immigrant populations in the U.S. also share similar experiences. In studying Vietnamese American families, Kibria (1993) notes that migration to the United States has resulted in a shift in gender relations due to changes in men's and women's relative degree of control over social and economic resources. The social and economic resources of Vietnamese American men relative to those of women begin to dwindle and a general consequence of this shift is the presence of malaise among Vietnamese American men about the state of gender relations in the United States. This mirrors the aforementioned emasculation process and how it may relate to wife- battering in Vietnamese immigrant family life. Kibria gives a story as an example: ....one case I heard of involved a woman named Thuy and her husband Chau. Chau had been severely beating Thuy for some time... a former military officer, Chau had been largely unsuccessful in finding work in the United States . . . h e had not fulfilled his obligation to provide economically for the family. . . .he wasn't a good father.... (p. 13 3) Bui and Morash (1999) similarly identified factors associated with wife abuse in Vietnamese American 36 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. families. They found that husbands' patriarchal beliefs and dominant positions in the family and conflicts about changing norms and values between husbands and wives were related to wife abuse. For Vietnamese Americans, women's economic contributions could not reduce husbands' dominant position and abuse, but economic hardship could prevent abused women from leaving an abusive relationship. Jang et al. (1990) also argued that the particular problems faced by immigrants, such as the stresses of unemployment or role changes between spouses, played a contributing role in domestic violence for immigrant families. Male insistence of maintaining power and authority and resistance by women who are becoming aware of an egalitarian orientation and/or gaining economic power may set off the conflict between husband and wife in immigrant families. The clash of these two forces in the power structure can be volatile, and wife-battering is often an outcome of trivial family conflicts within Korean immigrant families. In an attempt to reinforce and maintain power and authority, Korean immigrant men may use wife-battering as a tool by which the traditional male gender role is once again rekindled and proclaimed. 37 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II. RESEARCH METHODS 1. Two Methods of Study : Quantitative and Qualitative a) Quantitative Section- Questionnaire Surveys The methodological approach used in this paper was both quantitative and qualitative. The study involved two methods: questionnaire surveys for both Korean male batterers and male members of the Korean community for the quantitative part, and the focus group setting for the qualitative part. According to Babbie (1995), self administered surveys are more appropriate in dealing with especially sensitive issues if the surveys offer complete anonymity. Due to the nature of the violent behavior which led male subjects to go through the court-mandated training program, self-administered questionnaire surveys seemed to be the best way to guarantee anonymity. The questionnaire surveys for both Korean male batterers and community men included general questions regarding traditional gender role attitudes, perceived level of gender role changes of self and spouse, level of immigrant life dissatisfaction, level of physical violence towards spouse or female partner during the past year, and socio-demographic information. For Korean male 38 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. batterers only, questions pertaining to the incidents of physical violence which led to their entry into the Korean American Family Service Center were also included. b) Qualitative Section- Focus Group The format for the qualitative section was the focus group setting in which I participated as a co-facilitator for a weekly session of Korean male batterers at the Korean American Family Service Center. This weekly session was held every Wednesday at 6 p.m. and ran for about 105-110 minutes without a break. The session took place in a large meeting room on the second floor at the agency where the men and facilitators sat around together in a circle. The average number of clients for each session was 13-17. The men in the focus group had diverse personal backgrounds. Their ages ranged from late twenties to early sixties. Most were married although a few had never been married. There were also a few clients who had either divorced since the battering incident or were in the process of filing for divorce. Some men had resided in the U.S. for over 10 or 20 years while others had just recently arrived. 39 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Most cases of violent incidents in the focus group involved the client's spouse or female partner. However, there were a few cases where the violent incidents occurred with someone other than their intimate partners. One client had a violent incident with a hostess at a nightclub and another man with a tourist he happened to meet. The degree of participation of the men in the focus group differed from session to session although some were consistently more reserved than others. Most, however, freely expressed and exchanged personal stories. When new men joined the group, they were usually less expressive than the others in the beginning. However, through time and as they got to know other members in the group it was clear that they became more open and comfortable with sharing their intimate thoughts and feelings. The batterers program at the KAFSC implemented the standard 'Anderson and Anderson' curriculum. The focus group session was usually led by a male facilitator who had been with the agency for the last three years. The format of the session was semi-structured with a given topic planned in advance. The topics were often 40 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. discussed in relation to various cultural issues and concerns that were unique to Korean immigrant families. These concerns were shared and validated throughout the program. They often included traditional gender role attitudes, gender role changes and immigrant life stories. Various excerpts are selected here and presented in the qualitative section to illuminate the voices of Korean male batterers as they experienced domestic violence in their family. 2. Subjects and Procedure The research presented here employed three different samples with a different selection method for each sample. First, a sample was drawn from the Korean American Family Service Center (KAFSC), the only court- designated agency in Los Angeles County to provide services specifically for Korean male batterers. The subjects for this self-administered questionnaire survey were Korean male batterers who were enrolled in a 52 weeks court-mandated batterers training program at the Korean American Family Service Center. The survey was administered by the project manager at the center from July to December 1999. Prior to 41 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. administering the survey, voluntary participation and complete anonymity were ensured. It was announced that refusal or acceptance to participate would NOT affect the length or quality of the training programs in which the subjects were enrolled, and that they had the option to stop filling out the survey at any time for any reason if they wished. An informed consent was then signed by all subjects who agreed to participate in the survey. It was estimated that the survey would take 15-25 minutes to complete. A total of 64 surveys were collected from the Korean American Family Service Center. Almost all clients, I was told, who were enrolled in batterers' program at the agency participated the survey. A second sample consisted of Korean immigrant men from the community as a comparison group. They too were given a survey questionnaire. In order to obtain a sample as a comparative reference group from the Korean immigrant community in Los Angeles County, the method of convenience sampling was used. During the period from July to December 1 9 9 9 , over 400 surveys with a stamped return address were handed out to Korean immigrant men in various occasions and places. The subjects were friends 42 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of friends, acquaintances, members of various churches, and members of different community based organizations. A total of 105 surveys were returned, showing an approximately 25 % return rate. Although it was plausible to think that those men who have been involved in physical or verbal abuse might have been less likely to respond to the survey, no assumptions were made about non-respondents. Further, there was absolutely no way to track back who these non-respondents were. Individual consent was NOT obtained for this comparative sample. Anonymity was assured by stating that there was absolutely no way to connect questionnaire responses to individual identity. Statements to guarantee confidentiality and anonymity were included in the beginning of each survey. The entire process of data collection for questionnaire surveys took approximately 6 months. All survey questionnaires were conducted in Korean. The third sample for the focus group consisted of a group of Korean male batterers who were also participating in a 52-week batterers' program at the KAFSC and where I participated as a co-facilitator in one of the weekly sessions. When I first joined the group I 43 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. introduced myself as a volunteer who was interested in the work of violence prevention both personally and professionally. As the only female in the group and without knowing how they would respond to my presence, I initially didn't reveal myself to be a researcher. Before long, however, I sensed they were as comfortable with me as I was with them and admitted my purpose as a co-facilitator and what I wanted to learn from them as a scholar. I further explained the purpose of my study to the group and how it would be used. The group was also assured that their individual identities would remain absolutely confidential and their stories would be presented in such a way to minimize the disclosure of identifiable individual characteristics. Verbal consent was obtained from each client and no one objected to the study. The men were reminded from time to time about the purpose of the study and reassured of anonymity. All sessions were conducted in Korean and no part of the sessions were tape recorded. When the pertinent topics were discussed during the session, short notes were taken from time to time and they were translated into English after each session when I returned home. The length of data collection took approximately 6 44 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. months. Since the study involved human subjects, approval from the Institutional Review Board at the University Southern California was obtained for both the questionnaire surveys and focus group participation of subjects at the KAFSC. 3. Instruments A questionnaire survey was developed to collect data on Korean male batterers and community men. A pretest was given to a small number of subjects (10 batterers and 12 community men) to clarify meanings and wording or to identify any patterns of unanswered/answered questions. The questionnaire for both batterers and community men covers four main areas of measurement: (1) traditional gender role attitudes and perceived gender role changes, (2) immigrant life experience, (3) level of physical violence towards spouse or female partner during the past year, and (4) socio-demographic information. Questionnaire surveys for batterers included exactly the same questions as those for community men with the exception of a few questions on the batterers' survey related to the incident of violence that resulted in 45 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. their participation in the court ordered batterers program. 4. Definitions and Operationalization of Concepts and Variables The following concepts and variables were defined and operationalized. a) Korean male batterers/Wife-batterers The term 'Korean male batterers' or 'wife-batterers for the quantitative part of this paper refers to Korean men who were born in Korea, immigrated to the U.S. and were currently residing in Los Angeles County or an adjacent county at the time of the survey. They were married or currently cohabiting with a female partner, and had been reported to the police for physical assault of and/or violent behavior towards a wife (intimate female partner) which resulted in 52 weeks of a court- mandated training program at the Korean American Family Service Center. b) Community men as a comparison group The term 'community men' in this paper refers to Korean immigrant men who were born in Korea, immigrated to the U.S., and were currently residing in Los Angeles Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. County or an adjacent county. A few of the community men in the sample reported that they had physically assaulted their spouses or female partners during the past year. However, the survey results showed that the level of physical violence from the sample of community men was considerably lower and relatively minor in degree to what was reported by Korean male batterers at the agency. In fact, a majority of community men (92%) denied either threatening to hit or throwing something at their spouse in the past year at all. In contrast, about two-thirds (66%) of the Korean male batterers reported that they had threatened to hit or had thrown something at their spouse during the past year. Although the method of self-reporting levels of physical violence towards one's spouse/female partner undoubtedly raises the question of validity, it was decided for the purpose of this study to take Korean community men as a reference group with a low degree of violence, rather than non-violence, in making comparisons to the Korean male batterers group. Accordingly, the definition of community men in this paper does not imply complete absence of violence towards their spouses or female partners. Appendix 1 compares survey responses 47 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. between Korean male batterers and community men in regards to levels of physical violence towards their spouses or female partners during the past year. The independent variables in this study are categorized into three groups: socio-demographic and marriage-related variables as a general category, immigration-related variables as an immigration-specific category, and ethno-gender variables as a category specific to Korean immigrant men. c) General Category: Socio-demographic and Marriage- related variables Several questions related to socio-demographic and marriage-related variables were asked. Six variables (age, education, income, occupation, frequency of marriage, and duration of marriage) were examined as risk markers differentiating Korean male batterers from community men. A risk marker refers to an attribute or characteristic that is associated with an increased probability to either the use of husband to wife violence, or the risk of being victimized by husband (Hotaling and Sugarman, 1986). The term 'risk factors' in this study is use synonymously with 'risk markers' and does not necessarily imply causal relations. 48 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. d) Immigration-specific Category Two items, the duration of U.S. residency and the age at U.S. entrance, were also examined as immigration- related risk factors. The duration of U.S. residency was calculated by subtracting the year of entry to the U.S. from the year at the time of the survey (1999). The age at U.S. entrance was calculated by subtracting the subject's current age from the duration of U.S. residency. e) Ethno-gender Category Based on Abraham's theoretical model for the study, traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance were examined. These four measurements were considered as specific to Korean immigrant men. 1) Traditional Gender Role Attitudes The term 'traditional gender role attitudes' refers to how much Korean immigrant males adhere to the traditional ideology of gender roles. Twelve questions were posed to measure traditional gender role attitudes. Four of these were adopted and/or modified from t h e K o r e a n T r a d i t i o n a l S c a l e (Song, 1986). Three questions were adopted from Hong's (unpublished dissertation,) 49 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A t t i t u d e to w a rd K o r e a n T r a d i t i o n a l i s m S c a l e . Based on these two scales and the Korean culture I was raised within, the other five questions were created. They were specific to traditional gender role attitudes of Koreans and reflect how one adheres to these traditional gender role attitudes. A 4-point Likert scale was used ranging from 'strongly agree' (1) to 'strongly disagree' (4). Each question was re-coded depending on the direction of response. Answers were then summed to yield the final score for traditional gender role attitudes. The lower the final scores the lower the level of traditional gender role attitudes. The possible scores for traditional gender role attitudes ranged from 12 (the lowest) to 48 (the highest) . The actual scores ranged from 17 to 38. The internal consistency for the traditional gender role attitude scale showed a Cronbach Alpha value of .68. 