A contemporary urban ethnography of Pakistani middle school students in Oslo, Norway

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A CONTEMPORARY URBAN ETHNOGRAPHY OF
PAKISTANI MIDDLE SCHOOL STUDENTS
IN OSLO, NORWAY
by
Gunn Marie Hansen
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION)
August 2000
Copyright 2000 Gunn Marie Hansen
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UMI Number 3041461
Copyright 2000 by
Hansen, Gunn Marie
All rights reserved.
____ ________ (f t
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
GUNN MARIE HANSEN
under the direction of h.e..x..... Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re
quirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Dean of Graduate Studies
Date ...2.9.9.Q
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairperson
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DEDICATION
To my dearest mother, Solveig Robstad Hansen, and my late father,
Kjell Adler Hansen, I dedicate this labor of determination and will and
thank them for their support and encouragement throughout
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Since I began teaching in Compton, California, in 1990,1 have been
captivated and inspired by students who succeeded against the odds and
manage to excel despite the social and cultural obstacles they encounter in
schools that are often not organized to meet their educational needs. As a
young teacher fascination and curiosity lead me to enroll in a doctoral
program that would assist me in the exploration of these many questions
and challenges. The journey to completion of my doctoral studies has been
a rewarding and interrupted process with many revelations for my life
personally and professionally. So many people have helped to make this
challenge possible.
Dr. William Rideout, Jr., my chairperson, helped me to look at the
role of education in the transmission of cultural values and subsequent
impact on academic achievement So many of his course discussions
inspired me to look beyond intercultural realities of student achievement to
the multiple perspectives of stakeholders in the educational process.
Eventually, to the point that I would fulfill my dream of returning to my
home, Norway, to complete my examination of education and cultural from
an international perspective. His wonderful kindness and patience with
my long absences either professionally or personally related has been
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beyond compassionate. He often joked that my "Norwegian Guilt" would
get me through. It did, and so much more. I thank you for all that you
have done to encourage my thinking and support me through the process!
It has been an honor to be treated so professionally by my chairperson
whom I admire so.
It has been such a privilege to work with all my professors at USC.
Each and every professor helped to inspire my thinking and expand
concepts of understanding. I remember racing from teaching to my
doctoral classes eagerly awaiting lectures that were revelations to my
thirsting quest for understanding and knowledge. Thank you to Dr. Robert
Biller, Dr. Gretchen Guiton, Dr. Nelly Stromquist, Dr. William Tierney, Dr.
William Lee, Dr. David Eskey, Dr. Stephen Krashen, Dr. Stuart Gothold, Dr.
Peter Robinson, and Dr. Sydney Blake. You have all energized me along
the expedition to complete my doctoral studies.
Dr. Biller's course on public administration and society assisted me
to improve my understanding of how urban schools can collaborate with
public organizations to maximize services to students. My involvement in
Alternative Education as a teacher of at-risk students, at that time, helped to
give practical implications for the knowledge I was gaining. Dr. Biller gave
wonderful insight into the merging of the two disciplines of Education and
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Public Administration from a cultural perspective. Dr. Gretchen Guiton,
thank you for helping me to put a structure to the ethnographic study that I
proposed so that it would unfold in a systematic and logical way. Your
helpful advice on methods of fieldwork and sampling strategies was just
what I needed to get going.
To Dr. Arild Tjeldvoll of the University of Oslo, I would like to
express my sincere gratitude for helping me to secure the necessary
contacts in the Oslo schools. Without his backing I would not have been
able to gain access to the two schools that I spent many months studying. I
have learned so much from Arild about the nature of Norwegian education
and implications for that changing society. I thank his wonderful family,
Anne and Erling, for welcoming me into their professional community of
scholars and friends. I so enjoyed my experience with them. I also thank
the Norwegian scholars; Jon Lauglo and his institute, for their interest in
my work and comments on the data presented to them while I was in Oslo.
I must extend a special thanks to the Norway-America Association
(Norge-Amerika Foreningen) for their generous support, The Norwegian
Marshall Fund Award, to conduct research in Norway. The Norwegian
Information Service provided a travel grant; as well. I thank all my
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financial sponsors for assistance in my six months of living abroad on an
unpaid sabbatical leave from the Los Angeles County Office of Education.
To my friend and study partner, Nancy Kidder, who has always
been an inspiration and loyal friend through all the changes in my career
and especially the challenges of the last two years. We spent many hours
over dinner strategizing doctoral studies and professional lives. Your
wisdom has been so valuable to me. Thanks for "rooming" at all those
enlightening conferences and making the trips that much more enjoyable!
I'd like to thank all the Pakistani families that opened their hearts
and minds to me in my endless questioning and research. To the teachers
and principals (Malfried you are the best!) who allowed me take much of
their valuable time because they really cared about the status of the
Pakistani children. Thank you to the children who trusted me with their
souls.
To those of you who have helped me to endure the dissertation
process when I simply did not know if it was possible to complete with the
negativity in my life, I am forever grateful. My heartfelt thanks go to David
Flores who has forever changed my life.
Gunn Marie Hansen Playa del Rey, California
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication............................................................................................. ii
Acknowledgments................................................................................ iii
List of Tables......................................................................................... xiii
List of Figures........................................................................................ xvi
Abstract.................................................................................................. xvii
CHAPTER
I. EXPLANATION OF THE PROBLEM...................................... 1
Introduction
Background of the Problem
Statement of the Problem
Purpose of the Study
Significance of the Study
Research Questions
Assumptions of the Study
Limitations of the Study
Delimitations of the Study
Definition of Terms
Methods and Procedures
General Design of the Study
Role of the Investigator
Study Population and Sample Population
Data Collection Techniques
Data Analysis Procedures
Organization of the Study
n. REVIEW OF LITERATURE..................................................... 33
The Context
The Education of Linguistic, Cultural, and Immigrant
Minorities in Europe
vii
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I
CHAPTER Page
Nature of Immigration from Pakistan to Norway
Cultural Factors of Pakistani Immigrants
Interactions in Norway
Policy
Cultural Interactions
The Relationship between Cultural Responses and a Typology
for Immigrants
Gordon's Case of Assimilation and Ogbu's Cultural Model
Prior Experience with the Sami: Wirt's Political Model
Development of a Third Culture
Gendered Experiences
Educational Opportunities
Factors in School Achievement of Immigrant Minorities
Model Alternative Programs
Pedagogy, Curriculum, Assessment, Parent & Community
Involvement
Popular Education, Non-formal Approaches, Socio-cultural
and Linguistic Issues
Managerial Elements
Participatory Management
Levels of Complexity
The Significance of Collaboration for Organizing Schools
Ombudsman for Children: Organizational Component in
Norway
Elements of Analysis for an Ethnography of Classrooms
in . METHODOLOGY..................................................................... 137
Research Design
Access and Entry
Subjects of the Study
The Oslo Schools
The Oslo Suburb School
The Oslo Inner City School
The Control Sample
The Oslo School Authority
viii
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CHAPTER Page
The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Church, Education,
and Research Procedures
Ethnographic Case Study Methods
The Interview Protocols and Guides
Life Histories
Observations
Document Analysis
Data Collection and Recording
Phase One: April 18— June 15,1997
Phase Two: September 2— October 14,1997
Data Analysis
Content of Analysis
IV. FINDINGS AND INTERPRETIVE ANALYSIS................... 240
Introduction
Evolving Themes
Student Situational Factors
The Oslo Suburb School
The Oslo Inner City School
Educational Opportunities for Pakistani Students
Male Responses to Educational Opportunities at the
Suburb School
Female Responses to Educational Opportunities at the
Suburb School
Male Responses to Educational Opportunities at the
Inner City School
Female Responses to Educational Opportunities at the
Inner City School
Achievement Patterns of the Pakistani Students
Male Responses to Achievement Variables at the
Suburb School
Female Responses to Achievement Variables at the
Suburb School
Male Responses to Achievement Variables at the
Inner City School
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CHAPTER Page
Female Responses to Achievement Variables at the
Inner City School
Cultural Adaptation of the Pakistani Students
Suburb Male Student Cultural Adaptation
Suburb Female Student Cultural Adaptation
Inner City Male Student Cultural Adaptation
Inner City Female Student Cultural Adaptation
Student Control Sample
Teacher Perspectives
Curriculum Integration and Relevance to Pakistani
Students
Autonomy of Teacher Instruction
Support and Assistance for Teachers
Teacher Personal Experiences with Pakistani
Students and Families
Trust Between Pakistani Students and Teachers
Concerns and Understandings of Pakistani
Student Background and Culture
Coordination at the School
Administrative and Managerial Elements
Leadership of Oslo Schools
Pakistani Access to Social Structures
Leadership Values Pakistani Needs
Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community
Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support the
Schools
Pakistani Student Matriculation and Drop out Status
Organization of the School Community
Pakistani Access to Social Structures
Leadership Values Pakistani Needs
Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community
Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support the Schools
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CHAPTER Page
Pakistani Student Matriculation and Drop out Status
Policy and Evaluation
Cultural Change and Familial Case Studies
Family History
Parent Attitudes Toward Education
Cultural Interactions
Family Cases and Discussion
The Oslo Inner City School: The Afzal Family
The Oslo Suburb School: The Ahmad Family
The Olso Suburb School: The Zahoor Family
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS........................................................... 505
Summary
The Problem
Theories Related to the Study
Methodology
Findings
Demographic and Historical Findings
Educational Opportunities for Pakistani Students
Achievement Patterns of Pakistani Students
Cultural Adaptation of Pakistani Students
Curriculum Integration and Relevance to Pakistani Students
Autonomy of Teacher Instruction
Teacher Coordination at the school
Administrative and Managerial Impacts
Pakistani Access to Social Structure
Leadership Values Pakistani Student Needs
Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community
Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support Schools
Pakistani Student Matriculation and Dropout Status
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CHAPTER Page
Parent Attitudes Toward Education
Cultural Interactions
Conclusions and Implications
Recommendations for Further Study
BIBLIOGRAPHY....................................................................................... 556
APPENDICES.............................................................................................. 569
A. Consent Form
B. Oslo School Authority Access and Approval Letter
C. Oslo Suburb School Letter of Approval and Invitation
D. Parent Letter in Norwegian and Urdu
xii
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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE Page
1. Norwegian Primary and Lower Secondary Compulsory
Schools: Students with Foreign Mother Tongue
Total by County.............................................................. 139
2. Compulsory Schooling Final Examination in Mathematics
by Mother Tongue and Residence Location in Oslo 141
3. Compulsory Schooling Final Examination in Norwegian I
by Mother Tongue and Residence Location in Oslo 142
4. Compulsory Schooling Final Examination in Norwegian
as a Second Language (NOA) by Mother Tongue
and Residence Location in O slo.................................... 143
5. Pupils with a Foreign Native Language in the Primary
and Lower Secondary Schools in Oslo.......................... 159
6. Students with Foreign Native Language in Primary and
Lower Secondary Schools by Oslo Administrative
Neighborhood................................................................. 162
7. Oslo Foreign Language Pupils by Middle School and
Administrative Neighborhood Relative to Number
of Urdu Speaking Students and Most Frequently
Spoken Language........................................................... 164
8. Interview Subjects of the Oslo Suburb School.......................... 174
9. Interview Subjects of the Oslo Inner City School.................... 178
10. Focus Group Students of the Control Sample.......................... 181
11. Fieldwork: Sources of Evidence and Method.......................... 207
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Table Page
12. Sources of Document Analysis.................................................. 224
13. Sample Code Book for Phase One of Oslo Field Work 242
14. Oslo Suburb School Male Student Interviewees'
Demographic Profile...................................................... 253
15. Oslo Suburb School Female Student Interviewees'
Demographic Profile...................................................... 257
16. Oslo Inner City School Male Student Interviewees'
Demographic Profile...................................................... 260
17. Oslo Inner City School Female Student Interviewees'
Demographic Profile...................................................... 261
18. Years of Mother Tongue Instruction in Urdu and Student
Self-Professed Language Ability Relative to Years
in Norway for Males at the Suburb School................... 268
19. Years of Mother Tongue Instruction in Urdu and Student
Self-Professed Language Ability Relative to Years
in Norway for Females at the Suburb School............... 276
20. Years of Mother Tongue Instruction in Urdu and Student
Self-Professed Language Ability Relative to Years
in Norway for Males at the Inner City School.............. 284
21. Years of Mother Tongue Instruction in Urdu and Student
Self-Professed Language Ability Relative to Years
in Norway for Females at the Inner City School 291
22. Male Suburb Student Self-Reported Grades and Course
Emphasis Relative to Post Secondary Career and
Educational Aspirations................................................. 297
xiv
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Table Page
23. Female Suburb Student Self-Reported Grades and Course
Emphasis Relative to Post Secondary Career and
Educational Aspirations................................................. 298
24. Male Inner City Student Self-Reported Grades and Course
Emphasis Relative to Post Secondary Career and
Educational Aspirations................................................. 299
25. Female Inner City Student Self-Reported Grades and
Course Emphasis Relative to Post Secondary Career
and Educational Aspirations......................................... 300
26. Male Suburb Student Involvement in Pakistani and
Norwegian Culture......................................................... 315
27. Female Suburb Student Involvement in Pakistani and
Norwegian Cultures....................................................... 322
28. Male Inner City Student Involvement in Pakistani and
Norwegian Cultures....................................................... 330
29. Female Inner City Student Involvement in Pakistani and
Norwegian Cultures....................................................... 336
30. Suburb and Inner City School Teacher Demographic
Variables.......................................................................... 346
31. Background Data for Administrative and Leadership
Interviewees.................................................................... 391
32. Meeting: Minority Language Pupils and the School............... 423
33. Demographic Variables for Families at the Suburb
School............................................................................... 450
34. Demographic Variables for Families at the Inner City
School............................................................................... 453
xv
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Norway: Twenty Counties and Major Cities........................... 140
2. Oslo City: Twenty-Five Administrative Neighborhoods
(Bydels) with Map of the Compulsory Schools 145
3. Oslo Administrative Neighborhoods: Total Percent of
Population with Foreign Immigrant Background 149
4 Municipality of Oslo-Key Administrative Offices.................. 190
5. Diagram of the Norwegian Educational System...................... 401
xvi
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Abstract
This research addresses educational equity, cultural change, and the
educational organization serving Pakistani students in Norwegian schools.
The first component entailed looking at the schools' educational programs,
and student achievement Describing cultural change within Pakistani
families focused on their life histories. The educational organization
entailed a review of policy and perceptions of administrators.
The population studied included Pakistani immigrant students and
their immediate families living in urban Oslo and attending local schools.
The sample population was drawn from two local schools in Oslo, both
compulsory lower secondary schools (grades 7-9). One of the schools, Oslo
Inner City School, was selected for its large number of immigrants (90%).
The other school, Oslo Suburb School, had a 40% immigrant enrollment
Conclusions were drawn indicating that 2nd generation Pakistani
students do not perceive of themselves as Norwegians. Pakistani cultural
preservation was extremely intense, as was the connection to Islam. Data
analyses indicated a dichotomy between home and school expectations,
and, subsequently, lack of continuity in the educational process. Students
in the Oslo Inner City School demonstrated better understandings of their
own culture, guided by Islam, and the need to adopt some behaviors in line
xvii
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with the Norwegian way of life. The Pakistani families residing in the Oslo
Suburb School community have attempted to assimilate with Norwegians,
but are not adequately adopting mainstream behaviors and they also reject
Norwegian cultural norms; moreover, the local Norwegians do not accept
them. Those families who resided in the enclave maintain a strong identity
Islamic culture and appear less conflict bound by Norwegian values.
Negative political influences and discrimination have excluded the
Pakistanis from national policies needed to advance their education. Lack
of evaluation, program data and policy studies continue to be serious
concerns for Pakistani immigrants in Norway. Upheld in this research are
Ogbu's (1995) theoretical model detailing immigrant guest workers who
become "involuntary minorities" if they have no intention to stay
permanently in the host country. Norwegian studies should continue to
focus on the enclave of Pakistani students who are developing a
"cooperative cultural contract" between their Islamic ways and a functional
existence in Norway.
xviii
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CHAPTER I
EXPLANATION OF THE PROBLEM
Introduction
"The True is only the expedient in the way of our thinking.
Truth is simply a collective name for verification processes.
Just as health, wealth, strength, etc. are names for other processes
connected with life.
Truth is ma d e , just as health, wealth, and strength are made,
in the course of experience."
William James, 1906
Stanford University Lecture
Researchers interested in complicating the student achievement
paradigm in various cultural contexts have recently challenged the "truth"
or explanation of the situation of non-mainstream student's -immigrant or
ethnic minority— in traditional schools. In 1974, John Ogbu provoked the
anthropological and educational community by arguing that cultural
differences between the home and school did not explain "minority" school
failure. He redirected the academy's attention to the need to examine
institutional structures— racist social institutions and job markets— and
cultural models of student adaptation that can impede student
achievement His perspectives on "voluntary" and "involuntary"
minorities have had great influence in educational anthropology and have
informed the debate on cultural differences in education.
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Several studies (Gibson it Ogbu 1991; Ogbu 1983) have examined the
educational status and cultural adaptation of immigrant students in
different settings and countries to determine the comparative value of
Ogbu's theories. In Europe, understandings of immigrant status and
typologies such as Ogbu's have not been clearly defined or understood
especially in European settings.
This study will, however, explain in detail the situation of Pakistani
school children within the context of mainstream Norwegian schools. The
emphasis of the research is to provide the "truth" of the cultural exchange
between Pakistanis and Norwegians within schools, the primary socializing
agent of norms and values. The ultimate outcome will be to explicate the
perspective of these students and the primary actors in the school to inform
the educational process and improve the subsequent student achievement
of Pakistani immigrants in Norway.
Background of the Problem
Ogbu's (1991) typology for immigrant/ nonimmigrant minorities
offers researchers greater insight into the situation of urban immigrant
students. Ogbu defends his typology as an effort not to blame the victim,
but to construct political and cultural reality in the context of enduring
contact with certain groups (Ogbu, 1995). Political policy has a profound
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impact on the administrative decisions handed down to individual schools.
However, the way in which societies and cultures react to these particular
regulations of political systems has a critical effect on the way minorities
perceive their status in the social structure and the equality they are likely
to achieve in the educational system. Caste-like minorities (non
immigrants), incorporated involuntarily into the host society find mobility
from one social status to the next nearly impossible. Social class is deter
mined by the degree to which the majority population would accept the
minority. Society relegates them to low-paying jobs, as Ogbu coins the
term "job ceiling". Most recent immigrant minorities would not fit in this
category since they voluntarily move to the host countries, and therefore
perceive an increase in status upon arrival. However, case studies of
Hispanics in California show the continual failure of an immigrant
language minority (Matute-Bianchi, 1991). Speculation is that through time
these groups can also become isolated and marginal just as the involuntary
minorities. The often volatile and precarious situation of the immigrant
groups has caused many researchers to questions the current theories.
Immigrant minorities are peoples who have moved more or less
voluntarily to their host society. They may initially occupy the lowest rung
of the occupational ladder, lack political power, and possess low prestige.
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Immigrants may not clearly understand their position as their hosts do.
Immigrants in fact often see their position as better than before emigration.
They see prospects for self-improvement and "better opportunities" for
their children. In contrast, caste-like minorities have been incorporated into
the culture more or less involuntarily and permanently. African Americans
are the most researched example of this type of minority. Mexican
Americans are also thought to share this experience. They were conquered
and displaced from power in the Southwest, and those who emigrated
subsequently from Mexico were accorded the same subordinate status as
the conquered group. Some scholars have questioned this theory, stating
that those conquered in 1848 were probably totally assimilated, especially
those of the upper classes (Rideout, personal communication).
Membership in the caste-like minority is often permanent and
acquired at birth. These groups have no political power, are typically held
in economic subordination, and are relegated to menial jobs. The majority
often argues that they are naturally suited to the low status. Ogbu (1978)
claims that caste-like minorities not only reject the rationalizing ideology,
but they also devote much effort to fighting for political, social, and
economic equality with the dominant group members. Obviously the
typology is not static. Minorities can change status through the internal
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and external forces in the society. Immigrants can achieve autonomous
status and some may assimilate into the dominant group, although this is
not the goal of all minorities. Clearly, societal influences that might change
minority status are dictated greatly by the institutional policy of the
majority and the cultural values of the groups.
Current explanations indicate that these differential historical
experiences lead to different adaptive responses, which result in a variety of
patterns of adaptation in school and consequently lead to differential school
success for immigrant and nonimmigrant minorities. In order to explain
the variability in the success of minority children, it is necessary to
incorporate the perceptions and understanding that the minorities have of
their social realities and of their schooling. The cultural model is devised to
account for some of these variables. The cultural model or "folk system"
exists to provide group members with the framework for interpreting
educational events, situations and experiences and to guide behavior in the
schooling context and process. The cultural model is therefore connected in
some degree to the academic success or failure of its group. Frank Smith
(1988) and other reading researchers have claimed that education in the
1960s "backed the wrong horse"— cognitive psychology. Developing theory
in the exploration of educational programs should have stressed the
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interaction among and between people instead of the discrete elements of
the cognitive processing. Education is a social endeavor and the research
into culture and dynamics of societal interaction seem to be more important
than the reinforcement of particular behaviors. Piaget and many
developmental psychologists were aware of the need to analyze the entire
environment of the child. The intent of this research case of minority
immigrant students and the analysis of their potential for success will
reveal elements of the cultural model to adequately assess future outcomes.
When these situational variables are more clearly defined and understood,
psychologists, anthropologists and educators can then interpret individual
variation in motivation for success determined by these past experiences.
In general, success or failure for minorities seems to be linked to the
type of understanding minorities have about the workings of the larger
society and their place within that society. This understanding is largely
determined by the past experience of the existing members of the
immigrant minority group in the dominant culture. Cummins (1989) has
stressed the importance of community involvement in the context of
schooling language minority students. He claims that studies where
language and culture of the minorities are an integral part of the school, the
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prestige of students rises and the academic achievement on standardized
tests also goes up due to the validation of the immigrant group.
The sustained discriminatory treatment by members of the dominant
group is one historical force that shapes the cultural model of the minority.
Extreme cases of inferior education and exclusion from mainstream society
are not unusual. When confronted with these barriers, Ogbu (1991) claims
that immigrants react differently to non-immigrant minorities. The author
speculates that often these typologies overlap, as has been seen in the case
of the Hispanics in California. It is increasingly difficult to maintain a
constant cultural model as the history and duration of prejudice continues
to be manifested in the institutions of society. To a degree, factors derived
from the California experience will provide some basis for comparison in
Norway.
Specifically, Ogbu states that immigrants interpret the economic and
social discrimination as more or less temporary. They believe that with the
passage of time, hard work and more education, things will eventually
become equal. With regard to Central American immigrants Suarez-
Orozco (1991) writes, "Recent Central American immigrants developed a
dual frame of reference with which they evaluated their current lot and
anticipated the future. The overwhelming majority of my informants came
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to believe they had more and better opportunities to get ahead in the U.S.
than at home." The author speculates that the school has had a strong
impact on parents' willingness to engage in hard work and more education.
However, unwelcome attitudes of the dominant group and lack of cultural
awareness has clearly put many immigrant parents out of the school
structure. This study will look at the degree of parent involvement in the
education of the immigrant child. What enables some to seek assistance
and disables others?
Immigrants also develop survival strategies. They tend to explore
niches of employment not wanted by the dominant group. Their response
to cultural and language differences is influenced by the fact that they
arrive in the host country with differences in culture and language as
compared to the dominant group. Ogbu (1991) states that immigrants
selectively learn the language of the host; but do not give up the behaviors
of their own culture and language. In the majority of cases this behavior
survives for the first generation. Subsequent generations tend to develop
other survival strategies and coping mechanisms, such as differential
perceptions of success. When looking at immigrants in the context of
generational migration, many different patterns of school success can be
seen (Matute-Bianchi, 1991). Some begin to resemble involuntary
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minorities. Ogbu's typology only works in reference to these distinct
variables of individual adaptation of particular minority groups where
differentiation occurs over time.
The Status Mobility System is a conceptual framework used to
describe educational experiences of minorities in society. Jobs are the most
important content of the system in the modem industrial society.
Education plays a major role in recruiting people into the labor market
Children observe older members of the community to develop cognitive
maps of the status mobility system. The unequal power relation between
the two groups permits the majority to control minority access to both jobs
and schooling. Finally, the epistemology of the minorities— their definition
of reality— is usually different Immigrant minorities are rarely content with
their menial position in society and do not endorse educational ideas
preparing them for such positions in the Status Mobility System.
Research detailing minority student achievement in traditional
schools identifies several key factors which contribute to the success of
immigrant students (Cummins, 1989). Instruction which validates different
cultural and language norms; critical pedagogy which empowers and
provides self-esteem along with conflict management strategies; schools
which emphasize community and parental participation; and evaluation
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based on the experience of students — are four of the techniques used with
minority students. These strategies are used to emancipate immigrant
minority students (Ogbu, 1995; Gibson & Ogbu, 1991) from the confines of
traditional schools that continue to subordinate particular groups of
students.
Gordon (1964) discusses levels of assimilation that may be a
determinant of school experience and a description of the cultural model
when the students come in contact with schools. The first level of
assimilation, structural and behavioral assimilation, is what some
anthropologists call acculturation— change of cultural patterns to those of
the host society. This relates to Ogbu's understanding of immigrants'
adaptive processes that enable them to have contact with schools. These
concepts will be explored more fully in chapter 2.
Key factors of school organization that contribute to immigrant
success have been identified. A model of participatory governance, site-
based management, is the key for successful implementation of these
quality educational programs and the parental participation that is vital to
immigrant student success in schools. Popular education techniques and
empowerment approaches to education have been used by non
governmental organizations (NGOs) and many of their attempts at
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organizing have been successful in assisting their participants (Fernandes,
1985). In designing the research, the author further explores the use of
these approaches as models for organization in schools linked to social
service agencies. Norway utilizes a child-centered approach— focus on
student needs-to schooling and general development Many features of this
model would be applicable to the situation of the Pakistani immigrants. Of
interest is the emphasis of the school in coordinating resources for the
empowerment of the immigrant communities.
Statement of the Problem
Efforts to provide educational options for immigrants and define
their experiences based on cultural interactions have provided varied
accounts of school achievement Typically immigrant minorities have done
poorly in school when compared to the mainstream population. Norway is
a country that is guided by social welfare policies that promote equality.
However, Pakistani students have experienced stress and low levels of
performance in the system. Given the a v a ila b ility of educational options
(Aarre, 1987), what is the relationship between Pakistani students' cultural
experience, the organization of the schools, and eventual student outcomes?
How does this experience relate to the prior policy of dealing with the Sami
in Northern Norway?
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Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this case study is to explore the educational
opportunities, cultural interaction, and educational organization that may
contribute to the academic achievement of Pakistani immigrant students in
Oslo, Norway, using ethnographic qualitative research techniques. The
study will also explore the relationship between the opportunities offered
by the schools and the cultural adaptation of immigrant students to the host
society. More broadly, this study will illuminate an understanding of
educational organization that might predict availability of options in
schools and student academic achievement
Significance of the Study
This study is significant because it contributes to the comparative
literature relating to the impact of assimilation and acculturation patterns of
minority groups on academic achievement, at the same time embedding the
case in the overall organization of education. A study such as this has not
been done in Norway, and it may provide an understanding for further
action in schools and developing alternative programs for interacting with
the immigrant group. Recent articles in Norwegian newspapers have
revealed school officials' dissatisfactsddion with current research that does
not indicate cultural and socio-economic backgrounds of various
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immigrants. Researchers in Norway have focused on the attitudes of
Norwegians toward the minorities. The contact has prompted many
Norwegians to confront their established values and norms. Negative
attitudes are the result of people feeling deprived in comparison with some
standard or with real or imagined conditions for other people (Hemes &
Knud sen, 1992). The study is important because it will help Norwegians to
understand the Pakistani experience from their perspectives as well.
This study is also important because it is a case of a historically
homogenous country interacting with a group of immigrants over two
generations. This case will show in fairly sharp contrast the relationships in
schools and may provide an example for improving such contacts in a
comparative perspective.
Research Questions
This study explored the following major questions:
1. What educational opportunities (both in school and after
school) are provided for Pakistani immigrants in compulsory schooling in
Oslo, Norway, and what level of academic achievement do they attain
compared to the dominant majority and other minorities in urban Oslo?
2. What is the process of cultural change as experienced by the
families of the sample students within the context of urban Oslo and how
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does this cultural change (at home and in school) relate to the academic
achievement of Pakistani immigrant students?
3. How have the administration of the Oslo Municipal Schools
and specifically the two school sites in this study organized to meet the
needs of Pakistani immigrants and how has the resultant Norwegian policy
been implemented to provide for these changes?
These questions can be further delineated into sub-topics for each of
the three research questions:
1.1. Educational Opportunities: What national school programs
and specialized, alternative programs are offered to Pakistani immigrant
children in urban Oslo schools as measured by evidence of:
a. Broadened curriculum
b. Teacher autonomy
c. Real-life incentives
d. Student self-esteem
e. Coordinated social service partnerships
f. Capacity building at local site (with community)
1.2. Academic Achievement: What is the level of academic
achievement of Pakistani immigrant children compared to mainstream
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Norwegian students and other local immigrant students in Oslo as
measured by:
Special attention being given to time in the system and gender, as
determined by:
a. Matriculation and dropout rates
b. Standardized exams (norm-referenced)
c. Grades
d. Continuing educational selections based on options
1.3. What is the relationship between the type of educational
opportunity available and actual student academic achievement?
Research question two can be delineated into following sub-topics:
2.1. Cultural Interaction: What is the relationship between
Pakistani immigrant students' cultural contact with Norwegians and their
subsequent academic achievement as measured by case study experiences
of families in these areas?
a. Levels of assimilation
b. Enculturation
c. Acculturation
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2.2. Cultural Adaptation: What adaptive mechanisms have
Pakistani immigrant minority students adopted that may relate to academic
achievement as measured by female and male experiences and responses:
a. Survival strategies
b. Frame of reference
c. Social identity related to education
d. Status mobility system
Finally the following subtopics for research question three will be
considered:
3.1. Organization of Education: What is the role of the political
system/ the social welfare policies in Norway, in determining educational
options as measured by:
a. Degree of minority acceptance of dominant values
b. Minority's access to and influence in the major social
structures allocating resources
3.2. Organization of Schools: How has the school administration
at two specific school sites in Oslo responded to the needs of Pakistani
immigrants as measured by a model of participatory governance
(Centralized vs. Decentralized):
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Units of analysis: Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO)
a. Leadership
b. Financial base
c. Volunteers
d. Coalitions— level of partnerships
e. Public relations
S-
Simple functions
Assumptions of the Study
The study will assume that grades, standardized educational
examination results, dropout and matriculation rates are good indicators of
academic achievement This study also assumes that the school, as a social
transmitter, is a good place to examine cultural interactions. The assump
tion is that the cultural contact will have an effect on eventual student
outcomes. The study will also assume that the organizational structures of
schools have an impact on the effectiveness of educational opportunities
offered to immigrant students and their subsequent success.
Limitations of the Study
Every attempt was made to reduce limitations upon the study,
however, the following limitations may exist interviewees may have
withheld information or distorted information; interviewees may have
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given biased responses; and certain data may have been unavailable to the
investigator.
Delimitations of the Study
The investigation was limited to the Pakistani population of Oslo,
Norway; students attending two Oslo schools, their parents, and extended
family (where available). Inclusion criteria constituted students who have
been enrolled in the schools beginning with day one of the academic school
year and who attend regularly, and the teachers who have been working at
the schools for at least two years. Teachers with a sustained experience
working with minorities have better insight into the questions of this
research. Efforts to gain the most valuable date were upheld. The
exclusion criteria were that students and families must have had a
sustained experience in Norway of at least two years to demonstrate
cultural interactions.
The study covered a five-month time period. Phase One fieldwork
was performed from April to June, 1997. A follow-up investigation (Phase
Two) was conducted in the fall of 1997 in September and October.
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Definition of Terms
Acculturation: The process of learning another culture.
Alternative program: programs that have been devised to respond to
a group that appears to not be optimally served by the regular school
program.
Assimilation: The process whereby one culture gradually
incorporates another culture.
Bydel (Administrative Neighborhood): A Norwegian term for the 25
urban administrative neighborhoods in the Oslo Municipality. Social and
health services are coordinated at this level under the direction of the city
council. Some school decisions and resources are determined by the Bydel.
Culture: The learned and shared behaviors; thoughts, acts, and
feelings; of a certain people together with their artifacts.
Educational opportunity: A favorable combination of options that
serve to widen the range of educational experience.
Enculturation: The process of learning one's first culture.
Frame of reference: The process of comparing one's present
situations to former situations.
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First generation immigrant The individual who first comes in
contact with the host country and decides to reside permanently in that
country.
Second generation immigrant The individual bom in the host
country to the first generation immigrant These individuals are usually
citizens of the host country.
Immigrant minority: Minorities who have generally moved to their
present societies because they believed that the move would lead to more
economic well-being, better overall opportunities and greater political
freedom. Immigrant minority is considered a "voluntary minority"
according to Ogbu's typology.
Nongovernmental organization: An organization which promotes
initiatives directed at the base of society with the explicit purpose of giving
greater independence and organizational power to people (Fernandez,
1985).
Social Identity: The awareness of who one is in relation to the social
and cultural environment
Status mobility system: The system consists of content, folk theory,
and methods of self-advancement or social mobility.
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Survival strategies: The response of the immigrants to their
subordination in the host society.
Methods and Procedures
General Design of the Study
The investigation utilized a case study approach. The embedded,
single-case design (Yin, 1994) allowed for embedded units to be selected
and analyzed in terms of the entire organization of the study. Individual
processes were analyzed as factors of an overall contribution to the
investigation. The three research questions detail embedded components
that were analyzed using the qualitative techniques of observation,
interview, and document analysis. Methods of investigation were
triangulated to develop converging lines of inquiry.
The research questions address intermediate units noted as
educational opportunities, cultural change, and educational organization
for Pakistani immigrant students in Norwegian schools. Each of these units
was analyzed and characterized using various ethnographic techniques.
The first component entailed looking at the schools' educational program
options, and student achievement as a result of these options. Describing
cultural change within Pakistani families focused on life histories. The final
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u nit educational organization, entailed a review of policy and perceptions
of administrators, both in schools and the central office personnel in Oslo.
Role of the Investigator
The investigator was a participant researcher engaging in different
aspects of school life at the same time taking accurate field notes on
observations and interviews. The investigator engaged in action-research
to contribute to the reciprocity of the researcher-informant relationship.
Teaching English in one school and organizing focus groups for parents at
the other school are examples of action-research which greatly enhanced
the study.
The investigator has had extensive experience in educating
immigrant students in the United States. The investigator acknowledged
that she was a mainstream teacher returning to her native country to
further examine the situation of immigrants. To eliminate potential bias,
the investigator maintained a reflective journal that ran parallel to the case
study research.
Study Population and Sample Population
The study population is composed of Pakistani immigrant students
living in urban Oslo attending local schools and of their immediate families.
The city was selected for the impact of the immigrant population. The
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sample population for the investigation was drawn from two compulsory
lower secondary schools (grades 7-9, ages 13-16) with significant Pakistani
student enrollment Sampling issues were determined at site visits in
August of 1996 when pilot interviews were conducted. The two "middle"
schools were selected based on these visits and demographic sampling. The
"Oslo Suburb" school had 40% student immigrants. Of these students, the
Pakistani group was the most significant The "Oslo Inner City" School had
84% immigrant students with the majority being from Pakistan. Included
in the population under investigation were the teachers of these students.
They were also interviewed and observed regarding the embedded units of
the case study. Additionally, administrators and key policy makers who
are involved in the development and implementation of programs were
also interviewed. All participants were issued consent forms with proof of
verification by the Institutional Review Board Approval (Appendix A). The
investigator maintained anonymity of all recorded data from the study.
Data Collection Techniques
The following data collection techniques were used to ensure
multiple sources of evidence and triangulation of data:
1. Ethnographic Interviews: Interviews were conducted with
students, families, teachers, administrators, and other informants
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knowledgeable in the experience of Pakistani immigrants in the educational
setting. Several types of interview formats were used.
a. Informal conversational interview: A spontaneous
generation of questions in the natural flow of an interaction in a participant
observation made in the two schools in Oslo.
b. Interview guide: A list of questions prepared to make
sure that the same information was obtained from a number of participants
pertaining to the embedded units of the case study; educational
opportunities, cultural change, and educational organization.
c. Standardized open-ended interviews: A set of questions
carefully worded and arranged for the purpose of taking each respondent
through the same sequence of questions with the same words. This was
used for obtaining detailed and cross-referenced information on
organization and policy implementation.
d. Life histories: Open-ended interviews and discussions in
the classrooms and homes of the participants that reviewed personal
histories, experiences, and attitudes related to the embedded elements of
culture and schooling. Utilizing concepts of "research as praxis" (Lather,
1986), the investigator engaged in collaborative interviews and interactive
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lessons which brought forth life histories and created meaning for the
participants and the researcher.
2. Participant Observation: Observations were conducted in
both lower secondary schools to show a cross-section of the educational
experiences of Pakistani immigrants in schools with different
demographics. Observations were also conducted in the community:
a. In the classrooms where the investigator engaged in
interactive lessons to create meaning regarding cultural experiences with
the school.
b. With teachers assigned to alternative/specialized
programs for immigrants and mixed classes were observed in their
working environments.
c. In administrative meetings, parent groups, and special
school events that were attended.
d. In organizational meetings with staff at school and local
agencies connected to schools that were attended, as well as meetings the
principal attends related to immigrant students.
e. At the homes of the sample students' families which were
also visited.
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3. Documentation: Documents and archival records relating to
the embedded units of the case study were analyzed to support or refute
the other collected data. These included:
a. Academic data: student enrollment, grade reports,
standardized test scores, matriculation rates and dropout rates, ethnicity,
and career inventory data.
b. Socio-demographic data: Data from the Oslo Municipality
on ethnicity, geographic characteristics and city planning (similar to the
Census).
c. Curriculum and instructional data: Review of educational
materials used by instructors and the national curriculum policy.
d. Administrative documents: agendas, announcements,
newsletters, minutes of meetings, budgets, organizational charts, and
reports on significant events.
e. Policy documents: letters, memoranda, and
communication of officials in Oslo Municipal Schools.
f. Cultural data: overview of historical information on
Pakistani population in Norway.
g. Media: newspaper clippings, television and other mass
media that present the situation of immigrants.
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Data Analysis Procedure
The qualitative research paradigm has its roots in cultural
anthropology and sociology. It is largely an investigative process where the
researcher gradually makes sense of a social phenomenon by contrasting,
comparing, replicating, cataloguing and classifying the objects of the study
(Miles & Huberman, 1984). Data analysis was conducted as an activity
simultaneously with data collection, data interpretation, and narrative
reporting and writing. The focus of qualitative research is on participants'
perceptions and experiences, and the way they make sense of their lives.
The attempt therefore is to understand not one, but multiple realities. The
researcher was actively engaged in attempting to make sense of the
multiple sources of evidence through concurrent collection in the field,
sorting information into categories, formatting information into pictures of
reality, and writing the qualitative narrative.
The investigator had reviewed the literature relevant to the study
and developed a conceptual base for the analysis procedure as detailed in
the embedded units of the case study. The initial organization of the data
evolved from these units and generated new codes as information was
reduced and interpreted. Data sheets and charts were developed to record
information using the suggestions of Miles and Huberman (1984). In order
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to allow for serendipitous findings, the investigator was very careful not to
exclude any data prematurely. Organizing the data was an exploratory
process that allowed alternative findings to emerge. Interviews and
observations were taped and transcribed immediately. Field notes and
taped interviews were regularly reviewed to ensure accuracy as the study
progressed.
After a considerable amount of data had been organized; categories,
themes, and patterns developed. This phase of the analytical process
required a heightened awareness of the data and reflection on the
conceptual framework and emerging findings. The process of category
generation required noting regularities in the participants and the settings.
As categories emerged, the researcher searched for those with internal
convergence and external divergence-categories should be internally
consistent but distinct from each other. The researcher's attempt was to
search for the salient; grounded categories of meaning held by the
participants in the settings.
The researcher used a qualitative data analysis computer program
called HyperQual. This program allowed the investigator to enter directly
field data, interview data, observation data, researcher's memos, and
illustrate or code all or part of the source data so that chunks of data could
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be pulled out and then be reassembled in to new and illuminating
configurations.
As the data were reduced and interpreted/ the researcher was
engaged in testing the emerging hypotheses by involving participants in
the analysis of results. Member checking was used on individual
interviews which were transcribed for clarification and understanding.
This procedure also gave the participants a feeling of sharing in the
research process. When patterns emerged/ the investigator also tested
alternative explanations by challenging the results. The researcher
explained how the findings are the most plausible of all explanations.