2) U.S. Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction Based on Lincoln and Straus' (1985) definition of sociogenic and psychogenic, eight questions related to U.S. immigrant life were created. These questions were related to the areas that could have been affected by migration itself. These eight questions were: the level 50 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of happiness compared to life in Korea, English language fluency in conversation and literacy, job satisfaction, self-perceived underemployment status, financial status, life satisfaction in the U.S., and self-perceived racism. These questions were related to general dimensions of immigrant life experience and were intended to measure the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction that Korean men may experience in the U.S. A four point Likert scale was used for each question except the question regarding whether the respondent was happier in the U.S. compared to in Korea. A three point Likert scale was used for this question. Each question was examined for the direction of response and re-coded accordingly for the same direction. In order to achieve the same magnitude of scale points, the question regarding self-perceived underemployment status was assigned 4 points for a 'yes' answer and 1 point for a 'no' answer. Then the answers were summed to yield the final score measuring individual levels of immigrant life dissatisfaction. The possible scores for immigrant life dissatisfaction ranged from 8, the lowest, to 31, the highest. The actual scores ranged from 8 t 25. A higher 51 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. final score indicated a higher level of immigrant life dissatisfaction. The Cronbach Alpha score for these questions was .78. 3) Emasculation Based on Korean cultural background and my own personal experience, nine questions were created. These nine questions, four for emasculation and five for female resistance, were asked to measure perceived gender role changes of self and spouse through years of residency in the U.S. A yes/no response system was used for these nine questions. To quantify the level of self-perceived gender role changes, one point for 'yes' responses and zero points for 'no' responses was assigned. The first four questions measured levels of 'emasculation,' a state of becoming deprived of the Korean traditional male role defined by power and authority. These questions were: 'the longer I live in the U.S.,' (1) the less powerful I feel as a household head, (2) the less authority I have as a man, (3) the more my self-esteem as a man has weakened, and (4) the less capable I feel as a man. If a respondent checks 'yes' to all four questions, the score totals 4 points whereas if a respondent checks 52 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 'no' to all these questions, the score totals 0 points. The Cronbach Alpha value for these four questions measuring the level of emasculation was .90. 4) Female Resistance Perceived gender role changes of spouse (female partner) were also measured. Five questions examined spousal gender role changes: 'the longer she (your partner) resides in the U.S.,' (1) the more she voices her rights than before, (2) the less obedient she becomes, (3) the more she demands to share house chores than before, (4) the more she challenges my authority than before, and (5) the more she talks back to me than before. These questions were designed to determine how Korean males perceived the level of resistance by their spouses (female partners) towards the traditional female role. The highest assigned level of female resistance was 5 and the lowest score was 0. The Cronbach Alpha score for the female resistance scale was .91. The table below illustrates how the independent variables in the study are categorized in analyzing quantitative data. 53 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 1: Categorization of independent variables for quantitative data Category Variable General : Socio-demographic and marriage-related variables Age Education Income Occupation Frequency of marriage Duration of marriage Immigration specific: immigration-related variables Age at U.S. entrance Duration of U.S. residency Ethno-gender category: Korean Immigrant men specific Traditional Gender Role Attitudes Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction Emasculation Female Resistance 5. Hypotheses There is no published literature identifying risk factors for Korean male batterers in the United States. Therefore, no hypotheses for socio-demographic, marriage, and immigration-related variables were proposed and findings were to be exploratory in nature. However, based on the theoretical model for the study, the following four hypotheses were proposed for traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance: 54 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1) Korean male batterers will have higher traditional gender role attitudes than Korean community men. 2) Korean male batterers will experience a higher level of immigrant life dissatisfaction than Korean community men. 3) Korean male batterers will experience a higher level of emasculation than Korean community men. 4) Korean male batterers will experience a higher level of female resistance than Korean community men. 6. Statistical Analysis of Data All questionnaire surveys were quantified, transcribed into a coding book, and entered into an Access database. The data were then converted into SAS (6.12 version) and analyzed. Comparative analyses between Korean male batterers and community men were conducted to identify risk factors (current age, education, income, occupation, frequency of marriage, years of marriage, age at U.S. entrance, and years of U.S. residency) that differentiate Korean male batterers from community men. Simple cross-tabulations and chi-squares for socio-demographic, marriage, and immigration variables were employed to explore the 55 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. association between each variable mentioned above and battering status. Next, to test a set of hypotheses about whether Korean male batterers had significantly higher levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance than community men, t-tests were used to compare the mean scores between two groups. Based on the assumptions that two samples were independent, the population variance was unknown, and the estimated standard error was based on the sample variances, t-tests were chosen to make mean scores comparison between two groups. Statistical significance for both chi-squares and t-tests was set at the p<.05 level. Pearson's correlation coefficient was utilized to examine the inter-correlation between traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. It was expected that there would be some interrelationships among these four measurements. Therefore, in order to rule out any artificial relationships due to correlation of these variables, multivariate regression analyses were later performed. 56 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A series of logistic regressions was introduced to explore the predictability of the independent variables in battering status. Logistic regression is a mathematical modeling approach that can be used to describe the relationship of several independent variables to a dichotomous dependent variable (Kleinbaum, 1994), such as battering status. The dependent variable for this series of bivariate and multivariate logistic regression is battering status, and the binary outcome was Korean male batterers(1) vs. community men(O). Bivariate logistic regression was used to describe the relationship between one independent variable and a dichotomous dependent variable. It was used to determine the association of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance, to battering status and to see if each measurement alone was associated with battering status. A series of multivariate logistic regressions were then performed to explore the relative contribution of each independent variable while controlling for all other variables. Significant predictors of the likelihood of wife-battering for Korean immigrant men were examined. Statistical significance for the series of logistic 57 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. regression was set at p.<10 due to the size of the samples. Finally, selected excerpts from weekly sessions of Korean male batterers are presented to provide the voices behind the data and bring to light how the experience of immigrant life relates to wife-battering. The table below summarizes statistical tools used and application purpose in analyzing quantitative data for the study. Table 2: Summary of statistical tools used for quantitative data Category Variable Basic Statistical Tools Advanced Statistical Tools Advanced Statistical Tools Advanced Statistical Tools General: Socio demographic, Marriage- related Age Education Income Occupation Frequency of marriage Duration of marriage Chi-square: to identify risk factors for Korean male batterers Multivariate Logistic Regression: to identify significant predictors to wife - battering while controlling all other variables Multivariate Logistic Regression with product terms: to explore the interaction effect of two significant predictors in bivariate logistic regression Immigration- specific Age at U.S. entrance Duration of U.S. residency Chi-square Multivariate Logistic Regression Multivariate Logistic Regression with product terms Korean immigrant men specific Traditional gender role attitudes Immigrant life dis satisfaction Emasculation Female Resistance Hypotheses Testing: t-tests to compare the mean scores between two groups Bivariate Logistic Regression: to determine the association of each measurement to battering status Multivariate Logistic Regression Multivariate Logistic Regression with product terms 58 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III. DATA FINDINGS The plan of this chapter is to first briefly summarize descriptive statistics for the sample as a whole. A section that compares socio-demographic and other differences between batterers and community men will follow. A set of hypotheses will then be tested to determine whether there is a statistically significant difference between batterers and community men based on the mean scores for the levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. Simple cross-tabulations and chi-squares for socio demographic, marriage, and immigration-related variables will be used. Additionally, t-tests for the mean scores between two groups for levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance will be used to make comparisons between the batterers and community men. Pearson's correlation matrix will show the inter-correlation between the traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. 59 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A more rigorous test involving a series of both bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses will then be presented to measure the likelihood of wife- battering among Korean immigrant men which led them to the court mandated batterers program at the Korean American Family Service Center. Seven identified risk factors along with traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance are entered in the model to measure the relative contribution of each variable while holding all other variables constant. Finally, a set of product terms, significant predictors from bivariate logistic regression analyses, will be added to explore interaction effects in the model. The total number of surveys collected was 169; 64 from the Korean American Family Service Center and 105 from community samples. Of the 64 surveys from the Korean American Family Service Center, one case involved a debtor, three cases involved single men with girlfriends, and one survey was mostly incomplete. These five were thus deleted from the analysis. In all, a total of 59 surveys from the Korean American Family 60 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Service Center were included in the sample of Korean male batterers. Of the 105 surveys received from the community convenience sample, one survey was largely incomplete and three respondents were single. These four were thus eliminated from the analysis. Accordingly, a total of 160 surveys, 59 from the batterers group and 101 from the community, were entered for final data analysis. Part I. QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS A- BASIC ANALYSIS 1. Descriptive Statistics for the Total Sample An overview of the demographic information of all respondents is presented in Table 3. The age distribution of the respondents ranged from twenty-three to seventy-one years and the mean age of all respondents was 46.4. The distribution of years of education completed ranged from nine to eighteen years and the mean number of years of education completed was 15.4. The mean income for the total sample was $48,265 for the year 1998. The average frequency of marriage was 1.17 for all samples, the duration of marriage ranged from one to forty-four years, and the mean number of years of 61 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. marriage was about 16 years. The distribution of age at U.S. entrance ranged from eight to sixty-one and the mean age at U.S. entrance of all respondents was 3 0.6 years. The distribution of duration of U.S. residency of all respondents ranged from one to forty-five years and the average duration of U.S. residency was 16 years. Table 3: Descriptive Statistics for the Total Sample Variable N Mean SD Min Max Age 155 46.39 10 . 79 23 71 Years of Education 159 15 .36 1. 79 9 18 Income level 147 7.59 3.67 ($48,265/yr) 0 (>$80, 12 000/yr) Frequency of marriage 155 1 .17 . 37 1 2 Years of Marriage 147 16 .41 10 . 59 1 44 Age at U.S. entrance 153 30.55 10.43 8 61 Years of U.S. residency 157 15 . 99 8 . 70 1 45 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2. Comparisons between Korean male batterers and Community men A. Socio-demographic and marriage - related variables 1) Age Table 4 shows that the batterers tended to be younger than the community men. While forty-six percent (N=27) of the batterers were 3 9 years or younger, only nineteen percent (N=19) of the community men were in this age group. Further, while over forty percent (N=41) of the community men were 5 0 years or older, only seventeen percent (N=10) of the batterers were in this age group. The majority of batterers, thirty-seven percent (N=22) fell between the ages of 40-49 years while for the community men both age groups, 4 0-49 years and 50 years or older, were equally represented as the majority at 40.5%(N=41) each. The cross-tabulation demonstrated opposite proportion distribution patterns for age between the batterers and community men: for the batterers, the proportions decreased in the older age group whereas for the community men, the proportions increased in the older age group. It was clear that the batterers showed a younger age distribution than community men. The chi- 63 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. square for the cross-tabulation in Table 4 shows that there was a statistically significant association between battering status and age. Table 4: Battering Status by Age Batterers N (%) Community men N(%) All N(%) <=2 9 years 8(14%) 3 (3%) 11 (7%) 3 0-39 years 19 (32%) 16(16%) 35 (22%) 4 0-49 years 22(37%) 41 (40.5%) 63 (39%) >=50 years 10(17%) 41 (40.5%) 51(32%) Total 59(100%) 101 (100%) 160(100%) *Ch±-square= 17. 27 p<.001 2) Education The cross-tabulation for battering status by years of education in Table 5 shows a higher educational level for community men than for batterers and it was statistically significant as shown with the chi-square of 13.91 (pc.001). While seventy-four percent (N=75) of the community men had attained a bachelors degree or higher, only forty-five percent (N=26) of the batterers had a bachelors degree or higher. Conversely, while seventeen percent (N=10) of the batterers had only'attained a high Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. school diploma or less, only seven percent (N=7) of the community men were at the same level. Table 5: Battering Status by Education Batterers N (%) Communi. ty N (%) men Al1 N(%) H.S.diploma or less 10(17%) 7 (7%) 17(11%) Some/tech college 22(38%) 19(19%) 41(26%) Bachelors degree or higher 26(45%) 75(74%) 101 (63%) Total 58(100%) 101(100%) 159 (100%) *Chi-square=13.91 p<.001 3) Income In terms of income comparisons, over forty percent (N=20) of the batterers made less than $24,999 in 1998 while only eighteen percent (N=18) of the community men were in this income bracket. Conversely, over forty percent (N=40) of community men made $60,000 or more in 1998 whereas only twenty percent (N=10) of the batterers made $60,000 or more in the same year. The highest frequency (N=2 0) of income for batterers was less than $24,999 whereas for community men it was between $40,00 0- $59,999. The numbers clearly demonstrated that the income distribution for the community men was higher than 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that of the batterers. Table 6 shows a statistically significant association between battering status and income (p<.039). Table 6: Battering Status by Income Income Batterers N(%) Community men N (%) All N (%) Less than $24,999/yr 20(41%) 18(18%) 38 (26%) $25,000-$39,999/yr 7(14%) 12(12%) 19(13%) $40,000-$59,9 9 9/yr 12(25%) 28 (29%) 40(27%) $60,000-$79,999/yr 4 (8%) 16(16%) 20 (14%) $80,000 or more/yr 6(12%) 24 (25%) 30 (20%) Total 49(100%) 98(100%) 147(100%) *Chi-square=ll.68 p < .039 4) Occupation In comparing the occupational categories between batterers and community men, it was shown that the batterers tended to have a higher frequency of blue- collar occupations than community men. Thirty percent (N=17) of the batterers were engaged in skilled/manual work whereas only fourteen percent (N=14) of community men belonged to this occupational category. Twenty Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. percent (N=20) of the community men had semi-professional or professional jobs whereas only five percent (N=3) of the batterers belonged to this occupational category. For both batterers and community men, the occupational category with the highest frequency was self-employment. Twenty-seven percent (N=2 7) of the community men and thirty-six percent (N=20) of the batterers were engaged in self-employed business. Table 7 shows a statistically significant association between battering status and occupational categories ( pc.001). Table 7: Battering Status by Occupation Batterers N (%) Community men N(%) All N (%) Skilled/Manual 17(30%) 14(14%) 31(20%) Prof. Skilled 6 (11%) 15(15%) 21 (13%) Self-employed 20(36%) 27(27%) 47(30%) Clerical 3 (5%) 20(20%) 23 (15%) Professional/ Semi-professional 3 (5%) 20(20%) 23(15%) Student/unemployed/ Retired 7 (13%) 4 (4%) 11(7%) Total 56 (100%) 100(100%) 156(100%) *Chi-square=20.35 p<.001 67 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5) Frequency of Marriage Overall, the batterers tended to have a higher frequency of marriage than community men. A total of 3 respondents were married more than twice, two in the batterers group and one in the community men group. Thus these were re-coded and included in the 'second marriage or more' category. Thirty-four percent (N=19) of the batterers had married more than once whereas only seven percent (N=7) of the community men had married more than once. Conversely, ninety-three percent (N=92) of the community men were in their first marriage whereas only sixty-six percent (N=3 7) of the batterers were in their first marriage. The chi-square for cross-tabulation in Table 8 shows a statistically significant association between the battering status and frequency of marriage (p<.001). Table 8: Battering Status by Frequency of Marriage Batterers Community men All N(%) N (%) N (%) First marriage 37 (66%) 92 (93%) 129(83%) Second or more 19 (34%) 7 (7%) 26 (17%) Total 56 (100%) 99 (100%) 155 (100%) ♦Chi -square=l8.48 p<.001 68 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6) Years of Marriage Table 9 shows that the batterers had a shorter average length of marriage than community men. While fifty-one percent of the community men (N=47) had been married for 20 years or longer, only eleven percent (N=6) of the batterers had been married for 2 0 years or longer. Conversely, while fifty-seven percent (N=31) of the batterers had been married for 9 years or less only seventeen percent (N=16) of the community men have been married for 9 years or less. The chi-square for cross- tabulation in Table 9 shows a statistically significant association between battering status and years of marriage (pc.001). Table 9: Battering Status by Years of Marriage Batterers Community men All N (%) N (%) N (%) <= 9 years 31 (57%) 16(17%) 47 (32%) 10-19 years 17 (32%) 30 (32%) 47 (32%) 2 0+ years 6(11%) 47 (51%) 53 (36%) Total 54(100%) 93 (100%) 147 (100%) *Chi-square =32.01 p<.001 69 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. B. Immigration-related Variables 1) Age at U.S. Entrance The patterns of age at U.S. entrance for both batterers and community men were similar. Forty-eight percent (N=2 7) of the batterers and almost the exact same percent, 48.5% (N=47), of community men entered the U.S. at the age of 3 0 or older. Similarly, forty-three percent (N=24) of the batterers and thirty-seven percent (N=36) of the community men came to the U.S. when they were 20-29 years of age. Only nine percent (N=5) of the batterers and fourteen percent (N=14) of the community men who migrated to the U.S. at the age of 19 or younger. The overall patterns in Table 10 do not indicate a significant difference between batterers and community men in terms of age at U.S. entrance. Table 10: Battering Status by Age at U.S. Entrance Batterers Community men All N (%) N (%) N (%) <= 19 years 5 (9%) 14(14.5%) 19(12.5%) 20-29 years 24 (43%) 36(37%) 60 (39%) 3 0 years or older 27(48%) 47(48.5%) 74 (48.5%) Total 56(100%) 97(100%) 153(100%) *Chi-square=1.17 p=n.s . 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2) Years of U.S. Residency The average length of U.S. residency was shorter for batterers than community men. Among the batterers, forty-three percent (N=2 5) lived in the U.S. for 9 years or less whereas among the community men, only sixteen percent (N=16) lived in the U.S. for 9 years or less. While forty-three percent of the community men (N=43) resided in the U.S. for 2 0 years or more, only ten percent (N=6) of the batterers resided in the U.S. for 20 years or longer. The chi-square shows a statistically significant association between battering status and years of U.S. residency (p<0.0 01) in Table 11. Table 11: Battering Status by Years of U.S. Residency Batterers N (%) Community men N (%) All N (%) <=9 years 25 (43%) 16(16%) 41 (26%) 10-19 years 27 (47%) 40 (40 . 5%) 67 (43%) 2 0+ years 6 (10%) 43 (43.5%) 49 (31%) Total 58 (100%) 99(100%) 157 (100%) *Chi-square=23.32 p<.001 In summary, Korean male batterers in the sample tended to be younger, less educated, in a lower income bracket, in lower occupational categories, had a higher 71 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. frequency of marriage, shorter length of marriage, and had fewer years of U.S. residency than community men. The age at U.S. entrance showed no statistically significant difference between the batterers and community men. See the table below for details. Table 12: Summary of the Chi-square results for risk factors comparison between Batterers and Community men Chi-square p value Socio-demographic and Marriage-related variables Age 17 .27 < . 001 Education 13 . 91 < . 001 Income 11. 68 < . 05 Occupation 20 . 35 < . 001 Frequency of marriage 18 .48 < . 001 Duration of marriage 32 . 01 < . 001 Immigration-related variables Age at U.S. Entrance 1. 17 n. s Years of U.S. Residency 23 . 32 < . 001 The following section details a set of hypotheses that were tested to examine whether there was a 72 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. statistically significant difference between the batterers and community men based on the mean scores for the levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. The Pearson's correlation matrix will then be presented to examine the interrelationships among these four measurements. C.Ethno-gender variables that are specific to Korean immigrant men 1) Traditional Gender Role Attitudes The traditional gender role attitude scale consisted of 12 questions. When fewer than 4 questions in this section were left unanswered the average score was assigned in place of the missing responses. The average was calculated by adding the scores of all questions answered in the traditional gender role attitudes section and dividing that number by the number of questions answered in that section. The Cronbach's Alpha test showed .68, indicating an acceptable value for internal consistency. Appendix 2 compares the response percentages of each question between the batterers and community men. 73 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The overall responses showed similar patterns for both batterers and community men. Most batterers and community men agreed that the primary responsibility of a husband, whether in Korea or America, was to be the main breadwinner and that the father should always maintain his authoritative position. Interestingly, none disagreed with the statement that family matters need to be discussed and decided based on mutual agreement between a husband and wife. The mean scores of traditional gender role attitudes for both groups were almost identical, 27.74 and 27.54, for the batterers and community men respectively, as shown below. Table 13: T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community men for the Traditional Gender Role Attitudes N MEAN SD T P Batterers 58 27 .74 3 .48 - .26 .79 Community men 100 27 . 57 4 . 70 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2) Immigrant L±£e Dissatisfaction The immigrant life dissatisfaction scale consisted of 8 questions. The immigrant life dissatisfaction level was intended to measure the level of dissatisfaction that Korean men may experience in several areas of immigrant life. It included the level of happiness in U.S. immigrant life compared to life in Korea, language barriers (both fluency and literacy), job satisfaction, self-perceived underemployment status, U.S. life satisfaction, financial status, and self-perceived racism. Surveys with missing answers to any one of the eight questions and those participants who were in the occupational categories of students, retired, or unemployed were not included. Since three of eight questions were related to work or job, it was deemed reasonable to only include those respondents who were currently working at the time of the survey. The Cronbach's Alpha test showed .78, an acceptable value for internal consistency. In examining overall response patterns, the community men seemed to be happier and more satisfied in their immigrant lives in the U.S. compared to their lives 75 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. in Korea before immigration, had fewer language barriers, and were financially less troubled than batterers. There was not a marked difference, however, between the batterers and community men in terms of levels of job satisfaction, self-perceived underemployment status, and self-perceived racism within U.S immigrant life. See Appendix 3 for response percentages to each question from the batterers and community men. Table 14 showed that the mean score of the immigrant life dissatisfaction scale for the batterers was higher than that of community men (18.10 vs. 15.89). The mean difference between the two groups was statistically significant (p<.0014). Table 14: T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community men for the Level of Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction N MEAN SD T p Batterers 50 18 .10 3 .62 -3.27 .0014 Community men 92 15 . 89 4 .24 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3) Self-perceived Level of Emasculation The emasculation scale consisted of four questions. For the purpose of increasing sample size, responses with two or fewer missing values were assigned the average score. The average was calculated by adding scores of all answered responses on the emasculation scale and dividing that number by the total number of questions answered. The Cronbach's Alpha test for the emasculation scale was .90, showing a high internal consistency. Appendix 4 compares the response percentage of each question between the batterers and community men. Overall results showed consistent patterns: a higher proportion of the batterers than community men agreed with each statement. The mean score of emasculation for the batterers was higher than that of the community men (1.90 vs. 1.31) and it was statistically significant (p<.03) as shown in Table 15. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 15: T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community men for the Level of Emasculation N MEAN SD T P Batterers 59 1. 90 1. 76 -2 . 10 . 03 Community men 101 1.31 1 . 65 4) Self-perceived Level of Female Resistance The female resistance scale consisted of five questions. Similar to the method used for missing values for the emasculation scale, the average score was assigned where two or fewer responses were missing. The average was calculated by adding scores of all answered responses in the female resistance scale and dividing that number by the total number of questions answered in that section. The Cronbach's Alpha test showed .91 for the female resistance scale, indicating a high internal consistency. Similar to the emasculation scale, overall results showed consistent patterns: a higher proportion of batterers agreed with each statement when compared to 78 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. community men. Further, it appeared respondents in general felt a higher degree of female resistance than emasculation. A greater proportion of respondents agreed with each statement on the female resistance scale than with questions on the emasculation scale. See Appendix 5 for response percentages of each question for the batterers and community men. The mean score tor remale resistance was higher for batterers than for community men (3.55 vs. 2.69) as shown in Table 16. The mean difference between the two groups was statistically significant (p<0.01). Table 16: T-test for the Mean Score Difference between Batterers and Community men for the Level of Female Resistance N MEAN SD T P Batterers 56 3 . 55 1.96 -2.54 .01 Community men 96 2 . 69 2 .13 In summary, the t-test results showed that there was no statistically significant difference between the batterers and community men on the mean scores for the level of traditional gender role attitudes. However, the 79 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. mean scores of immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance were statistically significantly higher for the batterers than for community men. All hypotheses except for the traditional gender role attitudes were supported. See Table 17 for details. Table 17:Summary of the T-tests results for the Mean Score Comparison between Batterers and Community men on Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance Batterers Community men 1.Traditional Gender Role Attitudes 27.74(N=58) 27.57(N=10 0) 2.Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction 18.10(N=50) 15.89(N=92)** 3.Self-perceived Level of Emasculation 1.90(N=59) 1.31(N=101)* 4.Self-perceived Level of Female Resistance 3.55(N=56) 2.69(N=96)* *p<.05 **p<.01 Although each scale was constructed with the intention of measuring unique dimensions that were specific to Korean immigrant men, it was highly likely that the measurements would overlap or be interrelated to 80 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. each other. The Pearson's correlation coefficients matrix was thus employed to examine the direction and strength of interrelationships among these four measurements. The results showed all measurements were correlated to each other and they were all statistically significant. Specifically, the level of emasculation and female resistance showed the strongest correlation. It appeared that the higher the level of emasculation the higher the level of female resistance a Korean immigrant man perceived from his wife or female partner. See the Table below for details. Table 18 :Correlation Analysis Matrix for Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance Pearson Correlation Coefficients 1 2 3 4 1 . Traditional Gender 1.00 Role Attitudes .30*** .30*** .26** 2 . Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction 1 . 00 .43*** 3 3 * * * 3 . Emasculation 1 . 0 0 .63*** 4 . Female Resistance 1 . 00 * pc.Ol ** pc.001 *** pc.0001 81 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Part I. QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS (Continued) B. ADVANCED ANALYSIS The t-test results showed that the batterers had statistically significantly higher mean scores of immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance than the community men. The following section takes the analyses one step further- it involves more rigorous statistical tools and attempts to estimate the predictability of battering status by employing a series of logistic regressions. Predicted probabilities are perhaps most useful when the purpose of the analysis is to forecast the probability of an event, given a set of respondent characteristics (Demaris, 1995). Here, the event in question was the probability of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men which led them to the court-mandated batterers program at the Korean American Family Service Center. Because the dependent variable, battering status, was a dichotomous event, logistic regression was used. First, a series of bivariate logistic regressions were performed to explore the association of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, 82 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. emasculation, and female resistance to battering status. The Pearson's correlation coefficient revealed that all these four measurements were statistically significantly correlated to each other. Therefore, in order to rule out any artificial relationships due to correlation of these variables, multivariate logistic regression analysis was done. A set of independent variables along with the traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance were entered to measure the relative contribution of each variable to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. The seven risk factors were: age, education, income, occupation, frequency of marriage, length of marriage, and years of U.S. residency. Current age was a linear combination of two other variables, age at U.S. entrance and years of U.S. residency. Accordingly, the age at U.S. entrance was deleted from risk factors. Two dummy variables were created for the categorical variables: occupation and frequency of marriage. Since bivariate logistic regression revealed female resistance and immigrant life dissatisfaction to have 83 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant association to battering status, the product terms of these two variables were finally entered into the model to investigate the interaction effects on the likelihood of wife-battering. 