The study ensures internal validity by using the following strategies:
1. Clarification of researcher bias— from the onset the
investigator attempted to reduce bias by articulating this role.
2. Triangulation of data: observation, interviews, and document
analyses.
3. Member checking: the informants served as a check
throughout the analysis process. The participant observer engaged in an
ongoing dialogue with the study participants to negotiate meanings and
understandings of key issues.
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4. Repeated interviews, collaborative interviews, and repeated
observations: regular and repeated methods in the study occurred over the
five-month period of the two phases of fieldwork in Oslo.
5. Peer examination: Doctoral students at the University of
Oslo, Comparative and International Education program assisted the
researcher by examining and discussing issues. Checks were also
performed through presentation of the data at Norwegian educational
conferences and sociological institutes.
6. Participatory methods of research: The informants were
involved with most of the aspects of the study— from the design of protocols
through pretesting to the interpretation of findings using member checking.
The findings of the study were reported using thick description in
order to present a holistic picture of the case given the embedded elements
of the situation of Pakistani immigrant students. The researcher wrote the
report with ongoing analyses of information. The presentation of data
gathered through in-depth interviews and participant observation, where
the participants' perceptions are presented, can best be demonstrated by
using "world views" forming the structural framework of the report
embedded in the contextual framework. The dissertation was written using
this procedure of analysis.
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Organization of the Study
The remainder of the study is organized into four chapters
concluding with a reference list and appendices. In chapter 2, current
research on the following key topics will be reviewed:
1. Part one reviews the context of education for immigrant
minorities relative to the situation of Pakistani students in Norway.
2. Part two examines typologies of cultural interactions,
assimilation patterns, and policy making for immigrant minorities.
3. Part three reviews opportunities and models for educating
immigrant minority students and engaging the community.
4. Part four considers the managerial elements necessary for
successful educational programming for immigrant minorities, and the
aspects of school ethnography are identified.
Chapter 3 details the methodology employed by the researcher. The
case study design of educational ethnography using multiple measures and
sources of data are described. A detailed description of demographic
sampling and subject selection is discussed as well as the schools and
institutions of contact The procedures are clarified for each method -
Interviews, Life Histories, Observations, and Documentary Analysis. The
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evolving themes of data analysis are defined with an illustration of the data
categories.
Chapter 4 explicates the findings and interpretations from the study
into five major areas of analysis: student situational factors, teacher
perspectives, administrative developments, policy implications, and
cultural change for the Pakistani students and families. Several displays
and tables are used to illustrate the findings for cultural change.
Chapter 5 clarifies the key findings and a summary of the study.
Conclusions and recommendations are made based on the findings and
suggestions given for further research.
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CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The Context
"The ethnographer enters the field with an open mind,
Not an empty head."
Fetterman, 1984
The Education of Linguistic. Cultural and Immigrant Minorities in Europe
The complexities of the education of minorities and immigrants
present many problems to the European Community of Nations. Torsten
Husen (1992,1993) explains these complexities in the context of the
European nations while the author can provide a comparative experience
teaching Hispanic immigrants in Southern California, United States of
America (USA). This introduction will examine the key factors that have an
influence on the education of minority groups, whether the situation of the
group is permanent (involuntary minorities) or temporary (immigrant
minorities). This is a relevant distinction for understanding the context of
educating minority children. Gibson and Ogbu (1991) expand on the
contrasting situation of immigrants and involuntary minorities, ethnic
minorities. It is especially interesting in the case of Europe where
generations of ethnic and immigrant minorities reveal differences in
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patterns of adaptation to the cultural majority. Husen refers to this concept
as Ethnicity, which can be delineated into components: biogenetic,
territorial, linguistic, cultural, religious, economic and political. The degree
to which each of these aspects are present will determine much of the
situation of the immigrant group. Research literature from the USA and
Europe, using various terms or definitions of sociological and cultural
interpretations of minorities, provide similar evidence for the situation of
minority groups.
National minorities in Europe are not a new phenomenon. The
nation-states have throughout history accommodated within national
borders many different minorities and cultures. Their longevity and self-
assurance regarding their culture/language within the national majority
characterize more permanent minorities. This is in contrast to the USA,
where generations of some immigrants experiencing successive failure
results in a permanent position of subordination, as is the case of some
Hispanics that have not successfully assimilated in the USA. In contrast,
some historical minorities who have maintained much of their ethnic
identity over generations and have participated in the political process of
the nation do have educational success and do become productive
members of society (Wirt 1979).
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European minority problems (and American) in education are
viewed as problems dealing with language or culture. Explicitly the
problems are represented through such factors; however, the real
complexities of the education of minorities has to deal with political and
sociological factors addressing schooling and institutions which empower
or disable minority educational achievement Political and cultural
dominance over a minority group is implicitly represented through
allocation of resources and policy planning. It is explicitly displayed
through issues of linguistics and cultural pluralism in national curriculums.
At a time when Europe is moving towards a greater unity, minority
language and cultural groups cling more fiercely to their identity. The
European nations should make policy to deal with the new demands.
Currently, there are three ways in which countries are dealing with
the language issue. First the minority language may be used as the
medium of instruction, as is the case in Catalonia, Spain. This can become
problematic where minority group members are spread out across the
nation. If concentrated in one area, mother tongue instruction is much
more feasible. Second, the minority language is taught compulsorily as an
alternative national language, with official national status. This is the case
in Belgium, where both Flemish and Walloons have to learn either French
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or Dutch as the second national language. Third, the minority language is
not taught as part of the normal school timetable, but may be an "optional
extra" to the curriculum. This is the case in France and Britain.
Clearly, each immigrant situation would constitute a different type
of policy. However, few governments have looked at the research into
minorities when establishing programming. Most decisions are based on
purely governmental policy. Unfortunately, as in the United States with
the Hispanic case, minorities lack political power or community action in
order to advance their linguistic needs. Although there may be an
ethnically sensitive policy in view of the tensions, few schools have actually
been able to enact a language policy which can bring success to immigrant
minority students due to lack of prioritization and the divisive nature of
bilingual education and mother tongue teaching.
The overall picture of immigration in Europe today is a movement
due to economic hardship rather than political or religious persecution. In
Europe the more contemporary movements have been mainly from
developing countries, former colonies, and from the Mediterranean area to
the more prosperous North. Restrictive measures by the host countries
have begun to deter this movement Further complications have arisen
i
with the burgeoning democracies of Eastern Europe. Movement has shifted
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from east to w est Whether permanent or temporary, legal or illegal, the
problems of immigrants and minorities pose a great problem to the nations
of Europe. Modem immigration is much more heterogeneous. Denmark,
for example, has a work force consisting of only two- percent foreigners,
but between them they speak over a hundred languages. The diversity of
ethnic origins— not only from every quarter of Europe, but also from Asia,
Africa and the Caribbean— further complicates matters, as do the various
religious allegiances — Christian, Moslem, Hindu, Buddhist (Council for
Cultural Cooperation). In France, Islam has now become the second largest
religious grouping after Catholicism.
The European Community (EC) Directive of 1977 charged member
states with the duty of ensuring for migrants adequate teaching in the
official language, and the language and culture of origin in cooperation
with the states of origin, and with the training of teachers able to fulfill
these tasks. This resulted in consternation, as countries counted the cost of
full implementation. Hosts began to offer financial inducements for
migrants to return home due to economic problems, host unemployment
Few takers were found. Social conflicts were beginning to turn racist in
nature.
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Some initial policy reactions were assimilationist since nations
believed that most immigrants were to stay permanently. This alienated
many immigrants, and later schools took on multicultural education,
requiring all children to learn various cultures. Present policies of
integration or interculturalism are developing communication between the
various cultural identities. The concept is vague and European countries
have adopted their own varieties to small degrees. Negative forces in
Switzerland and France claim there is no place for immigrants when
unemployment is already high. The stance of rejection continues, as the EC
census of November, 1989, has demonstrated.
The teaching of language and culture become the rhetoric of the
majority school system trying to deal with the immigrant minority issue.
Some form of dominant and minority language or cultural education is
presumed to increase the success of language minority students. Although
nations are confronted with increased racism, many countries are not
addressing the realities of the situation which are linked to socio-economic
and political implications. The Dutch, who have long accepted numerous
immigrants and who are acclaimed for their linguistic competence, explain
the problems of immigrants in regard to language and culture.
Acknowled ging the over representation of immigrants among low
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achieving students, Dutch researchers, as Cummins (1989) in Canada,
consider the most important element in the successful education of
immigrants lays in the mastery of languages. Success depends on the
degree of mastery in literacy of the primary language; however, resources
are not identified for accomplishing this goal.
In numerous countries pilot projects have been developed, such as
bilingual kindergartens in Belgium, native language schools in The
Netherlands, and Finnish schools in Sweden. The magnitude of the
problem surrounding language is controversial both in Europe and the
United States. In the investigator's experience where literacy in the native
language may not be prioritized due to political resource allocation, simply
reinforcing language and empowering the community with genuine
acceptance of the immigrant culture is enough for successful academic
achievement An operational bilingual program is difficult to enact given
resources and power relations. It is unlikely that the well-intended rhetoric
of the EC Directive is in operation in any country in Europe.
In the teaching of culture there is a similar problem. In the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) report
(1989), One School. Many Cultures is reliable, the discussion is primarily
academic, and "for everywhere multicultural education is practically
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nonexistent" No one can deny the fact that a greater mingling of cultures
creates the empathy and understanding necessary for multiculturalism.
However, few communities are integrated in Europe. There are mostly
pockets of racism, where the nationals wish to separate from contact with
the minority, especially in education because these schools are not desirable
for host students.
The sociological implications of previous power relations between
the majority culture and the countries from which the immigrants originate
appear to be important in understanding the continued subordination. The
position of religion in the culture is also a very important point in the
immigrant's educational experience that may inhibit success. Gender
subordination in the Moslem faith causes problems for these students.
Communities dealing with these immigrants in order to promote
educational access and equality in schooling must more keenly identify
many special circumstances of culture.
Immigrants and school performance is an important issue for
discussion in determining successful integration in the host country.
Successive failure of immigrants in the majority schools often leads to the
development of an underclass as is the case with most Hispanics in
California, and migrant workers in Belgium (Eldering, L and Jo Kloprogge,
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1983). Both groups experience generational failure that creates a sense of
helplessness explained by researchers as a psychological trait ascribable to
lack of confidence. The school is said to exercise a therapeutic function.
Others such as Ogbu (1991) attribute failure to society and continued
reinforcement of the caste system— where immigrant minorities become
caste-like after a few generations of failure when they perceive their
situation as insurmountable because working in school does not contribute
to eventual success in the dominant culture by obtaining desirable jobs.
Experimental programs are developing in Europe to test the
assumptions of researchers and address the failure of immigrants. It is
unlikely that political decisions will reinforce communities' need to be
empowered in the dominant culture given the racist and economic situation
in Europe today. Given these realities it appears to be an insurmountable
situation.
Teacher education is a very important element of any program
dealing with the success of minority students. Attitudes must be changed
and new information regarding teaching the curriculum necessary for
linguistic and cultural understanding need to be given to teachers in order
to allow them to feel capable of dealing with immigrant students. The
dynamics of schools are changing dramatically and teachers must be given
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the necessary information in order to do their jobs and provide
environments where all students may be successful.
Another major area of academic rhetoric surrounding immigrants in
Europe has been how to teach the children of the minority the skills and
knowledge required to be successful in the majority culture while at the
same time preserving their distinct linguistic and cultural identities. It is
not clear that this rhetoric is useful to solving the situation of immigrants.
Certainly schools must adopt diverse curriculum which is culturally
sensitive to the diverse needs of students. However, the real question in
schooling minority groups appears to be the policy of the institutions, such
as the schools, which establish the rhetoric in relation to the immigrant
minority communities themselves. Until researchers and immigrants alike
begin to speak the "same language" in regard to mainstream and minority
social policy, little will be accomplished. Merely changing curricular
guidelines will not deal with the successive failure of minority students
across generations. Researchers must begin to look at the existing realities
in schools and districts that are required to adopt such policies of
interculturalism and bilingual education. Such factors as teachers' attitudes
and institutional failure must be addressed. For example in Southern
California, often teachers who are advocates for minorities in the public
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schools are alienated from the educational process. Rarely are they allowed
to institute programs that contribute to immigrant success unless they seek
outside support horn the local community and other funding sources.
Similar situations are seen in nations such as England. The rhetoric is in the
academic setting; however, well-intentioned teachers are rarely able to
enact programs that will empower immigrant success. Sociological
interpretations of immigrant education appear to suggest a contextual
analysis necessary to begin addressing these groups' problems.
Allocations of resources and resistance to policy implementation
seem to be the core of the problem. Bilingual programs that are deemed a
failure, are in actuality not true bilingual programs, because they lack
qualified teachers, duration of impact, and resources. Programs at the local
level are often misinterpreted and real change never occurs. Much more
research is needed in a comparative setting looking at immigrants
internationally and exploring their unique sociological, cultural and
historical experience in the context of the dominant majority culture.
Experimental programs in Germany and the success of the Dutch policy are
good places to begin exploring these dynamics and comparing them with
the situational variables of other areas. This study will add to that
comparative literature.
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Nature of Immigration from Pakistan to Norway
It is good if I reach the target of my savings, before
the children reach their school age, so they could start
school in Pakistan and continue there. We are being
discriminated in everyday life, in the labor market,
and at the workplaces. (Pakistani immigrant residing
is Oslo since 1971; Chauhdry, p. 90)
In 1968, many western European countries began to tighten their
borders to immigrants from the south. Consequently, immigrants sought
out other labor markets, and Norway became a destination of choice. In
1966, it was also suggested by government officials and the Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) that Norway begin
to look into the import of foreign labor. The first group of Pakistani
immigrants came in the early 1970s from West Germany. In 1970, seven
thousand work permits were issued to Pakistanis, and the number
increased to ten thousand in 1971 (Kommunaldepartementet, 1990). The
workers were easily absorbed in the Oslo job market At this time
Norwegian immigration laws were relaxed.
Prior to this immigration Norway can be characterized as a
homogenous culture with very little diversity, except for the Sami
population of Northern Norway. The Sami Nation, the ethnic minority
people of Scandinavia, number approximately 30,000; however, estimates
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have gone as high as 50,000 (Koskinen, 1995). The Sami (also know as the
Lapps) are an indigenous culture with their own language and customs.
They have traditionally engaged in nomadic reindeer herding and other
local crafts. Today a great number of the Sami people have assimilated into
the mainstream Norwegian lifestyle. However, recent attempts have
focused on cultural maintenance through mother tongue teaching and the
establishment of unique Sami schools (Aikio, 1991).
The population of Norway is approximately 4.2 million of which 2
million 93 thousand are men and 2 million 140 thousand are women
(Statistical Reports of the Nordic Countries, 1991). The land area is 325
thousand square kilometers, and it covers the longest and most dramatic
coastline of Europe. Remoteness between city and countryside has always
been an issue in the development of education.
Estimates by the OECD report of 1990 indicate that immigrants have
not significantly changed the homogeneous picture of Norway. The
number of immigrants from the south today reveal a number close to that
of the Sami minority group, approximately 1% of the population. These
immigrants are concentrated in the capital of Oslo. A additional 2% of the
immigrant population come from Western Europe and the United States.
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A major reason that the population has not been severely impacted
by the rise of immigrants from the south is the freeze on immigration which
occurred in 1975/ not long after the first groups of men obtained work
permits. Initially only Pakistani men came to work in Oslo to save money
to return home. Eventually the wives and families followed, as jobs and
homes were secured. In 1975, the government curtailed immigration to
only those persons reuniting with families, having refugee status, and
having specific expertise (especially in the growing North Sea oil industry).
In 1976 these laws were even stricter making it very difficult to get a work
permit in Norway without special circumstances.
Today, the situation of Pakistani immigrants can be distinguished as
uncertain and confused. Initially Pakistani immigrant workers came to
Norway with the hope of economic gain and eventual return to their
homeland. Most engaged in a form of service work and some even started
businesses, such as grocery stores. However, the reality of the numbers
indicates that few returned, and most instead petitioned for their families to
come to Norway.
Some Pakistani immigrants have sent their children home to go to
school to maintain die traditional culture. However, some have now
reacted to the difficulty of returning home by enrolling children in
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Norwegian schools so they may learn about the host society. School
authorities have recognized the effects of home language and culture on
education. Programs have been devised to deal with these needs in the
compulsory grades 1-9 and in adult education classes. Some classes for
only Pakistani girls have also been in operation to address unique cultural
concerns (Riaz, 1994). Prior to this the Norwegian officials believed the
Pakistanis to be "guest workers", and no additional services were available
in the schools until the mid-1980s because it was believed that most would
soon return home.
The process of socialization through the schools and cultural
transformation of the Pakistani immigrant students has been discussed as
"stressful" by those from the Pakistani culture. The contact of the two
cultures has caused difficulties due to differences in equality of sexes,
independence of women and girls, and other western norms that have left
the students affected by their experience in schools. Norwegian officials are
familiar with the minority issue based on their experience with the Sami,
and have attempted to make educational opportunities available to the
Pakistanis to promote academic achievement Have they significantly
contributed to this aim from the Pakistani perspective? And what are the
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relationships between opportunities, cultural change and educational
policy? This study will examine the effects of these variables.
Cultural Factors of Pakistani Immigrants
Pakistani culture has its roots in Islamic culture. The Islamic
principles of unity of God (Tauhid) and the unity, dignity and equality of
mankind form the basis of this culture. The social ideal of Islam focuses on
the development of a pattern of life and a social order where the
distinctions of caste, race, color, residence, financial status, etc., get no
recognition. Men and women are equal in the eyes of God, however, they
have different duties to perform. The father is the breadwinner and the
mother is responsible for the children and domestic tasks. Women are
segregated in Pakistani homes and only have social contact with close
relatives. However, this varies greatly depending on area of residence,
rural or urban.
Children are immediately socialized to the Islamic way of life—
customs, conventions, and expectations of society. Children become
familiar with appropriate sex roles early in life. Differential attitudes
toward children of opposite sexes increase as they grow older (Riaz, 1994).
Pakistani boys and girls are brought up to understand that women and
men perform tasks and work in different spheres and are kept separate.
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This is in sharp contrast to the Norwegian policy. Unwed mothers are
legally recognized in Norway, and they receive financial allowances from
the state. Norwegian children are socialized to seek independence after
finishing school by leaving home and seeking work. Pakistani parents have
fears regarding these influences, especially on the daughters.
The majority of Pakistanis in Norway come from rural areas in
Pakistan and have minimum schooling. The parents have little under
standing of the education of their children. The situation is entirely
different for the parents who come from the big cities in Pakistan who have
higher levels of education. This impacts the severity of Islamic values
which can limit a child's experience with the host culture
The majority of Pakistani Muslims are Sunni. Pursuant to Pakistani
statistics, 77% are Sunni and 20% are Shi'a. A total of 97% of the country is
Muslim with a very strong Islamic heritage, which has been the main
source of inspiration for the creation of the country. The major ethnic
groups in Pakistan are Punjabi (66%), Sindhi (13%), Iranian (9%), Urdu
(8%), Baluchi (3%) and other (1%). The majority of the people speak and
understand Urdu, the lingua-franca for Pakistan. All Pakistani languages
have the Arabic script as the unifying script People who reside in different
areas may have different tribal customs, however, they are united by a
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common religious heritage. Some important differentiation may exist
depending on local customs and should be explored further. However, a
great deal of the general social customs are determined by Islamic ideology.
It is important to discuss some to the differences that families
present Generally the overwhelming number of Pakistani rural Muslims
are converts from Hinduism or Buddhism. The impact of Hindu culture
still has an effect on these rural families. Many Pakistani families still
expect big dowries from the girls' parents at the time of marriage. The
status of Hindu women is subordinate to the men of the family and in rural
environments the women's duties are even more pronounced.
In Pakistan, upper class families of the villages come from Punjab
and Sindh. They also represent the two most important ethnic groups.
These families can afford the luxury of completely isolating the mother,
who holds the honor of the family. Servants are employed to do cleaning
and household chores. The skilled working class men work outside the
home and are the sole support of the family. This includes craftsman in the
villages. Often women will provide piece work and compliment the family
income. In Britain, Pakistani women have provided great financial support
to the families by working in the textile industry. The family in Pakistan
works to provide for the children, and the children are educated through
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the village schools and mosques. The unskilled working class works for the
land owners, and the women are servants in their houses. Women and
children also work in the fields. These families are too poor to send their
children to school. The family takes the responsibility to train the children
in Islam. Rarely do they learn to read or write.
Of particular importance in the dissertation analysis are the unique
aspects of culture both from the origins of the Pakistani immigrants and the
homogeneity of the Norwegian culture. How has their interaction effected
the school in Norway and what valuable lessons can be learned from the
origins of the Pakistani and from this isolated case study? Since
Norwegians are very different from the Pakistani, it provides an interesting
picture of how cultures interact
Interactions in Norway
Norwegians have experienced an influx of immigrants for the first
time in the last few decades from countries very different from themselves.
In the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development Report of
1990 reviewing national policies for education very little was mentioned
regarding the situation of immigrants in the Norwegian educational
system. Their numbers were noted as too small to enable investigation.
Regardless of the perceived lack of interest, a small group of researchers in
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Norway has begun to investigate the situation of recent inunigrant groups
to Norway.
These immigrant groups are mainly restricted to refugees from
Vietnam and guest workers from Turkey and Pakistan. The Pakistanis
have arrived in varying numbers and have been unstable in their length of
stay. Because of their instability, some educators believed it was best to
allow them to keep their own values and customs within the school
framework. Others believed it was in their best interest to teach them
Norwegian and the social standards of Norway. This latter process of
socialization has caused great stress for some Pakistani children.
Norwegian values of equality of the sexes, independence of women and
girls, girls enjoying the same educational facilities, and other western
norms have left these children greatly affected by their experiences in the
schools. In a study of linguistic minority children in an elementary school,
teachers noted the distinct comprehension problems Pakistani children
encounter even when they are bom in Norway (Lie, S. & Wold. A. H.,
1991). The language and cultural norms kept in the home conflict with
those values transmitted in the schools. Not only is language an issue in
schools, but the overall social implications of attempting to "enculturate"
young children to a completely different set of social norms.
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In an investigation of a nursery school and a pre-school with
minority Pakistani immigrant children, the researcher noted that the
parents stress the need to have their children learn Norwegian as soon as
possible to ensure the best experience in school. Even though there were
Pakistani teachers available to assist with mother tongue teaching, parents
were not interested in maintaining the language (Aarre, 1987).
Hauff and Vaglum (1993) conducted a study of the integration of
Vietnamese refugees into the Norwegian labor market emphasizing the
impact of war trauma. The investigators interviewed 145 boat refugees on
arrival and after three years in Norway. The rate of integration into the
labor market was poor and the unemployment was relatively high. Both
loss of social status in Vietnam in 1975 and experiences with war trauma
were related to the difficulty in obtaining jobs and some level of integration
in to the labor force. Unlike some Vietnamese in the United States who
have identified a specific field of opportunity (electronics industry), the
Vietnamese in Norway have not found a niche to work. Hauff and Vaglum
speculate that the traumatic loss of careers/status and possessions have left
many refugees feeling helpless. Additionally, war trauma experiences can
be dramatic and very complex. Often helplessness and fear will lead
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individuals to negate long term goals such as education and work for
maintaining basic survival.
Other researchers have focused on the attitudes of Norwegian
citizens toward the minorities. The influx of immigrants has prompted
many Norwegians to confront their established values and norms. Hemes
and Knudsen (1992) analyzed the attitude of local Norwegians toward
immigrants in their neighborhood. They determined that negative
attitudes are a result of people feeling deprived in comparison with some
standard, or with real or imagined conditions for other people. In a mainly
meritocratic society, like the Norwegian one, a person's educational level
represents important resources, particularly in relation to the labor market
Since new immigrants tend to lack the necessary education to compete for
jobs with highly educated Norwegians, they are not seen as a threat and are
better tolerated by educated Norwegians. An alternative or supplementary
interpretation would suggest the direct effect of education maybe seen as
an expression of certain values held by the well educated at a more general
level. The authors emphasize higher education as the tool in socializing
Norwegian students to be tolerant and hold liberal values toward
immigrants.
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Norwegians know very little about immigrants according to recent
sociological studies. A. T. Jenssen and H. Engesbak (1994), reveal that
especially those Norwegians with less education will admit they know little
about immigrants. Among the least educated, 54% of them did not know
the number of immigrants and asylum seekers arriving in Norway in 1987
compared to 22% of the highest educated Norwegians. The assumption is
that if students can be educated about the immigrant situation, local
Norwegians will not create a great deal of social distance which leads to
unnecessary stereotypes and prejudices.
In visits to Oslo institutes, the researcher found literature dealing
with minority immigrants to be quite meager. Currently in Norway, very
little research addresses student experiences in schools or policies that are
being adapted to meet the challenges of recent immigrants. How are local,
urban schools adjusting? Skutnabb-Kangas (1981) presented a paper that
detailed provisions in Scandinavia for immigrants and guest workers. The
basic premise is to maximize profitability and minimize social costs by
keeping the guest workers or immigrants within their own cultures in the
host land, so they never can accept the full benefits of that society and will
eventually go home. Reproduction of a lower social class is the aim in
order to ensure a good supply of cheap labor. Although this could very
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well be the case in some countries, it warrants further investigation in
Norway given the fairly recent conditions surrounding the last three
decades of immigration.
After numerous visits since 1995 to intensively study the resources at
University of Oslo, the investigator was able to gather recent masters theses
regarding the experience of minorities in the public schools. Research is
lacking in referred journals. In this study, the researcher will expand upon
this newly formed area of research on immigrants in Norway and pose
questions regarding degrees of assimilation and social welfare equity for all
immigrants. How might this intersection be described given the current
understanding of the Pakistani?
Policy
Eide (1992), Randall (1991), Debeauvais (1992), and Skuttnabb-
Kangas (1985) are researchers who actively acknowledge the growth of the
immigrant and minority issues in Europe and advocate alternative and
cooperative policy efforts to examine the circumstances of minority citizens'
lives. In the situation of Norway, there is not a great deal of evidence
which shows the perspectives of the minority/immigrant in the context of
experiences with the dominant culture. Given the fairly recent
development of this issue, it is not unlikely that works are in progress.
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However, the researcher only encountered representatives from the
Institute for Social Research engaged in the issue. Policy formulation
should prove to be very interesting given their prior experience with the
Sami.
In conclusion, Norwegians should begin to educate themselves
about the nature and context of immigration to the country to better
prepare changes to the educational system that might promote the needs of
these students. Given the current emphasis on Norwegians' attitudes
toward the minority, it is evident education regarding "difference" and
"other" is necessary to eliminate some of the social stigma associated with
being an immigrant Recent archival records from newspapers demon
strate reoccurring negative episodes with new immigrants. However, the
Stavanger Aftenblad dated January 23,19%, stated that the Cabinet
Ministers1 have adopted an action plan to combat racism and fear of
foreigners. The party acknowledges that immigrant children are a new
underclass and has set out to develop better integration and conditions for
young immigrants and asylum seekers. This policy recognition is
promising and warrants further attention. In addition to this policy
recognition, social scientists and practitioners should begin to merge
understandings of Norwegians and a long history of egalitarian policy to
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encompass the minority population as the point of research. At this
particular juncture, this study intends to impact the cultural understanding,
community participation, and key policy decisions in relation to Pakistanis
in Norway.
Cultural Interactions
The Relationship Between Cultural Responses and a
Typology for Immigrants
There has been an abundance of research in the United States and
Europe related to the educational achievement of immigrant minority
groups in democratic societies. There is a wide spectrum of issues that
come to mind when examining the continual school failure of some groups
in comparison to the relative success of others. One researcher in an
International Symposium in Stockholm (Husen & Op per, 1982) posed an
interesting dilemma. Why in Sweden do we find the 3 minority immigrant
groups of Danes, Turks, and Finns performing in the lowest percentile on
educational tests? Danes and Swedes have the same language and culture,
Finns and Swedes have different languages but the same Nordic culture,
and the Turks are different in both culture and language to the Swedes.
Tove Skutnabb-Kangas (1981) has tried to address some of these issues by
analyzing, not only language programs, but also problems within
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democratic institutions that neglect the research of academics in the field of
culture and psychology and perpetuate school failure. She has interesting
views that have paralleled the research of Jim Cummins (1989) with
language minorities in Canada.
Another typology looks at school policy and the politics of the nation
to describe the process of socialization and success in school for ethnic and
immigrant minorities. In these four cases, described by Wirt (1979), the
minorities differ in degree of interaction with the dominant group, which is
the prime allocator of rewards in the society. John Ogbu (1991) and other
researchers have also analyzed the anthropological and societal variables in
the process of school failure effected mainly by the lack of educational
opportunity denied by a system of inequality. Societal institutions and
administrative systems have played a major role in determining the ethnic
relations and acceptance of various groups, which have profound effects on
school achievement of immigrant language minority children. The
dedication of the academic researchers and well intentioned policy makers
has not produced the expected results of utilizing multicultural-bilingual
education strategies for immigrant minorities. Certainly, it is a credit to all
educators to realize that schools have done the most out of all societal
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institutions to alleviate the discrimination that most minorities are still
suffering today.
No complete understanding of the interplay of the culture,
linguistics, psycho-social history, community status and school programs of
immigrant children has clearly defined the continual failure of these groups
within a democratic system. One variable, the issue of Bilingual Education
(BE) in the United States or Mother Tongue (MT) instruction in Europe, has
been an extremely controversial topic of debate by many researchers.
Conflict over language instruction for immigrant children, although crucial
to academic achievement does not appear to warrant a cure-all for the
sustained low achievement of immigrant groups. Obviously, there are
numerous versions of bilingual education, and the interpretations vary
from district to district as from the United States to Europe. Few academics
now doubt the wisdom behind such language instruction in the primary
language. There are many exhaustive studies dealing with a wide variety
of issues pertaining to bilingual education. Willig (1985) in her meta
analysis of bilingual education programs, with strict controls on what
constituted a genuine bilingual program, has shown that children perform
just as well if not better than mainstream students in BE classes with less
exposure to English. Language instruction for immigrant students can be a
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very strong force in shaping success. The use of the native language raises
the prestige of the immigrant and helps greatly in the educational success
of a language minority student However, other important variables, such
as conflict between distinct cultures, seem to warrant discussion in
explaining the continual failure of immigrant students. Current research
pertaining to these important variables which have implications for the
success of immigrant students in the context of institutional discrimination
and policy making will be reviewed.
Explanations such as Wirt's typology are an excellent example of
four situations which demonstrate the decisive role that political systems
and administrative decisions play in the policy of immigrant children's
educational achievement In addition, Ogbu's theory of minorities helps to
describe social mobility and the school's roll in perpetuating the status of
minorities and the low achievement of immigrants. More inquiry must be
done into the area of cultural and psychological variables by accounting for
controls in programming and implementation. Details about policy
effecting immigrant performance and implications for political and societal
considerations will be further analyzed in the unique case of Norway.
Emphasis may be put on the need for autonomous (decentralized and
independent) change for achievement motivation. Immigrant minorities
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should be willing and allowed to participate in the decision-making
structure that is disabling their achievement in the existing societies in both
Europe and the United States. How to best achieve this is a question which
researchers analyze in each unique case. The situation in Norway provides
a good example of a fairly homogenous culture responding to a sharply
different immigrant population, Pakistanis, which will enable a close
approximation to a controlled environment with very discrete units from
each culture.
Gordon's Case of Assimilation and Ogbu's Cultural Model
Gordon (1964) discusses levels of assimilation that may be a
determinant of school experience, and he gives a description of a cultural
model when students come in contact with the school. The first level of
assimilation, structural and behavioral assimilation, is what some
anthropologists call acculturation— change of cultural patterns to those of
the host society. This relates to Ogbu's understanding of immigrants'
adaptive processes that enable them to have contact with schools.
Gordon's levels of assimilation take into account several degrees of
experience that individuals might have when two cultures come in contact
The chart below summarizes the stages that a cultural group might
encounter with another. Each of these steps might be thought of as
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constituting a particular stage of the assimilation process. This rigorous
analysis of the assimilation process isolates and specifies the major
variables or factors and suggests characteristic relationships between the
stages. The intent is to set up an "ideal type" of assimilation representing
the various elements of the concept and their interrelationships in an
unqualified fashion. The model draws upon well researched cases in both
anthropology and sociology. Gordon has identified seven major sub
processes for assimilation:
Sub-process or Condition Type or Stage of Assimilation
Change of cultural patterns to those
of the host society
Cultural or behavioral assimilation
(Acculturation)
Large-scale entrance into
institutions of host society
Structural assimilation
Large-scale intermarriage Marital assimilation
(Amalgamation)
Development of sense of
peoplehood based on that of the
host society
Identificational assimilation
Absence of prejudice Attitude receptional assimilation
Absence of discrimination Behavior receptional assimilation
Absence of value and power
conflict
Civic assimilation
(Gordon, 1964)
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In the analysis of the Pakistanis in Norway, Gordon's model will
assist to explain the relative level of cultural contact from the assimilationist
perspective— one representation of the process when two cultures m eet
This process would imply that the new group would: (1) take on the
cultural patterns of the host society, (2) enter into societal networks of
institutions and local communities, (3) have intermarried with the host
society, (4) have developed a sense of "culture" with the host society in
place of their own, (5) have no discriminatory treatment, (6) encounter no
prejudiced attitudes, and (7) not confront the host society with issues
involving value or power conflict
This model is an interesting one that can have relational
characteristics with that of Ogbu's cultural model. Ogbu calls his
explanation of minority school performance a cultural-ecological theory. This
theory considers the broad societal and school factors as well as the
dynamics within the minority communities. Ecology is the setting or
environment of the minority, and culture broadly refers to the way the
minorities see the world and their subsequent behaviors (Ogbu & Simmons,
1998). This theory has two major components. One, is the system— the way
the minorities are treated or mistreated in education in terms of the
educational policies, classroom practices, and returns on investment in
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education. The second part is about the way the minorities respond to
schooling as a result of their treatment These responses are also
determined by how and why the group became a minority - immigrant or
involuntary. This second set of factors is called community forces (Ogbu &
Simmons, 1998).
Drawing on the analysis of Gordon and relational characteristics to
Ogbu's theory one can quickly see that the treatment of minorities in the
wider society is reflected in their treatment in education. According to
Ogbu, the latter takes three forms, all of which affect school adjustment and
performance. The first is the overall educational policies and practices
toward the minority. The second is how the minority student is treated in
the schools, and the third are the rewards, or lack thereof, that society gives
to minorities. As already discussed in the first section of this chapter, some
educational anthropologists consider culture and language differences the
major cause of minority student problems. It is true that cultural and
language differences do cause learning problems. However, these cultural
and language explanations do not account for the discontinuities between
members of the same group who are successful and others who are not It
is for this reason Ogbu has stressed that the differences among minority
student performance may lie in these community forces.
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Ogbu's study of the community forces is essentially the study of
minority perceptions and responses to schooling. He hypothesizes four
factors that constitute these community forces:
1. A frame of minority school comparison (e.g., with schools
"back home").
2. Beliefs about the instrumental value of schooling (role of
school credentials in getting ahead).
3. Relational interpretations of schooling (degree of trust of
schools and school personnel).
4. Symbolic beliefs about schooling (whether learning school
curriculum, language, etc., is considered harmful to the minority
cultural and language identity).
The Background to the Problem in the Introduction of chapter 1
details the various types of minority status based on Ogbu's approach and
the relative problems that they have faced due to their minority status.
Ogbu defines minority status on the basis of power relations between
groups, not in terms of numerical representation. A population is a
minority if it occupies some form of subordinate power position in relation
to another population with in the same society. In chapter 1 the distinction
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was made between the voluntary (immigrant) minorities and involuntary
(nonimmigrant) minorities.
An important clarification that Ogbu makes is that there are several
misinterpretations of immigrant minorities, and comparisons within his
framework must be done with caution. The two important distinguishing
features for immigrants are that: (1) the people within this category
voluntarily choose to move to the host society in the hope of a better future,
and (2) they do not interpret their presence in the host society as forced
upon them by that society or government For instance, Ogbu explains that
refugees, m igrant/ guest workers, undocumented workers, and binationals
are not the same group as immigrants. Refugees do not freely choose to
settle in the host country to improve their status. Migrant/ guest workers
are not immigrant voluntary minorities because they usually do not plan to
settle in the host society permanently. Like refugees they bring with them
pre-existing language and cultural differences and are able to adopt an
attitude toward learning the second language that will usually make them
more successful in school. However, Ogbu notes that since migrant
workers are temporary, they tend to only learn that which is absolutely
necessary to achieve their temporary goals, which may not include school
credentials. In countries where it is permitted, some migrant workers in
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due course may choose to become immigrants. This is the case of the
Pakistanis in Norway who have decided to stay. This validates the
comparative value of Ogbu's theory for immigrant minorities (Pakistanis)
in this setting (Norway). It is also important to note that the complexity of
assimilation requires that the researcher understand whether or not the
minority immigrant wants to assimilate and whether the majority would
like them to be assimilated. The question is important to this case.
Another model by Frederick Wirt discusses the political aspects of
the minority group's relative control within the host society. This
framework describes the policy of the host society in reaction to the
minority.
Prior Experience with the Sami: Wirt's Political Model
Political and educational decisions have often been made in order to
socialize the minorities to the dominant culture. This process is known in
the United States as assimilation and is often interpreted as a voluntary
process. In Europe, it is referred to as Integration. This requires the
acceptance by the minority of the dominant belief system and incorporation
of the minority into die decision making process of the majority. This has
happened in cases where the history of domination is farther in the past,
such as the Welsh in Great Britain. In addition, the dominant culture was
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very similar to that of the minority although historically both maintained
their geographical separation. The Welsh lost ethnic identity in the process
of assimilation, however this was balanced by participation of the minority
in the political climate (Wirt 1979).
Another case that Wirt describes is the socialized, isolate minority.
This is a highly centralized political scheme where the dominant culture
wishes to preserve solidarity and community unity by isolating the
minority from the dominant society. Most specifically this is seen in case of
the Sami (also known as Lapps) of Sweden and Norway or the Native
Americans in the United States. The Swedes gave the Sami People the right
to assimilate or maintain ethnic minority status. Most Sami people choose
to assimilate in order to be allowed to take part in society. The alternative
option was to have families and children isolated in "nomad" schools
continuing in their traditional occupation of herding reindeer. The Crown
of Sweden did not allow the Sami people autonomy and eventually took
away their rights on hunting in certain areas since it was profitable for the
government (Paulston, 1982). Assimilation was forced. Policy toward the
Sami people in the Nordic countries has now changed considerably, but not
at the expense of the Sami cultural heritage. This particular typology may
not apply to the recent immigrant minority in Nordic countries; however,
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the investigator does believe this discussion will provide interesting
historically generated suggestions for dealing with some 2nd and 3rd
generation immigrants who are perpetually discriminated against and
isolated from the mainstream of society. They do not receive educational
equity, as is the case with certain Hispanic immigrants in California. The
Hispanics there are encouraged to assimilate, yet they are perpetually
isolated from the social structure. This can also be the case for 2nd and 3rd
generation immigrant workers in Europe.
Norway has been particularly concerned with equalizing the
experience various groups have with education and eliminating disparities.
This in-depth look at the circumstances of Pakistani immigrants will
provide insights into Norwegian educational philosophy. Concentrating
the research on the circumstances of newly arrived immigrants, not the
ethnic minority, the Sami, the situation is perceived differently. However,
the lessons of the Sami experience have provided support for new efforts
by the Norwegian officials.
Existing assimilation possibilities make an exact definition of the
number of Sami rather futile, but current estimates put the figure at around
30,000 of whom 90% live in Northern Norway. Estimates by the Central
Sami Organization have been as high as 50,000 (Koskinen, 1995). Much of
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the development in Lapp districts was normally based on an implicit
assumption of assimilation. Norwegians have justified this by claiming
most Lapps had supported this policy. Recently, an increasing number of
young Lapps have engaged in the problems confronting their minority
group. They have pointed out how one-sided assimilation policies have
eroded the self-respect and dignity of the Lapp culture. Educational and
language deficiencies have complicated life for many Lapps.
Norwegians have adapted alternative mechanisms to rectify this
situation. Special importance has been given to acknowledging the Lappish
language and scholarships are given to teachers who will learn the
language. New schools were opened in the northern part of Norway in
Tromso, and preparation for a new regional college addressing the needs of
the local Lapps will be the next major step toward enhancing the cultural
awareness of the Lappish Community. A special department will be
focused on Lapp Teacher Training.