1. Bivariate Logistic Regression for the Association between Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance to Wife-Battering Tables 19, 20, 21, and 22 show the bivariate logistic regression results for the association between traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance to the likelihood of wife-battering (dependent variable). Each scale was divided into low, medium, and high categories and the reference category was 'low' for all measurements. As shown in Table 20, a Korean immigrant man with a medium or high level of immigrant life dissatisfaction had about five times greater odds of being a wife- batterer compared to a Korean immigrant man who had a low level of immigrant life dissatisfaction. Further, Table 22 revealed that a Korean immigrant man with a high level of female resistance was two and half times more likely to be a wife-batterer than a Korean immigrant man with a 84 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. low level of female resistance. The levels of traditional gender role attitudes (Table 19) and emasculation (Table 21) did not have statistical significant association to the battering status. Table 19: Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Traditional Gender Role Attitudes and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterer) N Odds Ratio 95% Lower C. I Upper Sig Total 158 Low(Reference) 46 (17-25) Medium 56 (26-29) High 56 (30-38) 1. 00 2.33** 1.02 1.50 .65 5 .33 3 .46 . 12 *.05<p<.10 **p<.05 Table 20: Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterer) N Odds Ratio 95% Lower C. I Upper Sig Total 142 Low(Reference) 3 8 (8-13) Medium 62 (14-19) High 42 (20-25) 1. 00 4.77*** 1.64 5.45*** 1.78 13 . 86 16 . 71 . 002 * .05<p<.10 **p<.05 ***p<.01 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 21: Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Self-Perceived Level of Emasculation and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterer) N Odds Ratio 95% C.I Lower Upper Sig Total 160 .11 Low(Reference) 79 1.00 (0) Medium 41 1.73 .78 3.79 (1-3) High 40 2.20** 1.00 4.84 (4) *.05<p<.10 **p<.05 Table 22: Odds Ratios in Bivariate Logistic Regression for Association of Self-Perceived Level of Female Resistance and Battering Status (l=Korean male batterer) N Odds Ratio 95% C.I Sig Lower Upper Total 152 .06 Low(Reference) 50 1.00 (0-1) Medium (2-4) 32 2.17 .83 5.65 High (5) 70 2.52** 1.13 5.62 * .05<p<.10 * *p<.05 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2. Multivariate Logistic Regression Analysis Table 23 presents the results of multivariate logistic regression measuring the net impact of each independent variable while controlling for all other variables in the model. A set of risk factors related to socio-demographic, marriage, and immigration-related variables was entered along with traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance scales to predict the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. Two variables, occupation and frequency of marriage, were treated as categorical variables and entered as dummy variables. For the occupation variable, the odds of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men who were in the skilled/manual occupation category was measured in reference to all other occupational categories. For the frequency of marriage, the odds of wife-battering among those men in their first marriage was measured in reference to those respondents in their second marriage or higher. The results showed that while controlling for all other variables, only 3 (occupation, female resistance, and years of U.S. residency) of the 11 variables were 87 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant predictors to the likelihood of wife- battering for Korean immigrant men. Korean immigrant men in the skilled/manual occupational category were three times more likely to be in a batterers group than those in all other occupational categories (p<.03) . While holding all other variables constant, the odds of wife- battering decreased the longer the men resided in the U.S. (p<.0 56). One unit change in the year of U.S. residency decreased the odds of wife-battering by 8%. The longer Korean immigrant men lived in the U.S., the less likely they were to be wife-batterers. Further, the odds of wife-battering increased as the level of female resistance increased (p<.057) while controlling for all other variables. One unit change in the level of female resistance increased the odds of wife-battering by 40%. In other words, the higher the level of female resistance that the men perceived, the greater the likelihood of wife-battering. 3 .Multivariate Logistic Regression Analysis with the Product Terms The above analysis measured independent effects of each variable in the model. Following is further exploration for combination effects of female resistance 88 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and immigrant life dissatisfaction. Since the level of female resistance and immigrant life dissatisfaction to the battering status showed statistically significant association in bivariate logistic regression analyses and further, because these strains and stresses are likely coming in combinations in reality, the product terms of those two measurements were explored. Table 24 presented the results of multivariate logistic regression with the product terms added in the model. It showed that five of twelve variables were significant predictors to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men which resulted in their participation in the court mandated batterers program. A significant interaction was observed between high female resistance and immigrant life dissatisfaction. The effect of immigrant life dissatisfaction on wife- battering was 12% higher when the level of female resistance was high for Korean immigrant men compared to those reporting a low level of female resistance. In other words, compared to those with a low level of female resistance, the unit increase in immigrant life dissatisfaction for Korean immigrant men with high female resistance increased the odds of wife-battering by 12%. 89 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The combination of high levels of immigrant life dissatisfaction with high levels of female resistance led to greater likelihood of Korean immigrant men becoming wife-batterers. Table 25 summarizes the findings of a series of both bivariate and multivariate logistic regression analyses. Although the levels of emasculation and female resistance were highly correlated, emasculation alone didn't show significant association with the battering status in bivariate logistic regression. Further, when all other variables were held constant, the level of emasculation was not a significant predictor to wife-battering in multivariate logistic regression analyses. On the other hand, the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction was revealed as a significant predictor to wife-battering only in bivariate analyses but not in multivariate analyses. However, the level of female resistance was revealed as a significant predictor in both bivariate and multivariate logistic analyses. See Table 25 for details. 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 23: Odds Ratios in Multivariate Logistic Regression For Seven Risk Factors, Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, and Female Resistance (l=Korean Male Batterer) Odds Ratio 95% Lower C.I Upper Age 1.02 . 92 1.14 Education .67 .33 1.33 Income .99 . 84 1.17 Skilled/Manual Labor (Ref:All Other Occupational Categories) 3.17** 1. 09 9 .22 First marriage .37 (Ref: Second marriage or more) . 07 1. 95 Years of Marriage .90 . 79 1. 02 Years of U.S. Residency .92* .85 1.00 Traditional Gender Role Attitudes .93 . 82 1. 06 Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction 1. 02 .88 1 . 18 Emasculation 1.02 . 69 1. 52 Female Resistance 1.40* . 99 1.96 Constant -2 Log Likelihood Model Chi-Square Degree of freedom P value for the model 2 .12 42 . 63 35 . 24 11 . 0001 * .05<p<.10 **p<.05 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 24: Odds Ratios in Multivariate Logistic Regression For Seven Risk Factors, Traditional Gender Role Attitudes, Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction, Emasculation, Female Resistance, and the Product Term (Product Term = Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction x Female Resistance and l=Korean Male Batterer) Odds Ratio Lower 95% C.I Upper Age 1.03 . 92 1.15 Education .63 .31 1.28 Income 1.00 . 84 1. 18 Skilled/Manual Labor (Ref: Other Occupational 3 .27** Categories) 1.10 9.76 First marriage (Ref: Second marriage or .42 more) . 08 2.25 Years of Marriage .89* . 78 1.01 Years of U.S. Residency- .93* . 86 1. 00 Traditional Gender Role Attitudes . 93 . 82 1. 06 Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction . 99 . 85 1.15 Emasculation . 95 . 64 1.43 High Female Resistance 2.00** (Ref: Low Female Resistance) 1.13 3 .56 Interactions Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction (continuous) High Female Resistance (categorical, high=3 1.12* .98 X to 5) 1.27 Constant -2 Log Likelihood Model Chi-Square Degree of freedom P value for the model 2 .92 45 . 57 36 .57 12 . 0001 * .05<p<.10 **p<.05 92 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 25: Summary of Odds Ratios in a Series of Bivariate and Multivariate Logistic Regression Analyses (l=Korean Male Batterer) 1 Bivariate Logistic Regression for e t hno-gender variables Multivariate Logistic Regression Multivariate Logistic Regression W/product term Age NS NS Education NS NS Income NS NS Skilled/ Manual 3 .17 3 .27 First Marriage NS NS Duration of Marriage NS .89 Years of U.S. Residency .92 .93 TGRA NS NS NS Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction Medium 4.77 High 5.45 NS NS Emasculation NS NS NS Female Resistance High 2.5 1.40 2.00 Product Terms Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction and Female Resistance 1.12 Model Chi-square 35 .24 36.57 Degree of Freedom 11 12 P value for the model . 0001 . 0001 93 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Part III. Qualitative Analysis The following section is comprised of selected excerpts from Korean immigrant men in the focus group as different ideas, values, and thoughts were shared and exchanged throughout the weekly sessions. Most men were regular participants although a few clients completed the 52-week program and left during the course of the study while others joined as new members in that same period. The excerpts below illustrate how the men defined traditional male roles in their own words, what it meant to them in immigrant life, and how they struggled to settle in the U.S. as immigrants. I think the best husband is one who can fully support his family...I mean financially... since we immigrated to the U.S., I worked very hard to fulfill my role as a husband... my wife never worked. . I wanted her to take care of the kids. I didn't think of anything else but making money and supporting them... so my wife didn't have to worry about money at home. I worked hard for the last 6-7 years..long hours.. 10-12 hours a day.. I never took a vacation all I wanted to do was to settle financially.. without financial stability, .you know..it is tough to have a successful immigrant life..I thought I was being a good husband because I did what I should. Well, I relate the appropriate male role to the provider too. I would like my wife to be a full time mother taking care of family members and matters., but when we moved to Los Angeles from another state, she had to work and I wasn't too happy about it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Being the primary provider for the family was clearly important for these men. Whether in Korea or America, they seemed to adhere to a strong belief that the husband should be the main breadwinner. When they couldn't fully function as primary providers, their identity as husbands was affected. In fact, one client stated that when he couldn't provide what was financially necessary at home everything began to fall apart. Consequently, both he and his wife got out of control and violence ensued over trivial matters: My wife and I started to have problems when we began to have financial troubles... she started to nag... comparing me with her friend's husband... I didn't feel good listening to her nagging... and fights often broke out but once our financial situation improvecL.so did our relationship... everything began to fall back into place. Another man shared how his struggles finding work affected his relationship with his wife. Moreover, the men were frustrated and angry when they sensed their wives looked down on them. The challenging and disrespectful attitudes of their wives, oftentimes, provoked violent incidents for these men. We have resided in the U.S. for almost 5 years... when we were in Korea I was the main breadwinner and she stayed home... since we moved here, I had a hard time finding the right kind of job . . . we used up almost 95 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. all the savings we had and she had to work... I know she was not happy about the fact that she had to work while I was still looking for a job..I sometimes feel she looks down on me even though she doesn't say it directly I can feel it. I have no 'say' in anything because I am incapable as the head of the household. .1 think men should be the main breadwinners to be able to function right as the head of a household. When the incident took place between myself and my now ex-wife, I was going through bad financial trouble.. I had a business that was going well for a while..then.. it started to slow down.. I finally had to declare chapter 11.. I was home without a job for six months.. it was so terrible.. you can't imagine what it is like for a man to stay home all day without a job.. it really hurt my pride and self-esteem... I couldn't see myself as a man, I was supposed to be the head of the household. .. I felt so ashamed of myself.... it is the worst thing that can ever happen to any man. . it was during this time when we had arguments and finally broke into the fight that brought me here. Taking into consideration what Korean men were taught and how they were raised in Korea, it is apparent that they define appropriate male roles and behavior in terms of authority and control. The men in the focus group strongly felt that the husband should be in charge in order to maintain order and peace in the family. The concept of equal rights and an egalitarian relationship between husband and wife seemed to be foreign and illogical to them. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I want to make sure everyone knew that I was in charge around the house... that is the way I run the house. As an oldest child in the family, I always took the role of the head of the household when I grew up. I continued to play the same role after I got married... whatever I said was followed and no questions were asked.... That was the way it has been all these years...I always kept my authority in the house... that was the only way I knew how to keep peace in the house. To have peace in the house, you need some kind of order... that means someone has to be in charge. . as far as I am concerned, the husband should be in charge... just as you can't have two drivers in a car you can't have two heads in the family..equal position between husband and wife?..it just doesn't work in reality. Some based their beliefs about traditional male roles on Korean history, tradition, education and religion. Over 5 0 00 years of Korean history has taught us who men and women are... and how they should be... and that is how we were educated, raised, and it is what we experienced... that is a given. When I grew up men weren't allowed to go in the kitchen area... my grandfather and father never allowed me near the kitchen... and told me that it wasn't a man's thing...that was how I was brought up in Korea.... I haven't changed much. . when I come home I just sit down and expect to be served. A Korean man should be the boss and a woman should obey her husband... that is how God created the human race....look at the Bible... God created Eve out of Adam's rib... think about it.... Why?... because women are men's property and that is how God wants to keep Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. it....when I say 'obey' I mean that is the order God wants to have in the family. On the other hand, 'serving' and 'nurturing' are identified with appropriate female roles and behavior. Maintaining authority and order by a husband is important in keeping harmony and peace in the family. However, important roles that women played in the family were not discounted. Whether or not a wife works full time, I think she should be in charge of taking care of all family members....and all other household chores.... women are better at nurturing and that's a woman's job and they should do what they are good at. I strongly believe that women are the ones who set the color and tone in the family...if women are wise they should be able to have things under control in the house. If you have a nice and obedient wife at home who knows how to physically and emotionally nurture family members., everything will be ok., you won't have any problem... it is woman who is responsible for what happens at home. Although some acknowledged and blamed themselves for their own violent behavior, the role that their spouses or female partners played in the violence was not ignored. A couple of the men made statements solely blaming women for domestic violence. I should have not hit her no matter what.. but it seems like she knows exactly how and when to push the buttons that blow me up. 98 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Korean women should learn how to act wisely..be sensitive about how and when to approach their husbands and try to talk to them wisely instead of nagging and nagging.. if they learn how to use modern women's power wisely I don't think there would be any domestic violence. One man came up with an example of an appropriate tactic of how a wise woman should approach her husband when there was a problem between husband and wife: Let's say that you had an argument over something with your wife one evening ....and both of you went to bed with ill feelings then the next day when you come home from work.. your wife offers you a can of cold beer.... sweetly approaches you and says 11 would like to talk to you about last night..' Who in the world would get upset over her wit and wisdom? I think domestic violence would not occur if you had a wise wife. Furthermore, a wise Korean woman was one who was quiet, obedient, nurturing, and who would not provoke her husband to be violent in any situation. When the question was asked about what a wise Korean man should be like, one participant replied 'one who can find a wise Korean woman.' Have you heard the old saying? 'if a wife keeps her mouth shut, the whole house is in peace'.. any home with trouble is the woman's fault..you see? with many couples I know it is usually the wife who is causing the problems., women just nag too much...repeating over and over what has already been said ten times., regurgitating unpleasant events that happened so many years ago.. I can't stand it Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. when my wife talks about what happened 10 years ago.. it is so hard to bear. The men openly acknowledged how privileged they were as Korean men. One man stated how much he missed life in Korea because his male privilege was respected everywhere there. Korean men are definitely privileged compared to women.. we grew up with male privilege.. and our parents taught us, and they themselves were taught by their ancestors ..and so on..it is just reality. Korea is a haven for men... there is just no place like Korea for men...you get to do what you want.... Here I have no life.. I do the same thing over and over, every week, every month, and every year... what else? I miss life in Korea.. I would very much like to go back to Korea when our kids are all grown..that is where I want to spend the rest of my years. The overall consensus from the group was very much in line with patriarchal thoughts and attitudes. It seemed that they believed being born as men granted them God-given rights to do whatever they pleased. When the discussion came to the topic of extramarital affairs, they viewed it as neither morally wrong nor unethical. Extramarital affairs were a common practice for most Korean married men, something a majority of Korean women, they agreed, should put up with. My wife and I never really clicked since the beginning of the marriage... I don't have much feeling Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. toward her.. but I wanted to keep the marriage together... then I met a woman whom I was able to relate to. I was having an affair with this lady for a while. One night when I came home late my wife began to question me. I didn't want to talk to her. I pushed her., she got hurt with bruises. Tell me anyone in this room if you haven't had extramarital affairs..it is not uncommon for Korean men and happens all the time... I personally know so many Korean men who are having affairs... it is not a big deal... why make it such a big deal? If you leave them alone, it won't hurt the family. A wife shouldn't question her husband..and should just leave him alone. Well, when a man is having an affair, he doesn't mean to break his family... that is why it is called 'ba-ram' (which literally translates as 'wind' in Korean) . . it comes and goes... and if you leave it alone it will pass. And yet, it was a totally different interpretation if a married woman was having an affair. It was unthinkable, unethical, and immoral. She deserved to be beaten by her husband or even killed. As I was asking questions and probing these men for answers, I couldn't deny being personally bottled up with anger. It was neither fair nor right....how could they justify affairs for men but not for women? In the end, they were unable to provide answers to why they thought the way they did. To them, it was a simple reality, something that was given. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. If my wife was having an affair, I would kill her... how could I accept her? how could I take her back when she already slept with another man? It is different for men though... because men and women are different. I think a woman deserves to be beaten by her husband if she is found to be having an affair with another man... she must be out of her mind.. I don't think I could deal with my wife rationally if it ever happened to me... how could she do something like that? In line with patriarchal values and belief system, the general consensus of the men was that keeping the 'appropriate' roles and behavior of husband and wife was important to keep harmony and maintain order in the family. However, immigration itself brought changes in the relationship between husband and wife in the family. The excerpts below further describe the changes Korean immigrant males perceived in their wives or female partners and the conflicts they felt in their relationship through the years of immigrant life in the U.S. Some insisted on traditional Korean values and resented the changes they perceived in their wives. I brought my wife here from Korea and we have been married for 10 years... she changed a lot since then..she never worked here but I don't know what's got into her... as the years go by she challenges me more and more... the way she talks to me and behaves...it is even rude... I think when she first came to the U.S., she was excited about the new 102 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. environment... then she began to see and hear how men are nice and caring to their women in the U.S.... she began to compare me with other men... she began to demand things she could never ask for had we lived in Korea... I feel she is taking advantage of being 'Americanized'.... I try to tell her she should behave like a Korean woman no matter what., my Koreanness as a man won't change and neither should her Koreanness as a women. Korean immigrant women are learning that they can get so much more here than what they can claim in Korea... they demand their husbands to do household chores...do laundry and wash dishes...how dare they ask for things like that? It is supposed to be a woman's job..and that should be the way it is. Some related these changes to social and legal systems in the United States that promote women's rights in general while others directly blamed women's increased earning power in the United States. Some men made statements generalizing all Korean immigrant women as a whole and some personalized their stories. When Korean women immigrate to the U.S., they begin to see a new world...if they look around they see something they never saw in Korea.... Women's rights are promoted.... The law is behind them protecting their rights., they begin to wake up.... They realize they can do things that were unthinkable for them in Korea...like calling the police... women begin to voice their opinions... they are no longer obedient...because they know someone is behind them. When the voice of a woman becomes louder than her husband's... that is when the order in the house begins to break down... I feel because we came to the U.S. there were many changes between us .... She began to see a different world and began to challenge me., and it certainly affected my relationship with Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. her..but most of all.. her earning power was the main driving force behind the divorce. We were married in Korea 13 years ago and have lived here in the U.S. for over 10 years.... well, actually both of us worked very hard to settle she was making money.... sometimes more than me.... although she denied it she was changing... I guess you could say she was 'being tainted with American culture'.. we argued over a trivial matter one time when the argument escalated, violence broke out and here I am. My wife worked in Korea too. We've juggled through hard times.. taking the kids to and from the baby sitters and things like that... she still had to work after we moved to the U.S she wasn't the same as before though. . she was no longer obedient... she began to talk back to me..she was definitely changing. One man depicted America as the land of women and resentfully took a victim's posture: In America, women come first, then dogs, then men... in Australia, I hear, women are number one, then dogs, then cats, finally men... so here we are in the land of women... their voices are heard and their rights are respected... but not men's.... women take advantage of their rights and men are being victimized. The excerpts below further show how Korean immigrant men perceived the changes in their spouses in daily life. Typical arguments usually start over little things and escalate out of proportion in daily interactions. It seemed in most cases both parties were ill-equipped to 104 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. deal with conflicts that commonly occur in any marital relationships. Our arguments usually start from very trivial things... like over food... for example..one evening I say let's go out for dinner..so we start out well, as we are driving around to look for a place to eat I ask her what she'd like..she always says 'pho'.. she likes this Vietnamese noodle dish and I hate i t . . . and she knows it..but without exception she wants to have her own way... I say 'why do you always get what you want?' Then she talks back to me saying 'what is wrong with doing something your wife likes?'... we get mad at each other... so we come back home without dinner after all... . . . as she goes into the kitchen and starts to fix dinner.. she is mad.. and I am mad too..she knocks down dishes... we start to curse at each other... I push her to get her out of my way...then she says 'why do you hit me?' and I say 'I didn't hit you I just shoved you out of my way'.... Then it becomes uglier. I am resting one Sunday morning. My wife asks me for a family picnic at a beach... if I say 'no' then I know how upset she'll b e . . . so reluctantly I agree... and we gather things for a beach... we drive about an hour and arrive at a beach... then she doesn't want to come out of the car... she wants to stay in the car after all... I get mad. . I do what she wants even though I am tired and want to rest at home.. why does she even bother to come if that is what she wants? I don't understand her... I get mad. Many Korean wives say things like.... 'so and so's husband is doing this or that for his wife...' I think that really irritates most Korean men well, my wife is not quiet anymore.. she often talks back to me ..she makes more demands than before., even as I work 6 days a week and she stays home all week right? I want to rest on Sunday..then here she comes.. demanding to do this or that.. asking me to take her here and there., it really bothers me. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One man denied any changes in his relationship with his wife even after immigration and proudly shared how well she performed her wifely nurturing role to keep everything in line at home. While she was very attentive to his needs, however, he was absolutely insensitive to her needs. It was his right as a man to be cared for: If my wife starts to raise her voice because she makes money I don't think I could stand her. If she looks down on me I don't think I could take that either... my wife works and I don't know how much she makes.... I don't even ask her... she takes care of everything... when I am down because of business or whatever... she senses it and she tries her best to care for me.. like she keeps the kids quiet so I won't be annoyed by them... when she is down? I just let her b e... no, I don't do anything... actually I don't even pay much attention at all... honestly speaking. The men often compared their life in the U.S. to life in Korea and shared what immigrant life was like for them: Life here in the U.S. is so simple and dry....not much fun or variation. . unlike Korea... when I came to the U.S. 6 years ago... I had no family members here...and having no one to talk to was hard... I was depressed for a while when I first came... that was my main dissatisfaction... I went to work and came home... so routine... my job didn't entail talking to anyone... sometimes I didn't talk all day. One man shared in detail how the violent incident occurred in his family. He was ashamed of what happened and seemed to be disturbed by unpleasant memories when he 106 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. recalled the incident. However, he was calm, articulate, and seemed to be reasonable as he was describing it: I have no family or friends here and I really do miss my friends in Korea., those friends I grew up with.. we always hung out together even after we were all married....I migrated to the U.S. about 10 years ago..then one day one of my old friends from Korea called me saying he was coming to the U.S. for a few days.... how excited I was that he was coming to visit me!! ..my wife wasn't happy when I told her about his visit... but I told her she didn't have to worry about anything that I would take care of him..then on the date of his arrival I asked her for the van key to pick him up from the airport and she snapped and said 'why are you taking the van? It costs more gas' . . . ..I couldn't believe what she said... I am the head of this household... don't I have a right to do what I want? If it costs more gas, so what? How much more can it be? She was simply out of line... way out of line.. I was very very angry and my self-esteem got hurt... badly hurt... ..I came back in the house and sat on the couch to cool off. Then she followed me and asked me why I was so angry..so I just blew up and I slapped her... the police came and I was arrested... I never saw my friend. They also shared immigrant life experiences as minorities in daily life. Oftentimes, they were conscious about their skin color and language barriers. The men also expressed how unfairly they felt they were treated by law enforcement as minorities. 107 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. One day I was driving on Western... There was a car in front of me driving 15 miles in 4 0 mile zone in the first lane.... I was hoping this car would move to the second lane but it didn't.... I got irritated. As I was changing over to the second lane this old white lady opened the window and lifted her middle finger saying 'fxxx you!' I couldn't believe what I saw and heard... I am glad I was able to hold down my immediate reaction., who knows? Had she called the police from her car I probably would have ended up being accused of whatever she claimed... with my broken English and my brown skin .. I wouldn't be as good at defending myself as that old white lady...who would have more credibility? Me? With my brown skin and currently on probation for domestic violence? no way. When I was arrested I didn't know what was going on. . after dinner, we were out on the street talking, right? My friends and I were trying to comfort this lady whom we had dinner with.. she was upset over the conversation at dinner., then a patrolling police car passed by., and saw us., they turned around and parked.. they began to question us., none of us spoke English well enough., we were trying to explain what happened.. but later we found out the police report said something untrue.. I couldn't get out of it., none of us had enough money for a private lawyer and here I am. I've lived in the United States for 16-17 years., but I don't speak good English.. I feel I was unfairly treated when this incident happened a few months ago.. I wasn't informed about my legal rights.. I had no interpreter.. I couldn't afford a private lawyer..but after listening to other people here I realize I am not alone..most of us were treated unfairly.. because of language barriers and as minorities the system worked against us. We had a fight one evening. . she threw a phone at me. . and I was the one who got hurt. .1 was trying to stop her..between shoving and pushing she had few scratches too., when the police came, without questioning anything they just assumed that I was 108 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the primary aggressor and handcuffed me and took me to the station. Apparently most men were quite ignorant about domestic violence laws in the United States. Some were dismayed to learn what they had to go through. I have lived here in the U.S. for about 2 0 years. I never knew of any laws about domestic violence.. it had nothing to do with me . .. I didn't hit my wife... my wife and I were trying to explain what occurred in English.. somehow. I think domestic violence laws in the U.S actually break up families.. I was treated like a criminal... I still have nightmares about the experience of being handcuffed and taken to a station.. the jail time and court procedure... I was just horrified. . it was such a humiliating experience. I had no idea about domestic violence laws in the U.S. I thought the police would help us to get control of our angry situation., like a mediator., what they did was unexpected. Some argued that U.S. laws were not helping to bring the family together and claimed that domestic violence laws in the United States were intended to break the family: I feel that laws on domestic violence in the U.S. are actually breaking the family apart.. I don't think they help people., after I got arrested and went through all the legal processes.. I feel more emotionally distant from my wife... it pushed us further away from each other. Some men thought the police, like in Korea, would mediate the situation between husband and wife and it Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. never occurred to them they would be arrested and taken to the station: I never knew that calling the police would result in such a disaster.. I don't feel right about domestic violence laws in the U.S. In Korea, the police would simply try to calm the situation. One man was still very angry over his wife calling the police, - he even stated he didn't think he could ever forgive his wife for calling the police: I don't think I can ever forgive my wife for being the one to call the police.. I don't think she realized how much pain and agony I would have at this time., neither of us had effective communication skills., and that was how our argument broke into a fight. Spouses or female partners were often as ignorant about domestic violence laws in the United States as were the male offenders. One man said his wife called the police simply as a warning, the other called the police hoping the situation would cool off with their presence. However, when the women witnessed their husbands being handcuffed and taken to the station, they were just as shocked, scared, and humiliated as the men. One woman actually pleaded with the police not to take her husband to the station and that it was a mistake that she called them. 110 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Most Korean immigrant women as well as men are not aware of legal consequences of calling 911.. for my wife.. she had no idea what could happen to me and it is definitely affecting her and the whole family. I agree... when my wife and I fought. . we shoved and pushed each other... although there was no visible marks on her, her face was red.. when the police arrived and handcuffed me..she pleaded not to take me to the station... and how sorry she was to call the police and that it was a mistake. These women often tried to compensate for their 'mistakes' by being more polite and submissive to their husbands, or providing better meals on the dinner table: My wife feels very sorry too., she didn't think a simple 911 call could put me through this., she treats me well., every Wednesday she has better dishes prepared for me when I get home after this session.. I know she is very sorry for calling the police. Most men agreed that they were uneducated about marriage and lacked appropriate communication skills or problem solving techniques: We were never educated about marriage..how to better maintain marriage., or communication techniques, how to vent emotions constructively and resolve conf licts...etc. I never learned and neither did my wife., now I realize marriage takes more than just being together in the same household.. I know I was wrong when I hit her.. but you can imagine what it took for me to get to that point where I felt like I was pushed to the max. Further, the men often talked about how the program should also be offered to their wives or female partners. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. They agreed that most violent incidents could have been avoided had they learned effective communication skills and problem solving techniques, and that both parties should participate in order to build a better relationship and benefit from the program. I feel my wife should participate in this program as well... because it takes two to clash and therefore both should be educated.. that is the way I feel. If you alone learn how to deal with conflicts or stress., or communication skills., or what ever...and your wife remains uneducated and unchanged... what good does it do for our relationship? I definitely think women should be educated too.. so we both can build a better relationship together. I also think women should be educated... women are left out in this game... to have a fair and better game in marriage we both should learn.. and it is not fair that I alone have to be here. This section of qualitative analysis attempted to capture the voices of Korean male batterers behind the data and shed light upon how they experienced domestic violence in the context of immigrant life in the United States. The emphasis was placed on how they defined traditional gender roles, what it meant to them in immigrant life, how it affected their spousal relationships, and how they perceived changes in the gender relations in the family. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A majority of the clients in the group seemed to adhere to traditional gender roles regardless of their age at U.S. entrance or years of residency in the U.S. Many defined their primary male role as the main breadwinner, expressed how frustrated they were when they couldn't fulfill their roles as providers, and further shared how it was affecting their relationship with their spouses. Through every°ne's stories and experiences it becomes clear that immigration in and of itself brought changes and conflicts in traditional gender roles and relations in the family. The excerpts in this section reflect a slice of the immigrant life experience for a group of Korean male batterers, as they perceived changes and conflicts in their spousal relationships. These changes and conflicts were expressed in the forms of challenge, resistance, 'Americanized' attitudes, or resentment from their wives. Immigrant life itself for these Korean male batterers seemed to provide specific social and cultural contexts in which domestic violence took place. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER IV. DISCUSSION As is the case for most other ethnic minority groups in the United States, the problem of domestic violence for Korean immigrant families has not been included in the mainstream violence prevention movement and has not been systematically studied in any literature. Accordingly, although much available data does indicate that the incidence of the domestic violence among Korean immigrant families is higher than in any other Asian Pacific immigrant population in the U.S., the understanding and knowledge of domestic violence among Korean immigrant families is very limited. No comprehensive research or systematic data related to domestic violence among the Korean immigrant population is available to this date. This study explored the relationship between immigration and domestic violence, and examined specific social and cultural contexts of Korean immigrant families in which domestic violence took place. Specifically, the study has focused on Korean immigrant men and examined socio-demographic factors, marriage and immigration- related variables, traditional gender role attitudes, 114 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. immigrant life dissatisfaction, self-perceived level of emasculation and female resistance. The study also examined significant predictors to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. Traditional gender role attitudes, changes in gender relations, and immigrant life experiences have been the major foci of the analyses. In examining risk factors related to socio demographic variables, we found Korean male batterers to be younger (Table 4), less educated (Table 5), with lower incomes (Table 6), and belonging to lower occupational categories (Table 7) than community men. While forty-six percent of the batterers were 3 9 years or younger, only nineteen percent of the community men were in this age group (pc.OOl). While seventy-four percent of the community men had attained a bachelors degree or higher, only forty-five percent of the batterers had a bachelors degree or higher (pc.OOl). In terms of income comparisons, over forty percent of the batterers made less than $24,999 in 1998 while only eighteen percent of the community men were in this income bracket (p<.05). In comparing the occupational categories between the batterers and community men, thirty percent of the 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. batterers were engaged in skilled/manual work whereas only fourteen percent of community men belonged to this occupational category (pc.OOl). Previous studies have suggested that although wife abuse occurs in all socioeconomic classes it seems to be more common among people with lower socioeconomic status (Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986) . Hotaling and Sugarman evaluated 97 potential risk markers of husband to wife violence using 52 case-comparison studies as the source of data. Occupational status, income, and educational level all showed up as consistent risk markers. To be classified as a consistent risk marker in their study, a risk marker had to be measured in at least three independent investigations and found to be significantly related to husband to wife violence in the predicted direction in at least 70% of these investigations. However, age, in their study, turned out to be an inconsistent risk marker. Inconsistent risk markers were classified as those with no consistent pattern across studies and investigated results were in the predicted direction between 31% and 69% of the time. Further, Gelles and Straus (1988) related lower socioeconomic status to fewer available resources to cope 116 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. with stress. According to Gelles and Straus, families that have less education and lower occupational status were more likely to experience family violence because they were less likely to have the resources to cope with stress. Heise (1998) also found that wife abuse was more common in families with low incomes and with unemployed men. In identifying risk factors of socio-demographic variables for Korean male batterers, our findings concurred with previous studies. In regards to marriage-related variables, Korean male batterers seemed to have higher frequency of marriage (Table 8) and a shorter duration of marriage (Table 9) than community men. This study showed that 66% of the batterers were in their first marriage while over 90% of the community men were in their first marriage (pc.OOl). Whether Korean male batterers in this sample tended to have characteristics or personalities which may have contributed to ending one marriage and violence in a second marriage was beyond the scope of this study. Nonetheless, one-third of Korean male batterers were in their second marriage or higher whereas only seven percent of the community men were married twice or more. 117 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Further, while fifty-seven percent of the batterers have been married for 9 years or less only seventeen percent of the community men have been married for 9 years or less (pc.OOl). This study also showed Korean male batterers seemed to have fewer years of U.S. residency (Table 11) than community men. Among the batterers, only ten percent of them resided in the U.S. for 20 years or more while forty-three percent of the community men resided in the U.S. for 2 0 years or longer (p<.001). Younger marriages are more often associated with general financial insecurity; therefore duration of marriage may affect the impact of socioeconomic status, the level of stress experienced by the husband, and the overall perceived quality of marital relationships (Hoffman et al., 1994) . Similarly, fewer years of U.S. residency may be associated with migration adaptation instability when Korean immigrants are trying to adjust themselves socially and culturally to the new environment in the U.S. Unfamiliar social settings, language barriers, unsatisfying employment, unstable financial situations, 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. or self-perceived racism may all come into play to set the ground for vulnerability to violence in the family. In regards to traditional gender role attitudes, our findings were contrary to several studies done in the past (Walker, 1983; Telch and Lindquist, 1984; Finn, 1986; Smith, 1990) in which traditional gender role attitudes were significantly related to wife beating. On the other hand, Hotaling and Sugarman (1986) found traditional sex role expectations to be the only consistent nonrisk marker among male characteristics. Only 2 of 8 studies found batterers to hold more traditional sex role expectations than non-batterers. Further, in examining ethnic differences in the prevalence and correlates of self-reported spousal violence in a community sample of Anglo, Black, and Mexican American adults, Neff et al. (1995) found that sex role traditionalism did not emerge as a significant predictor of spousal violence. Consistent with Neff et al. and Hotaling and Sugarman, our study also did not show traditional gender role attitudes to be a significant risk factor for wife-battering (Table 13) . Our data revealed that the mean score for the traditional gender role attitudes of the batterers was 119 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. not significantly different from that of the community men (27.74 vs. 27.57). Further, bivariate logistic regression analysis for association of traditional gender role attitudes and battering status showed no statistical significance (Table 19). This may be due to the fact that both the batterers and community men in our sample were relatively old when they entered the U.S. The patterns of age at U.S. entrance were similar for both groups (Table 10). Close to fifty percent of the batterers and community men entered the U.S. at the age of 3 0 or older. Therefore, by the time Korean immigrant men in our sample had entered the U.S., most had absorbed and been affected by traditional gender roles and behavior in Korea and already established their own sets of traditional gender role attitudes. It may also be that male dominant expectations are so pervasive that it is not possible to differentiate violent from nonviolent males on this dimension, as Hotaling and Sugarman (1986) suggested. In comparing levels of immigrant life dissatisfaction (Table 14) , the batterers had a higher mean score than community men (18.10 vs. 15.89) and it was statistically significant (p<.0014). Assuming that 120 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Korean, male batterers must be less satisfied with their marriage than community men, it appeared that this may have contributed to the overall levels of immigrant life dissatisfaction for them. Moreover, bivariate logistic regression analysis for association of the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction and battering status (Table 20) showed that a Korean immigrant man with a medium or high level of immigrant life dissatisfaction had about five times greater odds of wife-battering compared to a Korean immigrant man who had a low level of immigrant life dissatisfaction (p<.002). However, multivariate logistic regression analyses (Table 23 and 24) revealed that the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction alone (while controlling for all other variables in the model) was not a significant predictor to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. The scale for the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction in this study focused on the areas directly related to immigration. That is, an attempt was made to measure the level of life dissatisfaction in the areas that could have been affected by migration itself. These questions were in regards to language barriers, job 121 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. satisfaction, financial status, underemployment, racism, life satisfaction in the U.S., and comparisons between immigrant life in the U.S. and life in Korea. Questions pertaining to interpersonal relations with spouse, children, or other extended family members, interpersonal relations at work, or psychological/physical factors caused by various life events such as death in the