In 1987 the Norwegian constitution was amended to add "it is the
responsibility of the state to ensure that conditions prevail to enable the
Sami nation to maintain and develop its language, culture and way of life"
(Koskinen, 1995). This was in great contrast to previous policies that
ordered the Sami to speak only in Norwegian. There was actually a period
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NOTE TO USERS
Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are
unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript
was microfilmed as received.
72-73
This reproduction is the best copy available.
UMI
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welfare, and affirmative action. The researcher cannot speculate as to how
valid these claims may be. More research in the area of accommodation
and the societal incentives to maintain such a structure seem valid for a
future model for immigrant minorities in their struggle for educational
equality that may or may not lead to economic equality.
The final type of policy Wirt discusses is Colonialism. In this
particular situation there are widespread differences in the minorities'
acceptance of the majority values. In general, these types of minorities are
not included in the political process and are isolated from the social
mobility structure. These groups also have a history of domination or
colonial past with the host nation. A typical example of this would be the
colored immigrant in the United Kingdom (colonized immigrant) and the
United States (forced assimilation). In the United States, African Americans
were in separate schools and discriminated against by mainstream society.
This continued until the 1960s when race riots promoted the Civil Rights
Amendments and began to change the status of Black Americans. Status
improvement occurred as a result of taking action in promoting autonomy
over oneself (Galtung, 1980). Unfortunately, prejudice still exists in present
society, and, as Ogbu has explained, it is perpetuated by the social
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institutions, is rarely eliminated and only brought to the attention of the
dominant group through collective action.
Development of a Third Culture
Hayes-Bautista (1992), a Chicano researcher, discusses a paradigm
shift which deserves greater attention in examining the issue of when two
cultures m eet He challenges the underclass model and the nature of
assimilation. It is true that Latinos have high and persistent rates of
poverty and low educational attainment However, Hayes-Bautista brings
forth marked differences between the Latino population and that
population described as the underclass. The differences are significant
enough to warrant extreme caution in applying the underclass model to
explain Latino's poverty and lack of education. Some of the characteristics
which make the underclass model inappropriate are: high labor force
participation, low labor force desertion, high rates of family formation, low
welfare dependency, strong health indicators, strong educational
improvement, and a strong sense of citizenship.
Hayes-Bautista (1992) attempts to explain that a paradigm shift must
include Latinos' behaviors as reinforcing the basic institutions of society,
such as work, family, health, and community. The minority is no longer a
group for whom the government must support policies to correct
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deficiencies. Efforts should be made to maintain and build on the existing
strengths of Latinos and other ethnic/racial groups to create a blend of all
that is best in culture and society: a third culture through the interaction of
two existing cultures.
A good example of building upon strengths comes from the health
habits of Latinos. On average Latinos live 4.3 years longer than Anglos,
and Latinos have a death rate one-third lower than Anglos. Latinos also
have the lowest rate of low birth weights and low infant mortality rates.
Hayes-Bautista calls this the epidemiological paradox. Latinas are the least
likely to be covered by health insurance and to receive health care in the
first trimester of pregnancy. However, despite these risk factors, Latinos
have birth outcomes that rank among the best Clearly, a maternal and
infant health program based on the underclass model would not be
appropriate for Latinos.
Latinos appear to have behaviors and values similar to those held by
middle class Anglos in the areas of family life, work ethic, health outcomes
and education. In spite of these similarities, however, they were not
acquired through the individual assimilating to the mainstream. Special
attention needs to given to the unique interaction and contact of cultures to
understand the contact and development of a new culture. This area
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warrants more development in the case of the Norwegians and Pakistanis
in schools, and will be analyzed in detail in chapter 4.
Gendered Experiences
Many of Norway's strongest efforts towards equality now concern
equality between the genders. For the most part, the problem is the
universal one of encouraging women to choose from the whole range of
subject preferences in the lower and upper secondary schools and in higher
education. Breaking down the selection of curriculum by gender in upper
basic schools, a greater percentage of girls in every social level selected the
most difficult curriculum. A greater percentage of boys in every social level
selected the course of study having the lowest difficulty. Additionally, girls
maintained higher marks than boys did in every social group in the upper
basic school (Hemes and Knudsen, 1992).
Much gender research in developed countries has indicated that
women grow up with a double message— females as homemakers and
mothers, but also implying that females are able to assume any role that
males have. Norway abolished differences in the roles between males and
females in a law in 1978. Women are widely accepted in the work world;
however, they are still expected to fulfill their duties as wives and mothers.
The complexity of the status of women is intensely varied. Some girls drop
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out of school others select vocational and traditional fields of study.
Women do continue to move into sectors previously occupied by males;
however, there are still areas that are not open to women. Mjelde (1984)
found that 80% of the female workers are in the unskilled category and
receive low wages, while only 12% of the male workers fall into this
category.
In spite of a representation of girls in a number of fields, two-thirds
of the girls continue to prepare for lower paying, traditionally female
oriented occupations: textile industries, sewing, and home economics.
Those girls most interested in professional careers tend to occupy jobs in
segregated female dominated areas, such as nursing, child-care, and social
work. This has also been the trend in the United States in recent decades
despite the claim of greater equality.
Recent Norwegian newspaper articles have reported that girls are
the best at school (Stavanger Aftenblad. March 19,1996). In seven of nine
subjects, girls are scoring 35 points higher than boys are. Excluding
mathematics and physical education, girls are ahead of boys in all subjects.
This is also the case of immigrant girls who have been reported to score
higher than immigrant boys are. Immigrant girls in high school have stated
that education is very important in becoming independent and self-
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sufficient In general, the teachers have claimed that girls are moe mature
than boys of the same age are.
In order to present a rationale for examining the situation of
Pakistani girls in Norwegian schools, a model for interpretation may be
Jean Anyon's (1983) analysis of gender and class which discusses
accommodation and resistance by working class and affluent females to
contradictory sex-role ideologies. The framework is important as a
comparative tool for the situation of Pakistani girls within the Norwegian
schools because these girls face great discontinuities between the gender
expectations at home and that of the egalitarian model in Norwegian
society.
Anyon argues that complete acceptance or rejection of sex-role
appropriate attitudes and behaviors is actually quite rare. A more accurate
description is a simultaneous process of accommodation and resistance,
common to the experience of Black American slaves. The concept of
accommodation would imply that women would accept the existing power
relations as something that they cannot change. This would result in no
alteration of the social relations of gender. Resistance would require a
display of counter power ultimately resulting in some form of
emancipatory work, and the eventual alteration in the social relations of
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gender. Examples of resistance and accommodation are drawn from
Anyon's article investigating 5th grade girls in working class and affluent
schools.
Gender development involves not so much passive imprinting as
active response to social contradictions which will involve a series of
attempts to cope with and resolve contradictory messages regarding what
girls should do and be. Girls are presented with the ideologies that
constitute appropriate female behavior and ideologies that are appropriate
for achieving self-esteem in society. These two ideologies are in great
contrast to one another, and girls must spend much of their time through
accommodation and resistance determining behaviors that will enable them
to be successful. This struggle is manifested in the discrepancy between
private and public thoughts and the utilization of femininity to shape their
own ends.
Often women are engaged in some task in which they switch off
their minds in resistance; however, their actions reveal accommodation to
the subordinate position. This occurs a great deal in marriages, where
women acquiesce to certain dutiful behaviors determined in the marriage
contract Unfortunately, this approach may relieve psychological stress, but
it does little to help alter the female-male social relations. The "Cinderella
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syndrome" is the reverse situation from above. Females may adopt male
methods of achieving self-esteem, high status in career; however, still
believe that they need a man to take care of them. Using femininity in
order to achieve success is also a form of accommodation which women use
in order not to upset the social balance. Women who have too aggressive
tendencies are not admired in the work place.
Explaining extreme forms of gender resistance, Anyon states that
alcoholism and schizophrenia are symptoms of inner conflicts regarding
sex and sexuality and the unsuccessful attempts to reconcile the
contradictions of being female. Detailed health studies in Norway of
Pakistani women have determined that these women are depressed and do
not engage in active participation in Norwegian society. In Anyon's study
(1983) of 5th grade girls sex-role stereotypes, descriptions revealed evidence
of all the contradictions mentioned above, and girls could not answer how
they would hope to deal with them as adults. They felt that they would
have to work to contribute to the household, but did not think that
husbands would like i t Few understood how to accomplish the tasks they
felt they were to achieve as adult women in a marriage and possibly a
career.
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The ideology of femininity reinforces a paternalistic dependency on
men, and as long as women continue to reinforce these roles through
accommodation and silent resistance, little will be accomplished in altering
the social relations between men and women. In order to change these
relations of power, women need to engage in collaborative resistance on a
larger scale that will be directed toward establishing some policy to change
the existing paternalistic relations. Women must feel validated in engaging
in political struggle to achieve equal and equitable pay off in society, and
men must take an active role in understanding the need to change. In the
situation of the Pakistani mothers and girls in Norway, the government has
attempted to force co-educational activities in the schools to break stereo
types. Groups of Pakistani women also meet to discuss their roles with
social workers in the community.
Davies (1983) argues that a pupil who is accorded few official
sources of power and privilege by the controlling agents, such as the school,
a patriarchal institution, will have to find other ways of establishing
identity and efficacy. This results in the adoption of appropriate social
strategies. The female role is not just something transmitted or passed on
by the family, but instead is a combination of reactive responses to repeated
situations, conflict and relationships. The situation of Pakistani girls in the
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schools will provide an ample discussion of this problem in the context of
Norwegian schooling. This is similar to Anyon's model of accommodation
and resistance because it infers a process of acculturation by women to the
male dominant ideology. However, to alter the social relations of gender,
women must learn they have abilities to develop alternative approaches
which do not reinforce gender stereotypes and the paternalistic order of
society. The status of Pakistani girls reveals a duality - one conduct in
school of equality of sexes, another of the strict segregation of sexes
imposed by the community and home.
As Giroux (1992) and others have stressed, teachers have the most to
offer as change agents and can assist girls in adopting alternative/
oppositional strategies that might help to change the social situation.
Effective communication and understanding of the goals are necessary as
women promote collective action that will provide optimal circumstances.
It is unlikely, that individual resistance will ever make much of an impact,
and accommodation only strengthens the existing order by socializing
women to meet the needs of the society in their dutiful roles.
Given the unique situation of Pakistani girls, a discussion of their
place in the schools in Norway can be framed by relating to the issues of
accommodation and resistance. The families' ties to Islam and girls1
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straggle to fit into the egalitarian society of Norway will provide an
interesting discussion for the analysis.
Educational Opportunities
Factors in School Achievement of Immigrant Minorities
It is important to examine the issues that have come up in regard to
schooling immigrant minority students. A majority of the factors have been
expressed in different terminology; however, they can be explained in
terms of four areas: linguistic and cultural variables, psycho-social
variables and immigrant history, ethnic community status, and school
effectiveness in curriculum and assessment Exhaustive studies in both
Europe and the United States have detailed various aspects of the minority
experience in context of these factors. In 1983 the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) conducted a symposium
of the special needs of minorities in fifteen countries. In 1989, the Dutch
Ministry of Education and Science laid the foundation for an integrated
European research program in the field of ethnic minorities in Europe.
Both studies have inspired much research in the area of minority education,
as has the original OECD symposium in Stockholm in 1982. These
researchers have come from a variety of different fields with many different
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theories as to the achievement attained in minority education in their
countries. A brief discussion of these topics follows.
In all of these areas Jim Cummins (1989) describes the current
research quite succinctly. His perspective is that of a linguist concerned
with the language factor in schooling immigrant children. He is a strong
proponent of bilingual education, although he takes his research much
deeper into the realms of social, historical, and political dimensions. He
also discusses the need for a theoretical framework for intervention in both
the schools and the communities of immigrant minorities. It is difficult to
speculate on the success of his anti-racist educational agenda, because an
ideal model may not exists anywhere in the literature to be tested.
However, it has been determined that elements of programs such as the
ones suggested here after have been used in various places to a moderate
degree of success, and certainly with no negative consequences.
In the area of Bilingual Education (BE), Biber and Krashen (1988)
provide a good case for the affective use of primary language instruction in
public schools. The sad reality is that this approach is rarely realized since
limited resources and lack of support have inhibited these programs that
have been know to work. However, the premise behind BE is that students
learn to read in a language they find comprehensible. This is the native
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language of the immigrant In order to promote literacy and achievement
in English, students must have messages they can comprehend. The
primary language provides background knowledge to facilitate the
subsequent transfer of academic skills in English. Done properly, bilingual
education can provide not only cognitive advantages and practical
advantages, but also encourage a new bi-cultural understanding between
minorities and the dominant culture. The cognitive superiority of bi
linguals has been an interesting topic for many cross- cultural researchers.
The most distinct feature of bilingual education and mother tongue
instruction is the negative view many policy and administrative personnel
have spread regarding its use with minority students. Done properly, the
instruction raises cognitive superiority and increases chances of success in
the educational system (Ada, 1988). The most current research with
language minority students has implied that access to literature in primary
language can greatly enhance the ability of students to achieve in reading
comprehension (Krashen, personal communication). Language is simply
one component of many that has disabled the achievement of minority
students.
In reality most immigrants have high academic aspirations for their
children and want to be involved in promoting their academic progress
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(Wong Fillmore, 1983). However, they often do not know how to help their
children academically, and are excluded from participation in the school
due lack of knowledge in educational matters. Minority community
involvement is very important A two year project carried out in an inner-
city area of London (Haringey) showed major improvements in children's
reading skills simply as a result of sending books home on a regular basis
with the children for them to read to their parents, many of whom spoke
little English and were illiterate in both English and their primary language
(Tizard, Hewison, & Schofield, 1982). This "shared literacy" program for
immigrant children made significantly greater progress in reading than a
control group. Teacher attitude is very important in raising the status of
the minority community. Teachers who collaborate and encourage
minority participation in promoting their children's academic progress both
in the home and classroom experience the best results. This collaborative
orientation requires a willingness on the part of teachers to work closely
with bilingual teachers in communicating effectively with minority parents.
The investigator's experience has revealed much resistance to this
orientation by teachers in the Los Angeles area, which certainly can be
attributed to the successive failure of minorities.
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School effectiveness in pedagogy and assessment is determined by
its ability to emphasize active learning based on the experience of the
minority child. Classroom interaction must be focused on student-centered
approaches that empower language minority students to engage in
problem solving and expressive writing in a multicultural curriculum. The
traditional approach of transmission of knowledge by the teacher to the
student is a disabling experience for a minority child who is forced into a
state of acceptance of the dominant view, where little of his or her own
existence is validated. In some regards education has itself put stifling
boundaries on the extent to which students can develop interests in the
context of real learning. Students need to be engaged in real life enterprises
that encourage analytical thinking. So little of the curriculum, which is
imposed on minorities, has anything to do with the nature of their
existence. In terms of evaluating immigrant minorities, schools must find
different ways to interpret the educational achievement of these distinct
groups. The sustained effects of bilingual education can take up to six
years to show up on tests of English Reading Comprehension (Constantino,
et al., 1992). Programs that empower teachers to become advocates for
minorities and to enhance their status and assessment that looks at gains in
terms of new pedagogy offer better chances for the educational
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achievement of minority students. The following Symposium analysis will
help to give more examples that are uniquely being discussed in Europe
today (Husen & Opper, 1993). In order to present a distinct case for the
situation in Norway with the Pakistanis, it is crucial to understand the
current rhetoric surrounding the problem of achievement from the
perspective of Europe's most involved scholars.
The aim of this symposium was to bring together scholarly studies
concerning the education of migrant children. Some issues are dealt with in
a hypothetical fashion. In most countries, there are many different modes
of instruction, ranging from the medium of instruction completely in the
Mother Tongue (MT) to mainstream education without the support of the
mother tongue.
This discussion will outline the obstacles and promises of such
comparative research for the immigrant situation in Europe. In 1982, the
immigrant population consisted mostly of immigrant workers from the
Mediterranean area moving into Western and Northern Europe. Problems
of multicultural and multilingual Education are possessed of many
dimensions: political, socio-cultural and pedagogical. There are few other
areas of education where there has been so much controversy, simply
because there is so much at stake for those that are intrinsically concerned.
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Experts from many disciplines have provided input on immigrant
education with particular focus on multilingual matters. The impact of
social science research on policy making in education is very hard to avoid
in such controversial instances, therefore the major focus of the Husen's
commentary to the symposium were dealing with five central issues:
1. Dominant monism vs. pluralism.
2. If one opts for pluralism, then one is faced with the problem of
separation or segregation vs. multiculturalism based on shared
values.
3. How then do you develop a common frame of reference, a
shared structure of values?
4. Ethnic groups have core values mostly centered around language
and religious belief. Identity is established through these values.
How will the host country deal with these facts?
5. Practical issues deal with access to power and influence, or, how
one achieves equality of opportunity. Is equality of opportunity
possible in a culturally monistic society? Is the retention of ethnic
identity and socioeconomic advancement (through education)
compatible? This is often referred to as the ethnic dilemma. Is it a
pervasive problem, or under what conditions does it occur?
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These questions framed the participation by the renowned scholars
from several countries— Australia, Germany, The United States, Canada,
The United Kingdom (UK), Denmark and Sweden. Topics of papers were—
social and ideological context of multicultural education in immigrant
countries (R. Taft), multi-lingualism/ culturalism from the linguist's point
of view (E. Oksaar), program and policy considerations of the social context
of multi-cultural/lingual education (R.C. Rist), psychological perspective of
multicultural education (J. Bhatnagar), intercultural education and
community perspective (V. Saifullah-Khan), deciding on languages of
instruction— psychological and social considerations (W.E. Lambert),
research problems in the UK and elsewhere in multicultural education
(G.K. Verma), problems in comparative analysis of bilingual education (C.
Bratt Paulston), an immigrant point of view - research implications for
Sweden (T. Skutnabb-Kangas), and maintenance or transition— a review of
•«
Swedish ideologies and empirical research (L. H. Ekstrand). This range of
issues does indicate the complexity of the topic.
Some researchers stress the importance of the social implications of
multicultural programs over individual factors because of the dependence
of the latter on the former. Taft concludes that in modem democratic
societies, language assimilation (= loss) between generations is a reality.
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While relatively few immigrants would regard this as a favorable situation,
the pursuit of personal goals (economic success, social acceptance) will lead
eventually to language loss. In addition, Taft states that unless the
utilitarian modem societies are already pluralistic, it seems unlikely that
there will be sufficient determination on the issue of language maintenance
to succeed in maintaining the present language resources for any length of
time except by possible future immigration. This I believe is quite obvious;
however, what will Europe do when in the future generations immigration
continues as is the case in the United States?
Oskaar, a linguist, takes a much more optimistic attitude. He quotes,
"One of the most effective ways to leam about oneself is by taking seriously
the cultures of others. It forces you to pay attention to those details of life
which differentiate them from you." He adds that multilingualism and
multiculturalism help man to understand himself. In order to know your
language you must look at it in the mirror of another one. Immigrant
education, one can conclude, will help to enhance the societal situation
given proper support
Rist brings up some very practical issues in his discussion of
programs and policy. Research in the area of immigrant and language
minority education is sadly lacking on the processes of program
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implementation. Certainly those concerned with assessment of programs
are not looking at the realities of the schools and varied resources. He
states quite correctly, the allocation of sizable resources to the research
process would be misplaced and thus misspent because there is no way
research findings, with all their limitations, could resolve what are
fundamentally political decisions.
J. Bhatnagar discusses the impact of multicultural education in a
psychological perspective in both Europe and the United States. The
results of most projects are remarkably similar. Students heritage language
skills improved a great deal, performance in other subjects was at least at
par with the students attending the school, and relations between
administration and parents improved along with self-esteem of the
immigrant community. However, the academic performance of immigrant
students did not improve in relation to that of the nation as whole. He
cautions, that alone schools cannot spirit social change. Social change can
only occur when all institutions of society begin to believe in equality of
opportunity. True multicultural education would only be possible in a
truly multicultural society. Saifullah-Khan takes a similar perspective
when she discusses aspects of community education. Intercultural
education can be successful only when the immigrant community members
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have complete access to educational opportunities and other institutions in
society. This requires a great deal of programming in the area of policy.
Factors such as these have often been left to the schools, but there is little
time left for it after curriculum and language planning. There are too many
aspects of multicultural education, and without a societal acceptance and
political agenda little will actually happen.
W. E. Lambert discusses the social implications of language
programs in the U. S. and Canada. He looks at the competing needs of
groups in the society. Taking the U.S. as an example, he discusses the
Hispanic, Black, and White group's concerns in language policy. This is a
valuable analysis because it demonstrates the competition for access to
quality education in an immigrant country. Clearly, minorities do not have
equal opportunities in the system, as revealed by test scores and the
compensatory education programs. Consequently, bilingual programs that
favor one group over another alienate groups. Black Americans feel that
there children do not gain the benefits of bilingual education as the recent
minorities have. This creates resentment and societal tension that is
reflected in the power structure of the schools. It is a very sensitive issue
which deserves much more research for immigrant communities where
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increasing diversity of minority groups compete for educational access and
opportunity.
Verma and Paulston discuss the problems of comparing research on
bilingual programs and multicultural education. Major objections focus on
neo-Marxist interpretations that deny the validity of assessment due to the
nature of standardized test which do not measure the immigrants'
perspectives and perpetuate failure. Other factors such as research design
and generalizablity are also obstacles in comparing programs given
different situations and variables.
T. Skutnabb-Kangas and L. Ekstrand provide an interesting debate
in there application of the research and practical experiences in Sweden. As
an immigrant from Finland, Skutnabb-Kangas provides interesting
evidence for her case. She is a minority researcher who has worked in
Sweden with Finnish immigrants. Her perceptions of schooling in regard
to Sweden's liberal immigrant education policy is quite skeptical. In her
neo-Marxist interpretation, she does acknowledge that Sweden and much
of Scandinavia has done more than other places for the status of
immigrants; however, she believes that research agendas are determined
for political reasons and do not accurately depict the situation of
immigrants. Her argument is persuasive and parallels opinions of other
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researchers accounting for the sustained immigrant educational failure
(Ogbu, 1978,1983,1991,1995; Cummins, 1986,1989). L. H. Ekstrand, a
leading psychologist in Sweden, takes a different view of blaming the
victim. He claims that social-economic status (SES) is the major impact on
the status of academic achievement of immigrants. He states that no
bilingual programs have conclusively determined that language and
cultural maintenance assist in academic achievement He strongly rejects
Skutnabb-Kangas and other researchers' claims that politics and
institutions maintain the class status of the immigrants which relates to
academic failure.
In conclusion, it can be agreed that there is no viable model for
multicultural education that could be used cross-culturally. These
interesting perspectives from many different disciplines do not take into
account the realities of these communities nor propose a viable solution.
Theoretical evidence is extremely important, but only in the context to
which it can be applied to the existing realties of the immigrant
communities. Obviously the controversial political nature does not help in
gaining a better perspective, as the power structures are often involved in
much of the schooling program which may not provide the equal access
that is presented in policy. The Symposium provided a good review of
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issues in 1983 that are still relevant today. Theories attempting to deal with
language and cultural policies of assimilation or pluralism are still being
tested, and we seem to be no closer to a solution today than the Symposium
in Stockholm was in 1983. It is evident that Scandinavia and the United
States, as other countries such as Canada, provide models of immigrant
countries attempting to deal with the problem. Most European countries
have not identified policy, although they have gathered data and the
current situation should be an interesting one as migration from Eastern
Europe continues to rise. It certainly is an issue that is charged by politics
and educational concern. However, the case of the Pakistanis in Norway
will move this debate into a level of recommendation that will support both
cultures and provide a guide to determining appropriate policy that may be
implemented at the community level.
Model Alternative Programs
In order to understand the development of alternative schools, it is
important to discuss the characteristics of the urban context Classical
economists saw great promise in the growth of cities. The consensus was
that with the concentration of people, the city would give rise to economies
of scale and make possible the use of widespread communication and
schooling, leading to the rise of efficient industries. Ideally, with all its
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opportunities the city was to provide social mobility and variation in
employment However, as time has proven the cities have not
demonstrated that they serve the needs of all the citizens the same. Most
cities are differentiated internally. The wealthy maintain easy access to
resources, public services, modem technology and art, while the poor must
struggle to get access to jobs and facilities (in this situation, adequate
schooling). While the poor are bound to their physical environment, the
proximity between the rich and poor quickly develops an awareness of the
gap between them. The gap leads to social and racial tensions, which lead
to segregated residential patterns and differentiated access to social
services, including education (Stromquist, 1994).
The negative features of city life are multiple: residential and
educational segregation, crowded and unhealthy housing conditions,
polluted and congested roads, racial tensions and visible unemployment
In the United States as in other industrialized countries, the phenomenon of
decaying cities, caused by the concentration of the poor in the inner cities,
has lead to the identification of the "truly disadvantaged." Statistics have
shown that the growth of inner cities is primarily among people of color
(Stromquist 1994). Immigrants tend to move into the cities working in low
wage jobs, continually intensifying the racial and linguistic diversity.
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Certainly, the urban context puts people into close contact with each other
and thus unleashes deeper discussion about the norms society must share
to keep up coherence and a collective sense of being.
In research dealing with urban education, a great deal of investi
gation has focused on "minority," "at-risk," or "marginalized" students. It is
helpful to define this distinction in the student population as a political and
economic term, and not as a social distinction. Ogbu (1995) has described,
in his long career in educational anthropology, a typology of minority
students which helps to understand the realities of urban students who are
ghettoized in particular disabling situations which do not appear to
advance educational success. Ogbu has spent years immersed in
ethnographic interpretations of various social groups. He describes
perceptions of status and equality in the educational system and society as
a whole. One type of minority as indicated earlier is the caste-like minority,
characterized by involuntary incorporation into the host country. This is
the case of African Americans and Native Americans. Membership in a
caste-like minority can be permanent and acquired at birth. These groups
typically have little political power in the development of urban centers.
Immigrant minorities are people who have moved more or less voluntarily
to the cities. Immigrants have a different frame of reference as they view
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their situation in the host cities as better than that of home country. They
have some perception of social mobility, whereas the caste-
like / involuntary minorities do not perceive their situation as equal to the
mainstream population. The immigrant minority will typically perceive of
the city as a place of opportunity upon initial arrival.
As the research discussed before has detailed immigrant minority
student achievement in traditional schools, several key factors contribute to
the success of marginalized students (Cummins, 1989). Instruction which
validates different cultural and language norms, critical pedagogy which
empowers and provides self-esteem along with conflict management
strategies, schools which emphasize community and parental participation,
and evaluation based on the experience of students are four of the
techniques used to emancipate minority students (Ogbu, 1995; Gibson &
Ogbu, 1991) from the confines of traditional schools which continue to
subordinate particular groups of students.
Alternative schools in the United States of America have been
developed in reaction to these particular needs that traditional and
i
conventional schools have been unwilling or unable to address. Alternative
schools have been characterized by a great deal of ambiguity. Is the new
alternative educational approach an idea for schools or entire school
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districts? For all students, or only for special needs populations? Despite
the emergence of several alternatives, two enduring characteristics have
defined alternative schools from the onset: they have been designed to
respond to a group that appears to not be optimally served by the regular
school program, and consequently they have represented varying degrees
of departure from standard school programs (Raywid, 1994). As a result,
alternative non-formal schooling has been linked to the education of
"unsuccessful" students who by virtue of being "disadvantaged," "at-risk,"
or "marginal" typically are not successful in the regular school program.
Innovation and creativity in both practice and organization have
characterized these alternatives.
Rapidly diversified urban areas reacting to social and economic
crises of immigration and unemployment have put a majority of urban
students in the categories described above. Shouldn't alternatives to the
regular school program be the educational norm for mainstream students,
as well? A changing population makes new schools ready to deal with the
challenges imperative.
The condition of alternative schooling in urban areas can best be
addressed by raising specific research questions. Do urban students benefit
from alternative schooling, and which characteristics of programs best
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secures their success? Do students view their placement in such programs
as "last chance" opportunities, a creative endeavor which engages them in
meaningful life experiences, or other relevant activities which will lead to
further success? To what extent does the policy and organization of schools
enable creative alternatives to develop? Do educators see such projects as
beneficial in reforming traditional schooling? Alternative schools provide
some fundamental challenges to the way education is coordinated. Can
state of the art alternative schooling provide a model of necessary changes
so desperately needed in public education? These research questions are
highly significant to the situation of city schools unable to meet the
challenges of the urban poor whose children are faced with an economic
and social situation that does not lend itself to continued success. Schools
must adopt creative alternatives to deal with changing needs of urban
students. These questions will help to define opportunities for Pakistani
immigrants in Norwegian schools and determine the level of commitment
by the Norwegian policymakers.
Pedagogy, Curriculum. Assessment Parent & Community Involvement
The most promising strategies for urban centers attempting to help
immigrant minority students break the cycle of school failure,
unemployment, and social disintegration are those that will: build capacity
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at local school sites; provide school autonomy and flexibility in designing
and implementing improvement plans; take a broad rather than a narrow
view of curriculum and instruction; recognize classroom teaching and
learning; promote urban children's positive self-perceptions, effort, and
school performance; provide real-life incentives for urban children to
achieve at school; and coordinate efforts with the self-interests of other
institutions and agencies to provide social and economic opportunities
beyond the reach of the school (Oakes, 1987). Cummins (1989), in
conjunction with other researchers (Hillard, 1989), has detailed the
importance of experience-based, flexible pedagogy for minority students,
especially when dealing with different language and cultural norms.
To some extent, traditional schools in the United States have tried to
implement these curriculum strategies along with "effective schools"
models and State preschool programs; however, research has indicated that
urban students face pronounced obstacles as they attempt to use the
educational system as a means for attaining economically and socially
stable adult lives (Oakes, 1987). Few immigrant minority students expect
school success to bring real-life rewards in the form of good jobs and
salaries. They may not have contact with adults who have translated
education into economic gain. Ogbu (1991) has determined that minorities
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respond to the lack of educational opportunities with "coping mechanisms"
(behaviors) that do not contribute to academic success and these behaviors,
in turn, perpetuate the low status of urban students. Wehlage's (1991),
researching at-risk students found that successful schools provide urban
minority students with a community of support in which school
membership and educational engagement are central. Through both
collaborative pedagogy addressing student experience and the use of
coordinated services that involve community businesses and social
services, schools can hope to address the needs of urban students.
A conventional school organization that generally denies partner
ship status to parents, social workers, and other services for children isn't
likely to provide the out of school support that many immigrant children
require for school success. Children whose families are under stress and
who have few visible incentives to do well in schools require close links
among school, family, and community to provide supportive environments
that they so often lack (Cummins, 1989).
Many strategies have been proposed to deal with the situation of
urban immigrant minority students (see Oakes, 1987 for detailed review).
One current improvement strategy is the alternative delivery school that
has taken on many different dimensions addressing the special needs of a
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specific targeted group in the school system. Researchers argue that
alternatives should be strengthened and made permanent in systems in
order to demonstrate new forms of educational reform for urban schools
(Meier, 1987,1995; Wehlage, 1991).
Alternative schools vary greatly, but can be characterized into two
forms: Magnet schools and special programs for at-risk students. Both are
characterized by a great deal of creativity in organization and practice. The
programs for at-risk students in urban areas typically get additional
resources to create special curricula, attract social services from community
and state agencies as support to students, and create partnerships with
universities and businesses to provide minority students with the real-life
experiences they need to be successful. Clearly student diversity presents
schools with many challenges. How do school systems face this diversity
without alienating one of the groups? As immigrants come in from around
the world, how do schools address their unique concerns? What are the
models that have proven successful and how have these pockets of
excellence been established within the existing structure of schools? One
such school (Riaz, 1994) is the all girls school for Pakistani high school girls
in Oslo, mentioned earlier.
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Many researchers have discussed the need for critical encounters,
schooling which empowers, develops a sense of urgency and changes the
existing social structure (Freire, 1984; Cummins, 1989; Giroux, 1992;
McLaren, 1993). Most attempts at effective schooling (Hillard, 1989) have
not shown the desired results, and it has become increasingly apparent that
educational alternatives must be established in order to deal with the
problems in urban schools, which particularly oppress and sustain the
achievement of urban students.
In summary, many studies have come to similar conclusions
regarding the needs of urban schools and effective methods of reducing the
risk of continued marginalization of minority immigrant and urban
students confronted with tremendous obstacles. Clinchy (1992), Elmore
and Assoc. (1990), Gandara (1989), Goodlad and Keating (1990), Inbar
(1990), Lampers (1994), Meier (1995,1987), Newman and Wehlage (1993),
Oakes (1987), Raywid (1994,1990), Smith (1993), Trickett (1991), and
Wehlage (1991,1989). Recommendations are as follows: alternative
approaches should receive high status with many resources to deal with the
unique needs of urban students; these schools should have a clear mission
that includes experimentation, curricular innovation, and staff
development; policy should encourage the decentralization of large schools,
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creating smaller autonomous units characterized by site based
management; and cities should develop broad based community
partnerships aimed at serving immigrant youth. Schools which seem
effective in these area seem to be reducing the failure of minority students
and enabling them to become agents of their own destiny.
Given the complexity of urban life, the impact of the urban city on
minorities, and Ogbu's conception and distinctions regarding immigrant
minority status and the typology for different minority groups, the
challenge to alternative schools is to understand the different views and to
use these "portraits" of understanding to create organizations which
enhance the educational achievement of all minority students. Given that
the status mobility system promotes unequal outcomes, how can schools
that work with communities encourage equity? Explicitly, this study will
give voice to the unique situation of immigrant minority students and
provide an understanding of how schools have socially promoted equity
given the categories Ogbu has described and other cultural variables.
Popular Education. Non-formal Approaches,
Socio-cultural/Linguistic Issues
Thomas J. La Belle (1986,1987) discusses the pedagogical, organi
zational, and ideological characteristics of non-formal teaching and learning
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featuring the prescriptive and process approaches to individual change and
learning, hi the following description of these two models, it will become
clear how they relate to the concepts of "functional" and "popular
educationm" as expressed by Paulston and LeRoy (1982). References to
Paulo Freire's Pedagogy of the Oppressed will highlight particular
theoretical and practical contributions to literature in the case of
implementing non-formal education for the empowerment of immigrant
groups.
The question La Belle has posed is, "how can nonformal education
programs foster experiences through which learners acquire new attributes
and, where desired, increase the probability that structural change will
occur?" Who the organizers and participants are, what ideology and goals
they pursue, and how they conceptualize learning affect the design of such
experiences. According to La Belle variations in pedagogy at the program
level appear to be related in consistent ways to the human capital, popular
education, and approaches to development These relational patterns are
revealed by two heuristically distinct pedagogical preferences that can be
discerned in the rhetoric of Latin American non-formal education.
The prescriptive pedagogical approach places emphasis on control
and top-down planning of curriculum. It is best exemplified by human
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capital approaches where the emphasis is on what is taught, or the content
of messages. The intent of a prescriptive program would be to disseminate
the "right" information to individuals in order to achieve the goals of those
who dictate the program. It is also concerned with the role of the teacher
and the delivery system, as these represent the interests of those who have
devised the program. The learner is treated as the object of the learning
process, and a receiver of information. The learner's task is to acquire the
skills and attitudes presented by the teacher and apply this to the
environment In the functional approach this means adapting to and
maintaining the status quo. Paolo Freire labels the prescriptive approach as
"banking" because its effect is to "fill" learners with information.
The process approach to non-formal education is intended to be the
exact opposite of the prescriptive model. It is best represented in popular
education movements. The intent of such programs is to involve learners
in their own education for the purpose of either adapting self to society or
questioning and changing self and society. The learner is viewed as a
subject, rather than an object, as the process approach focuses on the active
participation of the individual learner, rather than the teacher and the
delivery system. The student or learner is to participate in the selection of
curriculum and the problem to be explored, and the teacher is to facilitate
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that action and participation. An example of this approach is Freire's
consciousness raising intended to develop critical awareness of reality.
Organizationally, the prescriptive approach emphasizes the teacher
in the learning process and the importance of adapting the learner to the
functional requirements of the program and environment, so it is best
described as a centralized system. Very little if any input is taken from the
student in the learning process. This is characteristic of functional and
traditional forms of development and education especially popular in the
1960s when it was believed that to secure social and economic progress it
was determined in many countries they must imitate the organizations,
systems, and behaviors of individuals from the industrialized countries.
Specific to pedagogy, the prescriptive model can be linked to
behavioral theory by B . F. Skinner (La Belle, 1986). Implications for
instruction would require objectives in behavioral terms; analysis linking
learning tasks to objectives; division of content into segments that
encourage self-instruction and an overt response by the learner; provision
of immediate feedback; possibility of subject matter mastery; giving
rewards upon completion of each step; and dependence on curricular
materials, rather than individuals, for ensuring that learning takes place.
This is what is referred to today as direct teaching and is classic to
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centralized organizational systems. This sort of transmission of knowledge
may have validity for teaching skills for entrance into the economic
structure. However, as seen in many instances in Latin America and the
Caribbean, this prescriptive approach often fails to take into consideration
cognition, values, and language of the learner. Freire has expressed the
negative consequences of such an approach. It assumes that students'
minds are empty vessels into which knowledge may and should be
deposited. This may cause the educational experience to be meaningless to
the participant A program that fails to take into account the learner's
specific needs and experiences is likely to be incompatible with the
individual's future. In such a environment, the student is likely to
encounter a paternalistic environment in which he or she is treated as an
inferior object, rather than a human being with specific needs and a unique
experience. This dominant/subordinate relationship in the organization
and pedagogy of the prescriptive model reinforces the sense of disen
franchisement the oppressed might already feel in the existing social order.
In is apparent that the prescriptive model of nonformal education continues
to reinforce the social order characterized by functional and human capital
development
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Freire's theoretical and practical contributions to the pedagogy and
ideology of the process model of non-formal education have been remark
able and linkages to popular education are apparent Freire's view that the
oppressed can be liberated through consciousness raising forms the core of
popular education in much of Latin America. The goal is to change the
individual's basic perspective of reality, which if often characterized as
fatalistic, by enabling him/her to gain awareness of an inherent capacity to
shape the environment and to acquire the means to do this. The method
used requires an active dialogue between student and teacher as they
discover a common purpose and seek truth about relevant problems in a
respectful environment The organization of the process model is student
oriented and self-directed. The teacher is a facilitator, who gives up the
traditional role of authoritarian instructor, by creating a parallel relation
ship with students as colleagues and peers. The teacher is an individual
who provides resources to the group to help solve their problems in the
trusting climate he/ she creates. Instructionally, the group will make
decisions regarding curriculum and materials. The group will also
determine objectives in relation to existing realities and experiences. The
organization of the process model of non-formal education is democratic.
Popular education's use of participatory investigation reflects the process
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approach where a community is to be engaged in a diagnosis of its own
reality with the intent of social transformation.
Paulston and LeRoy (1982) have described the functional elements of
the human resources model of development Clearly the prescriptive
ideology, curriculum, and organization prevail. Specifically, non-formal
education in this model is concerned with nationally defined, chiefly
economic, development aims; and its implementation is controlled by those
whose interests reflect these national aims, and not necessarily the interests
of the target populations. In contrast, Grossi (1984) discusses the aims of
popular education as a collective process with the objective of generating
participation and organization of solutions to real life problems that
eventually lead to social change. The practical applications of Freire's
theory are clear in popular education movements. The key to the strategy
appears to be the ability to provide the necessary "spaces" for adults and
students to address their issues/problems that will eventually lead to social
transformation.
This discussion illuminates the importance of analyzing curriculum
and teacher-student interaction in Norwegian schools with Pakistani
students. An observation of practices should take into account the
prescriptive and process approach and a definitive understanding of
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empowerment to create an environment of opportunities. This analysis will
also be used to review policy documents and the national curriculum newly
published in Norway in 1997.
The use of these practices in the classroom setting greatly enhances
the possibility of minority student achievement The next section describes
the “out-of-school" factors of community-school organization which might
help to address the immigrants' attitudes and responses toward school.
Managerial Elements
Participatory Management
This analysis is intended to provide a potential framework for
discussing the role of social service agencies linked to the schools in
Norway. This organizational structure, the Nongovernmental
Organization (NGO), for schools has components relevant to the
Norwegian educational setting, and the subsequent discussion of how these
schools have adapted to meet the "community forces"— comparative value
of education, trust of school officials, and benefit of learning host language
& culture— of Pakistani immigrants. The parents in Norwegian schools do
not engage in active participation in a structure of the school, such as a
Parent-Teacher Association (PTA). The benefit of analyzing the school
organization through the model of the NGO is that immigrant parents do
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take part in the social service agencies that are commonly linked to the
schools in matters of child welfare.
Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs), nonprofits, community-
based organizations, and grassroots organizations have played an
important role in public sector development and can potentially play an
even greater role, given proper design and implementation of non formal
education programs directed at empowering communities. The following
description will entail information general to the roles of NGOs; and how
they can help specific populations, particularly empowering women and
immigrant minorities. Stromquist (1994) describes the experience of non
formal education for the empowerment of women in Latin America. A
brief analysis of a successful non formal educational movement for social
change (Zachariah & Sooryamoorthy, 1994) will help to identify limits and
possibilities for future NGOs in alternative service delivery options for
immigrants, and how implementation in public organizations might occur.
Fernandes (1985) describes the situation of NGOs in Latin America
and recognizes its importance as the organization for promotion of people's
participation, that is essential if real development is to be achieved. This
situation is highly compatible to the urban sectors of the industrialized
countries, where the disparity in wealth is a perpetuated status of a
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particular groups, such as immigrants in enclave settings. NGOs typically
occupy a "peculiar" position in Latin America, as is the case for other
developing countries. They manage large sums of money, but are non
profit. They operate on the basis of voluntary membership, and their
services are free. They are often fairly involved in politics, but do not
resemble political parties, and usually try to distance themselves from state
institutions. They promote development but do not specialize in productiv
ity. They conduct research and needs assessment, but do not affiliate with
university structures.
NGOs promote a series of initiatives directed at the base of society
with the explicit purpose of giving greater independence and organiza
tional power to people. They began to constitute an instrument for
bringing together local initiatives whose existence could not be ignored by
other agencies such as churches and the state. What has occurred in
Norway is that special groups of Pakistanis are forming within other
institutions that have aims to help their own group. An example is the
Pakistani student Society at the University Oslo, which has 200 members
around the country and meets regularly to provide support to school-aged
children. Other such informal groups are developing throughout the cities.
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NGOs are varied and "plural". This variation is typical because they
are set up by a small group of people with a specific initiative. Each NGO
has its own autonomy and budget They typically operate on very low
budgets and rely on volunteers who obtain rewards other than remuner
ation. NGO projects typically have short-term objectives such as
"conscientization.” Often NGOs must battle for social projects with other
NGOs because there are limited funds for programs. The use of media,
visuals, and slogans are common of most NGOs.
There are a great variety of NGOs. Some are informal networks that
arise due to social and political intimidation. Petherbridge-Hemandez
(1990) describe how cultural practices in protest to a repressive state were
kept alive by clandestine meetings and social functions. It was not an
organized movement, but manifested itself in certain aspects of cultural
maintenance through non formal education. Each NGO has it's special
societal context and circumstances, however, the particular characteristics
described above tend to be typical of NGOs. Another "NGO" type
organization that formed in Norway over 20 years ago by a Pakistani is the
Center for Antiracism that aims to educate Norwegians about the status of
minorities in the country.
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NGOs typically serve low income women, the poor, the illiterate,
marginal urban citizens, and unemployed youth. NGOs offer alternatives
to the existing institutions by using techniques of non-formal education.
Stromquist (1994) describes one such program for the empowerment of
women called the Brazilian mother's club. Facilitated by social scientists
and funded as a research project, it began as a project to enable women to
know more about ways in which they participate in mother's clubs. The
empowerment emanates from this action research in which women were
encouraged to reconstruct the club's history, to understand how women
became involved in them, and to identify the various functions the clubs
offered women. The experience of gender consciousness by action-research
lasted for two and a half years and was located in the city of Sao Paulo.
This intervention most closely resembles the NGOs which were
formed by the university. In a series of three unique phases, this group of
concerned social scientists empowered women both psychologically and
politically. First, contact was made with the various Mother's clubs to
notify them of the project and to explain to them the potential benefits. The
second phase was a joint venture on the part of the researchers and
community women to devise and administer questionnaires and surveys.
The social scientists trained the women in the methods of data collection.
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Investigating "who we are?," "how we are organized?/1 and "how do we
work?" assisted women in focusing on important gender issues surround
ing their participation in the Women's Club. Eventually, a dialogue was
created to represent the dissemination of the results. This was in the form
of a theater play. Brochures and other means of distributing their messages
were eventually developed.
In Oslo, Norway, in each neighborhood the social service office may
have a "sewing den" for immigrant women. These women gather with
other local women to discuss the children and other issues with the pretext
of learning a trade. They also learn Norwegian in special seminars and
courses. Social workers and role models from their community often work
with the women on family and social issues of the community.
The result of the project in Brazil was the first national feminist
meeting on "popular education and the women's movement" Issues were
addressed and ways of implementing the strategy used with the Mother's
Club were discussed. Since registering as a NGO in 1983, the Mother's
Club Nonformal Education Project for women has a communication unit,
audiovisual library, publishing department, popular education curriculum,
and continues to give priority to the training of popular educators or
facilitators.
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Mathew Zachariah and R. Sooryamoorthy (1994), in their in-depth
description of non-formal education using science in a participatory
development movement, provided lessons to other NGOs which emphasize
the limits and possibilities of their work. The NGO must have sufficient
financial base if it is to challenge the status quo, the leaders must be
primarily concerned with advancing the cause (not financial gain), a critical
mass of volunteers should be willing to devote a considerable amount of
time to the cause, organizations' work must be simple and functional to
reduce costs, the NGO should successfully cultivate relationships with
influential organizations sympathetic to their cause, coalitions with similar
minded associations or political parties will derail attempts of those
supporting the status quo to interfere in the NGO, and the arts must be
utilized to spread the message of the organization. These particular
characteristics are ideal to promote the success of an NGO, however, limits
are apparent NGOs must compete for limited contracts for government
services. Sound financial backing is very difficult to achieve, especially
when projects are short term. Volunteers supporting the NGO may be
present, however, coordination of their efforts may be lacking.
Situations such as the one in Kerala and Sao Paolo provide good
examples of the future potential of NGOs; however, the vision and
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coordination that follow such movements are often not present in other
circumstances. NGOs through the use of nonformal education offer many
possibilities for empowerment and future movements.
Schools can hope to engage community assistance by utilizing a
model of grassroots organizations, such as NGOs, that have social
transformation and participatory involvement as the core of their agenda.
Innovative schools must find volunteers that are committed to the vision of
an NGO in order to foster the ties and commitment necessary for sustained
participation and empowerment Schools which can connect with these
community organization will be successful in maintaining volunteers and
coordinated efforts. NGOs do not typically interact with government
agencies because of evaluation and control issues, but in education more
situations have evolved where NGOs have begun to realize their significant
role in participatory management In the two schools in Oslo, special
attention will be given to the level of complexity and role of such non
governmental organizations in dealing with community forces and
improving attitudes of Pakistani immigrants.
Realizing that the process of participatory democracy has much
more to accomplish, there are significant levels of achievement for
establishing a partnership between the school and community. In order to
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move in complexity, teachers and participants realize they must create
more linkages among services to the school, as the NGO, by providing a
structure of uniformity which contributes to the eventual success:
empowerment of the participants, the immigrants. The structure must be a
decentralized one that focuses on the elements of team work that produces
constructive action. The ongoing establishment by the school of objectives
and goals will provide a model of interaction for the other partners to
become involved. As a operational element of popular education, the NGO
has much to offer public education as a model of participatory
management The degree and level of community involvement will be
analyzed based on this framework in each of the two schools in Oslo.
Levels of Complexity
Based upon the level of analysis of the NGO attributed to the
development of a partnership between the school and the community, the
conclusion is that there are varying degrees of complexity of the
partnership which might lead eventually to the implementation of an
organization, such as the NGO, which facilitates the notion of citizen
participation and empowerment through the techniques of popular
education. Schools maybe in a simple partnership, where agencies simply
provide services to the schools. The next stage would be the Moderately
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Complex Partnership, with shared management or decision-making among
two or more partners or multiple partners, each with substantive program
responsibility at the school. A service learning component is a beginning to
move in this direction with active participation with the school and
community. However, there is no integration with the other agencies
involved.
The Complex Partnership, which characterizes the model of the NGO,
is the formation of an organization out of the multiplicity of partnerships
for the purpose of an overall project mission. Ideally, the hope would be
the transformation into the complex partnership with all participants active
in decision-making and the development of a structure that empowers. At
this stage implementation is complete. This is the stage that requires
cooperation, decentralization, team work, and a structure that is reinforcing
the participatory process. The fascinating transformation is what is lacking
from many school partnerships in effect today. It is a challenge for all
involved in education to become engaged in these sorts of organizations to
advance the cause of teaching minority students and serving their families.
To develop a partnership of increasing complexity requires time and
energy and belief in the process of active participation by all those involved
in the business of educating young adults. It is obvious from the discussion
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of the issues that this model cannot be implemented without the assistance
of service partners with like-minded interests. Do Norwegian schools
engage other social service agencies in the community approach to
schooling to provide a empowering educational experience to immigrant
students such as the Pakistanis?
The Significance of Collaboration for Organizing Schools
Wilson and Wright (1990) and Soo Hoo (1990) have emphasized the
need for schools to become collaborative entities. Teachers as professionals
need to be involved in all aspects of governance as innovators and risk
takers in order to ensure common responsibility for a school mission. To
eliminate the frustration and fragmentation teachers typically experience in
schools, new structures must be created. To move to more decentralized
management Dr. Edward Lawler (1994) describes principles of a "high
involvement organization." The principal's role in creating high involve
ment and removing the classical structures of the bureaucracy require a
great deal of effort providing a sense of direction, acting as a coach by
helping teachers gain new skills, holding teachers accountable, providing
technical expertise and support, and involving teachers in developing
strategies for reform. Expanding on this idea, Odden and Wohlstetter
(1995) described conditions in schools were genuine school-based
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management (SBM) was working. Emphasizing dispersal of power to
collaborative units, ongoing professional development detailing the skills
teachers and school members need for maintaining relationships and
consensus, and having information about the SBM process appeared to be
just as important as learning new curriculum techniques. Additionally,
schools which rewarded and valued participation and involvement in new
structures were often more successful.
Recognizing the contradictions of postmodern society and the
increasing need for schools to partner with other organizations, school-
based management must go beyond the school to explore ideas of
involving nonprofits and other service providers in the governance of
schools. Collaborations that connect with businesses, social support
services, and other agencies which seek to transform social realities of
youth and families should be included in educational efforts. Grass roots
efforts and nontraditional elements of communities should be included in
developing shared organizations of learning for local needs. Community-
Based Organizations (CBO) which engage in similar services directed
toward empowering citizens should be drawn to schools to develop
common missions for social transformation. Schools and teachers must
engage in coalitions with influential organizations sympathetic to their
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cause. For organizational change to occur in schools, links to the larger
social order must be maintained with continual dialogue with like-minded
organizations to serve to strengthen the resolve of educational reform. The
site-based management system for operationalizing the vision of the NGO
model for participation will be a level for analysis in the school structure
and organization with the community in the two Oslo schools.
Ingersoll (1994) studied organizational control in secondary schools
distinguishing the activities of focus. An understanding of organizational
control demonstrates the difficulty of participatory management
approaches and implications this may have for education. The data suggest
that it is for those activities that are most fundamentally social— where the
educational process involves transmission of values, behaviors, and norms-
-that the schools exhibit the greatest degree of internal organizational
control. For traditional schools that reproduce the existing social order, this
is an obvious assumption. Few traditional settings have a great deal of
success restructuring without the elements of leadership and
decentralization described above. Participatory democracy and the process
it involves is a lengthy endeavor and requires time and tenacity for
traditional organizations, such as schools. Becoming responsive and
decentralized is a momentous task for educators, as we challenge many of
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the old assumptions in the field. Most importantly, the researcher notes it
is crucial that the bureaucratic structures begin to be dismantled, and as
successful SBM schools have shown, it is possible given the right
conditions.
What is becoming more apparent is the need for schools to deal with
the local conditions. While being involved in political practices at higher
levels is important, to advance meaningful education all must participate at
the school site level. This means structures of classical hierarchies must be
eliminated, as professionals begin to assume horizontal responsibilities in a
collaborative organization. There must be better communication between
different levels of administration. This means sensitive issues such as
staffing and budgeting should become a common agenda. Recreating the
existing structure should be something open for dialogue.
Lastly, teachers and community members active in providing
educational opportunities for youth need more information about building
relationships and partnerships that nurture programs. In addition, those
participants must take steps to create schools as collaborative organizations
that support transformation through coalitions embracing all spheres of
society beyond the school. The extent to which teachers and administrators
have accomplished the goal of collaborative governance in the two Oslo
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schools will help to define the practices necessary to move forward in the
connection between the community and school to empower the Pakistani
minority.
Ombudsman for Children: Oreanizational Component in Norway
The ombudsman is a unique Scandinavian concept that in this
particular circumstance would be a person who would speak on behalf of
children given specific needs. This became important with industrializa
tion because of changes in the make up of society and changes in family
structure. Days of work were extended. Mothers began to go out to work
and children were often left to themselves. Single mothers became fully
employed and no longer capable of nurturing the children on such an
extensive basis (Flekkoy, 1991).
In the nineteenth century in Norway, parents accepted the number
of children as a blessing because they were needed to work the farms and
provide security for parents during their old age. Children were reared in a
dominant and authoritarian manner. Today this has changed tremend
ously. The average Norwegian family has only 1.7 children, and according
to Norwegian law children themselves constitute a minority and have
minority status. The attitude toward children has changed dramatically,
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and they have distinct rights within the social structure, some elements of
which often separate them from their parents.
An analysis of an exhaustive list of claims put into the ombudsman
for children revealed interesting results. The intention was to see if any
minority children were getting additional help from this office. Complaints
received ranged from inside school conflicts with teachers and peers
requiring mediation to petitions for new curricula. Other factors thought to
adversely affect schooling were the media and the frequent family moves
from urban center to urban center. Some parents put in complaints about
the stress of disciplining children with lack of support from the school.
Increased traffic and accidents affecting children with unsupervised time
after school were other areas of concern. There was no information dealing
with the nature of the concerns of minority children. Norwegian children
can very easily create their own reality by petitioning the Ombudsman for
assistance whenever problems occur. Many Norwegians have argued that
children now lack a sense of responsibility.
Husen (1992), Gooderham (1994), and Eikeland and Manger (1992)
discuss the achievement and adjustment of students to the new found
educational processes set by the law to ensure equality. A basic problem
besetting education in modem society, both at home and in school, is the
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lack of what Husen has called functional participation— the lack of
opportunity to take advantage of one's own consumption of knowledge
and daily living. The common characteristic of a lack of functional
participation is that of always being "served" without the obligation of
doing anything in return. The problem is at the core of being educated to
become an independent, responsible citizen. This is interesting in the case
of Norway and deserves further attention given the lack of practical
alternatives to the strict dual system of vocational or secondary academic
system. Often adolescents are pushed along without making decisions or
becoming involved in their education.
This has become a great concern for all Norwegians, as the quality of
education has begun to sink. Many Norwegians blame the notion of equity-
allowing all children to attend academic high schools— to promote children
to shut off from functional participation in the educational process. Some
Norwegian parents believe that the school does not inspire individualism,
and many students are able to participate in school without contributing or
being held accountable. It is an area of concern for the analysis of the
situation of the Pakistanis given their already marginal position within the
school. The emphasis on empowering classroom techniques and the
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connection with the local community will enable the Pakistanis to achieve
greater success given the discussion about lack of participation in schools.
Elements of Analysis for Ethnography of Qassrooms
George and Louise Spindler (1987) discuss the characteristics for a
good ethnography. It is important to analyze the key elements of doing
such an ethnography with the embedded elements of this multiple case
study design and the detailed components of the literature review. The
classroom ethnography is one part of the study, as is the community forces
which eminate from the field work. The Spinders recommendations will
help to take this theory to practical implementation in the methodology of
ethnography to be discussed in chapter 3.
The Spindlers give as criterion one of a good ethnography the
contextualization of observations, both in the setting in which the behavior
is observed and in the further contexts beyond that context, as relevant In
the discussion of this research, the context would be the organization of the
schools with particular emphasis on leadership, financial resources, use of
volunteers, coalitions/partnerships, public relations and the operations of
the school. These elements of the organizational context of schools should
not only be defined for the sample schools, but also the context of the
community— families. The classroom also becomes the embedded context
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of the situation of teachers and students. This will demonstrate the unique
development and use of resources for management in a heavily impacted
immigrant school in comparison to the school with less than 50%
immigrants. The discussion of the context of this organization and the
success of the school within the community are of great interest to
Norwegian policymakers.
The second criterion is that hypotheses emerge in situ. The
researcher detailed the literature before entering the held; however,
situation specific information did dictate the course of research. Upon
arrival and close analysis of the national and local achievement tests and
demographics, the investigator determined the sample population. When
the fieldwork began additional theories and themes emerged in the key
elements of the study, culture contact and interaction. These themes were
tested based on the theories and additional emerging data from the field.
The third criterion is that observations are prolonged and repetitive.
Events were observed multiple times to determine meaning. Also, varying
spaces were explored to understand cultural variables. Spaces in schools,
such as, teachers' lounge, playground, and other informal "spaces" were
observed as well as followed by more formal assessments. The researcher
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also spent time in the families' homes, away from school, and in the
community.
Criterion four reminds the investigator that the native view of reality
is attended through inferences from observations and through the various
forms of ethnographic inquiry. The investigator made every attempt to
analyze and observe dating practices, social gatherings, and other
experiences to explain the unique understandings of survival strategies,
frames of reference, and status mobility of the Pakistani students. Every
attempt was made to analyze the situation in the context of the
organizations and the cultural variables at the same time validating the
native view in other circumstances which were personal and removed from
the confines of the context (the organization).
The fifth criterion acknowledges that socio-cultural knowledge held
by social participants makes social behavior sensible. A major part of the
task was to illicit the information in a systematic way. Interview protocols
and specific information were made available as soon as possible for pre
testing to ensure that the elicited information was targeted correctly.
Careful attention was taken to document the data and make sense thereof
in order to provide for ongoing analysis and questioning.
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Criterion six requires that instruments, codes, schedules, question
naires, agenda for interviews, and so forth, should be generated in the field
as a result of ethnographic inquiry. Ongoing development of ideas and
member checking ensured that data are absorbed and processed to make
new inferences necessary to proceed with inquiry.
The seventh criterion relates to cultural variation over time to be
considered a natural variation. Adaptations are the essence of the study
and the elements of opportunity put forth by the Norwegian system and
the subsequent response of the Pakistanis was the major layer of analysis.
The eighth criterion of ethnography is to make what is implicit and
tacit to informants explicit The researcher was engaged in determining
those things that are culturally distinct and important to schooling. No area
of schooling and culture was overlooked. Both cultures, Pakistani and
Norwegian, inherently needed to be studied in their complexity in the
process of analysis to allow for detailed discussion and understandings.
Criterion number nine deals with the management of interviews.
Given the defined aspects of organizational context and opportunities
which promote student achievement, the researcher was careful to allow
the unfolding of emic cultural knowledge in its most heuristic, natural
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form. All forms of expression were utilized and explored. Specific school
characteristics of ethnography's assisted in determining variables.
The tenth criterion suggests that any technical device that will assist
the ethnographer in detailing the culture should be used. Media were
explored in depth— as a form of recording, and as a representation of
specific cultural variables.
These factors were delineated further to demonstrate the multitude
of possibilities that may reflect culture for each of the embedded units of
the case study. These questions which emerged from both the review of the
literature and the pilot interviews are further discussed in the Methodology
Chapter. In the Analysis Chapter these items horn the protocols were
combined to demonstrate discrete themes in the discussion of the
embedded units of the research questions. Question samples are - How are
grades and academic success demonstrated among peers (not just test
scores)? How do students translate opportunities to their own adolescent
interests— socially outside of schools? What are unique manifestations of
girls' interactions in all areas of society— grocery store to fashion?
As the school is seen as a cultural transmitter and innovator, success
and effects of education can be seen in every facet of life, beyond those
external and internal efficiencies defined by educational systems. It was
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important for the investigator to be alert to these aspects outside of the
organizational context of school, as well as the defined limits of the schools.
The management of the ethnographic inquiry took into account all the areas
of the literature within the context of the evolving data in the field. The
criteria discussed by the Spindlers assisted in this comprehensive
management of themes. Chapter 3, Methodology, which follows defines
the process of educational ethnography, and the importance of explicating
procedures that will illuminate the factors discussed in the literature
review.
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CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
"Thou shalt not sit with statisticians, nor commit a social science."
W. H. Auden
Research Design
"Oslo Worst in the Country7 ' read the headline of a paper which
explained a recent study of refugee and immigrant children in Norway
(Engen et al., 1996). The comparative results revealed that those students of
refugee and immigrant background outside the capital city were
academically superior to those in the capital. The report also disagregated
test scores across Norway to reveal the differentiation between groups of
immigrants. The report declared that Vietnamese and Iranian students
performed better in final examinations when compared to Pakistani and
Turkish students. The researchers validate the findings with comparative
l
statistics of these immigrant groups in Sweden and Denmark that mirror
these results. The conclusion the researchers draw has inspired much
controversy in Oslo. Their hypothesis is that achievement is culturally
based and relates to the value of education in the home.
Further, the findings state that the parents of Pakistani and Turkish
students are guest workers, and therefore can return at their convenience
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Further, the findings state that the parents of Pakistani and Turkish
students are guest workers, and therefore can return at their convenience
and do not value the mainstream educational process. The final analysis is
that students from low minority enrollment schools tend to have better
grades than those in impacted immigrant schools. This confirms the claim
that Oslo immigrant students do worse that those outside the capital
because of the high impact of immigrant families ghettoized in the inner
sections of Oslo. The demographics in Table 1 display the disparity in
number of immigrant minority pupils in the twenty counties of Norway.
The researchers have also demonstrated that those students in inner-city
Oslo perform the worst of all immigrant students when comparisons are
made with the suburb section of Oslo where minorities are fewer in number
(Tables 2,3 and 4).
The two most populous counties are Oslo and Akershus. These two
counties are directly adjacent to each other with Hordaland, Rogaland and
Buskerud directly west of Oslo to the southwest coast The counties with
the least number of pupils with a foreign mother tongue are in the north
and countryside. Southern Norway has the greatest impact of immigrants.
Thor Ola Engen (19%) and his colleagues not only distinguish
between the variability of performance of the four immigrant groups in and
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TABLE 1
PRIMARY AND LOWER SECONDARY COMPULSORY SCHOOLS:
STUDENTS WITH FOREIGN MOTHER TONGUE
TOTAL BY COUNTY
COUNTY TOTAL COUNTY TOTAL
OSTFOLD 997 ROGALAND 1481
AKERSHUS 2727 HORDALAND 1654
OSLO 9333 SOGN og
FJORDANE
260
HEDMARK 607 MORE og
ROMSDAL
537
OPPLAND 503 SOR-
TRONDELAG
984
BUSKERUD 1432 NORD-
TRONDELAG
198
VESTFOLD 675 NORDLAND 433
TELEMARK 605 TROMS 237
AUST-AGDER 412 FINNMARK 308
VEST-AGDER 1052 SVALBARD 3
TiOTAL NORWAY = 24.428
Adapted from Education Statistics, Primary and Lower Secondary Schools,
Statistisk sentralbyra, 1994
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FIGURE 1
NORWAY: TWENTY COUNTIES AND MAJOR CITIES
\n ra« M A U > %
I M U O C |r ~
^TM N D fLA C
• M u
V
u
- k . V '" )
ICNOCrjOUANf iU U M W f „___
id^psiya^
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TABLE 2
COMPULSORY SCHOOLING FINAL EXAMINATION IN
MATHEMTICS
BY MOTHER TONGUE AND RESIDENCE LOCATION IN OSLO
lspoor, 2=fairly good, 3=good, 4=very good/ 5=extremely good
TYPE STANDARD
All: AVERAGE DEVIATION NUMBER
Outside Oslo 2.70 .84 235
Oslo 2.42 .84 318
Suburb Oslo 2.49 .83 195
Inner City Oslo 2.32 .85 123
Vietnamese: 3.10 .79 111
Suburb Oslo 3.23 .83 13
Inner City Oslo 2.6 7 .49 15
Turkish: 1.99 .79 92
Suburb Oslo 1.85 .74 40
Inner City Oslo 1.74 .56 19
Persian: 2.46 .70 52
Suburb Oslo 2.50 .71 10
Inner City Oslo 2.25 .50 4
Urdu: 2.51 .80 290
Suburb Oslo 2.61 .76 132
Inner City Oslo 2.36 .86 84
Adapted From T.O. Engen, L.A. Kulbrandstad & S. Sand, 1996.
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TABLE 3
COMPULSORY SCHOOLING FINAL EXAMINATION IN
NORWEGIAN I
BY MOTHER TONGUE AND RESIDENCE LOCATION IN OSLO
l=poor/ 2=fairly good, 3=good, 4=very good, 5=extremely good
TYPE
All: AVERAGE
STANDARD
DEVIATION TOTAL
Outside Oslo 2.95 .71 103
Oslo 2.70 .67 44
Suburb Oslo 2.66 .69 38
Inner City Oslo 3.00 .63 6
Vietnamese: 2.97 .71 31
Suburb Oslo 4.00 .00 1
Inner City Oslo
- - -
Turkish: 2.38 .52 8
Suburb Oslo 2.33 .58 3
Inner City Oslo 2.50 .71 2
Persian: 3.00 .68 14
Suburb Oslo 3.00 .00 3
Inner City Oslo
- - -
Urdu: 2.80 .73 50
Suburb Oslo 2.61 .67 31
Inner City Oslo 3.25 .50 4
Adapted from T.O.7 Engen, L.A. Kulbrandstad & S. Sand, 1996.
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TABLE 4
COMPULSORY SCHOOLING FINAL EXAMINATION IN
NORWEGIAN AS A SECOND LANGUAGE (NOA)
BY MOTHER TONGUE AND RESIDENCE LOCATION IN OSLO
l=poor, 2=fairly good, 3=good, 4=very good/ 5=extremely good
TYPE
All: AVERAGE
STANDARD
DEVIATION NUMBER
Outside Oslo 2.78 1.01 90
Oslo 2.68 .97 187
Suburb Oslo 3.02 .90 88
Inner City Oslo 2.38 93 99
All: AVERAGE
STANDARD
DEVIATION
NUMBER
Vietnamese: 2.61 1.04 84
Suburb Oslo 3.07 1.00 14
Inner City Oslo 2.21 .98 19
Turkish: 2.79 .78 24
Suburb Oslo 2.91 .70 11
Inner City Oslo 3.00 1.00 5
Persian: 3.40 .94 20
Suburb Oslo 3.17 98 6
Inner City Oslo
- - -
Urdu: 2.67 .95 149
Suburb Oslo 3.02 .92 57
Inner City Oslo 2.39 .91 75
Adapted from T.O. Engen, L.A. Kulbrandstad & S. Sand, 1996.
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out of the below demonstrates the differences in inner city and suburb
school mathematics performance in the Oslo immigrant context
There are twenty-five urban Administrative Neighborhoods (Bydel,
in Norwegian and identified as such hereafter) which coordinate with the
Oslo School Authority schools to service the youth in these areas. "Inner
City Oslo" includes the Bydels One to Six in addition to the city center. The
"Suburb Oslo" designation includes the Bydels Seven to Twenty-five.
Figure 2 helps to identify the compulsory schools within the twenty-five
Oslo Bydels. The triangles represent elementary schools, circles are middle
schools, and the squares are combined elementary and middle schools. The
two middle school locations for the research are located in Bydels Six and
Seventeen to provide an analysis of the situation of Pakistani students in
these two contexts.
The data reported by Engen and others, reflect a stratification of
immigrant students about whom educators in Norway are exceptionally
distrustful. The effort to understand differentiation between and among
groups of foreign students is of great importance in order to enhance
academic instruction for individual needs. However, the study was a
divisive mechanism for Oslo school officials who suggest that such a
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FIGURE 2
OSLO CITY:
TWENTY-FIVE ADMINISTRATIVE NEIGHBORHOODS (BYDELS)
WITH MAP OF THE COMPULSORY SCHOOLS
(Reprinted: Oslo School Authority)
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comparison of foreign student groups is invalid given the tremendous
differences in urban and rural contexts in Norway.
One million of the four million inhabitants of Norway live in Oslo.
Combining the population of the three other large counties that comprise
the cities of Bergen, Stavanger, and Kristiansand, all located in southern
Norway, with that of Oslo, the figure nearly reaches 1/2 the population
living in four cities. Norway is a country of vast differences in landscape
and lifestyle from the remote farms to the cosmopolitan city life. Statistic
ally these comparisons may have little value without a qualitative inter
pretive understanding of the situation of the immigrant student The
analysis in this study will provide descriptive data that will explain
Pakistani student achievement in the contexts of "inner city" and "suburb".
The results of final examination scores in mathematics from Table 2
show Urdu, Persian and Turkish speaking groups have the lowest scores in
the inner city section of Oslo. The Urdu speaking group is the largest
group of students. Furthermore, the Norwegian language examinations
show similar results.
Norwegian I and Norwegian as a Second Language have equal
status as Reading-Language Arts Programs in the National Curriculum in
Norway. Parents elect to place their child in of the courses depending on
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the level of language acquisition. A test is often administered for the
parents' convenience and teachers also assist in making determinations.
In the data which display immigrant pupils' final examinations in
these courses it can be inferred that students do equally as well or poorly in
both types of courses with variation being determined by location of
residence. Actually the students from the inner city did better on the
Norwegian I exam; however, the researchers caution conclusions given the
small sample size.
In the Norwegian as a Second Language final examinations the
immigrant groups did better in the suburb schools than in the inner city
schools. The authors suggest that these data are an indication of the high
value some parents put on the transmission of the majority culture
(Norwegian) through formal schooling and the relatively negative attitude
of other groups toward the school. The inference is that the low achievers,
the Pakistanis and Turks, are simply less motivated to be successful in
formal schooling and are living in enclaves in the cities that pre-determine a
lower level of achievement due to over emphasis on the first culture.
As the academic achievement patterns are important to under
standing the educational program options, the notion of the enclave or
"ghetto" is particularly relevant to the questions of cultural interaction.
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The research design is specifically tailored to deal with this issue by
analyzing a school in two different residential locations of Oslo. It is
estimated that one in every three school-aged children is an immigrant
minority in Oslo. The distribution of the immigrants by Oslo Admini
strative Neighborhood (Bydel) can clearly be seen in Figure 3. For instance,
in Gamle Oslo (Administrative Neighborhood Six, Inner City School) the
percent increase in foreign residents from 1989 to 1995 was 116%. A
growth from 2829 to 6105 immigrant residents represents 27% of the
population in this neighborhood. In contrast, Stovner (Administrative
Neighborhood Seventeen, Suburb School) grew in these same years from
2025 to 2818 foreign residents. A 29% increase in the number of immi
grants in the neighborhood representing 14% of that population (Oslo
Statistikken, 1995).
These figures do not include second generation immigrant children
bom in the neighborhoods. These children are citizens of Norway.
However, the number of immigrant children is more easily understood by
examining students' mother tongues that are verified every year by the
school authority. When second generation immigrants are included in the
population statistics, Administrative Neighborhood Six (Gamle Oslo) has
42% immigrant minorities and Administrative Neighborhood Seventeen
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FIGURE 3
OSLO ADMINISTRATIVE NEIGHBORHOODS:
TOTAL PERCENT OF POPULATION WITH FOREIGN AND
IMMIGRANT BACKGROUND
(Reprinted: K. Hagen, A.B. Djuve, & . P. Vogt, 1994)
I I Under 3
Over 10 %
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(Stovner) has 26% immigrants. When compared with the other Admini
strative Neighborhoods of Oslo, there is only one other area that has over
10% immigrants. This Administrative Neighborhood is located in the
southern section of Oslo, a preferred enclave suburb for immigrants similar
to Administrative Neighborhood Seventeen. The remaining Administra
tive Neighborhoods of Oslo are relatively unaffected by large numbers of
minority immigrants. This raises serious questions regarding the relevance
of the previous analysis of examinations based on inner city and suburb
comparisons when only limited locations within the twenty-five Admini
strative Neighborhoods are really impacted by immigrants in an enclave
setting. This study will help to understand the significance for the
Pakistani youth in both an inner-city and suburb enclave.
This research design will enable an analysis of the academic achieve
ment patterns and cultural interactions of second generation Pakistani
students within two schools in Oslo. The need for such a study is relevant
to the political environment in Oslo. The two schools represent the current
context of "enclave" schooling in Oslo. The inner city school is greatly
impacted by immigrants' youths with over 84% reporting a mother tongue
other than Norwegian; the suburb school has an immigrant population of
40%. The schools were carefully selected to reflect the relevance of the
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research questions and demographics were carefully analyzed to determine
the population sample. Both schools have similar national curricula, and
the Oslo School Authority guides the administration.
The information derived from of the interviewees— students, admini
strators, families and teachers— will reveal the data necessary to evaluate the
cultural setting and implications for academic achievement The interaction
of these groups' responses created the ethnography of Pakistani students in
compulsory schools in Oslo.
The researcher's role as the ethnographer was to take accurate field
notes and to translate the interviews from Norwegian to English. All the
interviews, statistics, and document analyses were translated by the
researcher. As John Van Maanen (1988) explains, ethnographies join
culture and fieldwork. In a sense, this endeavor sits between two worlds or
systems of meaning— the world of the ethnographer and the world of the
cultural members. Ethnographies are documents that pose questions at the
margins of two cultures. This ethnography will enable interpretation of
intensive fieldwork into a cultural understanding of the interaction
between Pakistani youth, their families and the schools in Norway. Going
beyond statistics, this account will provide an understanding of
circumstances in Oslo schools not documented before.
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Access and Entry
The five month time frame to conduct the ethnography required the
researcher to have all necessary contacts in place so that optimal time could
be given to doing the fieldwork in Oslo. The investigator had been formu
lating this project for well over a year prior to the beginning of the field
work and had carefully designated contacts. In the winter of 1995, the
researcher attended an International and Comparative Education
Conference at the University of Oslo. At this time, the topic of the
dissertation was reviewed and an analysis of the current research indicated
that a school ethnography of this magnitude had yet to be preformed with
any specific immigrant group in Oslo. At the University of Oslo, Professor
Arild Tjeldvoll, Institute for Educational Research, committed both
academic support and use of all university facilities as a base of research.
After advancing to candidacy, the researcher returned to Oslo for a
week in August of 1996. The Dissertation Chair provided an access letter
detailing the significance of the research and indicating the approval of the
Dissertation Committee and the University Institutional Review Board
(Consent Form, Appendix A). The Norwegian Research tradition is
formalized, and it was necessary to confirm the integrity, quality and
anonymity of the research. The Oslo School Authority approved of the
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study and key contacts within the educational institutions were made. A
copy of this approval and access letter by the Oslo School Authority is in
Appendix B. A translation is also provided. These contacts were con
firmed the week of August 19-23,1996. As a matter of fact, the Oslo School
Authority had emphasized the great need for a study that examines the
entire experience of the immigrant student and his or her family. Current
tensions in education reflected the struggle which educators encountered in
implementing the National Curriculum in schools impacted by immigrants.
The researcher met with officials at the Norwegian Ministry of Church,
Education, and Research and plans were formulated to collaborate.
During this week, a potential site for the study was visited and pilot
interviews were performed with the principal, school inspector, a parent
and student Observations were also conducted in the classrooms and staff
meetings. Preliminary data for the development of the study were
collected from the school site. Relevant statistical and demographic data
were collected to determine the sample sites and population for the study.
The need to conduct two trips reflects the academic calendar in
Norway, and the research question that will show grade matriculation and
outcomes. It also allowed the researcher to begin to deconstruct the data
into meaningful analyses to return to the research environment with
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additional insight The timeline of research had been discussed with both
principals, The Oslo Suburb School and The Oslo Inner City School, and
invitations to conduct the study were extended. It was determined that
Phase I (April 18-June 15,1997) of the study would be conducted at the
Suburb school. At the end of Phase I fieldwork, the investigator began to
gain access to the second school prior to departure. Phase II (September 2 -
October 14,1997) fieldwork was conducted in the Inner City School. All
necessary arrangements for the study were made prior to arrival to
optimize the time spent in collecting the data and analyzing the results.
The research was performed simultaneously at the schools and
educational organizations, The Oslo School Authority and The Royal
Ministry of Church, Education and Research (hereafter also referred to as
the Ministry of Education), during both phases. The researcher spent 4
days a week at the schools conducting intensive observations and
interviews. Families were visited on the weekends and evenings. One day
a week was used to follow up on current policy and research at the
University of Oslo library, Ministry of Education, and other significant
institutions. Five months of direct contact with the subjects in Oslo were the
foundation of the fieldwork.
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The Oslo School Authority recommended access to both schools.
The Oslo School Authority operates a decentralized system, so the Depart
ment of Lower Secondary Schools could not guarantee that the principals
would be forthcoming for such intensive research on their campuses. After
initial pilot interviews and the collaboration of the research agenda, the
principal of the Suburb School was supportive. A parent and school
inspector from the school also approved of the study prior to returning for
the field work in Phase L This principal was of great value in opening
many doors in the Oslo school system, as well as providing great insight
into the Pakistani situation. She also reinforced the credibility and integrity
of the research, so that the second school principal of the Inner City School
would accept the concept of a school ethnography. The entry and access to
the schools will be discussed in detail with each Phase of the research. A
copy of the Principal's letter of approval and invitation to conduct research
is translated into English in Appendix C The original letter is not included
to protect the anonymity of the school.
It is important to note that some of the Norwegian officials were not
supportive of this research because of the tremendous criticism the Oslo
schools have had to endure regarding their lack of expertise in educating
the growing number of immigrants in the city. This has lead to skepticism
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and criticism of research agendas in the schools, which have been far too
quick to find blame with the educators. Much time in gaining entry was to
try to explain the purpose of the ethnography from the perspective of a
Norwegian-American researcher returning to her native country to conduct
comparative research regarding immigrant student perceptions of school
achievement The research design and questions were clearly defined for
all participants and the fieldwork began in the spring of 1997.
Subjects of the Study
The general population for the study was derived from the Pakistani
immigrant group in Oslo with school-aged children in participating middle
schools. A total of one hundred twenty four (124) subjects were formally
interviewed for the study. The subjects were directly involved with the two
selected schools. These subjects consisted of Pakistani students aged 13 to
16, their families, their teachers and the administrators. Subjects were also
interviewed from the Oslo School Authority' and the Royal Norwegian
Ministry of Church, Education and Research. The sample population of
formal interviews does not include the countless informal conversational
interviews that took place during the five months of the ethnography.
These conversations were of tremendous value. These "informal spaces"
were on the school grounds, as well as in the school community at activity
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clubs for youth, adult learning centers, immigrant women's networks, the
local ethnic restaurants, the train and bus stops, the Children's Clinic, the
nursery schools, the parentss homes, the parentss grocery stores, the
Pakistani Student Society at the University of Oslo, and numerous social
functions with teachers and administrators.
In addition, the investigator visited several key social agencies that
impact the lives of Pakistani immigrants. These include the Social and
Welfare Office, the Unemployment Office, the Urban Neighborhood
Committees, the Oslo Child Welfare Secretariat the Directorate of
Immigration, and the local Police Departments. The locations provided
excellent spaces to evaluate the coordination of services for immigrant
families. It also provided opportunities to verify information and
informally discuss the context of the data.
The process of selecting the sites and subjects entailed a review of
the demographic data from the Oslo School Authority and the Oslo
Statistics from the municipality office. The data revealed interesting infor
mation regarding demographics, population, socio-economic status,
environmental relations, and immigrant statistics for each of the Admini-
/
strative Neighborhoods. The Oslo School Authority provided the data on
number of minority language pupils at each of the schools in Oslo. They
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also provided details on the organization of management and instructional
supervision at the local sites. Prior to interviewing subjects these data were
carefully reviewed.
The Oslo Schools
The Oslo School Authority approved of the study, therefore contact
was made with the schools based on this demographic sampling. The Oslo
School Authority provided a detailed list of the schools indicating the
number of students per grade level that speak a foreign native language. In
addition to numbers of foreign native speakers provided per grade level,
numbers were also tabulated according to the language that was spoken. A
summary of these data by class and language for elementary and lower
secondary compulsory schooling is displayed in Table 5. The total number
of students (both foreign and Norwegian) in elementary and lower
secondary compulsory schools in Oslo municipality is 36,208.
Urdu is the most common language spoken by foreign language
pupils in the primary and lower secondary schools, indicating that the
Pakistani students are the largest percentage of language minority students
in the Oslo schools. However a deeper analysis of the schools by Admini
strative Neighborhoods, does indicate that the Urdu speaking students live
in very distinct neighborhoods and go to specific schools.
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TABLE 5
PUPILS WITH A FOREIGN NATIVE LANGUAGE IN
THE PRIMARY AND LOWER SECONDARY SCHOOLS
GRADE LEVEL STUDENTS
First Grade 1,226
Second Grade 1,240
Third Grade 1,163
Fourth Grade 1,061
Fifth Grade 1,090
Sixth Grade 1,056
Elementary 6,836
Seventh Grade 982
Eighth Grade 952
Ninth Grade 900
Lower
Secondary
2,834
Compulsory
School
9,670
PERCENT
FOREIGN
NATIVE
LANGUAGE
27.4%
LANGUAGE STUDENTS
URDU 3,390
ARABIC 646
TURKISH 559
ENGLISH 482
VIETNAMESE 472
PUNJABI 458
SOMALIAN 448
SPANISH 426
BOSNIAN/ 298
SERBIAN/
CROATIAN
PERSIAN 274
ALBANIAN 256
BERBER 225
TAMIL 206
FILOPINO 181
HINDI 138
POLISH 133
GERMAN 126
OTHER 952
LANGUAGE
TOTAL 9,670
Adapted from Statistisk Aardbok for Oslo, 1996.
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Of the total foreign language speaking pupils, the Urdu speaking
group represents the largest with 35% of the total. The remaining
seventeen language groups and the variety of other languages do not
represent percentages over 6% of the total number for foreign language
groups. The Urdu or Pakistani student is the significant group with the
largest number of pupils in the Oslo schools. It was not until recently that
the Oslo schools began to differentiate between Urdu and Punjabi. Some
schools do report the Pakistani students in these two separate language
groups. The diversity of languages and cultures adds to the complexity of
educating the immigrant language students for the Oslo schools.
To further understand the demographics of the Oslo schools and the
distribution of Urdu/Pakistani students, Table 6 displays the percentage of
foreign language students per Administrative Neighborhood in local
primary and lower secondary schools. The most impacted areas are in the
first six Administrative Neighborhoods that constitute inner city Oslo.
However, in a detailed look at the documents from the schools that
delineate the type of language spoken in the Administrative Neighborhood
schools, it becomes evident that the same group of immigrants does not
impact each area.
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Table 6 reveals that Administrative Neighborhoods 7,8,12,13,21,
22, 23, 24, and 25 have the lowest percentage of foreign language pupils
with a percentage at or below 16%. Administrative Neighborhoods 21-25
are located directly adjacent north and west of the inner city sections,
Administrative Neighborhoods 1-6. Administrative Neighborhoods 7,8,
12, and 13 are located adjacent and directly south and east of these sections.
The highest impact is seen in Administrative Neighborhoods 4, 5,6, and 18
with over 40% to almost 70% foreign language pupils in the compulsory
schools. Sections 4, 5, and 6 are in the inner eastern section of Oslo, a
demographically undesirable location for most Norwegians due to the
enclave of immigrants. Sections 1,2,3 of the inner city have under 25%
foreign language students. Most of these students are from western
countries such as England, America, and Sweden.
The remaining Administrative Neighborhood compulsory schools
are between the range of 24% to 37% foreign language pupils. These are
suburb working dass sections of Oslo in the far north and far south of the
city center. These locations are approximately twenty to twenty-five
minutes by city train to the center. These areas are a desirable location for
immigrants wishing to buy homes and apartments.
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TABLE 6
STUDENTS WITH FOREIGN NATIVE LANGUAGE
IN PRIMARY AND LOWER SECONDARY SCHOOLS
BY OSLO ADMINISTRATIVE NEIGHBORHOOD
Administrative Neighborhood Foreign Language Students
ONE 24.6%
TWO 25.3%
THREE 21.6%
FOUR 46.6%
FIVE 67.6%
SIX 68.2%
SEVEN 14.1%
EIGHT 8.1%
NINE 34.5%
TEN 24.7%
ELEVEN 23.9%
TWELVE 16.6%
THIRTEEN 14.2%
FOURTEEN 32.8%
FIFTEEN 31.2%
SIXTEEN 30.6%
SEVENTEEN 37.8%
EIGHTEEN 41.3%
NINETEEN 25.7%
TWENTY 26.3%
TWENTY-ONE 7.1%
TWENTY-TWO 7.3%
TWENTY-THREE 6.4%
TWENTY-FOUR 13.6%
TWENTY-FIX 13.2%
TOTAL INNER CITY (1-6) 45.3%
TOTAL SUBURB (7-25) 22.8%
Adapted from Statistisk Aardbok for Oslo, 1996.
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Figure two displays the twenty-five Administrative Neighborhoods
with all the Oslo schools. There are 46 middle schools under the direction
of the Oslo School Authority in these twenty-five neighborhoods. The
middle schools may have combined elementary and middle schools
students or middle school students only. On the map in Figure 2, a square
represents a combined school and a circle is a discrete middle school. The
table that follows is a compilation of all middle school students at these
schools relative to the number of foreign language students, number of
languages at the school, most frequently spoken language and the number
of students speaking Urdu, i.e., Pakistani students. These data were
compiled from several sources of documents generously provided by the
Oslo School Authority. The data were adapted to reflect only the
distribution of the Urdu students in these middle schools relative to the
total population of foreign language students in Oslo Middle schools.
Table 7 helps to explain the demographic sampling process for
selecting middle schools and subjects to be involved in the study which
involves an explanation of the distribution of Pakistani students in the Oslo
schools.
In the distribution of middle schools in the twenty-five Administra
tive Neighborhood centers, it is obvious that Urdu is the most commonly
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TABLE 7
FOREIGN LANGUAGE PUPILS BY MIDDLE SCHOOL AND
ADMINISTRATIVE NEIGHBORHOOD RELATIVE TO NUMBER OF
URDU SPEAKING STUDENTS AND
MOST FREQUENTLY SPOKEN LANGUAGE
SCHOOL
by
Neighborhood
Number of
Language*
Language
Most
Common
Total
Pupils in
the school
Foreign
Language
Pupils
Percent
Foreign
Language
Urdu
speaking
pupils
1. School A 17 English
(11)
Swedish
(U)
251 69 27.49% 11
2. School B 18 Berber (7) 124 37 29.84% 3
2. School C 13 Russian
(6)
132 37
28.03% 5
3. School D 26 Punjabi
Urdu (22)
218 83 38.07% 22
3. School E 21 English (6) 228 52 22.81% 4
4. School F 20 Urdu (55) 273 133
48.72% 55
6. School G 23 Urdu
(130)
324 296 91.36% 130
6. School H 16 Urdu (37) 176 86 48.86% 37
6. School I 20 Urdu (33) 169 85 50.30% 33
7. School J 20 Berber (9)
English (9)
433 71 16.40% 9
8. School K 17 English (9)
Swedish
(9)
486 55 11.32% 6
9. School L 16 Urdu (42) 285 89 31.23% 42
9. School M 34 Urdu (78) 414 234 56.52% 78
9. School N 22 Urdu (57) 478 120 25.10% 57
10. School O 13 Urdu (19) 188 50 26.60% 19
11. School P 17 Urdu (6)
Turkish
(6)
177 35 11.11% 6
11. School Q 13 Urdu (13) 108 35 32.41% 13
12. School R 9 Urdu (4) 9 1 13 14.29% 4
13. School T 7 Urdu (8) 151 28 18.54% 8
14. School U 16 Urdu (16) 153 57 37.25% 16
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TABLE 7 CONTINUED
SCHOOL
by
Neighborhood
Number of
Languages
Language
Most
Common
Total
Pupils in
the school
Foreign
Language
Pupils
Percent
Foreign
Language
Urdu
speaking
pupils
14. School V 22 Urdu (10) 166 48 28.92% 10
15. School W 32 Urdu (43) 349 136 38.97% 43
16. School X 26 Urdu (15) 286 86 30.07% 15
16. School Y 7 Urdu (47) 209 96 45.93% 47
16. School Z 16 Urdu (15) 138 60 43.48% 15
16. School a 19 Urdu (40) 242 99 40.91% 40
17. School b 20 Urdu (28) 188 88 45.81% 28
17. School c 10 Spanish
(4)
168 17 10.12% 1
17. School d 2 1 Urdu (25) 202 72 35.64% 25
17. School e 20 Urdu (36) 150 77 51.33% 35
18. School f 20 Urdu (20) 2 01 93 46.27% 20
19. School g
20 U rd u
(17)
150 47 31.33% 17
19. School h
17 U rd u
P unjabi
(14)
134 41 30.60% 14
19. School I 13 Vietnames
e(5)
108 35 32.41% 1
20. School) 15 Urdu (9) 155 44 28.35% 9
20. School k 10 Urdu (13) 85 25 29.41% 1 3
20. School 1 16 Vietnames
e (10)
209 39 18.66% 2
21. School m 14 Urdu (4) 149 2 1 14.09% 4
21. School n 13 English (3)
Spanish
(3)
257 18 7.00% 1
22. School o 18 English
10)
Danish
(10)
394 42 10.66% 1
23. School p 14 Swedish
(11)
464 42 9.05% 0
23. School q 11 Urdu (8) 330 26 7.88% 8
24. School r 26 Urdu (13) 434 79 18.20% 13
25. School s 1 Somalian
(1)
172 1 0.58% 0
25. School 1 17 English
W . . .
282 45 15.96% 6
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demographic sampling reveals that of these schools only four schools have
over 50% foreign language pupils. Another five schools have over 45%
foreign language pupils. Fifteen of the schools have under 20% foreign
language students. Nine of these schools are located in the affluent areas of
Northern and Western Oslo. The predominant foreign languages in these
nine schools is either English, Swedish or Danish, and therefore not the
typical minority language pupil. In the other potential sites there is too few
Pakistani students to warrant a sample for investigation. In general at the
low percentage schools there are under 8 Urdu speaking pupils.
The remaining 22 middle schools have between 20% and 45% foreign
language pupils with the Pakistani student representing the majority of
those foreign language pupils in all schools but four. These four schools are
located in Administrative Neighborhoods number 1, 2, and 3 where English
and Swedish are the majority foreign language. At least two areas (1 and 2)
are ranked as attractive and wealthy sections of the inner city section.
These areas do not represent the same demographics as the inner city
eastern section of Oslo. In Administrative Neighborhoods 4,5, and 6 (inner
eastern section), the range of foreign language pupils in the middle schools
is from 49% to 91%. Neighborhood number 5 does not have a middle
school. The three elementary schools in this areas feed into Administrative
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Neighborhoods 6,4, or 3. However, these elementary schools report
percentages equal to or over 40% foreign language pupils.
In determining the sampling issues based on the demographics of
the middle schools, it was obvious to investigate a school with over 50%
immigrants would be appropriate given the context of the "enclave" in the
inner eastern section. For this reason School G with 91% foreign language
pupils was selected to represent this sample. This school also represented
the largest group of Pakistani students in the Oslo middle schools (130).
Similarly, just as obvious as the enclave context, was the situation of
the small percentage schools. These schools represented a completely
different foreign language pupil, the western immigrant For this reason an
investigation of a school with under 20% immigrants was nearly impossible
given the small sample size of Pakistani students. The largest number of
Pakistani students in any one of these schools was thirteen. Comparing the
"enclave" school to such a school was not valid due to the differences in
socio-economic status of these two different contexts. However, a com
parison to one of the twenty-two middle schools in the range of 20% to 45%
foreign language pupils seemed appropriate given the wide distribution of
Pakistanis in Oslo, and their recent movements into suburbs. School b was
selected as the suburb school with 45.81% foreign language students. There
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are twenty-eight Pakistani students at this school, an average to low
number for the schools in Oslo. However, this school, situated in
Administrative Neighborhood seventeen, is a typical example of the
suburban context in Oslo with a diversity of immigrants and about a third
representing the second generation Pakistani group.
The comparison of these two groups will help to explain the
situation of the Pakistani students from these two contexts, and the
subsequent academic achievement patterns relative to the inner city—
suburb comparison. The latter context, "suburban," is becoming more
prevalent throughout Oslo with movement to the suburbs and increasing
immigration of newly arrived groups.
To describe these two schools several important documents regard
ing the socio-economic status of the Administrative Neighborhoods were
gathered from the City Hall in Oslo. Important administrative informants
in the Ministry of Church, Education and Research and the Oslo School
Authority provided valuable guidance. The community members as well
as popular media and newspapers helped to explain the demographic
changes in Oslo. Before defining the procedures of the study, an analysis of
the schools and structures will prove helpful.
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The Oslo Suburb School
Twenty-two of the 29 Pakistani students at The Suburb School were
interviewed. The demographic make-up of the middle school (grades 7-9;
ages 13-16) is diverse, with over 40% of the population coming from foreign
countries. Two hundred and twenty students are split between eight
classes of the 7th, 8th and 9th grade. The school has a separate class for
minority speaking pupils who need intensified language instruction in
Norwegian. This "reception" class in for newly arrived immigrants. There
are ten students in this class. Students may also take Norwegian as a
second language as opposed to Norwegian I. The two classes have equal
status in the curriculum. The national origin of most of the students of
foreign background is Pakistani and Vietnamese. There is a total of 22
different languages spoken at the school, including Arabic (Morocco),
English (Ireland), Tamil (Sri Lanka), Vietnamese, Spanish (Chile, Peru, and
Dominion Republic), Turkish, Albanian, Somalian, Hungarian, German
(Germany), Polish, Portuguese, Gambian, Setsuana (South Africa), Berber,
and Eritrean. Twenty-nine of the eighty-eight minority language pupils
are Pakistani. The largest group of foreign students is from Pakistan. Their
percentage is 33%.
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The school is situated in a suburb of Oslo in the northeastern section
of the city, and it was built in 1972. During the dissertation fieldwork
(April to October 1997) the school celebrated its 25th anniversary. This city
suburb is known for industrial factories and service industry jobs. The
housing and apartments are middle to low-income to accommodate the
local workers. Some residents commute to the Oslo city center, twenty
minutes by train, to work in service industry jobs.
The personnel of the school consists of 33 teachers, 4 custodians, 1
groundskeeper, and 2 secretaries. The school leadership recently instituted
a strategic plan for 1997-2000. The major goals of the plan are to institution
alize the new compulsory school reforms of 1997 for teacher competency
and evaluation of student learning. The school is also actively involved in
international cooperation. The eighth grade students are part of a
collaborative project with the Nordic countries which involves sports and
health themes. In the spring a group of students from Denmark and
Sweden visited the school for five days. The students were also involved in
the Constitution day celebrations of Norway on May 17. In addition to the
cultural exchange activities, these students attended a specialized program
on health topics and also participated in a day of track and field.
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The school was organized to meet the needs of parents with several
brochures and a yearly calendar of events available to the community and
specifically written for their needs. The principal sends out communication
regularly to the parents to keep them updated of upcoming events. The
school has an attractive and orderly environment that is conducive to
learning.
The socio-economic status of the Administrative Neighborhood
indicates that the population represents double the average number of
adults between the ages of 30 and 66 in Oslo with a low educational level.
This means that a majority of the inhabitants only finished compulsory
schooling, ninth grade. This area also represents a population double that
of the Oslo area in children between the ages of 0 and 17 years. The area
also has a significantly higher percentage of the population on disability
insurance and unemployment Approximately 10% more of the population
receives some form of assistance than the average percentage of the
remaining Administrative Neighborhoods.
The percentage of deviations from the Oslo city average in several
socio-economic indicators reveal that this Administrative Neighborhood in
which the Suburb School is located is significantly impacted by several
social variables. The indicator of high earnings ($32,000) is 30% lower than
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the Oslo average, and the indicator for educational level (university degree)
is 60% lower than the city average. The indicator for students in high
school and university between the ages of 16 and 29 is also significantly
below the city average. The population represents a 60% positive
deviation from the Oslo average in number of immigrants. Finally, the
percent of the population on social welfare assistance is 20% higher than
the average for the city of Oslo (Oslo Statistikken, 1996). These statistics
help to describe the socio-economic status of the inhabitants in this Oslo
northeastern suburb. Many of the inhabitants are working class and
represent a lower socio-economic status when compared to the average
citizen of Oslo.
The school is situated in an area of the Administrative Neighbor
hood center that is between the local railroad and city highway. There are
several high-rise apartment buildings in between this area within walking
distance of the school. In the center is a park and nursery school. The
community center and Health and Social Welfare Offices are located in a
small shopping center with a cafe and youth club. There is also a grocery
store and a few shops in this center. The inhabitants of the apartments can
easily walk to all the conveniences.
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Table 8 provides a distribution of the subjects who were interviewed
in the context of the Oslo Suburb school. Many families were contacted at
the local community center and adult learning program. The convenience
of these areas provided a excellent opportunity to interact with the school
parents in their local environment Each morning as the researcher entered
the school from the train stop, several of the local fathers were going to
work and mothers were out walking the children to school. The commun
ity was very interested in the research and responded favorably by inviting
the researcher to their homes. In addition, the researcher was able to gain
access to the families by a separate medium than the school. This was a
positive aspect lending to the neutrality of the study.
A total of sixty-six (66) subjects were interviewed at the Oslo Suburb
school, surrounding community centers and the homes of the families. The
teachers and administrators that were interviewed had direct involvement
in the education of the immigrant youth and were selected based on their
content areas as well as grade levels to add to the variability of
perspectives. Their responses are analyzed in chapter 4.
The Oslo Inner City School.
Pakistani students from The Inner City School were randomly
selected to be interviewed. The demographic make-up of this middle
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TABLE 8
INTERVIEW SUBJECTS OF THE
OSLO SUBURB SCHOOL
Pakistani
Students
Pakistani
Families Teachers
Administrators/
Community
Leaders
8 girls 16 mothers 8 female 3 female
14 boys 11 fathers 3 male 3 male
22 27 11 6
TOTAL SUBJECTS * 66
school (grades 7-9; ages 13-16) is diverse, with 84% of the population
coming from foreign countries. Three hundred and fifty-three students are
split between the 7th, 8th and 9th grade. A total of 296 students are foreign
bom. Of these, approximately 60% are of Pakistani origin.
The Inner City School is located in the inner-eastern section of the
Oslo city center. Unlike The Suburb School, this school has a long reputa
tion as a working class middle school. Before becoming a "immigrant
school" it was characterized as a lower class inner-city school. Quickly,
immigrants began to ghettoize themselves in this area due to government
subsidies for apartments. Also, there are approximately 19 Mosques in this
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area of 10 city square blocks. This is the center of the immigrant experience
in Oslo, with many local groceries specializing in various country
delicacies. Halal butchers are on every street comer, as is the cuisine of
many nations.
This Administrative Neighborhood is greatly impacted by immi
grants with a deviation of 180% over the average percent for the Oslo
neighborhoods. The percent of deviations from the Oslo city averages in
several socio-economic indicators reveal that this Administrative
Neighborhood, in which the Inner City School is located, is significantly
impacted by several social variables, more so than the Suburb School. The
unemployment rate for adults (20-60) is 60% above the average for the city
of Oslo, and the percentage of adults on social welfare assistance is 110%
higher than the Oslo average. The indicator for men on disability reveals
that 65% more are on this form of assistance than other areas of Oslo (Oslo
Statistikken, 1996).
These statistics also indicate that the auto traffic intensity in this area
is 250% more intense than the average of the remaining Oslo neighbor
hoods. This a tremendous impact on the lifestyle of the inhabitants, as the
fast pace of city life causes many to live in isolation of their neighbors.
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The Oslo Inner City School is a large city building with six stories
and a central courtyard. Unlike the Suburb School where children can
wander in the grass around the parks in between the apartment buildings,
these children only have the school building and courtyard. The gates are
locked during free-periods, except to the 9th graders who can have "out
time" during lunch. The bustling city surrounds the school with heavy
traffic, markets, busses, trams, and pedestrians. The central station and
subway are close, as are the eclectic neighborhoods of Oslo where univer
sity students live in cheaper apartments in the adjacent Administrative
Neighborhood. This wonderful neighboring area has been coined the
"Greenwich Village" of Oslo. The intellectuals, politicians, and counter
cultural groups appreciate the diversity and freedom from mainstream
Norwegian values. This Administrative Neighborhood only has three
elementary schools, no middle school.
The middle school is situated close to the Botanical Gardens and the
Munch Museum. Edvard Munch is Norway's most famous expressionist
painter. Many immigrant families can be seen on walks in the beautiful
surroundings on the weekends. However, the majority of the students'
families live in crowded apartment buildings in the inner-city. Often
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several members of the extended family will rent rooms in the same
building to maintain the family network of support
The school is often open after hours for "homework" help. Many
students take advantage of this opportunity to study and improve their
skills. The school also has active clubs and activities for students after
school hours.
Table 9 provides the distribution of subjects from the Inner City
School who were interviewed for the study. The students were randomly
selected from the large number of Pakistani students at the school. The
teachers were selected on a basis to provide a distribution of the content
areas as well as grade levels. Families were interviewed at the school in a
conference room that was made available to the researcher. Contact was
made by the phone and through the student consent letters. There was not
a central location where families interacted in the neighborhoods. This
community was isolated by the intensity of city life and traffic. Many of the
students did however, have contact with each other in their neighborhoods
after school in sports and clubs. Families gathered in the local Mosques
and in their homes. The researcher was invited to homes in some instances.
Men often were seen on street comers conversing; however, women did not
engage in these activities in public. With recent immigration and an
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TABLE 9
INTERVIEW SUBJECTS OF THE
OSLO INNER CITY SCHOOL
Pakistani
Students
Pakistani
Families
Teachers Administrators
10 girls 2 mothers 5 female 2 female
10 boys 3 fathers 1 male 2 male
20 5 6 4
TOTAL SUBJECTS * 35
emerging drug culture, many of the students were not allowed to go out
after school.
The Control Sample.
The control student sample of Norwegian mainstream and
Norwegian-Immigrant students was selected from the Inner City School
because no comparable school site could be found. The socio-economic and
demographic sampling did not provide a true control of Norwegian
students (only mainstream Norwegian students) in a school with less than
20% immigrants with a matched socio-economic status. As described in the
sampling procedures, the Oslo schools with under 20% immigrants were
not matched sites because these schools represent a western immigrant
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group. These schools also represent a much higher social status. For
example, the one school that may have satisfied the sampling based on the
20% immigrant threshold had the exact reverse socio-economic make-up of
the Suburb and Inner City School. This potential match was located in
administrative neighborhood 24. The indicators of socio-economic status
revealed that well over 40% of the Oslo average were university-educated.
Additionally, unemployment and social assistance were 40% below the
average for Oslo. This was in sharp contrast to the Suburb and Inner City
immigrant schools.
The diversity of the Oslo schools and growing range of immigrants
at those schools led the researcher to believe that a sample of Norwegian
and "other" students from the same school would represent a realistic
control sample for the second generation Pakistani students. Any com
parison of Norwegian students at another school with the Pakistani
students in this study would be invalid due to die sharp contrast in socio
economic status. For the potential control sample, twenty-two schools were
identified with a medium range of 20% to 45% minority language pupils in
the Oslo middle schools. These schools continue to grow in their divergent
percentages. Nine schools have a percentage of over 45% immigrant
students, and these schools have been heavily impacted for several years.
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A control group at a school, such as the one at an impacted site, would
demonstrate the mainstream perceptions of the cultural interaction on the
groups for a sustained period of time. The reality is that all schools in Oslo
with similar economic means are experiencing a growth in immigrants.
Popular media and newspapers also help to depict the cultural
interaction from mainstream perceptions. Sociologists have described these
perceptions in several articles. The data analysis will review these
perceptions. Table 10 provides information on the students in the control
group. The data analysis will describe these data relative to public opinion
and the perceptions of the mainstream population. The growing
discrimination between Norwegians and Immigrants will be evident from
both groups, but more explicit for the Norwegians.
The control group represented a diversified cultural sample group
horn the same socio-economic status as the second-generation Pakistani
students. This group represents the growing multicultural reality of Oslo.
The students were drawn from the Inner City School to reflect a sustained
cultural interaction with the Pakistani second-generation students that is
typical at most schools. There are more non-Norwegian students in the
control group because of the representative growing immigrant population
in Oslo. This creates a realistic impression of cultural dynamics relative to
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TABLE 10
FOCUS GROUP STUDENTS OF THE
CONTROL SAMPLE
Ethnicity Boys Girls Totals
Norwegian
1 4 5
Other
(Not Pakistani)
7 3 10
Totals
8 7 15
the Pakistani student group. A future study would examine the reactions
of only mainstream Norwegians students.
The researcher was a participant observer in a ninth grade English
class. Students were asked questions similar to those addressed to the
Pakistani students. Focus groups were held with the students in several
class sessions and follow-up was conducted on the school grounds. The
group was selected because of the diversity of student representatives and
the duration of their experience with multicultural reality in Norway.
Future research might give responses from only mainstream Norwegian
students; however, this does not reflect the reality of the two schools in this
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study and therefore mainstream Norwegian students would not provide a
valid control sample, as explained.
The two schools already described are part of the Oslo municipal
structure called the Oslo Skolesjefen or Oslo School Authority. This is the
administrative county structure that sets policy and practice for the all the
Oslo schools. One instructional specialist at the Oslo School Authority in
the Division of Compulsory Schooling was instrumental in the compilation
of the sampling statistics and identification of the schools.
The Oslo School Authority
Initial contact was made with the Oslo School Authority in August
of 1996. A preliminary request was made for the socio-economic back
ground and percentages of Pakistani students in the Oslo Schools. This
central office did not collect such data, however, the data that were
available were these primary languages of all students in Oslo schools.
This information informed the process for demographic sampling together
with the Oslo City Hall statistics on the socio-economic status of the
Administrative Neighborhoods. The initial reaction to the study was
positive. The Division of Compulsory Schooling encouraged the researcher
to seek contact with schools that were demographically suitable. However,
as previously noted the Oslo School system is decentralized and each
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f
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individual Principal and local administrative team had to approve of the
research. The Oslo School Authority provided the necessary access papers
and was very anxious to share findings on the minority language pupils, as
this has become an increasing concern for educators.
The Oslo School Authority is the largest public service organization
in the Oslo municipality. There are a total of 7,200 employees. The central
administrative office employs 226 people. Located there are the advisors
and consultants that assist the schools in the interpretation of the Ministry
of Education7 s new reforms. There are 5,550 teachers and approximately
1,650 other employees of the Oslo Schools. The schools educate 51,600
• »
students of whom 36,000 are enrolled in the compulsory schools (grades 1
to 10). Another 12,500 are enrolled in high school and 3,403 are attending
adult education classes.
During the summer of 1997, the Oslo Schools adopted the reform of
the Ministry of Education that required a lowering of the school entry age
to six -adding several first grades to all elementary schools. This lowered
the start age for compulsory school from seven years to six years of age.
Compulsory schooling changed from grades one to nine to one to ten. This
reform was debated and finally implemented for the 1997-98 school year.
This meant that compulsory schooling was extended from nine years to ten,
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and the subjects of the study were no longer in 7th, 8th and 9th grade, but
became the students of 8th, 9th and 10th grade. The subjects of the study
were in the same age group.
The Division of Compulsory Schooling has budgetary and peda
gogical responsibility for all the compulsory schools. The major responsi
bilities consist of assuring that laws, provisions and regulations of the
Ministry of Education follow the resolutions of the Municipality of Oslo.
The division also arranges for the equitable distribution of services to all
compulsory schools, and the development of curriculum and continuing
educational options for teachers.
The activities of the Division of Compulsory Schooling entail the
detailed arrangement of resources to the schools, advise and consultation
on aspects of the curriculum, organization of special education and the
instruction of minority language pupils, assistance in disciplinary actions
with students, dealing with complaints, assistance in personnel matters and
conflicts, identifying or maintaining facilities, and handling labor relations
and union contract matters. There are several advisors in the Division of
Compulsory Schooling who were interviewed for the study to gather
information on the status and schooling of second generation Pakistani
students. These interviewees were of great assistance in providing
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documentation and information. One of the three consultants dealing
specifically with Language Minority Pupils in the Compulsory Schooling
Division declined to be interviewed. The six interviewees were:
1. Pedagogical Advisor Major areas of responsibility in the
Division of Compulsory Schools include language minority pupils, in-
service, consultation, immigrant organizations, and interdisciplinary
cooperation. This individual has thirty years in education as teacher,
instructional inspector and advisor. The highest level of studies in
education after high school is five years (Bachelors) at Oslo Teachers'
Training College and the University. She has also attended numerous
specialized in-services and conducted research with minority language
pupils.
2. Acting Local Educational School Inspector Leader of the
Division of Compulsory Schooling. Responsible for the operations and
management of the division and local support efforts to schools. She has
twenty-seven years in educational service. Highest level of education is
two years of Teachers' Training College.
3. Consultant Minority Language Pupils Emphasis: Respon
sible for providing support to compulsory schools in the instruction of
Minority Language pupils. Assists in the collection of data. The individual
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has five years (Bachelors) at the Teacher's Training College and the
University after high school, and 25 years in educational service in Oslo
schools.
4. Special Consultant to the Superintendent of Schools: This
individual is a member of the Superintendent's Cabinet and provides
special assistance to the Superintendent in the collaboration and
interactions with several governmental and administrative entities. He has
been in education for 45 years as a teacher, principal, instructional
inspector, local educational school inspector for compulsory schooling, and
the Leader of a Task for Compulsory Schooling Reform in the Ministry of
Education. He has instructed at the Teachers' Training College and the
University of Oslo. His educational experience is from the Teachers'
Training College and the University of Oslo, where he completed a Masters
Degree in Education.
5. Consultant, Minority Language Pupils Emphasis: This
individual is a consultant for the instruction and intake of minority
language pupils in the Division of Secondary and Adult Education. She has
several years at the University of Oslo (Bachelors) where she studied
political economy and public law. She has no formal teaching experience;
however, she has worked at the Oslo School Authority for six years part-
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time and six years as a full-time employee. She is actively involved in the
dissemination of information to the local teachers and the development of
in-service training based on current action research.
6. Director, Continuation Services (Drop-Out Recovery): This
individual is the director of all follow-up services for students who do not
matriculate to the Secondary Schools. This new service became available
with the Secondary School Reform of 1994 when all students were to be
given an equal opportunity to study three additional years in secondary
school. The reality is that many did not matriculate. The director's role is
to determine the data and resources necessary to meet the goals of Reform
1994. This subject has 30 years of service in education. His experience
includes teaching in special education and clinical pedagogy in child
psychiatry at the hospital school. He has several additional years as an
administrator in hospital schools as well as training in the management of
professional development
The contacts and experiences with the Oslo School Authority were
extremely helpful given the individuals who were interviewed. However,
it is important to mention that several key people declined to be inter
viewed. Several insiders indicated that the highly politicized research that
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has detailed the lack of achievement of Oslo minority pupils has made
many school officials exceptionally distrustful of research.
The Oslo School Authority eliminated the use of primary language
teaching several years prior to this research which is also cited as a cause of
low achievement The Ministry of Education recommends the use of the
primary language in the elementary years of instruction. The Oslo School
Authority took the action to eliminate primary language instruction based
on a lack of resources. However, primary language support is offered in
many languages at all the schools in Oslo where there is sufficient need.
Courses in immigration pedagogy and language literacy ar e offered as in-
service training available to all teachers to help deal with issues in the
classroom. In the analysis section of the study, all the program options will
be discussed.
The same interview guide was used for administrators at the
compulsory schools as at the local educational authority. The assumption
is that the analysis of the responses will enable local experiences to be
interpreted in the two different contexts. The educational officials and
administrators from the Ministry of Education were not given the same
questions because the emphasis of that office is policy and planning, not
implementation. The structure of the municipality reveals that the Oslo
188
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School Authority is the direct link to the schools in the implementation of
policies. Administrative Neighborhoods have parallel authority in this
task.
Figure 4 displays the structure of the Municipality of Oslo with a
municipal executive board that is parliamentary responsible to the City
Council. The City Council is the municipality7 s supreme political body that
is chaired by the mayor. The Municipal Executive Board steers the
administration, reports to the City Council and is responsible for
implementing resolutions based on the City Council's recommendations.
There are eight municipal administrative departments that are responsible
for supervising the provision of services within their respective sectors.
The Municipal Executive Board delegates authority to these departments
within the limits delegated by the City Council to ensure that resolutions
are being implemented.
The Department for Children and Education provides direction to
the Oslo School Authority (Education Authority of Oslo) and the Oslo
Child Welfare Secretariat (The Ombudsman for Children). The Department
for Children and Education carries out all comprehensive strategic
planning for child welfare and education. The School Authority and
189
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Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
FIGURE 4: MUNICIPALITY OF OSLO - KEY ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICES
THE MUNICIPAL
AUDITING BOARD
THE C T T Y COUNCIL
The City Council's
Committees and
Secretariat
I
1 THE MUNICIPAL EXECUTIVE BOARlD 1
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Welfare Secretariat that deliver the services for youth and families are very
important to this study. The Secretariat for Refugees and Immigrants in the
Department for Employment and Social Services was also a public service
organization that provided assistance in the research done for this study.
The twenty-five Administrative Neighborhoods have great authority
in certain areas which impact children. Each urban Administrative
Neighborhood has a committee of thirteen members with an urban admini
stration under the direction of an neighborhood chief administrator
appointed by the Municipal Executive Board. The City Council determines
the areas in which the Administrative Neighborhoods have authority over
their own budgets and goals. The committees will exercise control over
their respective urban neighborhood administrations and decide matters
pursuant to the authority vested in them by the City Council. The main
tasks have consistently been to administer and oversee social and primary
health care services and measures for children and youth. Schools have
benefited from this system because several Administrative Neighborhoods
have provided grants to schools that enhance services to students that are
not within the scope of the Oslo School Authority. The Administrative
Neighborhoods can organize effective resources for students and families
that are relevant to local needs.
191
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The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Church, Education and Research
The Municipality of Oslo structure just described is the County or
Local level of administrative government Above this is the Norwegian
State's political and administrative structure. Norway is a monarchy with a
democratic government The country's government is called Stortinget and
consists of 165 representatives elected by the people. The political party, or
parties, who receive the majority of the votes at a general election select the
Prime Minister and Government The government must be supported by a
majority of the members of parliament to govern. There is a general
election every four years. The King has little political influence, but has
great importance culturally and is a source of tremendous national pride
for the small country.
The Norwegian government has it's administrative offices in the
capital city of Oslo. In addition to the Stortinget, the parliamentary
government, and the Supreme Court there are seventeen departments of
the State's government The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Church,
Education, and Research interprets all parliamentary resolutions regarding
education. Regulations and curriculum guidelines for all compulsory and
secondary schools are written by the Ministry of Education. The ministry
192
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covers all levels of education from primary and secondary to higher
education, including adult education and Norwegian research policy.
The structure of education in Norway is determined by the Ministry.
Norway is divided in 19 counties (excluding the island of Svalbard) which
was detailed in Figure 1. There are 454 municipalities, of which Oslo is the
largest The county's municipal educational administration is responsible
for running upper secondary education, the intake of students and
appointment of teachers. The apprenticeship system is also determined by
the counties and their Vocational Training Committee. The municipalities
are responsible for primary and lower secondary schools, compulsory
schooling. The Municipal Education Authority is responsible for the school
buildings and teachers within the municipality. The four universities and
regional colleges are delegated administrative authority directly from the
Ministry of Education.
The general trend in Norwegian education since the late 1980s has
been the decentralization of education. This has eventually lead to large
lump sum grants to county and municipal authorities for education, health
service, and other social services (KUF, 1994). However, the policy and
general regulations are still determined by the Ministry. Greater control is
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given to the counties and municipalities in the implementation of these
regulations.
Each county has a regional National Education Office that represents
the Ministry of Education. The Director is responsible for monitoring the
implementation of policy and regulations set forth by the Ministry in all
sectors and levels of education.
The Ministry of Education just recently increased the number of
years for compulsory schooling from nine to ten years. The grades 1 to 7
(age 6 to 13) are the primary schools (bametrinnet). The grades 8 to 19 (age
14 to 16) are the lower secondary schools (ungdomstrinnet). Some schools
combine primary and lower secondary schools. Less than 20% of the
schools in Norway are combined compulsory schools. The Act governing
compulsory schooling states the purpose of education shall be:
... in agreement and cooperation with the home, to
help to give pupils Christian and moral upbringing,
to develop their mental and physical abilities, and to
give them good general knowledge so that they may
become useful and independent human beings at
home and in society. The school shall promote
intellectual freedom and tolerance, and strive to
create good forms of cooperation between teachers
and pupils and between school and home.
The Ministry of Education develops curriculum guidelines every ten
years. At the time of the field work for this study a new curriculum guide
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(M0nsterplan 1997) was distributed and local authorities were busy with
the training and in-service necessary to begin implementation. An analysis
of the curriculum and regulations of the Ministry will be presented in
chapter 4. Of great interest to all those interviewed for the study was the
Ministry's lack of emphasis on second language learners. As a matter of
fact, the new curriculum guide did not include Norwegian as a second
language as a course of study. The Ministry has stated that these guidelines
will follow when the parliament releases a policy titled "Immigration and
Multicultural Norway." This document did come forth in late 1997 shortly
before the newly elected coalition government was able to form the
government This document will also be analyzed in the context of the
Pakistani situation.
Three officials from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of Church,
Education and Research were interviewed for the study. The Ministry is
divided into seven departments— Administration, Church Affairs,
Compulsory Schooling, Secondary Schooling (General and Vocational),
Adult Education and Folk High Schools, Universities and Colleges, and
Research. In addition, there are several institutions that are under the
direction of the Ministry. The Institute for Social Research is one such
institution that is involved in youth, education, and social research. This
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institute provided collaborative seminars for discussion of the issues
confronting immigrant children. Other institutes focus on services or
training for particular interest groups, such as, the Teacher Education
Council, Norway's Research Council, and the Saami Education Council.
The three officials interviewed for the study were from the Department of
Compulsory Schooling and the Department of Secondary Schooling.
1. Senior Executive Officer, Section for Organizational Develop
ment, Evaluation and Assessment Department of Compulsory Schooling.
This individual has been extensively involved in the development of
curriculum and programs dealing with Language Minority Pupils. The
official has been in education for over 30 years— as a teacher in Southern
Norway, advisor and consultant This individual has several years at the
University of Oslo in educational administration. She was involved in the
first written curriculum for language minority pupils. She did research in
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
countries and the United States to examine models for potential develop
ment in Norway. The official has spent much time in collaboration with
other OECD countries to develop evaluation and assessment techniques for
teacher and administrative competency.
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2. Consultant, Cabinet Staff, Department of Compulsory
Schooling: This consultant recently completed a masters degree in
education from the Institute of Educational Research at the University of
Oslo. The subject has over 20 years of educational experience as a teacher,
administrator and consultant The primary responsibilities are to establish
and monitor project developments in the various sections of the
Department-Comprehensive Programs and Curriculum; Organizational
Development, Evaluation and Assessment; Legal Compliance and
Ordinances; and Economic and Resource Apportionment The progress
and accomplishments of these sections are assessed by the Cabinet Staff
relative to the priorities of the Minister.
3. Senior Executive Officer, Section for Organizational
Development, Department of Secondary Schooling: This official has 22
years as a teacher, instructional specialist, and consultant This official
works closely with the National Center for Teacher Education, an institute
of the Ministry, to develop teacher competency in instruction and ped-
agogy. She has been involved in the design of professional development
courses in Migration Pedagogy and Norwegian as a Second Language. She
collaborates with the Department of Compulsory Schooling on compre
hensive Staff Development and systemic reform projects.
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All three interviewees from the Royal Norwegian Ministry of
Church, Education, and Research (KUF) were given the opportunity to
respond to a set of open-ended questions in the area of administration and
leadership, organizational development, and evaluation and policy. The
following interview guide was used to illicit their responses dealing with
policy and leadership implications:
"L Educational Administration & Leadership
1.1 What is your leadership role in KUF?
1.2 What is your role in ensuring competency of staff and
personnel who devise programs for immigrant children?
1.3 How do you determine the curriculum for immigrant
minority students?
1.4 Who is involved in the development of the curriculum
guidelines for immigrant minority education? List key actors.
1.5 What is your perspective on the future of immigrant
education in Norway given the current political debate in
"Storting"?
1.6 How is KUF prepared to respond to the current debate?
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2. Educational Organization
2.1 Please describe your role and involvement with the Oslo
Municipal Schools and/or other communities or regions in Norway.
2.2. What is the degree and level of participation of KUF in the
eventual implementation of the current curriculum guidelines for
immigrant minority education?
2.3 How do you coordinate the efforts of KUF in immigrant
minority education with other public departments at city, county,
regional, and state levels?
3. Educational Policy & Evaluation
3.1 Please describe the history of national policies toward both
ethnic minorities (Saami) and immigrant minorities.
3.2 In your opinion, what political forces and events have been
crucial in shaping current policy?
3.3 What national and international research has KUF used to
develop immigrant minority educational policy?
3.4 What is your perspective on the use of immigrant cultures as
part of the content of knowledge in the curriculum guidelines?
3.5 What is your perspective on the three main curricula goals for
the compulsory schools in Norway?
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3.6 What evaluations of Norwegian schools are available to
demonstrate the effects of policy toward the immigrant minority
students?