family, recent divorce, moving, disability, sickness, job loss, or promotion, were not included. Applying the Holmes and Rahe scale to measure the level of stress which included most factors mentioned above, Kim (Unpublished doctoral dissertation) found, from a sample of 256 Korean families residing in New York and Chicago in 1992, that stress level was the most significantly associated factor in husband-to-wife violence. In regards to self-perceived level of emasculation, the batterers had a higher mean score than community men and this was statistically significant (Table 15). However, bivariate logistic regression analysis for association of the self-perceived level of emasculation and battering status did not show statistical significance (Table 21). It appeared that although the 122 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. mean score of self-perceived level of emasculation was higher for the batterers than community men, the level of emasculation alone was not associated to the battering status among Korean immigrant men as shown in bivariate regression analysis. In examining self-perceived level of female resistance, the batterers showed a higher mean score than community men and this was statistically significant (Table 16). Further, bivariate logistic regression analysis for association of self-perceived level of female resistance and battering status (Table 22) showed that a Korean immigrant man with a high level of female resistance was two and half times more likely to be a wife-batterer than a Korean immigrant man with a low level of female resistance (p<.05). It appeared that self-perceived level of female resistance among Korean immigrant men, at least from their own perspectives, was an important part of gender dynamics in which violence took place in the family. The multivariate logistic regression analysis showed that while controlling for all other variables, only three (occupation, years of the U.S. residency, and female resistance) were significant predictors to the 123 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. Korean immigrant men in the skilled/manual occupational category were about three times more likely to be in a batterers group than Korean immigrant men in all other occupational categories. Long hours of physical labor and manual works often accompanied by little or no support from spouses or other extended family members may result in both physical and psychological exhaustion. Moreover, inability to take a break or vacation, as described in the excerpts, may further contribute to the vulnerability to violence for Korean immigrant men in this occupational category. While controlling for all other variables, the odds of wife-battering increased as the level of female resistance increased. One unit change in the level of female resistance increased the odds of wife-battering by 40%. Further, each additional year of the U.S. residency was associated with a 8% decrease in the risk of wife- battering. That is, while holding all other variables constant, the odds of wife-battering decreased the longer Korean immigrant men resided in the U.S. The present study consistently showed that in multivariate logistic regression analyses, years of U.S. residency was a 124 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant predictor to the likelihood of wife- battering . As Korean immigrant men begin to learn to adapt themselves to the new environment in the U.S., the initial stage of migration and settlement may bring unpleasant experiences, challenges, and struggles in various social interactions, encounters, and situations. As years of U.S. residency increase, a sense of settlement begin to emerge, physically and psychologically, and individuals may be better equipped, both culturally and socially, to deal with conflicts and changes occurring in the family. When the product terms of high female resistance and immigrant life dissatisfaction were added into the model (Table 24), five variables were shown to be significant predictors to the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. In addition to occupational category, years of U.S. residency, and female resistance as already shown in the previous models, duration of marriage and the interaction between high female resistance and immigrant life dissatisfaction were also shown to be significant predictors. Each year of marriage decreased the odds of being in the batterers 125 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. group by 11%. Further, the effect of immigrant life dissatisfaction on wife-battering was 12% higher when the level of female resistance was high for Korean immigrant men compared to those reporting a low level of female resistance. The study of domestic violence in immigrant life thus brings particular social and cultural contexts through which the nature of domestic violence must be understood. In examining the nature of domestic violence in the immigrant community, Jang et al. (1990) argued stressful situations brought on by the adjustment to life in a new country could make a family vulnerable to the dangers of domestic violence. Further, changing roles between spouses was one of the problems faced by immigrant families that played a contributing role in domestic violence. Our findings in multivariate logistic regression analyses suggested that immigrant life dissatisfaction alone was not a significant predictor to the likelihood of wife-battering for Korean immigrant men. Immigrant life dissatisfaction along with perceived changes in gender roles and relations, at least from the perspectives of Korean immigrant men, emerged as a 126 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. significant part of gender dynamics in which domestic violence took place among Korean immigrant families. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION The present study explored the relationship between immigration and wife-battering for Korean immigrant families. The quantitative part of the study examined the risk factors for Korean male batterers and significant predictors to the likelihood of wife- battering among Korean immigrant men. Abraham's(1995) e t h n o - g e n d e r approach provided a framework in conceptualizing a two-dimensional analysis in the immigrant context. Based on the intersection of ethnicity and gender as a significant analytical category, t r a d i t i o n a l g e n d e r r o l e a t t i t u d e s as a reflection of cultural differentiation, i m m i g r a n t l i f e d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n as a social differentiation of Korean immigrant men, and e m a s c u l a t i o n and f e m a l e r e s i s t a n c e as changes in gender roles and relations were examined as independent variables. Four hypotheses were proposed to compare the batterers to the community men for levels of traditional gender role attitudes, immigrant life dissatisfaction, emasculation, and female resistance. The qualitative part of the study attempted to capture the voices behind the data and bring to light how domestic violence was experienced for Korean male 128 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. batterers in immigrant life through their own words. The voices of Korean male batterers undoubtedly brought the benefit of a live stage to the study as they candidly shared their own stories. However, this study has several limitations. First, obtaining a large sample size for Korean male batterers was not possible. This population was fixed in that the Korean American Family Service Center was the only avenue through which the sample for Korean male batterers could get recruited as subjects and the number of clients at the agency was not manipulated by any means. Secondly, the convenience sampling method for the comparison group to the Korean male batterers may not have been ideal. However, due to the feasibility, response rate, and time constraints of obtaining this second sample, this particular convenience sampling method was chosen. Therefore, the characteristics of Korean community men do not necessarily represent Korean immigrant men in Los Angeles County as a whole. Although attempts were made to distribute the survey as randomly as possible to cover a wide spectrum of social layers through different community organizations, meetings, churches, and friends, the results may have been biased. 129 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In fact, more surveys could have been distributed to those Korean immigrant men with higher socioeconomic status than to those with lower socioeconomic status. Therefore, the results may have been due to the convenience sampling method chosen for the comparison group. Third, Korean community men do not represent true non-batterers. It included a few Korean immigrant men who reported that they had physically abused their spouses/female partners during the past year. The definition of Korean community men, accordingly, implied a group of Korean immigrant men with a considerably lower degree of physical violence as a whole than Korean male batterers at the agency. Last, the definition of Korean male batterer in this paper was limited to Korean immigrant men at the Korean American Family Service Center who were enrolled in 52 weeks of the batterers program. All subjects at the Korean American Family Service Center were reported to the police and ordered to enroll in a 52 week batterers program by the court. They all chose this agency in which the program would be conducted in Korean. Accordingly, those Korean male batterers who chose to 130 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. enroll elsewhere in which the program would be conducted in English were not included. In addition, Korean male batterers at the agency- represented varying degrees and natures of violent behavior and different circumstances and situations in how they were reported to the police and brought to the court system, but all wound up in the court mandated batterers program at the agency. Whether they were the true batterers or not, whether their circumstances were unfairly distorted by law enforcement due to language barriers and/or minority status or not, and by whatever means and however they claimed their innocence, there was no way to confirm these facts. Moreover, there was no way to verify the stories and experiences they shared throughout the sessions. Nonetheless, excerpts were selected and wholeheartedly taken as they were expressions in the subjects' own words. Uniting the Quantitative and Qualitative Findings One of the goals of this dissertation was to pull the quantitative and qualitative research methods together. By bringing these two research methods together, this study attempted to accomplish 131 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. complementary goals that one method alone could not provide in understanding particular social and cultural contexts in which domestic violence took place among Korean immigrant families. The quantitative findings provided a series of snapshots of Korean male batterers and focused on identifying risk factors and predictors to estimate the likelihood of wife-battering among Korean immigrant men. The quantitative findings revealed, interestingly, that the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction was significantly associated with the battering status in bivariate logistic regression analysis. However, in multivariate logistic regression analyses, the level of immigrant life dissatisfaction alone (while controlling for all other variables in the model) was not a significant predictor for the likelihood of wife- battering. Only when immigrant life dissatisfaction interacted with a high level of female resistance, it was a significant predictor for the likelihood of wife- battering . The qualitative findings explored how immigration brought changes in traditional gender roles and relations and how these changes were articulated within the 132 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. contexts of social and cultural settings of Korean immigrant families. By adding the voices of a group of Korean male batterers, the qualitative findings definitely contributed a greater depth to the understanding of Korean immigrant families in which domestic violence has taken place. Their stories brought to light how they personally experienced domestic violence and illuminated the dynamics and processes of how the violent event took place in their families. As shown in the quantitative findings, the interaction between immigrant life dissatisfaction and female resistance was strongly represented also in the qualitative findings as well. When I am stressed especially about money... I get tense., my wife gets tense., we can feel it in the air around the house.. we argue over little things., we fight., she won't be quiet... in her eyes.. I am so small... much smaller than other men. . I can sense she looks down on me., it is hard to bear. I am having a hard time looking for a job... I can feel that my wife looks down on m e. .. and she does not keep quiet anymore., she often talks back to m e . . . but the way she talks back to me..it is even rude. I have been under a lot of stress lately.. and my wife continued to nag and irritate me .. . I told her to stop., but she wouldn't listen. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. As illustrated in the above excerpts, the underlying tensions and stresses of Korean male batterers combined with a high degree of female resistance seemed to set the ground for provoking violent events among the men in the focus group. The combined effect of these two elements was actually brought to life in the qualitative part of the study, which particularly impressed me. Some shared how they were dissatisfied with their lives in the U.S. because their lifestyles in the U.S. were simply different than in Korea. Some expressed discontent because there were no extended family members or friends who could provide emotional support for them. Some verbalized how their job conditions or financial situations affected their perceptions in defining gender roles and relations with their spouses. Further, some shared how female earning power or changing attitudes of female partners in the U.S. influenced their perceptions of gender relations in the family and pointed to these as circumstances for violence. Mainstream studies of domestic violence often focus on the characteristics of male batterers or battered women. Gender relations within the discourse of domestic violence is largely ignored, let alone in immigrant 134 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. family contexts. Further, how immigration brings changes in gender relations and how it may be related to domestic violence in immigrant families is rarely studied. This study finds that beliefs about traditional gender roles and behavior, cultural values and norms, and changes in gender roles and relations along migration adaptation processes are important parts of the gender dynamics which may influence the chances of occurrence of domestic violence in Korean immigrant families. This study was conducted with the hopes of providing sociological insights to the study of domestic violence for Korean immigrant families, to stimulate interest for other understudied ethnic populations in the United States whose immigrant life experiences may similarly related to domestic violence, and to generate future studies on this subject. Further, this study was done with the intention of forging constructive and effective strategies in dealing with domestic violence that are specific to the culture of the Korean immigrant family. The basic ground for most batterers programs, as well as the one at the Korean American Family Service Center, is that abusers should take full responsibility and accountability fox' own violent behavior. Although 135 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. there is no doubt about that basic ground, this study also showed, from the results of quantitative data as well as through excerpts, that the roles that female partners played were also an important part of the gender dynamics in which domestic violence took place. While the importance of the responsibility of the abusers remains strong and effective approaches and intervention geared towards behavior modification of abusers, anger or stress management, conflict resolution, or communication skills cannot be denied, the role that the other partner plays in violent scenarios also cannot be ignored. Since most violence in intimate relationships occur in the context of mutual exchanges of escalating emotions, inappropriate responses, or unhealthy interactions between two partners, providing services and programs for both partners rather than batterers alone would be beneficial for more effective intervention in reducing and preventing future violence. Margolin (1979) outlines three basic concepts that are fundamental to treatment with an orientation towards the relationship: abusivenss is learned; abusiveness is a mutual problem; and abusiveness is related to poor problem-solving skills. Regardless of what circumstances 136 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and situations violence broke out for these Korean male batterers, effective communication skills and problem solving techniques in relation to both partners would have been helpful to reduce or to prevent violent incidents altogether. Although the court system cannot mandate programs to victims, services geared to female partners would be beneficial in rebuilding relationships and should be recommended for victims as well. Meanwhile Korean community agencies, organizations, and churches need to and should work together to provide services and programs to promote healthy relationships and prevent violence at the community level. The Korean immigrant community has slowly begun to recognize the seriousness of domestic violence within the community and attempts have been made to raise public awareness and curb its occurrence. In recent years, some public campaigns and educational programs were organized and initiated on the topic of domestic violence. Information related to domestic violence was broadcast and disseminated via public service announcements on television and through other media channels. The Korean American Family Service Center continues to be the 137 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. leading and sole agency in Los Angeles County to provide services and programs to Korean male batterers. Yet we are still in our infancy stage in understanding domestic violence in the Korean American community. None in the focus group were aware of the possible legal and social consequences of domestic violence before their incidents occurred. In fact, throughout the focus group sessions, almost all the participants voiced how ignorant they were about domestic violence laws in the U.S. and were positively convinced that knowing about the consequences would have prevented many of the violent incidents. Aggressively educating the Korean American community, especially newcomers, about current laws of domestic violence in the United States and correctly informing the community about what can happen when laws are violated is essential. Further, outreach to the whole community across all age groups is necessary to get the message across that violence is preventable and life without violence is possible. After all, we, as immigrants, are here to stay in the United States and all share common dreams and hopes for better lives and opportunities for future generations in this country. 