3.7 Is KUF planning any future evaluations of the new policy?
3.8 Who is responsible for developing these evaluations?
3.9 How has evaluation directly effected programs and funding?
3.10 Have institutions been reorganized as a direct result of
evaluation? How has reorganization occurred?
The interviews lasted from one to two hours and were conducted at
the Ministry offices. It was difficult to gain access to the officials due to
busy schedules, competing demands in the work place, and other conflicts
to be discussed in the analysis. The three officials who did agree to be
interviewed were very helpful and provided several key documents and
references which helped to understand the political context of immigration
and the role of the Ministry of Education in Norway. However, several
attempts to discuss this very critical issue were disregarded by others in the
Ministry, as little emphasis was being put of multicultural matters. The
new Curriculum 1997 emphasized integration, and relegated to local
schools the task of determining how best to accomplish both integrated
students and schools. Many of the institutes under the Ministry take on the
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practical work of determining best practices for schools in implementing
reforms and new curriculum guides. These three interviews helped to
frame the context of policymaking which enable municipalities to do the
work of schooling immigrant students.
To completely understand the data collection and procedures of
analysis is to be better informed about the process of drawing conclusions
and analyses from the data drawn from the field. The following section
will describe in depth these procedures and techniques with anecdotal
incidents horn the held work.
Procedures
Qualitative procedures rely on several key assumptions that are the
foundation of the study. Qualitative research is primarily concerned with
process, rather than outcome or products, and what makes sense in the
lives and social structures of the subjects. The qualitative researcher is the
primary instrument for the data collection and the analysis. The data
collection is mediated through the human instrument rather than inven
tories or surveys. Fieldwork is the primary basis of research where the
setting is observed and recorded in the natural state. The final analysis of
the process is descriptive and presents an understanding of the process that
is observed. This process is inductive as the researcher builds concepts and
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theories from details in a reflection of the events. The process is not
isolated from interactive reflections that categorize and determine relevant
data into theories and conclusions that answer the research questions.
The research questions aim to describe the cultural interactions of
Pakistani youth in the lower secondary compulsory schools in Norway
relative to their academic achievement patterns and the educational
opportunities provided by the Norwegian educational system. Much
documented quantitative data have demonstrated that second generation
Pakistani students do not do as well in school as the mainstream students
or other immigrant youth. The problem is well suited to a qualitative
research design that will enable an explanation of the situation from the
multiple sources of evidence and from the Pakistani perspective.
The qualitative design of ethnography comes from the discipline of
anthropology. The purpose of ethnographic research is to describe and
interpret cultural behavior. Educators have long used the approach to
describe social and cultural circumstances in schools when other measures
have failed. Social and cultural interaction are the key problems of
ethnography. Education is a cultural transmission/ and cultural
transmission requires cultural learning/ so learning and transmission are
only separated by convention (G. & L. Spindler, 1987). The unique place of
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educational ethnography is to define the transmission and understand the
cultural context of schooling. In this educational ethnography of the
Pakistani students in Norway, the cultural interactions in the school
between several key actors— students, teachers, and administrators— will
explain the cultural transmission and context of schooling. The life
histories of the Pakistani families will provide the descriptive foundation of
the cultural change process that has defined the experience of second
generation students in the mainstream culture. Inclusion of life histories
will also enable an analysis of the levels of assimilation and cultural contact
within distinct communities in the Oslo area relative to the cultural
transmission in the two distinct schools.
The researcher's role was to interpret the interviews and observa
tions from a non-biased perspective with the highest level of research
integrity. All necessary contacts and protocols were in place prior to the
time spent in the field. All interview questions were piloted prior to the
commencement of held research. The researcher is a native Norwegian
living in the United States. She has spent all of her professional career
working with immigrants, both recent and second-generation immigrants,
in the Los Angeles area. Familiarity with both the issues and the
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Norwegian culture helped in access to the field and the development of
interview protocols.
A variety of interview protocols were used for the study. Students,
teachers and administrators were interviewed using a set of standardized
open-ended interview questions that dealt specifically with the research
questions. The questions were strategically structured so as not to be
linked to themes. This also added an element of surprise in the interview
process. All questions were devised for each set of subjects to be equally
meaningful to each respondent The families and policy makers were
interviewed using an interview guide that would allow for flexibility in the
discussions and unique interpretations of the questions.
Advice from research institutes and social scientists in Norway
regarding the situation of immigrant students assisted in the data collection
and subsequent analyses of the data. Additional demographic sampling
and archival data were collected throughout the fieldwork to inform the
observations and interviews in the field. The procedure of ethnographic
inquiry required careful attention to detail and interpretation in the form of
practical methods that enabled the analyses to unfold into meaningful
conclusions. Several key case study methods were utilized to perfect the
design.
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Ethnographic Case Study Methods
The design was based on the described assumptions of ethnographic
inquiry that require selection, translation and interpretation of events.
These events were carefully observed and recorded. Extensive field notes
and tape recording were used in all interviews. Permission for this research
approach was obtained from those being interviewed and this was
substantiated by a participant consent form (Appendix A). A fact sheet was
first given to the subjects to gather demographic information, and a number
was coded so as to protect the anonymity of subjects. After the participants
granted permission to be recorded, the interview questions would
commence. Interviews with teachers, students and administrators lasted
from one to two hours. After each interview, a summary sheet with the
coded subject number was attached to those interview notes. The tape
recording was also coded with the same number. The summary sheet
outlined the key topics of the interview, questions that needed further
investigation, tentative conclusions and themes. Quotable quotes were also
documented on the summary sheet
The family life histories of the students' parents were much longer in
duration— from two to four hours long— and followed the same systematic
procedure of collecting information. On average four to five interviews
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were conducted per day with the evenings being used to transcribe the
relevant thematic information related to the themes and codes.
Observations were conducted between interviews in the classrooms,
on the school yard, and in the community. Relevant articles and media
messages were collected during the fieldwork as archival and document
records to be analyzed with the interview data. The researcher also spent
time in the homes and business of the families during the evenings. One
day a week was reserved for visitations to public agencies and other
community centers where observations and archival records could be
assembled.
Table 11 describes the various sources of evidence collected for the
study. The data are displayed to show a triangulation of both data sources
and methods. The use of multiple sources and methods of evidence are
techniques whereby case studies are increasingly valid. These multiple
measures allow for converging lines of inquiry that will be mapped in the
conclusions of chapter 4.
To increase the reliability of the study as the data were collected
from the multiple measures and sources, a case study data base was
developed. This data base consisted of the organization and categorization
of field notes from interviews and observations. Archival records and
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TABLE 11
FIELDWORK: SOURCES OF EVIDENCE AND METHOD
Source of Evidence Method/Type________ Subjec^Objecl/Location
Interviews 1. Standardized Open-
Ended
2. Interview Guide
3. Life History
4. Informal
conversational
1. Students, Teachers,
Administrators at two
schools
2. Policy Makers
3. Family Members
4. All subjects
Observations 1. Direct
2. Participant
1. Classrooms, School,
Yard, Community
2. English Classrooms,
Homes, Community
Archival Records 1. Accessible in
Norway
-Socio-demographic
-Cultural
-Policy
-Curriculum
1. Central Statistics
Bureau, Norway;
2. Oslo Statistics, City
HaU;
3. University of Oslo;
4. Ministry & Institutes;
5. Oslo School Authority
Documentation 1. Accessible in context
2. Academic
3. Administrative
4. Instructional
Newspaper/ Media
Schools
Meetings, reports
Educational Materials
documents were categorized into an annotated and topical bibliography for
access during the data analyses and development of conclusions. A daily
planner was also used to maintain a "chain of evidence" to enhance the
reliability of the database.
Each method for collecting the data was carefully designed to allow
for optimal time in the field and access to the necessary subject or location.
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The interviews were carefully planned with all subjects and observations
being recorded as soon as possible.
The Interview Protocols and Guides.
The interviews were conducted in an office or conference room that
was made available to the researcher at the schools. Personal and peer
group identification assisted in the initial development of the interview
schedule. Students were selected from the school yard to be interviewed
and peers were eventually brought in for interviews as schedules per
mitted. Several of the other immigrant students at the schools were keenly
aware of the fact that only Pakistani students were being interviewed, and
special status was soon to be attributed to those who were interviewed for
the study. Interest, goals and behaviors compared to those of the other
immigrants and mainstream students were taken into account through
focus groups to allow all students to have access to the process. These
groups became the control sample. Cross-checking of the interview
information across several subjects was of great value in the development
of the coding and theme development A reflective journal was utilized by
the researcher to ensure that all data collection activity was scrutinized for
potential bias.
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The Pakistani boys and girls ages 13-16 in grades 7-9 were admin
istered the following open-ended interview questions which allowed the
students to discuss their experiences in the two Oslo schools. A total of 42
students were interviewed at the two schools. The 15 students in the
control sample were administered the same questions; however, the context
of the questions were from a mainstream Norwegian perspective, not the
Pakistani experiences.
Following an introductory request that interviewees, "Tell me about
your life here," the following questions were asked:
Who are your friends?
What are your favorite subjects in school?
Do you get the help you need in school? Do you ask?
Who helps you with your homework?
How do you get to school?
What kind of grades do you make?
What problems do you encounter?
Are you involved in sports? clubs? community activities?
What do you like/ dislike about classes, school?
What is most satisfying about school?
What is least satisfying about school?
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Do you go to any special programs?
Did you get mother tongue teaching (Urdu, Punjabi) as a child in
Bameskole (elementary school)? Did it help you? What did you like
about it?
Do you get the same level of support/recognition in school as
Norwegians?
Do your parents come to the school?
What do you do on the weekends? after school?
Do you have many Norwegian friends? Other cultures?
What do your brother and sisters do? Are you close?
Who do your parents visit?
Do you visit your neighbors?
Where do you hang out?
When was the last time you visited your relatives in Pakistan?
Which language are you most comfortable -Norsk, English, Urdu,
Punjabi?
What do your want to be when your grow up?
When will you be finished with school? What level?
How many years of education do your parents have? Mom/Dad,
other?
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Do you think your parents like their jobs in Norway?
When do you wear the traditional dress of Pakistan?
Do you attend an Islamic Center? where? with whom?
What do you watch on TV? listen to on the radio?
What do you think of the Norwegian government? and policies?
Do you visit any public agencies for assistance? do your parents?
Do you relate better to your fellow Pakistanis or to Norwegians in
school?
Do you think you could become a doctor, lawyer, or other
professional?
Do you often think of returning to Pakistan? When? What to do
there?
What do you think of Norwegian customs and culture?
Do you do anything that is typically Norwegian?
The teachers were contacted during the classroom observations and
in the teachers lounge. A schedule was devised based on teacher free-
periods and teachers' availability's. Teachers volunteered to be
interviewed. Informal conversations and social events also helped in the
cross-checking of information from the interviews.
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The teachers were interviewed using the following standardized
open-ended questions to gain the same information from a number of
participants. A total of 17 teachers were interviewed at both schools with
these questions:
Do you provide additional programs/ services to immigrant
children? Pakistani? what strengths do they bring?
What kind of grades do immigrant children get? Pakistani?
What is your level of education? How long have you been teaching?
What kind of special training do you have in the area of minority/
immigrant education?
How many students are in your class? How do Pakistanis differ
from Norwegian students? Have you learned to deal with them?
How many periods do you teach? Do you get any assistance?
What do you think of the middle school curriculum?
Do the Pakistanis do well with the curriculum?
Do these students ask questions during school? after school? Break?
Do you speak to the parents? Do you send communications home?
Is the administration supportive?
What can you tell me about your principal?
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What can you tell me about your teacher colleagues/ their
experiences?
What do you think of the national curriculum?
Do you ever have contact with the Oslo School Authority? Why?
Do you ever have contact with the KUF (Ministry of Education)?
why?
What is the name of the latest text you have read on education?
What is your biggest concern in regards to Pakistani students?
Do you participate in decisions in school? Do parents?
Can you tell me the Norwegian policy in regard to Language
Minorities? What do you think of it?
Do you know where the Pakistani students are from in their
country?
What is their socio-economic background?
What do you know about their culture?
What social service agencies do you or the school refer immigrants to
in need? Partners in the community?
What do you think most Pakistani students will do when they finish
school? What do they do that Norwegian kids don't?
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Do you see the Pakistani and Norwegian students on the school
grounds together?
Do you have a class that teaches careers to students? What do
Pakistanis learn, or ask about most?
What is your feeling regarding the academic achievement of
students who received mother tongue instruction?
What opportunities do the Pakistanis have in school? society?
What are your personal experiences with the families? Tell me
more?
Do you think Pakistanis want to go home?
How do you perceive the leadership in Oslo schools?
Do you have volunteers to work with students?
How do you assist children in need?
Are Pakistani students in special education?
Are there enough resources at the school?
How does the public view education in Norway?
The administrators and community leaders at the two schools and
officials at the Oslo School Authority were also administered a standard
ized open-ended set of questions. A total of 15 administrators or
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c o m m u n ity leaders were interviewed in the school community. The
following questions were asked:
What programs are most successful for Pakistani students?
What are options available to these students?
What is the highest level they complete? How does this compare to
Norwegian students?
What are the current needs of the Oslo urban schools in regard to the
situation of the Pakistanis?
How many consultants/ inspectors deal with immigrant culture,
language, parents, opportunities?
How often do they go to the schools?
Who determines appropriate practices for students?
Do you think teachers follow the National Curriculum?
What kind of staff development do you provide for teachers in the
area of immigrant education, other that language?
Does the school have resources to help parents encourage education?
Does the school have resources to provide referral to social services?
Does the school have the ability to meet the needs of immigrants?
What linkages are in the community to provide support?
Who advocates for the families?
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Do you have socio-economic data on the Pakistani? Statistics on
their rate of movement from Pakistan?
What political/welfare practices assist the Pakistani? Are they
informed of this?
Do Pakistanis get involved at the various levels? How many
Pakistani teachers, administrators? etc.
How are the Oslo schools organized to meet the challenges of
Immigrants?
How is funding allocated to various programs?
How do you promote positive images of immigrants in schools and
to the public?
Have you ever developed partnerships with social service agencies?
What are your suggestions?
These standardized open-ended questions specifically tailored for
the three sets of subjects— administrators, teachers, and students— comprise
a large source of evidence for the study. These subjects described the
cultural transmission process in the schools from their perspectives. The
families' contextual information in the form of life histories enable the
analyses to incorporate aspects of the familial context on the schooling of
second generation Pakistani students.
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Life Histories.
The life history interviews were conducted with several family
members of the students in the study. Not all families were available to be
interviewed. The interviews lasted on average two to four hours. Most of
the interviews took place at the school or the local community center cafe
after school hours. The school officials allowed the school to stay open late
for interviews. However, several interviews took place in the homes and
businesses of the families. The Pakistani families were very open to the
study and took great pride in describing their immigration to Norway. In
most cases, the father and mother were interviewed together. When
available the student might also have been present which added to the
dynamics of the dialogue. In several cases the siblings were also available
to add information.
The family history was discussed across three or four generations
depending on the depth of the interview. Mothers enjoyed being asked to
come to the school to discuss their children because they rarely had the
opportunity to visit An understanding of occupational segregation and
discrimination became apparent from these life histories. Interviews in the
home verified economic status and lifestyle. Artifacts and other cultural
data were recorded from the home and businesses.
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The following interview guide was used with the family members to
address the embedded units of the case study and ensure that all family
participants were providing the same information. A total of 32 families
were interviewed.
1. Family History:
A. Move to Oslo, Norway
1. When? Why?
2. Relationship to Immigration Laws? Guest Worker?
Their status now? Legality?
3. How were/are family members received by the
Norwegian residents of the Oslo community? Evidence of.
a. Discrimination
b. Prejudice
c. Acceptance
B. Familial Patterns across the generations
1. Evidence of Amalgamation
Who is getting married to Norwegians? Accepted/Rejected?
More than one in a family? Empathy? Project
understanding?
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2. Did families return to Pakistan? Why? Is any one
going back? Distinguish between visit/trip/move?
C. Employment, Education, Career Status
2. Educational Opportunities
A. History of schooling experience of the family across three
generations.
B. Parents and extended family view of the value/purpose of
schooling for children currently enrolled in Oslo schools.
C. Degree/type of parental involvement/extended family
involvement in the schooling of the children currently in Oslo
schools.
D. Career/post-secondary aspirations of parents/extended
family for children in Oslo schools.
3. PreservatiotyLoss of Pakistani Culture
A. What aspects of culture are especially key to observe as a
Pakistani?
1. Language.
2. Religion.
3. Specific behaviors and attitudes (customs— the veil?)
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B. What aspects of culture have you preserved in your way of
life in Oslo?
C. What aspects of culture have you lost? Have the children
lost? Your extended family in Oslo?
D. How have you reconciled the cultural preservation/loss for
yourself and children?
What are the key areas of conflict between Norwegian and Pakistani
culture?
How have you reconciled key aspects of Pakistani culture which are
in conflict with the Norwegian way of life?
E. Marginality? Evidence
F. Compare life in Pakistani with life in Oslo.
1. Similarities
2. Differences
3. Do you plan to return to Pakistan?
4. Do you visit Pakistan regularly? Have your children
visited Pakistan?
H. What do you want for your children in terms of social-
cultural development? What level of Norwegian culture are you
willing to accept?
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This guide provided a wealth of information regarding the accul
turation patterns of the families. One of the parents became an insider to
the study who also helped to interpret for the mothers who did not speak
Norwegian. She was also a mother tongue support teacher in the Oslo
Schools. Life histories were recorded over several tapes spending hours in
the homes, grocery stores, and community centers. A local adult education
class for mothers, "The Sewing Club," became a frequent location of
interviews. Here the sons and daughters of the local families went to youth
activities while their mothers learned a trade and attended Norwegian
classes. The location of the interviews and the access to the subjects was
accomplished through continual contact with the school and interest in the
students. Focusing on the students enabled the community to realize the
potential of a study that might help to advance the situation of second
generation Pakistani students. Observations, some participant observa
tions, also assisted in the process of interviewing all the subjects.
Observations.
Classes were observed in each school according to the teachers'
schedules and prior approval. Classes were 40 minutes and a variety of
subjects were observed as well as programs— after school homework-help,
out-of-classroom individual language assistance, mother tongue assistance,
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and reception classes for newly arrive immigrants. The observations were
not structured; however, the key was to determine any differences between
Pakistani students and the other students, which would identify the former
as uniquely Pakistani, other than the obvious factor of physical appearance.
Where there differences in language use or proficiency in Norwegian, in
patterns of behavior, or in group interaction patterns between Pakistani
students and other students? Did the teachers respond differently to
Pakistani students? Everyday the researcher observed at least one 15
minute break that the students had on the school yard. This was to
examine student interactions and socialization patterns. In addition to the
interviews, these data greatly informed the process of understanding levels
of acculturation among second generation Pakistani students.
Having worked with at-risk immigrant minority students for eight
years as a mainstream teacher in Los Angeles, in addition to being a native
Norwegian, the researcher brought knowledge of cultural and social
behaviors of immigrants. She also understood perspectives of the
mainstream Norwegian population. As a follow-up to all observations, the
researcher shared information in the interviews with the teachers to verify
interpretations and test assumptions.
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The investigator also performed observations of the teachers and
administrators in their working groups. Teachers meet weekly in grade
level teams to discuss the progress of students. Grade Level Chairs have
the responsibility of contacting the homes if there are problems with a
student's performance. The meetings were viewed as extremely important
to student achievement The details of these meetings provided interesting
analyses of the perceptions of Pakistani student achievement School-wide
meetings were also observed to determine priority and relevance of
immigrant minority issues.
Observations of the participants were also conducted in the local
community surrounding the schools. The nursery school and youth center
near the two schools were visited on several occasions to view students in
their after school activities and families in daily life. Observations of the
street life and local business also demonstrated the "enclave" nature of
student life. Media messages such as those found in the local news and
newspapers were used to record the context of immigration issues in
Norway. Many additional documents were also collected for the study.
Document Analysis.
Several officials from important agencies provided a wealth of
information related to the research. Table 12 displays a list of the different
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TABLE 12
SOURCES OF DOCUMENT ANALYSIS
PUBLIC
RECORDS
PREVIOUS
REPORTS
RESEARCHER
RECORDS
Oslo Statistics (City
Hall)
Central Statistics Bureau
"Statistics Norway"
Norwegian Directorate
of Immigration
Administrative
Neighborhoods
Local Schools
Aftenposten (Oslo
Newspaper)
Stavanger Aftenblad
(Newspaper)
Arbeiderbladet
(Labor paper)
Verdens Gang
(Oslo Tabloid)
NRK— National TV
NRK 2— National Radio
Journals
Norwegian Ministry
of Education
Norwegian Ministry
of Foreign Affairs
National Education
Office
Oslo School Authority
University of Oslo
Oslo College
Teacher Education
Storting (Norway's
National Assembly)
Norwegian Social
Science Research
Institute
National Teacher
Resource Center
Norwegian Research
Council
Literature Review
Annotated and
Topical Bibliography
Data Base— Case
Study Notes:
Standardized Open-
Ended Interviews
Interview Guides
Life Histories
Informal
Conversations
Direct Observations
Participant
Observations
Reflective Journal
Daily Calendar
(Events)
Photographs
Personal Gifts
sources of documents which were used to assist in the analysis of the
research questions pertaining to curriculum, policy, and administration.
Multiple sources of documentation were collected from institutes and
agencies to detail demographic and socio-economic status. All documents
were verified for accuracy and authenticity. Every attempt was made to
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understand the reason for these documents having been written, their
authors, and the contexts in which they were written. The data discovered
in the documents were used in the same ways as the interviews, life
histories, and observations.
Public records are ongoing, continuing records of society. Public
records from a variety of sources were utilized for the study. The Official
Statistics of Norway detail education statistics as per census data from
September of each school year. The Ministry of Education and county
education offices help in the data collection and recording. These statistics
provide data regarding the number of students with a foreign mother
tongue, as well as details on the teachers, classes, and schools. All variables
are characterized by county in Norway, age, classes, type of school,
structure of school, and other characteristics. These public records provide
a detailed description of education in Norway. One main result of these
statistics is the number of foreign speaking pupils in the Counties. Oslo has
almost 30% of the total population of these students, and the rest of the
counties range from 1% to 8%. The Statistics Norway also publishes
thematic journals with articles on particular demographic topics.
"Immigrants in Norway7 ' has become a theme issues in several of the years
in 1990.
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The Oslo Statistics were another great source of statistical infor
mation on the demographic reality in that city. The City Hall publishes
population figures for each Administrative Neighborhood. These data are
characterized on several variables, such as citizenship, age, gender, and
employment Separate reports for the neighborhoods are developed each
year on socio-economic status, environmental conditions, and immigrant
population. Indicators for demographic and socio-economic status are
clearly defined and held constant for all reporting. The average for the city
on the indicators is used as a basis for comparing each of the twenty-five
Administrative Neighborhoods. Neighborhoods are analyzed based on
positive and negative deviations from the Oslo average.
Oslo immigration statistics are determined not only by the number
of foreign residents, but also by the number of first and second generation
immigrants with parents bom in a foreign country who may be citizens of
Norway. This immigration figure is higher than the official Norway
Statistics by 5%. Norway Statistics reports immigration data based on the
number in population with foreign background. Technically the second
generation child is a Norwegian, being bom in Norway. Often these data
can be reported incorrectly. The Oslo Statistics makes clear that there are
significantly more immigrants in Oslo than the official census reports
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because of the careful official delineation of first and second generation
immigrants. Oslo Statistics also publishes a Statistical Yearbook with
chapters on population by size and structure, vital statistics, housing
conditions, health conditions, production and employment, transport and
communications, education and church, social conditions, crime and justice,
municipal finances, elections, and Nordic large cities. The municipal board
is responsible for the publication of the yearbook.
In addition to these official statistics, public records were collected
from the Administrative Neighborhood public offices and the local schools.
The welfare and employment offices in the Administrative Neighborhoods
were contacted and brochures, flyers, organizational charts, budgets, and
announcements were collected. The Norwegian Directorate of Immigration
provided brochures and reports regarding the status of immigration and
current laws. The schools provided newsletters, handbooks, instructional
materials, student work, student publications, grade reports, examination
scores, development plans, special project descriptions, minutes of
meetings, budgets, instructional time allocations, announcements,
calendars of events, schedules and parent letters.
The Aftenposten, Stavanger Afienblad, Arbeiderbladet, and Verdens Gang
are local and national newspapers that were scanned for articles dealing
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with immigration. A database for immigration topics was created of all
articles in the areas of politics, discrimination, job segregation, education,
culture, gender, and welfare conditions. A total of 67 articles were logged.
National TV and Radio broadcasts were also analyzed and categorized to
reflect the same data categories.
Another source of documentary analysis was derived from the
previous reports of several key agencies. The Norwegian Ministry of
Education and Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs have extensive
resources and have conducted research on several areas related to the social
and educational implications of immigrants. These documents include
policy papers, curriculum guidelines, evaluation procedures, and quality
program plans. The National Education Office in Oslo provided reports on
the final examinations of all schools in the county. The Oslo School
Authority develops numerous reports dealing with the number of
immigrants per school, information to parents, options for language
minorities, methods of instruction and best practices for language
minorities, in-service training for teachers, status of instruction for
language minorities, professional development networks, strategic action
planning, and staff development plans. Brochures are also made available
to the public on these topics.
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The University of Oslo was a source of data relative to recent masters
theses and doctoral dissertations in the area of Pakistani students. Two
dissertations and one masters thesis were found detailing the educational
issues of Pakistani students. The Oslo College Department of Teacher
Education was also a source of several student reports written on migration
pedagogy and the condition of teaching immigrant minorities.
The Storting/ Norway's National Assembly, develops the articles and
definitions of "Multicultural Norway" which the Ministry translates into
practice for the counties and local schools. This report was reviewed. The
Norwegian Social Science Research Institute and the Norwegian Research
Council publish several independent research reports requested by the
Ministry and National Assembly to inform the process of policy making.
There are several import existing reports that were analyzed. The National
Teacher Resource Center develops methodological and best practices for
teaching minority students. Reports, guidelines and evaluation procedures
that are disseminated to the counties were collected.
The final set of documents analyzed in writing the case study was, as
previously noted, the researcher's records in the form of case study notes
on the Standardized open-ended Interviews, Interview Guides, Life
Histories, Informal Conversations, Direct Observations, Participant
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Observations, Reflective Journal, Daily Calendar of Events, Photographs
and Personal Gifts. All the notes were categorized and organized into a
database for ongoing and future analysis. The data base of case notes was
kept in binders while in the held and translated to computer hies using
HyperQual as the themes evolved into categories. The literature review and
annotated bibliography were updated regularly during the held work to
reflect the analysis of the documents discovered in the held. Data collection
and recording occurred simultaneously with this analysis. What follows is a
description of that process with the hnal development of categories.
Data Collection and Recording
Data collection and recording were conducted during two major
phases of held work from April, 1997, through October, 1997.
Phase One.
Phase one held work was performed from April 18 through June 15,
1997, in the Oslo Suburb School. The initial contact with the school was
made in August of 1996 during pilot interviews and visits to various
institutions to gather statistical data. The study began with participant
observations of classrooms and the school yard in order to become
acquainted with the students and staff. During the first days of held work,
a letter from the investigator signed by the principal was sent to all the
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Pakistani students in both Norwegian and Urdu. A sample of the letters is
in Attachment D with no reference to the schools in order to maintain
anonymity. No parents objected to the research; however, one parent opted
not to have his son interviewed but did consent to being interviewed
himself.
In order to engage the students, the researcher was a participant
observer by teaching and participating in the Norwegian as a Second
Language Classes. This enabled the researcher to gain access to the
students and develop common experiences. The researcher also attended
school meetings as an observer to understand the dynamics of the school.
The qualitative fieldwork techniques of observation, interview and
data collection were used in order to gather data relevant to the research
questions. After initial observations and participation in classrooms, the
investigator soon became involved with the students and teachers. The
findings of the study began to emerge in relation to research questions, and
the interview process began. Eventually observations and interviews were
conducted simultaneously. As a means of triangulation of data, the school
documents, newsletters, parent communications, planning documents and
grade reports, were also being reviewed simultaneously.
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Taking the train from the city center, the researcher arrived at the
school site at the same time the students would begin classes. A typical day
at the school involved observations in classrooms, interviews and social
gatherings with teachers and students. After school hours were spent in
the community at the local cafe, community center, and businesses. The
local adult education classes for women in sewing and Norwegian
provided great opportunities to socialize with the mothers and gain access
to the families. It was also the ideal location to speak to the mothers
without the father being present The typical field day at the site lasted
from 8:25 a.m. until 7:00 p.m. Some days were spent off site interviewing at
agencies. Visits to the local high schools and university enabled the
researcher to understand the secondary school and career aspirations of the
Pakistani students.
The first interviews were piloted with the assistance of the Pakistani
Student Society at the University of Oslo. The Pakistani university students
helped to verify the reliability and relevance of the questions for the
Pakistani students. An advisor at the Institute of Educational Research
provided continual support and contact to graduate students to assist in the
research. During this time there was also a conference in International and
Comparative Research at the University of Oslo at which the researcher
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was able to present preliminary results to the academic community. The
responses and questions the topic stimulated at the conference provided
more depth to the study and enabled the researcher to explore further
themes relative to the research questions.
The initial interviews with the students at the site enabled the
children to return home to discuss with parents the issues under investi
gation. The parents were all highly motivated to participate and valued
the opportunity to reflect on their cultural heritage and immigration to
Norway. It also provided an opportunity to engage in meaningful conver
sation about culture with their children. It provided a time of reflection and
honesty between parent and child.
The researcher also spent time in the local Social Activity and Health
Center and Youth Club during the days and evenings to study the activities
in the community. One night a week at the Youth Club is designated
"Disco N ight" The researcher spent hours with students on these nights to
observe them in their peer interactions. The Social Activity and Health
Center is a community focal point where many parents go for assistance.
There are several cafes and businesses in this area. Socializing occurs
regularly and the researcher was able to engage in several discussions with
both Pakistani parents and other local community leaders.
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Towards the end of phase one, the researcher visited the Inner City
School to gain access and pilot interview questions. The consent letters
were prepared to be sent to the students in phase two of the research.
Initial conclusions regarding the intensive field work of phase one revealed
that Pakistani families put a tremendous value on cultural preservation
identified as an "Islamic way of life." Students have been experiencing
conflict in reconciling the ways of the home with the schools' emphasis on
integration. Teachers are increasingly frustrated with the lack of support in
educating minority pupils, and the administration seeks to balance
divergent views so that the school may operate equitably for all— an artful
task. The Pakistani students in the Suburb School represent families who
are attempting to assimilate on different levels by integrating with
Norwegian families in the working class neighborhoods; however, the
reality presents a picture of a Pakistani "enclave" within this working class
community.
Phase one research concluded with over 70 interviews and the
development of initial data categories for the research questions. These
categories were modified and further developed by the deconstruction of
the data during the two-month period between phase one and phase two.
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The researcher returned to Norway in September of 1997, to reside in a
different neighborhood of Oslo to conduct phase two of the study.
Phase Two
Phase two field work was performed from September 2-October 14,
1997, in the Inner City Oslo School following the same general pattern as
phase one. The consent letter was sent home to students in both
Norwegian and Urdu prior to arrival at the school after the preliminary
meetings with the administrative team that assured access to the school.
English teaching participant observation was the activity, which initiated
the contact with students, in addition to the time, spent on the school
grounds during students' free periods. No parents objected to their
children being interviewed. The contacts for scheduled interviews with
students were made during observations on the school yard. Simultaneous
interviews, observations, and document analyses were performed while at
the Inner City School.
During the second phase of the research, the Norwegian school
system lowered the starting age of compulsory schooling to six. At that
time there was to be 10 years of compulsory schooling in Norway. The
middle schools now constituted the grades 8 to 10. However, for the
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purposes of the study to maintain consistency, all grades are still to be
referred to as 7th, 8th and 9th for all students.
The researcher was contacted by a local Norwegian radio station to
be interviewed regarding the tentative conclusions about the study during
the end of phase two of the held work. The radio broadcast was made from
the school yard, and provided another mirror of the social interpretations of
the immigrant situation in Norway. All interviews were fully developed
and complete, therefore there was no contamination of the study
population. The researcher also attended social activities with the
principal, and was invited to the homes of families— similar to phase one.
The impact of a large number of immigrants at the school on the Pakistani
student experience, interactions between those student groups and
subsequent acculturation were observed in great detail in the Inner City
School. The diversity of the school had affects on the enculturation patterns
and attitudes toward achievement and educational options. These
distinctions will be discussed further in the analysis section of this study.
Preliminary data analyses and categories that follow were revealed after the
two phases of fieldwork were complete.
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Data Analysis
Content of Analysis
All data were secured and maintained as part of the held notes. The
analyses of data collected during the two phases of field work followed an
iterative process using the framework developed by Miles and Huberman
(1984) and the techniques described by Strauss and Corbin (1990) and Yin
(1989).
The study was structured around the theoretical framework detailed
in chapter 2. As data emerged horn the field, they were originally cate
gorized around these frameworks and cross validated with the correspond
ing research question. The embedded case design (Yin, 1989) was
employed and the evidence being investigated was compared with the
theoretical framework. The data were organized into themes that better
described phenomena's in the field. As the data themes began to form a
link with the framework, the case became more real.
The model begins with data collection, data reduction, data display,
conclusion drawing, and verification that do not occur in a linear fashion.
Data were in raw field notes based on the interview protocols discussed
above. A demographic sheet listing all 125 formal interviews was taped
with permission of all subjects. Only one participant opted not to be
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interviewed. The recordings supplemented the held notes. These notes
were quickly typed to flesh out meaning. There are approximately 261
hours of recorded interviews.
Written reflection of the field notes was performed immediately after
the interview on a fact sheet This sheet summarized important informa
tion from the interviews. The researcher also maintained a reflective
journal that ran parallel to the research to analyze important aspects of the
research that might need to be modified or eliminated.
These emerging themes began to appear within the first few weeks
of field work and "open coding" was employed to identify the dimensions
of these categories. Initial categories are explored in the introduction to
chapter 4, the analysis.
A data display was developed to help merge information with the
frameworks of the research. The use of the computer program HyperQual
assisted in the formation of data displays. This also aided in the triangu
lation of research to ensure that multiple methods and measures of data
were being collected to verify the analysis. Data displays and codes were
modified as more data became available and causal relations began to be
apparent "Axial Coding" began as data sources were moved into larger
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categories to analyze the context of the phenomena studied and to attempt
to identify causal conditions.
In chapter 4, a chart of the research questions in relation to the data
and themes is displayed. The evolving themes are organized in a potential
matrix that will demonstrate the organization of the analysis. The research
findings that tell the story of these students and address the research
questions are summarized in chapter 4, as well.
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CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS AND INTERPRETIVE ANALYSIS
"Go and see if experience responds; find out if later perceptions within
the same field of interest bear out the interpretation,
the formulation given tentatively at the outset
Note also whether the new idea fits in with earlier accepted ones."
William James, 1906
Stanford University Lecture
Introduction
The findings began to emerge from the field through the use of
"open coding." Simultaneous data collection, data reduction, data display,
conclusion drawing, and verification occurred in the two phases of research
(April-June, 1997 and August-October, 1997). The raw field notes were
transcribed and written reflections were recorded to be compared to
subsequent interviews. Audio tapes were used to supplement the notes for
most interviews. These reflections were compared to the theoretical
propositions or frameworks that are outlined at the beginning of the study.
Notes were made of what seemed to "fit," and deviations were also
distinguished with next steps to investigate. At a particular point in phase
one of the study, sufficient information had been gathered to formulate
categories and subcategories.
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The following open categories in Table 13 were used for the first
phase of fieldwork to frame the research questions with potential emerging
themes. These categories transformed into the final code book for all data
analyses of the four main areas of data collection— interviews (students,
teachers, parents, and administrators), observations, archival records, and
documentary evidence.
These initial categories were used to compare and contrast with the
emerging and evolving themes in the interviews, observations and written
reports of phase one and two of the dissertation field work. The emergence
of initial categories helped frame the field work and the expansion of the
study over the dissertation research, data collection, analyses, and writing
process. The categories created the necessary data organization for the
evolving themes to become meaningful. This information was then
compared and contrasted across all data sources and methods as described
in the methodology of chapter 3.
Evolving Themes
After phase one of the research, sufficient data had been gathered
and organized to generate categories and subcategories, as developed by
the code book, which evolved into themes. A sample of the initial themes
included:
i
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TABLE 13
SAMPLE CODE BOOK FOR PHASE ONE OF
OSLO FIELD WORK
RESEARCH
QUESTION
w/subtopics
CODE
(used in notes)
DESCRIPTION
(explained in Chapter 3)
1.1 Educational
Opportunities
Available?
Progranyinstruction
EDOP General opportunities
that are available to
immigrants in the two
schools
1.1a CurriculumS CURR Tailored or innovative
curriculum (pedagogy/
culture) for Pakistants
1.1b Teacher
autonomy
TCRAU Culturally responsive to
build trust & model
improvement
1.1c. Real-life
incentives
RLI Role models, connection
to social outcomes &
high standards for
achievement
l.ld . Student self
esteem
sss Instruction which
empowers— provides
self- esteem
l.le. Partnerships PART Community/ parental
participation
l.lf. Capacity building
CAP Degree of trust in
community and level of
collaboration
1.2 Academic
Achievement of
Pakistani students?
ACHPAK Reported achievement
patterns of Pakistani
students
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TABLE 13 CONTINUED
1.2a. Matriculation/
dropout rates
MATR
DROP
Matriculation and drop
out rates between
middle school and high
school
1.2b. Exams EXAM Student Achievement
Measures— Exit Exams
1.2c. Grades GRAD Self-reported and
teacher grades
1.2d. Educational
Options
EDOT Continuing educational
selections of the
Pakistani youth
1.3 Relationship
between opportunity
and achievement?
EDOP
w/ACHPAK
Understanding the
Educational opportunity
provided and eventual
outcomes
2.1 Cultural Contact
and Pakistani student
achievement
patterns?
CULCON
w/ACHPAK
Descriptions of the
cultural contact with
Norwegians since
moving to Oslo.
2.1a. Assimilation ASSIM Levels using Gordon's
Model
2.1b. Enculturation ENCUL Understanding of their
Pakistani Culture
2.1c. Acculturation ACCUL Understanding of the
Norwegian Culture
2.2 Cultural
Adaptation of
Pakistani students to
school?
CULADP Responses of the
Pakistani students and
their community to
schooling
2.2a Survival
Strategies
SURST Specific school behaviors
for school success, i.e.,
accommodation/ resista
nee
2.2b. Frame of
reference
FRREF Comparison of
schooling experience
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TABLE 13 CONTINUED
2.2c. Social identity SOCID Awareness of position in
school and larger society
2.2d. Status mobility
system
STMBS Role of schooling in
getting ahead for
Pakistanis
3.1 Political system &
policy for organizing
education
POLSY The systems' response to
the Pakistani
Immigrants
3.1a Minority
acceptance of
dominant values
ACCEPT Pakistani acceptance of
learning Norweigian
Culture (harmful?)
3.1b Minority access
to/influence in the
social structures
ACCESS Access, acceptance and
rewards in Norwegian
society for Pakistani
immigrants
3.2. School sites
administrative
response to needs of
Pakistanis?
SITRE School's treatment of the
Pakistani students
3.2a. Leadership
*.
LEAD Leadership values
Pakistani student
contributions and
advocates for their
needs.
3.2b. Financial base FINA Resources are allocated
to Pakistani
programming
(immigrants)
3.2c Volunteers VOLU Community/ Role
models are recruited by
schools
3.2d. Coalitions/
Partnership
COPART With multiple agencies
that serve the
community-
social services
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TABLE 13 CONTINUED
3.2e. Public relations PUREL Improving attitudes
toward immigrants in
the school
3.2f. Functions FUNC Used to enhance status
of immigrants are
simple and send clear
messages
1. Limited Opportunities: Educational opportunities beyond the
core curriculum are limited for Pakistani students in the Oslo schools
during the instructional day. Opportunities for enhanced services in
education are outside of the regular school day or provided in the local
neighborhood or community.
2. Lower Achievement/ Higher Hopes: Generally, second
generation Pakistani students do not do as well in school as other students;
however, they have high expectations of school success and enjoy school.
Boys study less and have higher expectations than girls. Girls study more
and have little aspirations beyond secondary school.
3. Transition between Middle and High School: Immigrants
have the highest drop-out rate between middle and high school in Norway.
Social services report that Pakistani students are the largest proportion of
these students.
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4. Cultural Preservation: Pakistani students maintain the
language, culture and religious traditions of their homeland. Girls dress in
traditional dress with the scarf. Boys wear western clothing. Both boys and
girls speak Punjabi on the school yard with their friends.