138 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Without adequate knowledge and understanding of the forces that shape our existence these dreams and hopes may never fully develop into reality. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REFERENCES Abraham, Margaret. (1995). Ethnicity, Gender, and Marital Violence. South Asian Women's Organizations in the United States. Gender and Society. 9(4). 450- 468 . Babbie, Earl. (1995). The Practice of Social Research. 7ch Edition. Belmont Wadsworth Pub. Co. Bachman, Ronet (1994, January). U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Violence Against Women: A National Crime Victimization Survey Report. Barnett, Ola W and Alyce E. La Violette. (1993) . It could Happen to Anyone. United States, Sage Publications, International Educational and Professional Publisher. Bui, Hoan and Merry Morash. (1999, July). Domestic Violence in the Vietnamese Immigrant Community: An Exploratory Study. Violence Against Women. 5(7). 769-795. Chang, B.H. (1996, August 2). Domestic violence is a Serious problem for Korean immigrant families. The Korea Central Daily, p. A1. Colorado Domestic Violence Coalition, Domestic Violence for Health Care Providers. 3rd Edition (1991) . Demaris, Alfred. (1995). A Tutorial in Logistic Regression. Journal of Marriage and the Family. 57. 956-968. Dobash, R. Emerson and Russell Dobash, (1979). Violence Against Wives: A Case Against the Patriarchy. The Free Press, A Division of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc. 140 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dwyer, Diane C., Paul R. Smokowski, John C. Bricout, and John W. Wodarski. (1996) . Domestic Violence and Women Battering: Theories and Practice Implications, In Roberts, A. (Ed.) . Helping Battered Women: New Perspectives and Remedies. New York, New York: Oxford University Press. Eng, Patricia. (1995). Domestic Violence in Asian/Pacific Island Communities: A Public Health Issue, In Adams,D . (Ed.). Health Issues for Women of Color. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, Inc. Federal Bureau of Investigation, Uniform Crime Reports (1991) . Finn, Jerry. (198 6). The Relationship Between Sex Role Attitudes and Attitudes Supporting Marital Violence Sex Roles. 14(5/6). 235-244. Gelles, R. J., & Straus, M.A. (1988). Intimate Violence: The causes and consequences of abuse in the American family. New York: Simon & Schuster. Heise, Lori. (1998, June). Violence Against Women: An Integrated, Ecological Framework. Violence Against Women. 4(3). 262-290. Hoffman, Kristi, David Demo, and John Edwards. (1994, February) . Physical Wife Abuse in a Non Western Society: An Integrated Theoretical Approach, Journal of Marriage and the Family. 56. 131-146. Hong, In Jong. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Male Batterers: An Ecosystemic Analysis of Conjugal Violence in the Korean Immigrant Family, Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, California. May 1993 . Hotalig, G.T. and Sugarman, D.B. (1986). An analysis of risk markers in husband to wife violence: The current state of knowledge. Violence and Victims. 1. 101-124 . 141 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Hurh, W M. (1980) . Toward a New Community and Identity : The Korean-American Ethnicity, in Byong-Suh Kim and Lee, Sang H. (Eds.). The Korean Immigrants in America. New Jersey : Published by The Association of Korean Christian Scholars in North America, Inc. Ikeda-Vogel, L., Lee, T., and Lee, J. (1993). Domestic Violence: Here's the Scenario. KoreAm Journal. October. 9-16. Jang Deeana, Debbie Lee, and Rachel Morello-Frosch. (1990) . Domestic Violence in the Immigrant and Refugee Community: Responding to the Needs of Immigrant Women. Response. 13(4), 2 - 1 . Kanuha, Valli. (1994). Women of Color in Battering Relationships, in Lillian Comas-Diaz and Greene, B. (Eds.) . Women of Color Intercrrating Ethnic and Gender Identities in Psychotherapy. New York and London: Published by The Guilford Press Kibria Nazli. (1993). Family Tightrope:The Changing Lives of Vietnamese Americans. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, Princeton. Kim, Jae Yop. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Conjugal Violence in Korean American Families, University of Chicago, Illinois. 1993. Kim, Kwang Chung and Hurh, Won Moo. (1987) . Employment of Korean Immigrant Wives and the Division of Household Tasks' in Eui-Young Yu and Phillips, E. H. (Eds.), In Korean Women in Transition At Home and Abroad. Los Angeles. Published by Center for Korean-American and Korean Studies California State University, Los Angeles. Kim, S. Y. (2000, January 24) . Domestic violence is Still serious. Joonaanailbo. Los Ancreles. p. A2. Kleinbaum, David G. (1994) . Logistic Regression: a self- learning text. Springer-Verlag New York, Inc. 142 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Lee, Dong Chang. (1975). Acculturation of Korean Residents In Georgia. San Francisco : Published by R and E Research Associates. Levinson, David. (198 9) . Family Violence in Cross- Cultural Perspective. Newbury Park, California:Sage Publication, Inc. Lincoln, Alan Jay and Murray A. Straus. (1985). Crime and The Family. Illinois: Charles C Thomas Publisher. Margolin, Gayla. (1979) . Conjoint Marital Therapy to Enhance Anger Management and Reduce Spouse Abuse, The American Journal of Family Therapy. 13-23. Min, Pyong Gap. (1988) . The Korean American Family. In Charles H.Mindel, Robert Habenstein, and Wright, R. (Eds.). Ethnic Families in American: Patterns and Variations. Elsevier Science Publishing Co., Inc. Neff, James, Bruce Holamon, and Tracy Schluter. (19 95). Spousal Violence Among Anglos, Blacks, and Mexican Americans: The Role of Demographic Variables, Psychosocial Predictors, and Alcohol Consumption. Journal of Family Violence. 10(1). 1-21. Petretic-Jackson, Patricia A. and Thomas Jackson. (1996). Mental Health Interventions with Battered Women, In Albert R. Roberts (Ed.). Helping Battered Women: New Perspectives and Remedies. New York, New York:Oxford University Press. Rimonte, Nilda. (1989). Domestic Violence among Pacific Asians. In Making Waves by Asian Women United of California. Boston: Beacon Press. Smith,Michael D. (1990) . Patriarchal Idealogy and Wife Beating: A Test of a Feminist Hypothesis. Violence and Victims. 5(4), 257-273. 143 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Song, Yong I. (1987). Silent Victims: Battered Women in Korean Immigrant Families. San Francisco:Oxford Press. _____________. (1996). Battered Women in Korean Immigrant Families: The Silent Scream. New York: Garland Pub. Straus, Murray A. (1976, Spring). Sexual Inequality, Cultural Norms, and Wife-Beating. Victimology. 54- 70 . Telch, C.F., S c Lindquist, C.U. (1984). Violent versus non-violent couples: A comparison of patterns. Psychotherapy. 21. 242-248. United Way of Greater Los Angeles- Asian Pacific Factfinder (1996) Walker, L.E. (1983) . The battered woman syndrome study. In D. Finkelhor, R.J.Gelles, G.t.Hotaling, & Straus, M. (Eds.). The dark side of families: Current family Violence research. 31-48, Beverly Hills:Sage. Watkins, Carol R. (1982). Victims. Aoressors. and The Family Secret. Published by the Minnesota Department of Public Welfare Yim, Sun Bin. (197 8). Korean Battered Wives: A Sociological and Psychological Analysis of Conjugal Violence in Korean Immigrant Families. In Harold Hakwon Sunoo and Kim, Dong S. (Eds.). Korean Women In A Struggle For Humanization. Memphis, Tennessee: Published by The Korean Christian Scholars Publication Inc. Yu, Eui-Young. (1982). Occupation and Work Patterns of Korean Immigrants in Los Angeles. In Eui-Young Yu, Earl H. Phillips, and Yang, Eun S. (Eds.). Koreans in Los Angeles Prospects and Promise. Los Angeles : Published by Koryo Research Institute Center for Korean-American and Korean Studies. 144 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. _______ (1987). Women In Traditional and Modern Korea In Eui-Young Yu and Phillips, Earl H. (Eds.). In Korean Women in Transition At Home and Abroad. Los Angeles : Published by Center for Korean- American and Korean Studies California State University, Los Angeles. _______ (1990) . Korean American Community in 1989: Issues and Prospect. In Kim Hyung-Chan and Lee, Eun Ho. (Eds.). In Koreans in America : Dreams and Realities. Seoul Korea : Published by the Institute of Korean Studies. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix 1: Responses for The Level of Physical Violence In the last year (or in the last year that you and your spouse were together), did you do any of these things to your spouse when you and your spouse fought or had arguments? Circle the amount of times the event occurred in the last year. FI. Threatened to hit or throw something at the spouse. Never l-2x/yr 3-4x/yr 5+/yr Batterers 34% 51% 12% 3% Community men 91% 6% 2% 1% F2. Pushing, grabbing, or shoving Never l-2x/yr Batterers 4 4 % 4 4 % community men 91% 7% 3-4x/yr 10% 2% 5 + /yr 2% 0 F3. Slapping Batterers Community men Never 73% 98% l-2x/yr 25% 2% 3-4x/yr 0 0 5 + /yr 2% 0 F4. Kicking, biting, or hitting with a fist Batterers Community men Never 95% 99% l-2x/yr 5% 1% 3-4x/yr 0 0 5 + /yr 0 0 F5. Hit or tried to hit with something Batterers Community men Never 88% 98% l-2x/yr 10% 2% 3-4x/yr 0 0 5 + /yr 2% 0 F6 . Beat up the other one Never Batterers 98% Community men 100% l-2x/yr 2% 0 3-4x/yr 0 0 5 + /yr 0 0 F7. Threatened with knife or gun Never l-2x/yr 3-4x/yr 5+/yr Batterers 98% 2% 0 0 Community men 100% 0 0 0 F8 . Used knife or gun Batterers Community men Never 100% 100% l-2x/yr 0 3-4x/yr 0 0 5+/yr 0 0 146 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix 2: Traditional Gender Role Attitudes SA A D SD Total % % % % % 1. The primary responsibility of a husband, whether in Korea or America, is to be the main breadwinner. Batterers 38% 50% 10% 2% T=100% Community men 46% 47% 4% 3% T=100% C2. If a wife participates in the labor force, her husband should share the housework. Batterers 47% 50% 1.5% 1.5% T=100% Community men 56% 40% 4% 0% T=100% C3. It is not right for a man, even in America, to be around the kitchen helping with dish washing or cooking. Batterers 3.5% 7% 53.5% 36% T=100% Community men 3% 13% 29% 55% T=100% C4. The father should always maintain his authoritative position. Batterers 41% 48% 9% 2% T=100% Community men 50% 41% 7% 2% T=100% C5. Family matters need to be discussed and decided based on mutual agreement between husband and wife. Batterers 78% 22% T=100% Community men 68% 32% T=100% C6. A woman's place after marriage is in the home looking after her family rather than pursuing her own career. Batterers 8.5% 40% 43% 8.5% T=100% Community men 13% 42% 32% 13% T=100% 147 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Continued) Appendix 2: Traditional Gender Role Attitudes SA A D % % % SD % Total % C l. It is wise for a wife not to question anything about her husband's personal business as long as he fulfills his primary duty as the main breadwinner. Batterers 9% 48% 34% Community men 5% 3 9% 3 7% 9% 19% T=100% T=100% C8 . A wife has as much right to end a marriage as does a man if she is not happy. Batterers 33% 57% 5% Community men 31% 49% 15% 5% 5% T=100% T=100% C9 . A Korean woman shouldn't leave her husband once she is married. Batterers 12% 36% 38% 14% Community men 18% 34% 31% 17% T=100% T=100% CIO . . A Korean woman should obey her husband. Batterers 0% 53% 38% Community men 5% 52% 26% 9% 17% T=100% T=100% Cll.. When there is a difference of opinion between a husband and wife regarding family matters, the wife should yield to her husband. Batterers 2% 50% 45% Community men 7% 47% 41% 3% 5% T=100% T=100% C12 . . Though a male's extramarital relationship is acceptable, a woman's extramarital relationship is not acceptable. Batterers 12% 33% 31% Community men 10% 20% 35% 24% 35% T=100% T=100% 148 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix 3: Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction A3. Are you happier here compared to your life in Korea before immigration? Happier Same Not happier Total Batterers 25.5% 49% 25.5% 100% Community men 66% 22% 12% 100% B3 . How well do you speak English? Fluently Moderately Not so Hardly Total well well at all Batterers 10% 20% 65% 5% 100% Community men 16% 43% 36% 5% 100% B4 . How well do you read/understand English? Fluently Moderately Not so Hardly Total well well at all Batterers 12% 25% 61% 2% 100% Community men 20% 49% 28% 3% 100% B5 . How satisfied are you with your current business(job)? Very Satisfied Unsat. Very Total Satisf. Unsatis. Batterers 12% 52% 34% 2% 100% Community men 18% 50% 28% 4% 100% B6 . If you are currently working, do you think you are 'underemployed' considering your years of education and experience? Yes No Total Batterers 40% 60% 100% Communi ty men 39% 61% 100% 149 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. (Continued) Appendix 3: Immigrant Life Dissatisfaction B9. How satisfied are you with life in the U.S.? Very Sat. Satisf. Unsatisf. Very Total Unsatis. Batterers 12% 44% 44% 0 100% Community men 30% 57% 13% 0 100% B10. What would best describe your financial status at this time? No problem Somewhat Moderately Very much At all troubled troubled in trouble Batterers 26% 51% 11% 12% T=100% Community men 33% 57% 10% 0 T=100% Bll. How often do you think you are treated unfairly because of your race? Almost Frequently Once Almost always in a while never Total Batterers 4% 26% 49% 21% 100% Community men 2% 20% 55% 23% 100% 150 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix 4 Emasculation The following questions ask about how you perceive the changes in yourself through your U.S. residency. The longer I live in the U.S.: Agree % Disagree % Total % Dl. The less powerful I feel as c l household head Batterers 54% Community men 38% 46% 62% 100% 100% D2 . The less authority I have as a husband Batterers 54% Community men 3 5% 46% 65% 100% 100% D3 . The more my self-esteem as a man has weakened Batterers 44% Community men 3 5% 56% 65% 100% 100% D4 . The less capable I feel as a man Batterers 37% Community men 24% 63% 76% 100% 100% Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Appendix 5 : Female Resistance The following questions ask about how changes in your spouse(female partner) of U.S. residency. The longer she (your partner) resides you perceive the through the years in the U.S.: Agree Disagree Total % % % D6. the more she voices her rights Batterers 77% 23% 100% Community men 64% 36% 100% D7 . the less obedient she becomes Batterers 73% 27% 100% Community men 51% 49% 100% D8 . the more she demands to share household chores Batterers 70% 30% 100% Community men 63% 37% 100% D9 . the more she challenges my authority Batterers 66% 34% 100% Community men 42% 58% 100% DIO . the more she talks back to me Batterers 70% 30% 100% Community men 47% 53% 100% 152 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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Creator Yu, Sung-Hye (author)

Core Title Domestic violence in Korean immigrant families

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,women's studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Ransford, Edward (committee chair), [illegible] (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-143840

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