5. Cultural Contact: Pakistani students are losing aspects of
their culture that parents greatly fear. Parents become stricter on the
children to maintain the cultural ways of Pakistan as expressed in family
interviews.
6. Social Segregation: Pakistani students interact with
Norwegian students in the context of classroom activity. Free periods and
time on the school yard indicated social segregation between Pakistanis and
Norwegians.
7. School as an Instrumental Tool, not a Socializer: Pakistani
parents do not want their children to be socialized to the Norwegian way of
life; however, they do want their children to learn Norwegian and do well
in school to get a good job.
8. Discrimination: Fathers indicated that discrimination was not
a problem until the last 10 years of residence in Norway. Upon arrival as
guest workers in the 1970s, the fathers negotiated for jobs and accommoda
tion in a positive Norwegian environment As the guest status became
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permanent the fathers noted discrimination. Mothers have always
identified discrimination and isolation since they moved to Norway in the
1980/s to live permanently with their husbands.
9. Homeland: Pakistani families in Norway come from the same
region in Pakistan known as Gujrat They refer to this area in Pakistan as
"little Norway." Pakistanis take frequent trips back to visit relatives and
introduce the children to the extended family. Few families would move
back; however, many parents "romanticize" a retirement in Pakistan.
10. Integration Policy: Norwegian policy stresses the concept of
an "integrated citizen" both in Norwegian national curriculum and
immigration policy. This concept contradicts the Pakistani concept of
"instrumental schooling."
11. School Innovations: Local schools attempt to adjust to the
reality of Pakistani cultural differences that are in conflict with Norwegian
values of schooling. Centralized policies are seen as in conflict with the
decentralized needs of the local immigrant families.
Data grouped around these eleven major themes as the multiple
lines of inquiry began to be incorporated into the detailed description of the
narrative. The time to process, order and categorize the data took three to
rive times longer than data collection and new themes developed. Early
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analyses occurred in the form of contact summary sheets, marginal remarks
on the interview sheets, and the use of the researcher's reflective journal.
The conceptual framework helped to define these topics in the form of
selective coding which eventually moved into pattern codes. This process
involved grouping and summarizing into smaller sets the descriptive codes
and themes to present factors of analyses. These factors of analyses
transformed from the large data set into smaller analytic units during the
data collection. Eventually this procedure explicated the cognitive maps or
integrated schema of paths and factors effecting the case study. An
example of this was the grouping of student responses to items of the
interview protocol into the categories of educational opportunities, achieve
ment patterns and cultural adaptations based on location of school and
gender of the student Several sub-themes and sub-categories emerged in
detail from the grouped item responses of students. This was eventually
transformed into integrated schema for the case of displays and sub
sections of the dissertation. A similar format was followed for the grouping
of item responses for teacher and family respondents and the eventual
display of data with sub-sections to describe the integrated schema of
factors affecting the case of Pakistani students in schools in Oslo.
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During the course of the data analysis, interim case summaries were
prepared for conference and paper presentations. This process enabled
greater depths of analyses of data segments to be presented in a path or
"chain of evidence" of the case study. The concept of "data mining" was
used regularly to revisit the data for uniformity and potential deviations
from the themes and patterns.
Data displays of the triangulation of data sources with the research
questions and other case displays were used as the process evolved into the
path analysis for the research questions. The design of the case was pre
structured based on the conceptual framework and the precise set of
research questions. The clearly defined demographic sampling plan and
case outline, determined by the interview protocols and guides, prior to
data collection, enabled the case to unfold into meaningful results. The
wide data sampling— students, teachers, administrators, families— certified
these results by the triangulation of data sources, informants and settings.
Eventually, cross-case summaries were developed by informants and
settings to strengthen the overall results of the study. The cross-case
analysis of informants and data sources reduced the themes of the study
into four major areas of analysis present in the five sections of chapter 4: (1)
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student adaptations, (2) parent and Pakistani community forces, (3)
educational responses, and (4) cultural change.
The research findings are illustrated in relation to the research
questions in the final sections: (1) student situational factors, (2) teacher
perspectives, (3) administrative and managerial elements, (4) policy
documentation, and (5) cultural change and familial case studies. As the
analyses progressed, a review of the research was documented in relation
to the findings. The organization of the study is completed with the final
chapter that provides a summary, conclusions, and recommendations with
implications for further research.
Student Situational Factors
The status of the Pakistani students in the Oslo Suburb and Inner
City School are explicated in the data displays that follow. The first tables
display the context of their lives and demographic variables. Each student
is identified only by a subject number. The age, origin in Pakistan, years
living in Norway, level of parents' education, parents' occupation and
number of siblings are identified for each student
Educational opportunities are determined by the responses from
students' interviews from each school to items that related to curriculum,
instruction, options, support services, partnerships, and incentives.
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Achievement patterns of Pakistani students from the perspective of these
students are demonstrated in reference to items dealing with course
selection, language use, test scores, grades, continuing educational
selections, and satisfaction with school. The relationship between the
opportunities and the achievement patterns of the Pakistani students will
be discussed.
The final analysis, Pakistani student cultural adaptation and change,
is explicated from their perspectives on the items dealing with life circum
stances, friendships, parental involvement, cultural understanding of
Norway and Pakistan, comparisons of schooling experiences, role of
schooling and concepts of their social identity. Observations of behaviors
in the school and community were also used to inform this section of the
analysis.
These three subtopics of the research questions— educational
opportunities, student achievement, and student cultural adaptation— will
be illustrated by gender as well as type of school, Suburb or Inner city.
Student interpretations are categorized and explained by tables and
narratives in their own voices. Relationships to the framework described at
the onset are also developed further as the patterns emerge.
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The Oslo Suburb School
The Oslo Suburb School student interviews revealed an average
educational level for mothers to be 7.3 years. The fathers had a average
educational level of 9.5 years. The mean number of siblings in the twenty-
two families was 4.5. All families have Pakistani origins from the villages
surrounding Lahore and Islamabad in the northeastern section of Pakistan.
A majority of the students' families come from the village know as Gujrat
midway between Islamabad and Lahore. One unique male student's father
was from Karachi, the capital of Pakistan, and had married an adopted
Norwegian-African woman after he had arrived in Norway. The other was
a female student whose father was from Lahore. He had married a
converted Islamic Norwegian woman. Both couples are now divorced.
The boy lives with his Norwegian-African mother and his Norwegian
stepfather. The girl lives with her Pakistani father who did not remarry.
She rarely sees her mother. These two cases were exceptional in the
Pakistani parent situation. In all other cases, student's parents were
married within their Pakistani group. Table 14 displays the profile for male
students at the Suburb School. The average age for the boys was fifteen
i L
and the majority of boys came from the 9 grade.
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TABLE 14
OSLO SUBURB SCHOOL
MALE STUDENT INTERVIEWEES' DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
Subject
Number
Grade
Age
Origins
in
Pakistan
» *
Years in
Norway
*
Parents'
Education
*
Parents'
Occupation
Total
Siblings
in
Family
6 9*
17
Gujrat 15.5 M * 5 yrs.
F * 8 yrs.
M - home;
on
disability
F - apparel
factory
wkr.
a
SIX
’Brothers
8 9th
15
Murala Born M » unk.
F = 10 yrs.
M - home
F-
Brewery
worker
THREE
11 9th
16
Kharian 13 M - 9 yrs.
F - 9 yrs.
M - home
F - factory;
on
disability
SEVEN
17 9th
15
Gujrat Bom M *9 yrs.
F = 9 yrs.
M - home
F-grocery
shop
owner
THREE
*#35
sister
18 9th
15
Gujrat 13 M = 5 yrs.
F *8 yrs.
M - home;
on
disability
F - factory
SIX
’Brothers
16 9th
16
Gujrat 9 M -11
yrs.
F -13 yrs.
M - home
F - hospital
cleaner
SEVEN
31 7th
13
Rawal
pindi
Bom M - 9 yrs.
F -10
yrs.
M -
nursery
school aide
F - Postal
worker
TWO
253
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TABLE 14 CONTINUED
Subject
Number
Grade
Age
Origins
in
Pakistan
» »
Years in
Norway
*
Parents'
Education
*
Parents'
Occupatio
Total
Siblings
in Family
24 9th
16
Gujrat
(Mandir)
2 M 3 5 yrs.
F 3 7 yrs.
M - home;
on
disability
F-
blacksmith
THREE
* A Brothers
33 7th
13
Kharian Born M 3 5 yrs,
F 3 8 yrs.
M - home
F-
bartender
HVE
34 9th
16
Eritrea(M)
(African)
Karachi(F)
Born M 3 11
yrs.
F 3 9 yrs.
M -
Nurse's
assistant
F-
bartender
SIX
half
siblings
- Parents
divorced
55 7th
14
Gujrat 13 yrs.
7 mth.
M 3 14
yrs.
F 3 16 yrs.
M -
Nursery
school aide
F-
Railway
worker
FOUR
56 8th
15
Mohri
Sharif
11 yrs. M 3 10
yrs.
F 3 10 yrs.
M - home
F 3Iron
works
FOUR
59 8th
15
Mohri
Sharif
8 yrs. M -10
yrs.
F 3 12 yrs.
M - Home
F - factory
work/
cleaning
FIVE
54 7th
14
Gujrat
(Mandir)
2 yrs. M 3 5 yrs.
F 3 7 yrs.
M - home;
on
disability
F-
blacksmith
THREE
*A Brother
s
*M3Mother, F3Father ** Inclusive of surrounding villages
254
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Nine of the total twenty-two students interviewed at the Suburb
School were in the 9th grade. Five students were in the 8th grade, and eight
students were in the 7th grade. The ages ranged from 17 to 13 years. The
one 17 year old student had been held back in elementary school. Eleven of
the twenty-two students were born in Norway. The remaining students
had come to Norway as small children. Their years residing in Norway
ranged from 8 to 15. In the 1980s fathers had returned home to Pakistan to
marry women from their villages. Some mothers had children in Pakistan
before the family reunification occurred in Norway. Once the father had a
permanent place to live, he petitioned for the family to come over. For
some, it took a longer.
Most of the fathers began in Norway as factory workers in the
apparel industry, breweries, dairies, and some heavy construction (cement).
Eventually, some of the fathers moved into the service industry— custodial
services, restaurants, grocery shops, office security, transportation, and
postal delivery. Mothers cared for the children in the home. In four
exceptions, the mothers worked outside the home in traditional female
occupations, such as nursery school aides or nurse's assistant
Many fathers stated that they are factory workers; however, they
have long since completed their careers in factories. The father's have
255
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worked long hard lives in factories, and the reality is that they are out on
pensions or government disability subsidies. Many of the mothers also
receive government disability insurance for health-related problems. Table
15 details the demographics of the female students at the Suburb School.
The female student parents' education ranged from zero to 14 years.
Two of the eight girls had mothers who never went to school. The girl
whose father married a converted Islamic Norwegian woman had gone to
school in Pakistan for 14 years. He had some technical college schooling in
engineering. The Norwegian mother worked as a sales clerk, but had no
contact with the child. The other parents all had between 5 and 10 years of
education. This appears to be the norm for most families. None of the
mothers worked except for one of the girls. This girl's mother was a
partner in the clothing shop that the couple owned. Both parents worked at
the shop. All fathers had service industry or factory jobs. One mother and
one father were on disability insurance.
The male student demographics are similar to the girls. However,
there are a few exceptions. One of the fathers did complete a four-year
business college in Pakistan and works for the local transportation railway
256
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TABLE 15
OSLO SUBURB SCHOOL
FEMALE STUDENT INTERVIEWEES' DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
Subject
Number
Grade
Age
Origins
in
Pakistan
» »
Years in
Norway
Parents'
Education
*
Parents'
Occupation
*
Total
SibUngs
in
Family
29 8th
15
Oslo (M ) -
Norwegian
Lahore (F )
BonV13
(2 yrs. in
Pakistan)
M *9 yrs.
F -14 yrs.
M - sales
clerk
F - Railways-
Ticket sales
FOUR
30 7th
0
14
Dakar 12 yrs. M * none
F*5 yrs.
M - home
F - Cement
factory;
disability
FIVE
23 9th
16
Jhelum Bom M *5 yrs.
F * 8 yrs.
M - home; o
disability
F - Security,
City Hall
FIVE
26 7th
13
Gujrat Bom M =10
yrs.
F = 10 yrs.
Business
owners
clothing sho
FOUR
35 7th
13
Gujrat Bom M * 9 yrs.
F = 9 yrs.
M • home
F - grocery
shop owner
THREE
*#17
Brother
50 7th
14
Mohri
Sharif
Bom M * 7 yrs.
F *9 yrs.
M - home
F - Restauran
owner
FOUR
25 8th
15
Kharian Bom M * 6 yrs.
F = 10 yrs.
M • home
F - Bakery
FIVE
14 8th
15
Gujrat 8 yrs. M = none
F = 8 yrs.
M - home
F- Factory
SIX
*M = Mother, F = Father ** Inclusive of surrounding villages
257
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lines. The mother also has completed high school in Pakistan and is a
nursery school aide. One other Pakistani mother works in the same
profession. She completed the last 4 of her 9 years of school in Norway.
The remaining eleven mothers are home and care for the children. Four of
these are receiving some form of disability insurance from the government
for health-related illness that does not allow them to work
The female student of the Pakistani father and Norwegian mother
was a unique case that will be detailed further in the familial case studies.
It is interesting to note that the girl and her siblings were sent to Pakistan to
attend English medium boarding schools for two years.
Two of the boys who are also brothers had only resided in Norway
for two years. The father had decided to keep the boys in school in
Pakistan/ instead of bringing the mother and children to Norway. This
mother had been separated from the father since he had come to Norway.
The two boys stated that the father was no longer living at home with them.
This case will also provide interesting exceptions to the familial case
studies.
The Oslo Inner City School
The Oslo Inner City School student interviews revealed an average
educational level for mothers to be 9.3 years. This is higher than the 7.3
258
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years average for the mothers of suburb students. The fathers at the Oslo
Inner City School had an average educational level of 12.5 years compared
to the fathers of the suburb school who revealed a mean of 9.5 years
education. The mean number of siblings in the families was 4.5. This is the
same as the average number of siblings in the suburb school. All families
have Pakistani origins from the villages surrounding Lahore and Islamabad
in the northeastern section of Pakistan. A majority of the students' families
come from the villages surrounding Gujrat midway between Islamabad
and Lahore.
Fifteen of the twenty mothers do not work, but maintain the home
for the children and extended family in the Inner City Oslo area. Of the five
mothers employed; three are factory workers, one is a sales clerk and one is
a nursery school assistant in a day care center. The fifteen fathers who
work are primarily in factories and the service industry. Five of the fathers
are not working, being either unemployed, retired or on disability. The
service industry jobs of the fathers are similar to those of the Pakistani
fathers in the Suburb School— cook, bartender, shop keeper, cafe owner, or
restaurant waiter. Tables 16 and 17 display the demographic data for both
male and female students at the Oslo Inner City School.
259
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TABLE 16
OSLO INNER CITY SCHOOL
MALE STUDENT INTERVIEWEES' DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
Subject
Number
Grade
Age
Origins
in
Pakistan
* *
Years in
Norway
Parents'
Education
»
Parents'
Occupatio
*
Total
Siblings
in
Family
2 8th
15
Kharian Bom M = 10
yrs.
F = 10 yrs.
M - home
F- factory
wkr.
FOUR
3 8*
14.5
Kashmir 9 years M =10
yrs.
F * 17 yrs.
M - nurser
school aide
F-Cook
Only
child
12
8 tf c
14
Multan Bom
M = 10 yrs.
F = 10 yrs.
M - Home
F - Bartende
FIVE
13 8th
14
Gujrat Bom
M = 10 yrs.
F * 10 yrs.
M - Home
F-
Unemploye
THREE
14 8th
13
Kharia Bom M = unk.
F = unk.
M - home
F- factory
THREE
15 8th
13
Gujranwa
la
Bom
M = 10 yrs.
F = 13 yrs.
M - factory
F- factory
THREE
16 9th
15
Sialkot Bom
M * 14 yrs.
F = 14 yrs.
M - home
F-
shopkeepe
TWO
17 9th
15
Jalal-Pur-
Jattan
Bom
M = 12yrs.
F * 13 yrs.
M - home
F- Factory
FOUR
18 9th
15
Sialkot Bom M= 10 yrs.
F= 13 yrs.
M-Sales
Clerk
F-Travel
Agent
FIFTEEN
(5 from
ex-wife)
19 9th
15
Kharian 8 years M= none
F= 14 yrs.
M- Home
F-
Unemploye
EIGHT
*M = Mother, F = Father ** Inclusive of surrounding villages
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TABLE 17
OSLO INNER CITY SCHOOL
FEMALE STUDENT INTERVIEWEES' DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE
Subject
Number
Grade
Age
Origins in
Pakistan
» *
Years
in
Norway
Parents'
Education
*
Parents'
Occupatior
*
Total
Siblings
in
Family
1 8th
15
Lalamosa 5 years M * 10 yrs.
F * 11 yrs.
M - Home
F-
Shopkeeper
FOUR
4 8th
14
Mehmad-
chell
Born M * 11 yrs.
F * unk.
M - home
F - Retired
FIVE
5 8th
15
Punjab Born M * lOyrs.
F * 11 yrs.
M-home
F-Cafe
Owner
FOUR
6 8th
14
Lahore Born M = 12 yrs.
F = 12 yrs.
M-Factory
F-Sales
Clerk
FOUR
7 9th
15
Gujrat 14
years
M = 14 yrs.
F = 16 yrs.
M- Factory
F-Cleaning
FOUR
8 8th
14
Faisalabad 6 years M =8 yrs.
F = 14 yrs.
M - home
F-
unemployec
FOUR
9 8th
14
Rawalpind
i
Born M = 9 yrs.
F = 5 yrs.
M - home
F-
unemployec
THREE
11 8th
14
Peshawar 4 years M = unk.
F = ukn.
M - home
F- Invalid
SIX
10 8th
14
Lahore 10
years
M=10 yrs.
F=15 yrs.
M-Home
F-Restaurant
THREE
20 9th
15
Gujrat 10
years
M“7 yrs.
F=14 yrs.
M-Home
F-Brewery
FOUR
*M = Mother, F = Father ** Inclusive of surrounding villages
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The males from the Oslo Inner City School came primarily from the
L U i L
8 grade; six male students were from the 8 grade and four were horn
the 9 * * 1 grade. The male students ranged in age from thirteen to fifteen,
typical middle school aged students. Eight of the ten students were bom in
Norway. Two of the students moved to Norway when they were very
young, 5 or 6-years-old. With the exception of one family with fifteen
siblings, most students have between two and eight siblings.
The females from the Oslo Inner City School came primarily from
the 8 * * 1 grade; eight female students were from the 8 * * 1 grade and two were
from the 9 * * 1 grade. The female students ranged in age from fourteen to
fifteen, typical middle school aged students. Four of the ten students were
bom in Norway. Three of the girls moved to Norway when they were very
young, 2 to 5 years old. Three other girls had moved to Norway from four
to six years ago. The range of siblings was between three and six for all the
girls.
The male and female students were very familiar with one another
having grown up in the close community of Pakistanis in the Inner Eastern
section of Oslo. Most of the students have grown up as neighbors since
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elementary school The students spoke of their extended family in Oslo;
uncles, aunts and cousins in the neighboring areas, as well.
Educational Opportunities for Pakistani Students
In chapter 2 several factors were discussed which contribute to the
successful schooling experience of immigrant minority pupils. Among
these factors were primary language instruction (mother tongue teaching),
teacher attitude in building trust, empowering pedagogy and assessment
based on student experiences, real-life incentives for social promotion in
and out of school, parent and community partnerships, and community
collaboratives that provide enhanced instruction and support The analyses
of the students' perspectives of these factors are illustrated by their
responses to several of the items in the interviews.
The following summaries describe the male and female student
responses to questions dealing with educational opportunities in the
Suburb School and Inner City School. These items specifically dealt with
assistance and support at school, assistance with homework, additional
activities in the school or community, special programs, mother tongue
instruction, parental involvement, after school and weekend activities, and
concepts of social assistance and public services. The responses have been
grouped into a narrative for each sub-topic of the research questions.
263
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Male Responses to Educational Opportunities at the Suburb School
1. Assistance in School: All fourteen boys at the suburb school
stated that they receive the help they need in school from their teachers,
and they ask for help in subjects in which they have difficulty. One student
stated that he did not require help, so he did not need to ask the teachers
for additional assistance. One boy said that he had often gone to the Social
Teacher (school counselor and resource specialist) for problems he had with
disciplinary actions. This student had been involved with the police
because of graffiti painted on the school campus. He felt the Social Teacher
helped him with the problem. All other boys acknowledged additional
assistance to be sufficient from the teachers. Cross case analyses with
teacher comments on similar questions reveal that some of these students
do need a great deal of additional assistance. Some Pakistani boys deny
that they have academic deficiencies, rather accepting their low academic
performance because they enjoy socialization at school.
2. Assistance with Homework: In six of the cases, the male
students stated that an older sibling in high school assisted them with their
homework. Five of the students stated that they did the homework on their
own because they had no one in the house who had language proficiency in
Norwegian. Two of the boys had fathers who spoke fluent Norwegian and
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assisted them with homework. These two students also had the highest
grades of all boys in school. The one boy with a step-father who was
Norwegian also received assistance from him with homework.
3. Involvement in sports, dubs, community activities: Five of
the boys stated that they were in soccer clubs in the local community. Only
one student said he went with a Norwegian friend to a club sport, not
affiliated with the school. The others played on informal teams in the
community. Organized club soccer is a national pastime for Norwegian
youth. Only two students were on such a team. The remainder of the male
students had no community activities or had informal connections at the
youth center that they visited infrequently. The center is open Tuesday and
Thursday evenings for playing pool, arcades, socializing and listening to
music. There is also a snack bar. Most of the students who attend are
multicultural. On Friday and Saturday there is a discotheque for all youth
aged 15 and older.
4. Special Programs: The two boys who had only been in
Norway for two years both attend the reception language group. This
group received the core curriculum - math, language, science, and social
studies— with the support of a mother tongue teacher in Urdu. They also
received intensive Norwegian instruction. These two students were
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mainstreamed for art, physical education, and home economics. Two other
students were in special education classes because of an identified learning
handicap. These two students received instruction in Norwegian, math,
and English in a special reduced dass-size support group with a special
education teacher. Their other classes were mainstreamed with an elective
class that the spedal education teacher instructed science and social
studies. All these students were also enrolled in Norwegian as a Second
Language. Four additional boys were in this class instead of mainstream
Norwegian. Six of these students were in the mainstream Norwegian class
and did not attend any of the special programs at the school. The other
eight attended the Norwegian as a Second Language class. Several stated
they elected to do this because "New Norwegian," a requirement in the
curriculum of that course, was too difficult They felt being in the
Norwegian as a Second Language course would be easier for them. One of
the students identified as being a problem had a special behavioral
modification program developed by the school social teacher. He was
beginning to show improvement and would no longer require this
supervision.
5. Mother Tongue Teaching: In general, the students stated they
had from two to four years of Urdu instruction in grades 1 to 4. All
266
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students stated they could speak Urdu, but would have difficulty if asked
to write the language. Table 18 displays the self-professed language
abilities, years in Norway and the number of years of mother tongue
instruction for the males at the Suburb School.
Ten of the fourteen boys either claimed they were most proficient in
Norwegian or that both Norwegian and Urdu were equally as easy for
them. Follow-up with parents and teachers did indicate that very few
could read or write Urdu. Only in rare instances when the father or mother
instructed at home could they become fully literate in Urdu. Most students
spoke Punjabi, the local dialect of their region in Pakistan, on the school
yard with friends. Parents used the local dialect of Punjabi in their
communities. The more educated the family, the more frequent were signs
of Urdu instruction in the home. Most families did not speak the official
language of Urdu, although the schools refer to Punjabi and Urdu as one
and the same.
The boys took great pride in socializing in the language of Punjabi
with their friends. In free periods, most male students were speaking their
language. Only four of the boys consistently with spoke Norwegian at
school, and this became a characteristic of those attempting to assimilate to
Norwegian life. These boys made clear distinctions between the language
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TABLE 18
YEARS OF MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION IN URDU AND
STUDENT SELF-PROFESSED LANGUAGE ABILITY RELATIVE
TO YEARS IN NORWAY FOR MALES AT SUBURB SCHOOL
•
YEARS
SUBJECT YEARS IN U R D U LA N GU A G E M O ST LIV IN G IN
N UM BER IN STR U C TIO N PRO FICIENT NORW AY
54
5 yrs. in Pakistan;
2 yrs. Urdu support
instruction— Norway
Urdu and Punjabi 2 years
24
7 yrs. in Pakistan;
2 yrs. Urdu support
instruction— Norway
Urdu and Punjabi;
"Confident in
Norwegian now"
2 years
18
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
ls^2nd grades in Norway
Norwegian;
"Urdu is confusing - 1
mix it w ith my
Norwegian"
13 years
6
2 yrs. Mother Tongue-
lstf2nd grades in Norway
Norwegian;
"lsV2nd grade Urdu
helped me to
remember my
language"
15.5 years
8
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in Norway;
Father instructed Koran 4
yrs.
Urdu; "I always speak
Urdu, but Norwegian
is also easy"
Bom
11
4 yrs. Mother Tongue -1st-
4th grades in Norway
Norwegian; "I have
forgotten how to
write, but I speak
Punjabi w ith my
M ends*
13 years
17
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lstf2nd grades in Norway;
Mother instructed
language
Same in Urdu St
Norwegian; "I d id n 't
learn much in those 2
years, but mother
helped me keep it u p "
Bom
268
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TABLE 18 CONTINUED
SUBJECT
NUMBER
YEARS IN URDU
INSTRUCTION
LANGUAGE MOST
PROFICIENT
YEARS
LIVING IN
NORWAY
16
3 yis. Mother Tongue
-3rd-5th grades in Norway.
Norwegian and
Punjabi;"! can read and
write in Norwegian, but
[ speak Punjabi with
amily"
9 years
31
6 yrs. Mother Tongue -1st -
6th grade in Norway
Norwegian/Urdu
"I can write Urdu, and
my mother helps m e"
Bom
33
None; just read the Koran
w ith Father
Punjabi/Urdu; "I
cannot read Urdu, but
like to speak Punjabi "
Bom
34
2 yrs. M other Tongue in
Norway; started Koran, but
quit
Norwegian/English; "I
did not learn the Urdu
language. My parents
had separated"
Bom
55
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in Norway
Norwegian/Urdu; "I
liked the Urdu teacher,
but my Norwegian is
best now"
13 yrs. 7
mths.
56
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-2rd-4th grades in Norway.
Urdv^Norwegian; "I
speak Punjabi w ith my
family, and use
Norwegian at school -
both are easy for me"
11 years
59
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-2rd-4th grades in Norway;
and Koran teaching at
Mosque
Urdq/Norwegian; "I
speak Urdu with
family, and use
Norwegian at school. I
feel I need more
instruction in Urdu"
8 years
59 3 yrs. M other Tongue
-2rd-4th grades in Norway;
and Koran teaching at
Mosque
UrdiVNorwegiaii; "I
speak Urdu w ith
family, and use
Norwegian at school. I
feel I need more
instruction in Urdu"
8 years
of school and language of the home. They emphasized the need to practice
Norwegian to gain better vocabulary usage and proficiency.
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All the boys seemed to value the mother tongue instruction in the
elementary school years, but admitted that it did little to increase their
literacy in Urdu. The language in which they proclaim proficiency is
Punjabi, and this is an oral proficiency. The two boys who had only been in
Norway for two years were making good progress in Norwegian. The
oldest boy was able to express himself in Norwegian almost more fluently
than those who had been in Norway since birth. The issue of language as a
cultural element of being Pakistani will be discussed further in the family
case studies. It is important to note that most of the students were in
Norwegian as a Second Language Instruction even though most had been
in Norway since birth or early childhood. The lack of adequate proficiency
in Norwegian is a concern of many teachers. Students claim that they are
fluent in Norwegian, but there are definite language deficits.
6. Support and Recognition in School: Twelve of the fourteen
boys felt that they received the support and recognition they needed from
the teachers in the school. Only two boys distinguished their status in the
school as different from the mainstream Norwegians. As immigrants, they
felt that the teachers treated them differently. One of the boys was in
special education and felt his foreign status may have put him in this
special class. He also had a long history of behavior problems at the school.
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The other student took a more positive outlook stating, "As a foreigner, I
get special classes to help me do better with the Norwegian language."
7. Parental Involvement Seven of the fourteen boys stated that
their parents never came to the school unless there was a problem. These
students stated that neither parent spoke sufficient Norwegian to engage in
dialogue at the school. The Urdu teacher would call the home and provide
information and communication from the school when necessary. The
students whose parents were involved in the school attended the two
parent conferences during the year. In all cases, the father attended these
meetings because the mother could not speak Norwegian. There is severe
lack of parental involvement at the school, and the students are aware that
the problem is culturally and language determined.
8. Weekends and After School Activities: All of the boys engage
in afterschool activities that involve family and friends. Four of the boys
have weekend jobs delivering papers and advertisements in the neighbor
hood to help support the family. Only three of the boys said that they do
homework after school. The rest of the boys had other activities that
involved: TV, helping in the home, soccer, parties, youth center activities,
computer games, and basketball. Only one student mentioned the Mosque
as a weekend or after school activity. Some students take the train to the
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Oslo city center on the weekends. Two students mentioned that they
partied and had started drinking and going out with girls on the weekends.
There are no additional structured activities for the students after school
and on weekends, except for the sports clubs in which few are involved.
9. Concept of Norwegian Government and Social Policy:
Four of the male students stated that they were unimpressed with the
Norwegian Government They said that there were many racist politicians
who passed laws making life difficult for immigrants and foreigners. Four
other boys had no comment on the status of Norway's policies and
regulations regarding immigrants. Six of the boys felt that Norway had
done a lot to help the status of immigrants and foreigners. Seven of the
boys had a mother or father collecting a form of public assistance, either
welfare of disability insurance.
Female Responses to Educational Opportunities at the Suburb School
1. Assistance in School: All the girls stated that they asked their
teachers for assistance in school. Some girls always asked the teacher who
is instructing the class because they felt comfortable asking for help. One
girl asked her favorite teacher in the support class. Another girl asked the
lead teacher for her grade level. Three girls specifically stated that they like
their teachers. Another girl said she asked for help especially in Math
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because that subject was more difficult Girls are more comfortable asking
for help in school and take subject matter more seriously.
2. Assistance with Homework: Seven of the eight girls stated
they get help with their homework from a family member. None of the
girls said that the mother helps with homework. In all cases there was an
older brother or sister living in the home who helped with the homework
assignments. In cases when the older sibling could not help, the father
would assist with the assignments. One girl had an uncle at the university
who would help with homework. One girl stated that she did her own
homework with occasional help for her father. Most girls responded with a
statements such as; "I have four older brothers who help me with my
homework" or "My sister is 20 and she helps me most; but my father and
brother also assist"
3. Involvement in Sports, Clubs, Community Activities: Four of
the girls stated that they had no interests outside the home or they were not
allowed to be involved in activities. One of the girls said that she liked to
read and stay at home. Another girl mentioned the sports event at school
on Fridays that is similar to a tract m eet One girl had membership in a
health club where she did spinning and aerobics with Norwegians and
Pakistani youth. Another girl also mentioned that there simply were no
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activities in which to be involved in the community. One girl stated they
do gym at school and that she did not like sports and preferred no
involvement Those girls who were not allowed to do sports stated it was
due to the coeducational nature of those activities.
4. Special Programs: Seven of the eight girls were enrolled in
Norwegian as a Second Language. One girl received special education
support instruction in Norwegian lessons. Another girl received some help
in Math through support of Urdu primary language instruction. Most girls
did not attend any special programs, but opted to take Norwegian as a
Second Language as opposed to Norwegian I.
5. Mother Tongue Teaching: Most of the students stated they
enjoyed speaking Urdu or Punjabi with their parents and friends. Some of
the students go to special school after school to learn Urdu. One student
stated she would like to read Urdu. Many students acknowledged that
they could not read Urdu even though they received Koranic teaching in
Arabic since very young. Urdu uses Arabic script; however students are
unable to read and write Urdu after study of the Koran. Their fathers
wanted their children to speak Urdu and had helped them to learn;
however, one student stated that she was not really interested in this.
Another girl liked to speak Norwegian most; but speaking Punjabi was
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easiest This student also acknowledged that her written Norwegian was
superior to Punjabi and Urdu. Half of the girls stated that they used to go
to Koranic school to learn to read and write Urdu. However, this did not
occur any more. However, the girls did state they also learn Punjabi when
they go home and speak Punjabi with Mom and Dad. Communicating in
Punjabi was classified as fun. Most girls did state that Norwegian was also
easy. One of the girls liked to learn Urdu in the Mosque but stated it is
difficult She said one of the mothers also works with the girls in small
groups to test their Urdu language proficiency. In general, the girls
believed that both Norwegian and Urdu are good to speak; however, it is
complex to write Urdu. One student mentioned that Social Studies is
difficult in Norwegian because her vocabulary was not as advanced in
Norwegian as in Punjabi. Most of the girls qualified language into what
they liked to speak— Punjabi, what they could read easiest— Norwegian, and
what their parents stressed as important— Urdu.
6. Support and Recognition in School: Six of the girls confirmed
that they received the same support and recognition in school as their
Norwegian peers. Two of the girls felt they "somewhat" received the same
recognition and support as other students. These two girls had indecision
in their eyes and felt in a way that maybe they were treated differently from
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TABLE 19
YEARS OF MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION IN URDU AND
STUDENT SELF-PROFESSED LANGUAGE ABILITY RELATIVE
TO YEARS IN NORWAY FOR FEMALES AT SUBURB SCHOOL
SUBJECT
NUMBER
YEARS IN URDU
INSTRUCTION
LANGUAGE MOST
PROFICIENT
YEARS
LIVING IN
NORWAY
29
2.5 yrs. in Pakistan;
2 yrs. Urdu support
instruction - Norway
Urdu
NorwegiaiVEnglish are
mixed.
13 years
30
3 yrs. Urdu Mother Tongue
-2nd-4th grade in Norway
Punjabi and Urdu,
"Norwegian is getting
better*
12 years
a
23
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in Norway.
Koran Urdu teaching.
Norwegian
a
"I speak Punjabi w ith
my Parents*
Bom
Q
26
3 yrs. Mother Tongue 1st-
3rd grades in Norway
Norwegian;
"Urdu teaching helped
me to remember my
language*
Q
Bom
D
35
3 yrs. Mother Tongue 1st-
3rd grades in Norway; In
Mosque instructed Koran.
Urdu & Punjabi, "I am
not able to read it very
well*
Bom
a
50
3 yrs. Mother Tongue -1st-
3rd grades in Norway.
Koran School Instruction
UrdtVNorwegian; "I
speak Punjabi w ith my
friends, but not write *
0
Bom
Q
25
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in Norway;
Read Urdu at home with
family
Norwegian/Urdu
"I speak both well, but
cannot w rite Urdu.
Punjabi is popular to
sp eak, as well.*
Bom
14
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-lst-3rd grades in Norway.
Read Koran w ith family.
Norwegian and
Punjabi; "Both
languages are equally
easy*
8 years
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the rest of the Norwegians. These were the same two girls who stated a
negative political opinion on the Norwegian government and social system.
7. Parental Involvement: In all cases the fathers came to
meetings at the school. The fathers came to the school for meetings and
parties when they were prearranged and officially invited. All girls made it
clear that the fathers came when called into a meeting or conference only
for the purpose of discussing school progress. Three of the girls stated that
parents do not come to school, but that their fathers make special arrange
ments to come in to school to discuss their academic progress. Girls made
no mention of the mothers having any contact with the school. This is a
critical factor in the schooling of the Pakistani students.
8. Weekends and After School Activities: One girl said that
they spend time with their Norwegian and Pakistani friends after school.
Another girl visits Pakistanis in the neighborhood during the week, but
does not go out on weekends. She said it is wrong to drink and party at
discos like the Norwegian youth are doing. Many of the girls mentioned
sewing workshops and homework as after school activities. Some of the
girls go to the local activity center to socialize with other youth. Other girls
practice Urdu at home and stay with their mothers. Many of the girls
mentioned helping their mothers in the home and preferring to stay at
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home. One girl liked to talk on the phone and visited friends together until
10 p.m., but only during the week. On Saturday she stayed home with her
mother to help in the home. She also went to youth clubs to dance and play
billiards. Only a few of the girls watched TV, saying instead that they sit
and talk with family and play with Pakistani friends after school. On
weekends one of the girls visited the city center. Most preferred to stay
home. If they went any place on the weekend, it was with their mother to
the sewing den or with girls in the neighborhood. One girl played soccer
only with girls after school. In general girls liked staying at home doing
homework or helping their mothers in the home. During the summer the
girls could go out; however, not during the winter when it is too dark.
Girls had very few activities.
9. Concept of Norwegian Government and Social PolicyrTwo of
the eight girls had not really thought about the Norwegian government or
politics. These two girls and another girl did mention the child subsidy that
their family received each month to take care of expenses. This they liked.
Another girl stated, "There is discrimination towards the Pakistani. I feel
like the Norwegians and want to be accepted like them." Only one student
did not receive help from the government Most of the girls stated they did
not really understand politics and had not much thought about this. Two
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girls said they were not interested, but their fathers give them much advice.
These two girls had opinions based on what their parents talk about These
girls said there maybe discrimination, and they did not like politics in
Norway. One of these girls stated, "Karl I. Hagen (Conservative Party
Leader) should not be that way. He is against immigrants, and he should
not think that He can move if he wants to. We are Norwegian too."
Male Responses to Educational Opportunities at the Inner City School
1. Assistance in School: One student stated that sometimes help
was available from the teachers. Another student indicated that he rarely
received some help from the teachers. He has a friend who is smart in
Math and assisted with the assignments. Five of the boys indicated that
they ask the teachers for help and that they get the assistance they need.
One student stated he did not go to the "homework help class" after school
like other students who need help. Another boy confirmed that the teacher
helps him, but that it was not that much help. One boy said that most of
the assistance with schoolwork came from home. Finally, one boy stated
that he did not do the work in school because he did not understand and
did not like to study.
2. Assistance with Homework: One student calls his brother for
help and does not go to the "homework help class" after school. The father
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helps one of the boys, and this boy said that the father helped him more
than the "homework help class." He also said there are good teachers at
the University who volunteer to help at school. Three of the boys stated
that their older brother helped with homework. Another boy said his sister
is very smart to help with homework or he visited the "Urdu Contact club"
for help. One of the fathers was excellent in English he helped the boy a lot
so he would like to go to America to study later. One of the boys said both
his sister and brother help although he did not need much help. A boy said
he was a good listener and often understood most of the lessons. Another
student said he did not do the homework because he always got the blame
in class for being very talkative. Finally, a boy said he did his homework
alone with no help, not even with assistance of the "homework help class."
3. Involvement in Sports, Clubs, Community Activities: Five of
the boys stated that they play basketball with friends (mostly Pakistani) and
also participate in basketball as a club sport with many teams. The boys
had played basketball on many teams. Other boys went to karate clubs.
Most of the boys enjoyed competitive sports. Another boy was part of a
kick boxing club. He also went swimming in the local Toyen Swimming
pool. Another boy did some soccer after school and would occasionally go
to some youth clubs with mostly Norwegians. Regarding the youth clubs,
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one boy stated he did not really do anything but just told parents that so he
could go out and do whatever he wanted. Another student said he did not
really do anything but, did play soccer with all the boys at the schoolyard.
4. Special Programs: One student participated in the alternative
school workshop that focused on learning a trade. Five students were part
of this program that met on Wednesdays and Thursdays to learn the trade
of auto and bike mechanics. Other days these students attended the
regular instruction in the classes at school. This particular student
requested the alternative school. He was not sure why his grades were
poor in the other classes, but he wanted to be in the alternative school. Five
of the students were in Norwegian as a Second Language. One of these
students stated he may later do the Norwegian I class. Another of these
students received resource assistance (special education class) in English
and Norwegian as a Second Language. A student mentioned the special
sculpture elective as a special program. One of these boys took Norwegian
as a Second Language in a special reception class to learn more vocabulary.
Three other boys were in the Norwegian I class, not a special program.
However, one of these boys did get extra resource assistance in the
Norwegian I class. Another student mentioned he got special assistance in
math support class with three other boys.
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5. Mother Tongue Teaching: One student said he was not so
good in Urdu but claimed that was his best language. Often there appears
to be a conflict with what the boys speak, either Punjabi or Urdu, and their
written language, Norwegian. One of the boys said his mother taught him
Urdu, but he was most comfortable speaking in Norwegian and Punjabi.
He also preferred to write in Norwegian. Another student spoke both
Norwegian and Urdu with short responses. He was clearly uncomfortable
with the questions being asked of him. Another student did not like Urdu
primary language instruction. However, another stated he liked to learn
Urdu and that was the easiest language to speak. It is likely he was
referring to Punjabi that was easier to speak. Few students speak Urdu.
One of the boys said he learned to write a little Urdu, but was more
comfortable in writing Norwegian. A student said that he spoke Urdu and
English, two official languages of Pakistan, with his parents, and Punjabi to
his friends. He also practiced Norwegian at home with his parents. Still
another student valued learning Urdu, but acknowledged that he needed
help to write the language. Only one boy said Urdu is the easiest to speak,
but used Norwegian at home to practice. Most of the Inner City School
boys classified Urdu as very difficult to learn and Punjabi easy to speak.
Most had Urdu teaching and cannot write a word of the language. Most
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boys had forgotten all that they learned in Urdu, and prefer to speak
Punjabi.
6. Support and Recognition in School: Four of the boys said
they did obtain the same support and recognition in school as other
students. One boy said that he received more support from the good
teachers. Another stated that some of the teachers support and recognize
them. Two boys stated that there was some racism and that support was
not the same. These two students felt that some Norwegians were racist
Another student stated that teachers "did not have much respect for us".
He said, "Teachers always blame me for doing something wrong." A final
student did also agree that they were not treated the same as other
students.
7. Parental Involvement One boy said, "My mother comes to
school with my brother who is twenty-four years old. His job is to translate
for her because she does not know how to speak Norwegian." Another
student's father checks on his son at school often. He is worried something
might happen to him at school, and he is very strict The rest of the fathers
only came for the parent meetings that are scheduled twice a year for
parents to discuss with teachers the students' progress. The majority of
boys stated that their fathers only came for the parent meeting when
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TABLE 20
YEARS OF MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION IN URDU
AND STUDENT SELF-PROFESSED LANGUAGE ABILITY
RELATIVE TO YEARS IN NORWAY FOR MALES AT
INNER CITY SCHOOL
SUBJECT
NUMBER
EARS IN URDU
NSTRUCTION
ANGUAGE MOST
ROFICIENT
YEARS LIVING
IN NORWAY
2
3 yrs. Mother
Tongue- lst-3rd
grades in Norway.
Urdu and Punjabi
"I am good speaking
Urdu, but not so
good writing
Norwegian"
Born
3
4 yrs. Mother
Tongue-
lst-4th grade in
Norway; Mother
taught me Urdu.
Urdu & Norwegian;
"I speak Urdu well,
but I write best in
Norwegian."
9 years
12
4 yrs. Mother
Tongue -lst-4th
grades in Norway
Norwegian and
Urdu, Student had
difficulty
articulating.
Bom
13
2 yrs. Mother
Tongue -4tty5th
grades in Norway
NorwegiaiVEnglish
& Urdu; "Urdu
instruction was not
useful"
Bom
14
2 yrs. Mother
Tongue -ls^2nd
grades in Norway.
Urdu; "It was good
to get Urdu
instruction; I can
now read the Koran
along".
Bora
15
2 yrs. Mother
T ongue-5tty6th
grades in Norway
Norwegian; "I
learned to read and
write a little Urdu"
Bom
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TABLE 20 CONTINUED
SUBJECT
NUMBER
YEARS IN URDU
INSTRUCTION
LANGUAGE MOST
PROFICIENT
YEARS LIVING
IN NORWAY
16
3 yrs. Mother
Tongue -lst-3rd
grades in Norway
EngiisVNorwegian
S c Urdu; "Father
helped me learn
English; don't know
Urdu too well"
Born
17
1/2 yrs Mother
Tongue -4th grade in
Norway; Koran
reading for 8 years
with father.
Urdu S c Norwegian;
"Would like to know
how to write Urdu
better"
Bom
o
18
2 yrs. Mother
Tongue instruction,
3rd/4th grades-too
difficult
Punjabi &
Norwegian
"Urdu is too
difficult"
Bom
19
2 yrs. Mother
Tongue
-lsV2nd grades in
Norway.
Punjabi S c
Norwegian
"I cannot write a
word of Urdu, too
difficult"
8 years
formally invited. The fathers visited the school and the doctor's offices or
other official offices because the mothers do not speak Norwegian well.
The emphasis on parent involvement was seen as the formal invitation to
conferences at the school. Because fathers speak Norwegian, mothers were
rarely seen on campus. Parents seldom came to the school to visit or
participate in their children's learning outside of the formal parent-teacher
conference.
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8. Weekends and After School Activities: The boys mentioned
a variety of weekend and after school activities. Three of them participated
in training for a local basketball team. Another two boys did participate in
other sports such as swimming and soccer. Only two of the boys
mentioned studying or doing homework as an after school or weekend
activity. Three boys went to youth clubs on the weekends near their homes.
Two of the boys mentioned visiting other Pakistani families in their free
time. Two of the boys took care of their families and stayed home on
weekends. Three boys mentioned going to the movies with family or
friends. Two boys went shopping in town with friends. One of them said
that he could do whatever he wanted as long as he told his parents where
he was going. Four of the boys went to night clubs in town and sometimes
to parties on the weekends. One of these boys went to a night club because
his older brother knew the doorman and the boy could get in for free. Two
of the boys had a paper route job after school to earn extra money. The one
boy delivered advertisements to earn money for himself. Most boys
enjoyed being friends and getting together with siblings.
9. Concept of Norwegian Government and Social Policy: The
Inner City School boys had varied responses to concepts of Norwegian
government and social policy. One of the students believed the Norwegian
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system was good because his mother received a disability pension.
Another student liked the labor party and youth party movement because
he could follow what was going on in politics. He also appreciated the
pension that his family received. Yet another boy only knew of the labor
party and had little comment Four other boys stated that they liked the
Labor Party in Norway. One boy in particular gave a very smart analysis of
the new coalition government of center parties having difficulty coming to
consensus. He would rather see a labor party in power. Another boy who
mentioned he liked the government also discussed his dislike of Karl L
Hagen, a conservative politician. He said that this politician was the one
against criminals and immigrants. "He wants to stop the foreigners from
coming to this country7 ' said the boy. Another student also said the
Conservative Party is racist and that the public often throws tomatoes at
Karl L Hagen when he speaks. This student's parent also goes to
unemployment courses for learning new skills and receives a stipend.
Another boy said that he liked the labor party because they did not dis
tinguish between a "dark or blond issue: to them we are all Norwegians."
His sister is also on disability since she lost her fingers in a meat packing
factory. A final boy did not really think about politics; however, he
acknowledged that his mother goes to Norwegian classes and his father
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gets a pension since he is retired. In general the Oslo Inner City School
boys had much more interest and developed opinions about politics than
did the Oslo Suburb School students.
Female Responses to Educational Opportunities at Inner City School
1. Assistance in School: Five of the girls stated they received the
help they need from teachers who were willing to answer questions. Some
of the girls stated that they did not need the "Homework Help Course"
after school and others said that they received assistance, but it was not
always necessary. One girl stated that the teachers ask if they need help
and that would make it easier to get assistance in school. Four of the girls
were more negative about the support they received in school. One girl
stated she did not get much help, but that the women teachers did often ask
if they needed more time on lessons. Another girl said that students are
constantly talking back to teachers in class and this prevents the teacher
from helping others. A girl also said that they (the girls) need an all-girls
school because they would have more freedom to be involved in school and
get help. She also said that the teachers do not always have time to answer
questions. Another girl said that students have much more respect at
schools in Pakistan. This same girl said that she has no problem asking for
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help, and that one of her girl friends assisted her. However, like another
student she felt she needed to do most of the work herself.
2. Assistance with Homework: Three of the girls receive help
from an older brother. Most of the girls' older siblings were bom in
Norway so they could assist with assignments. One of the girls' mothers
was good in English. Five of the girls mentioned "Homework Help" class
after school as a support for homework. Another girl has a cousin who was
18 years old and in high school who helped. One girl mentioned her sister,
and three girls said their fathers could help them. One girl did not need
help with school. One girl said her father finds the work to be difficult and
cannot help, and she is very tired of all the assignments after school.
3. Involvement in Sports, Clubs, Community Activities: One of
the girls mentioned attending the "Bislet" track games at the local stadium
once a year. Another girl discussed the sewing dub and would not be
involved in sports. Five girls said they did not do anything outside the
home, and another had no answer. One girl attended the social clubs only
in the sixth grade. A final girl had no activities, but tried to get other girls to
go with her because she felt they needed "all girls" activities.
4. Special Programs: Four girls took Norwegian as a Second
Language. Three girls attended Norwegian I course. One girl had no
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answer. Two girls attended the language reception class because they had
no school prior to coming to Norway. Three of the girls were part of a
special program to prepare food in the canteen for students during and
after school.
5. Mother Tongue Teaching: One student spoke more in Urdu
and Punjabi than Norwegian. In 4 * * 1 grade this girl went to the language
"reception class" because she had just moved from Pakistan. Another
student's mom and dad helped with Urdu instruction in school, and this
girl claimed to be comfortable in both Norwegian and Urdu. One student
claimed to be fluent in Norwegian because she could write and speak the
language. Similarly, another girl had just learned a few words in Urdu, but
stated that she was equally good in Norwegian and Urdu. This is unlikely,
but due to the strong cultural identity linked to language students are quick
to claim this. One student asserted that she read Urdu, and could write
Norwegian, although Urdu was claimed to be equally easy overall.
Another girl claimed that speaking good Norwegian was important for
equality and to become rich. She said Urdu was difficult and the Koran too
strict Another girl said Urdu was too hard, and she was most at ease in
Norwegian. This was true for most of the girls who did not learn much
Urdu and found it too complex and strict One girl summed up the
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TABLE 21
YEARS OF MOTHER TONGUE INSTRUCTION IN URDU AND
STUDENT SELF-PROFESSED LANGUAGE ABILITY RELATIVE TO
YEARS IN NORWAY FOR FEMALES AT INNER CITY SCHOOL
SUBJECT
NUMBER
YEARS IN URDU
INSTRUCTION
LANGUAGE MOST
PROFICIENT
YEARS
LIVING
IN NORWAY
1
3 yrs. in Pakistan;
1 yr. Urdu support
instruction - Norway
Urdu and Punjabi;
Norwegian last
5 years
4
7 yrs. in Pakistan;
2 yrs. Urdu support
instruction - Norway
Urdu and Punjabi;
"Confident in
Norwegian now"
Born
5
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in
Norway
Norwegian;
"Urdu is confusing -
I mix it with my
Norwegian"
13 years
6
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in
Norway
Norwegian;
"ls^2nd grade Urdu
helped me to
remember my
language"
15.5 years
7
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in
Norway; Father
instructed Koran 4 yrs.
Urdu; "I always
speak Urdu, but
Norwegian is also
easy"
Born
8
4 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lst-4th grades in
Norway
Norwegian; "I have
forgotten how to
write, but I speak
Punjabi with my
friends"
13 years
9
2 yrs. Mother Tongue -
lsV2nd grades in
Norway; Mother
instructed language
Same in Urdu &
Norwegian; "I
didn't learn much
in those 2 years, but
mother helped me
keep it up"
Bom
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TABLE 21 CONTINUED
SUBJECT
NUMBER
YEARS IN URDU
INSTRUCTION
LANGUAGE MOST
PROFICIENT
YEARS
LIVING
IN NORWAY
11
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-3rd-5th grades in
Norway.
Norwegian and
Punjabi; "I can read
and write in
Norwegian, but I
speak Punjabi with
family"
9 years
10
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-2nd to 41 * 1 grade in
Norway
Norwegian & Urdu;
"I did not
understand much in
Urdu. Just some
words'
10 years -
born in
Germany
20
3 yrs. Mother Tongue
-2nd to 4th grade in
Norway
Norwegian & Urdu;
"Don't know Urdu
so well. My father
helps me to read it"
10 years
experience well, "Father shows us how to read but it is too difficult I can
do both languages equally well, but I speak Urdu to my parents and other
adults."
6. Support and Recognition in School: Five girls said they get
the same support in school as other girls. Two of the girls were not sure of
the recognition question. Four other girls said that they did not get the
same recognition in school from their teachers. One girl made reference to
her father not speaking to her brothers who did not complete the high
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school. She spoke of some racism because Pakistanis are singled out for
trouble.
7. Parental Involvement Two girls said, "My father is the only
one to come for the school meetings." One more girl said her father comes
for parent night and that is not often. Three other girls said parents come
only to the meetings at school. Another student said that her parents were
not involved, and die teachers only send letters home for being bad not
good. Two girls said that their parents did not come to school, except for
parent meetings. A final girl said that her dad came for meetings, but "I am
not a problem so he does not come so often."
8. Weekends and After school Activities: Girls did not
participate in many activities. Most of the girls stated that they help their
mothers. One girl helped in the local grocery the family owns. She also
liked to watch TV, prepare food, do homework, and play with her friend
horn Sri Lanka. One girl did go to the Mosque five times a week to read the
Koran, otherwise she had to stay home with her parents most of the time.
Some girls visited Pakistani families in the neighborhood. Many mentioned
doing homework, going to the library and taking care of smaller siblings.
In general, the girls were not allowed to go out and had to stay close to
home with their mothers. Some girls did go to music concerts, but were not
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allowed to go into the Oslo parks. Girls were not allowed to go to town
with friends, especially at night when the bars are open. One girl claimed
that, "we are not to have fun, and have to stay at home with mom to help.
Sometimes I can go to a new film." Another girl stated that she could do
nothing with Norwegians except in Gjovik, a rural town. I did have
Norwegian friends and so did my parents. We did things together.
9. Concept of Norwegian Government and Social Policy: Three
girls believed that the government did a good job. The parents of two of
these girls received pensions from the government The other girl who
supported the social policies said that her parents did not need help from
the government but knew that it was there if they did need anything. Five
other girls did not think about the concepts of social policy and government
assistance. Another girl said that the government makes promises that are
not kept One of the girls discussed her father's political views. He voted
the conservative right wing party, but she did not know too much about it
She said that he attends employment training and believes these programs
to be good.
Achievement Patterns of the Pakistani Students
The achievement patterns of Pakistani students have been of great
interest to educators in Norway. A framework for analyzing their
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achievement context from the perspective of students included in this study
was presented in the literature review. Most achievement problems for
minority immigrants have been attributed to language or culture.
However, Ogbu (1998) and other scholars have determined variable factors
- community and educational responses - as indicators of achievement for
minority children. These factors will become more apparent in the familial
case studies, but also emerge in the data from the 42 student interviews.
Most important is to note that achievement is not only a measure of student
success with the curriculum, but also the teachers' delivery of instruction.
The literature review also detailed the importance of partnerships and
collaboration with parents and the community. All of these factors will be
taken into account in the final analysis of Pakistani student achievement
patterns. Test scores are not the sole indicators.
Achievement measures are presented for the exit exams in 9th grade
at the Suburb and Inner City schools in Oslo. Student perspectives are
illustrated for the curriculum relative to course content, grades, satisfaction
with schooling, post secondary career aspirations, anticipated educational
level completed, and perceptions of social status mobility. Student
matriculation and drop-out statistics are presented in this section on the
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total student population in the Oslo schools. This form of data collection
for the Oslo Schools was relatively new.
Male Responses to Achievement Variables at the Suburb School
Tables 22,23, 24 and 25 explicate the relationship between the
students' self-reported grades, course emphasis, post secondary career
aspirations and anticipated educational level to be completed. Grades in
Norway are also on a five point scale, so the letter grades of A = excellent, B
= good, C = average, D = poor, F = failing were used for ease of translation.
Course emphasis was determined by the courses that the students indicated
were either most important to them or their favorite.
The boys who stated their career aspiration was to be a Data
(Computer) Engineer saw this as a real life possibility because one of the
boy's older brothers currently had this job. The boys idolized him as a
success. Four of these boys were often together on the school yard, referred
to by the principal as the "four leaf clover" because they were always
together. Each of these boys stated that he had very good grades before the
9th grade, but did not seem to care as much about studying any longer.
These boys did not do homework, preferring to socialize and be with their
friends. The only student with Fs stated that there were many words he
did understand in school. This student was also in special education. The
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TABLE 22
MALE SUBURB STUDENT SELF-REPORTED GRADES & COURSE
EMPHASIS RELATIVE TO POST SECONDARY CAREER AND
EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
SUBJECT
COURSE
EMPHASIS GRADES
POST SECONDARY
CAREER
ASPIRATIONS
LEVEL OF
EDUCATION
54 All C s& D s Do not know Do not know
24 All As & Bs Data (Computer)
Engineer
University
18 M ath/ Science Ds & Fs Engineer or Architect University
6
Math/Science Cs & Ds Bioengineer or Chemist University
8 Physical (PE)
Education
Cs Engineer, but not sure High School
Maybe Univ.
11 Physical (PE)
Education
Ds Data (Computer)
Engineer
University
17 Physical (PE)
Education
Ds Data (Computer)
Engineer
or Civil Engineer
University
16 Physical (PE)
Education
Cs Data (Computer)
Engineer
or Civil Engineer
Maybe
University
31 Math/English
Norwegian
Bs & Cs Computer Scientist University
33 PE/M ath Ds Security Guard High School
34 English and
German
Cs Psychologist University
55 Math Bs &Cs Medical Doctor University
56 PE/M ath Bs&Cs Medical Doctor University
59 PE/M ath Cs Medical Doctor University
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TABLE 23
FEMALE SUBURB STUDENT SELF-REPORTED GRADES & COURSE
EMPHASIS RELATIVE TO POST-SECONDARY CAREER AND
EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
SUBJECT COURSE
EM PHASIS
GRADES POST SECONDARY
CAREER ASPIRATIONS
LEVEL OF
EDUCATION
29 English Bs& Cs Business Administration,
Management
University in
England
30 Home
Economics
Textiles/Sew
Bs &Cs
Do not know
High School
23 Norwegian &
Physical (PE)
Education
Bs &Cs
Lawyer
University - 6
years in
Norway
26 English and
Math
Bs& Cs Doctor University
35 Home
Economics
Cs Move to England and get
a job
High School
50 Norwegian Cs & Ds Not sure, but want to
study
University
25 Mathematics Bs& Cs Work in an office High School
14 English &
Social Studies
Cs Pharmacist University
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TABLE 24
MALE INNER CITY STUDENT SELF-REPORTED GRADES &
COURSE EMPHASIS RELATIVE TO POST-SECONDARY
CAREER AND EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
SUBJECT
COURSE
EMPHASIS GRADES
POST-SECONDARY
CAREER
ASPIRATIONS
LEVEL OF
EDUCATION
2 Physical (PE)
Education &
Norwegian
Ds& Fs Lawyer University
3 English &
Social Studies
Bs&Cs Pilot University
12 Do not know Cs Do not know High School
13 Math/Social
Studies
Cs Doctor University
14 Physical (PE)
Education &
Science
Cs Not sure, but will get a
job after High School
High School
15 Physical (PE)
Education &
Mathematics
As & Bs Basketball player or
Doctor
University
16 Physical (PE)
Education &
Math/Science
Ds Astronaut/Space related
job
University
17 Sciences Bs Doctor University
18 Art-Sculpture Fs Engineer, Electrician,
Business
University
19 Norwegian as a
2nd Language
Bs, Cs &
Ds
Electrician University
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TABLE 25
FEMALE INNER CITY STUDENT SELF-REPORTED GRADES &
COURSE EMPHASIS RELATIVE TO POST-SECONDARY CAREER
AND EDUCATIONAL ASPIRATIONS
SUBJECT
COURSE
EMPHASIS GRADES
POST-SECONDARY
CAREER
ASPIRATIONS
LEVEL OF
EDUCATION
1 French Bs&Cs Do not know University
4 Home
Economics
Bs & Cs Cashier, grocery store; or
flight attendant
High School
5 Photography
& English
Cs Doctor, Heart Specialist University -
Many years
6 Norwegian Cs Police Woman University
7 Science &
Social Studies
Bs Lawyer or Doctor Not Sure
8 Physical (PE)
Education &
English
Cs & Ds Do not know High School
Maybe
University
9 English Cs & Ds Fashion Designer Some
University
11 Norwegian &
English
Cs Doctor 7 years at the
University
10 Science &
Physical (PE)
Education
Bs&Cs Doctor 7 years at the
University
20 Physical (PE)
Education,
Art, Math
Cs & Ds "Get a job in Norway
that I think is
interesting"
High School
student with A's received these grades in the language reception class out
of which he was soon to be transitioned to mainstream completely. He
received Bs in the mainstream classes.
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The only student who stated he would not go on to University said
that he saw no point in studying for so many years when you can't really
get those jobs. He also stated that the income was not that good. The
security guard position was a fine job that would take care of all his needs.
This student was also in special education classes. All the other boys had
high aspirations with rather low grades.
Another student stated, "In 7th and 8th grade I thought I wanted to
be something (else); however, now I don't see the point of working hard
when there is nothing to gain. I realize I should do my homework, but I just
don't know why anymore. It used to be different" He continues, "My
brother has a small kiosk, and he is able to earn well and provide for his
family. I think that is it for me too."
1. Professional Career and Social Status Mobility— To validate
the career aspirations, students were asked if they felt they could be a
doctor, lawyer or other professional. Responses for these 14 suburb males
indicated that six of these students did not want to study that hard for what
they stated as "difficult jobs to get" It can be inferred that these students
have high aspirations; however, lack the belief that through hard work such
goals could be accomplished. Five of these boys stated that they would
definitely "yes" become a professional, such as a doctor. The remaining
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three said that they might become such a professional if they studied very
hard in school, but weren't completely sure if they could do it
One students family spent close to $700 on the oldest sons books for
high school. He trashed the books and never w ent "Our family has very
little money, and it broke my father's heart that my older brother did not
study. He is on drugs, and very well known in the drug culture in Oslo.
He ran away, and we don't know where he lives. My family has given up
on him, and I stay home all the time with my mother so they will not
worry about me." Generally, parents have high aspirations for their
children.
The half-African, half-Pakistani student's mother told him to make
sure he used a Norwegian name if ever he wanted to apply for a job. Many
students made inferences to the job segregation and job discrimination in
Oslo. Several newspaper articles validate the concern of immigrants
regarding racial discrimination in the workforce.
2. Satisfaction with Schooling: Overwhelmingly, the boys stated
that the greatest satisfaction in being at school was to be with other
Pakistanis— their friends— during the free periods, gym, student evenings
and the school trips. Two of the boys stated they liked the science teacher
and the chemistry and math projects. There was a lack of academic focus
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on the responses to this question. For most of the these boys, school is seen
as a means to be with their friends and place for sharing in social activities.
One of the four boys of the "four leaf clover" stated that he felt most
comfortable with his group because they "think the same about everything
and support one another."
3. Dissatisfaction with Schooling: Answers to this question
ranged from too much homework to the differential treatment of some
teachers toward the Pakistani students. One student stated that some
teachers are against the Pakistanis because of their behavior in school.
"They do not always do as they are told, and often cause problems at the
school." As a matter of fact two of the boys of the "four leaf clover" were
involved in an incident with the police. They had painted graffiti on the
school campus. The two other boys were careful not to implicate their
friends, so they all got in trouble. Two of the students mentioned that they
disliked the childish behavior of some students who drink and smoke on
the school campus. Still others were not pleased with a particular course
and the grades they received. English was the most frequently mentioned
course of dissatisfaction and difficulty. Finally, one student stated that he
felt like the rest of the students at the school did not accept him.
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Female Responses to Achievement Variables at the Suburb School
Only four of the girls expressed high aspirations for a career after
high school; however, five of the eight girls did state they would attend
some university even though they did not know exactly what they might be
doing later in life. Girls generally had better grades than boys and
mentioned that they liked to study in school and at home. One girl did say
that her grades have gone down since she has been in the eighth grade. She
is thinking too much of boys and friends, not her schoolwork. The girls
differentiated between classes in which they get very good grades and
those they do not Girls made clear distinctions between those classes they
enjoy and those in which they get good grades. Five of the girls stated that
they wanted jobs that were peaceful and relaxing so they could save energy
for family and the home.
1. Professional Career and Social Status Mobility: To validate
the career aspirations, students were asked if they felt they could be a
doctor, lawyer or other professional. The suburb girls were split on this
issue. Four of the girls stated that they felt they could become
professionals, such as a doctor or lawyer. One said if she studied very hard
she may be able to do just that Four other girls said that it would not be
possible. One stated that she forgets too many things, and studying that
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much would be too difficult Two other girls were not sure how that could
be done, and it seemed too demanding. Another girl stated that her best
friend had an older sister who studied to be a doctor. Apparently it had
been very challenging, and she did not want to have to do that
2. Satisfaction with Schooling: Girls were satisfied with their
schooling experience. Girls liked speaking to their friends, playing games
at recess, having free periods to do extracurricular activities, and
participating in the sewing club with other young girls and their mothers.
One girl said she like the school because people did not tease them for
being from another culture. Three of the girls said they like everything
about school because it was such a nice place to be.
3. Dissatisfaction with Schooling: Girls mentioned certain
aspects of school that were not as positive. Four girls felt that there was
fighting at school between the Pakistani girls because others say bad things
about them. They felt this was to try and blame them for problems in the
classes. One girl did say that she felt the Norwegian girls did not like them.
An insightful girl stated that if girls had separate schools there would be no
problems like this. The same girl who said that her grades were dropping
because of interest in boys said that boys were the most irritating factor at
school. Typically, some of the girls said they did not like to take tests. Two
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girls also said that they would not like to have to take science and math at
school. It was too difficult These minor dissatisfactions were outweighed
by the positive aspects of being with girl friends at school. Most Pakistani
girls stayed together during free periods.
Male Responses to Achievement Variables at the Inner City School
The Oslo Inner City School boys had fairly good self-reported
grades. The most commonly mentioned subject of interest was physical
education followed by both Mathematics and Science. Career aspirations
ranged from simply getting a job after high school to becoming a lawyer or
astronaut Eight of the ten boys did intend to go to the university after high
school even though they were uncertain of their career aspirations. Boys
did not discuss aspects of study and hard work to develop careers. Most of
the boys idealized what they felt would be exciting and prestigious jobs.
Boys did feel that they would have opportunities to get jobs after high
school in the local Oslo job market
1. Professional Career and Social Status Mobility: To validate
the career aspirations, students were asked if they felt they could be a
doctor, lawyer or other professional. Six of the ten boys from the Oslo
Inner City School did not believe that this was possible. Two said that
maybe it could happen if they were able to study very hard. One boy in
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particular stated that he would not want to do all that work. He would
rather just get a job. Four of the boys did affirm that they felt it was a
possibility. Three of these were the boys who had already proclaimed
being a doctor as their career aspiration. What is interesting is that most of
the boys have stated that they will go to college, but do not believe that
they can become professionals, such as doctors and lawyers. Even the
student who said his career aspiration was to be lawyer, admitted that his
grades were too poor to actually do this. He also said his brothers had
done nothing of great professional potential, so how could he do it?
2. Satisfaction with Schooling: Boys at the school were generally
satisfied with their experience there. Activities of great pleasure were being
with friends, the lunch hour and breaks. Two boys said that they loved
school because they liked to study and learn new things. Another boy
mentioned that the diverse cultures at the school made it a very
interestingAnother boy mentioned that the diverse cultures at the school
made it a very interesting place to be. The principal was very well liked by
a boy who said that he often went to him to discuss problems and seek
advice.
3. Dissatisfaction with Schooling: Areas of dissatisfaction with
the school focused around classroom conflicts with teachers and peers.
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Some of the boys said that fighting was common, although in recent years it
was getting better. Rumors about Pakistani students and feelings of racism
were much less present at the school, and rarely seemed to be an issue.
Some students mentioned that teachers were not always helpful with issues
pertaining to assignments. One boy mentioned that he did not like the
smoking at the school. Another did not like the fact that they were made to
stay inside during breaks when the weather (snow, rain, and sleet) was not
good. Finally, some of the boys felt the double periods were too long to
have to stay in class.
Female Responses to Achievement Variables at the Inner City School
The Oslo Inner City School girls had high aspirations for success
after high school. Seven of the ten girls wanted to go to college, and four of
these girls wanted to become doctors. The girls also had diverse interests in
courses ranging from a traditional course such as home economics to
physical education and the sciences. Girls were traditional in their
thoughts about schooling, but believed that they could achieve great things
in Norway. Girls tended to have better grades in certain subjects than
others, and they achieved average to good grades in most classes.
1. Professional Career and Social Status Mobility: To validate
the career aspirations, students were asked if they felt they could be a
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doctor, lawyer or other professional. Nine of the ten girls felt they could
become a professional such as a doctor of lawyer if they studied and
worked hard to achieve this goal. One girl was an extreme exception
stating, "No, naturally I would not want to do those things. Law is the
worst profession, and this is not acceptable for a woman to do." Five of the
nine girls who said that they could become professionals said it with
exclamation, "Well, of course, if I want to!" However, only four of the nine
girls stated these jobs as career aspirations. In general, these four girls had
more confidence in their abilities and believed that studying and working
hard could lead to success.
2. Satisfaction with Schooling: Girls are satisfied with schooling
at the Oslo Inner City School. They like to speak to their friends and enjoy
break time. Girls said they "love" school and that learning is fun. One girl
pointed out that she liked the female teachers because it was easier to speak
to them. Two girls mentioned the best thing about school was the subject
matter they enjoyed— history and gym time. Girls had many positive
aspects of schooling.
3. Dissatisfaction with Schooling: Dissatisfaction with schooling
focused on areas of conflict with boys, difficulty with teachers, and content
matter that was challenging in the classes. Girls mentioned math as
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difficult; and gym to be a problem. Gym was a problem because of having
to shower and change in front of others. Two girls had a problem with this
because of privacy issues. Three girls did not like math. This was the worst
part of school. Three girls mentioned teasing by boys and fighting in school
to be difficult to handle. One of these girls said that some of boys spread
rumors about them that are not true to get them in trouble with their
parents. Two girls mentioned a bad teacher as a source of dissatisfaction in
school. An unusual case was the girl who said that she did not like the
breaks and free periods because she did not know what to do with her time.
Finally, one girl mentioned if she had an all girls school they could do
whatever they wanted and not have to worry about problems, that is with
the boys.
Cultural Adaptation of the Pakistani Students
Pakistani students have various levels of cultural contact with the
mainstream Norwegians. This section will analyze the students' behaviors
and perceptions relative to their cultural contact in the community and
school. Emphasis is placed on illustrating the students' understanding of
their own culture and that of the mainstream Norwegians. Students
responded to open ended questions dealing with their life in Norway,
school friendships, parents' friendships, trips to Pakistan and the
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probability of returning, traditional Islamic customs, Norwegian customs,
and relations to other cultures.
Gordon's (1964) levels of assimilation are presented in the
identifying characteristics of the Pakistani students' experiences in the two
contexts, Suburb School and Inner City School. To what level have these
students taken on the cultural patterns of the Norwegians and have they or
their parents entered into the social networks and institutions of the
mainstream Norwegians? These factors are analyzed and displayed
relative to the assimilation levels of Gordon's framework. The concept of
enculturation (learning the Pakistani culture) and acculturation (learning
the Norwegian culture) will also be clarified by the familial life histories.
Student survival strategies, as identified by Ogbu (1983,1991), are
behaviors or attitudes that students adapt in accommodation or resistance
to the mainstream values of success at the school. These behaviors will also
illustrate the impact of Pakistani parent and community attitudes and
responses to the treatment of schools and Norwegian society in the familial
case studies. Pakistani student experiences with the school and home
communities explain their frame of reference for academic success and
social identity. Attention will be given to the unique gender experience at
both schools. The following data demonstrate their story.
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Suburb Male Student Cultural Adaptation
1. Life: When students were asked about their lives in Norway
most indicated satisfaction because of the freedom and lovely nature of the
country. However, one of the males very articulately explained his conflict
between the home and school. He said," I live in two worlds— one at school
and one at home. It is like I have two relationships, and I have to balance
both to be successful. I am afraid I may not be able to keep balancing them
both because I often get stressed." One other student discussed his view of
racial tension in Norway. He believed that the Pakistani, Vietnamese and
Turkish were beginning to fight too much in the city. He felt that the gangs
that were forming would cause problems for him in school. Another
students felt great pressure and fear about the possibility of getting into
trouble at the school. He said that he has to be careful not to cause
problems or be involved in delinquency, even though those who do it are
his friends. He felt he had to be fair to his friends, but also respect his
parents.
2. Friendships: Seven of the fourteen boys indicated that they
only have Pakistani friends at school and in the community. Two of the
boys said that they are friends with all the students at the school and there
is no difference between the cultures. The other four boys indicated they
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have mostly Pakistani friends, but also have some friends who are
Norwegian. The boy whose mother was African, stated that most of his
friends were outside the school and also African. He did not identify
Pakistani students as his friends. Observations in the school yard revealed
that most of the Pakistani students stay together in their free periods. There
is little socializing with Norwegians. Two of the boys who said they have
friends of all cultures including Norwegians were often seen with students
other than Pakistanis. However, it was obvious that these two students did
stay together. One of the boys who said he only had Pakistani friends also
gave the reason to be that Norwegians drink and smoke, so they were not
to be trusted.
3. Parent's Visitation and Relationship with Neighbors: All
students indicated that their parents only visit Pakistani friends and
families in the local neighborhood and Oslo city. One student said that his
parents only go out if some one close dies, and another stated that they
never visited people. Some of the students said that they had uncles and
other relatives in the Oslo who they see sometimes. Few of the students
said that their parents would visit the Norwegian neighbors in their
apartment buildings. Only one student said that he visited a Norwegian
family with his parents. Many of the boys indicated that their mothers did
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visit the other Pakistani mothers in the neighborhood often. The majority
of these boys indicated that there was no interaction with Norwegians other
than a simple greeting, "Good Day." One student did say he hated his
neighbors because they were racist Students said that they would meet
friends out in the neighborhood and not at their houses. They rarely visited
anyone either.
4. Frame of Reference and Customs: The following table will
describe the boys' relationships to the countries of Pakistan and Norway
and their involvement with each of the cultures. Table 26 shows the last
visit to Pakistan, Islamic practices, television viewing, relationships,
Norwegian customs, and the concept of returning to Pakistan. The subject
number is not given; however, these male students are presented in the
exact order as they have been since the start of the analysis (54, 24,18, 6, 8,
11,17,16, 31,33,34, 55, 56, & 59).
These boys claimed that they wore their traditional Pakistani robes
at home at night and when attending special religious functions with the
family. None of the boys would return to Pakistan later in life, but a
majority had the strongest affiliation with the Pakistani group. Four
students claimed to have similar affiliations with the Norwegians as with
the Pakistanis. Only two of the boys said they related best to the
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TABLE 26
MALE SUBURB STUDENT INVOLVEMENT IN
PAKISTANI AND NORWEGIAN CULTURES
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
W hom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
2 yeais ago Parties,
Ramadan
Don't
know
Pakistani
people
None, go on
school trips
Don't know
2 years ago No, do not
go to a
Mosque
films,
comedy
Both, if they
talk to me
I don't
know any
customs
No, English
not good
enough
3 years ago No. when a
child
studied
Koran
American
Shows -
Xfiles
Pakistanis
because we
are together
Downhill
skiing is fun
No, I want
to travel
Europe
6 years ago Rarely go
w ith father
to Mosque
Educations
1 shows
about
WW2
Both Pakistani
Sc Norwegian
Nice
culture, but
do not
practice
No, but
family has
house to
visit
3 years ago
Visit father's
house
Father goes
to Mosque
each
Friday, I
may go.
Fresh
Prince,
American
Comedy
Pakistanis Skiing No, just
continue to
visit
2 years ago -
I also found
my girl.
No, only
fast for
Ramadam
Comedies
Pakistanis, we
think the same
No, too
cold— don't
like to ski
No, just
visit. I can't
write Urdu!
3 years ago,
Finished the
House
Yes, Every
week -
Father to
Mosque
TV series
and
comedies
Pakistanis
Nice
culture, I
have skied a
few times.
My parents
might, but I
will stay.
Never since
I came to
Norway
Attended
Mosque up
to three
yrs. ago
Comedies
Both
Pakistanis &
Norwegians
Not really
interested
No, stay
here M any
who I want!
3 years ago -
leaving July
to buy
home.
Ramadam
& special
celebrations
English &
American
TV
Norwegians
Norwegian
girls and
boys are too
free
No way! It
is dirty and
hot there.
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TABLE 26 CONTINUED
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
W hom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
2 years ago official
celebration
s with
father
No TV Pakistanis None
No, Stay in
Norway
forever.
12 years ago No-started
Koran
No TV Africans;
Pakistanis try
to be tough
(stupid)
Skiing Only to visit
later in life
1 year ago Mosque
with older
brother
each week
Fresh Prince Norwegians
Parents
have a
cabin, we go
into nature
No
1 year ago Father & I
go for
Religious
holidays to
Mosque
Fresh Prince Pakistanis
Nice
culture,
I play club
soccer
Maybe, I
could be a
Doctor for
Poor people
1 year ago Ramadam
Fasting
Sports Both
Pakistanis &
Norwegians
I like to ski
and take
trips
Only for
vacation to
see family.
Norwegians. The data above indicate that there are varying levels of
assimilation patterns among the boys.
One of the boys stated that his uncle moved back to Pakistan because
he was unable to see the relevance of staying in Norway when the people
did not respect them. Many of the students have relatives who live in
Denmark and England. Two of the students have gone to visit their uncles
and cousins living in these countries. It is obvious from what one of the
students who is perceptive pointed out; that to make it in Pakistan you
must have superior English skills. For this reason alone, the student felt it
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was better to stay in Norway. In Pakistan all the good jobs are reserved for
bilingual English speakers, according to this student Other students
mentioned that they could not read and write Urdu well enough to return.
Many families have gone back to visit because of a sick relative or a
wedding, but few move back. Some of the boys thought that their parents
might move back to Pakistan to retire once all the children had married and
had their own families in Norway.
One student said, "I am going to stay in Norway, but being Pakistani
is most important to me. It will be fine because I have almost half of the
family living here in Norway now, and we will keep our language and
Islam alive."
Another issue that has been a concern to some of the boys is the
freedom that Norwegian girls and boys have. The issue is to show the
Pakistani girls respect; the Pakistani boys must not speak to them or be seen
alone with them. The Norwegian youth are often seen kissing and holding
hands in public. This is offensive to some of the young boys, although
others did not seem to have a problem with it The boys agree that their
culture is much more strict with the girls. One student said, "I have
decided not to speak to my friends' sisters ever, so as not to get them in
trouble. I must be respectful."
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Although many of the boys claim to have studied the Koran and
know Arabic, all have stated that they could not read it now if they tried.
They have forgotten the language and have not continued with Koranic
study. When discussing Islam many of the boys became tense, but
validated the religion as the most important aspect of being Pakistani.
Most boys acknowledged that they were losing their culture, and that is
why their parents imposed the maintenance and support of Islam. The
boys stated the most important aspect of Islam for children is respect and
care for the parents. All the boys had great admiration from their families.
The concept of arranged marriages will be discussed further with the
girls' items; however, the boys believed that they could decide on a wife
when the time arrived. The approval of their parents would also be of great
importance if they decided themselves whom to marry.
Suburb Female Student Cultural Adaptation
1. Life: The girls stated that they liked their lives in Norway and
felt complete in what they were doing with family and friends. Some girls
mentioned specific things when asked to talk about their lives. One girl
mentioned that Norway was a nice country and fun place to live. She also
mentioned that Pakistani young boys take advantage of the Norwegian
girls and their freedom because these boys have to show the Pakistani girls
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respect She did not like this behavior, and that is why she liked
Norwegian boys. The safety and security of the Norwegian society was
also important to the girls. Some girls mentioned disease and sickness in
Pakistan. Life in Norway was so much better. The hot climate in Pakistan
was also an issue. One girl actually preferred the cold winters in Norway.
Two girls also specifically stated that they liked Norway because they can
learn a lot and get better opportunities.
2. Friendships: All the girls mentioned that their friends were
other Pakistani girls. A few girls mentioned the names of their best friends
in their classes. Only two girls mentioned Norwegian girls as their friends
who were girls who lived in their neighborhood. One outspoken young
girl had friends who were both Pakistani and Norwegian. This girl had a
Norwegian boyfriend. She said that she was very different from other
Pakistani girls. Her father was very frustrated with her because she had
started to smoke and drink. This female student had sought the counsel of
the social teacher to gain the support of the father. Her situation was
unique in that she was fighting the traditional ways of Islam, unlike any of
the other girls. She also stated that the other girls could do the same, but
that they were afraid to make a stand. She was frustrated with her peers, so
she wanted to be with Norwegian girls. Many of the girls said that the
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Norwegians in their classes were friends, although these girls were never
seen socializing. Girls did have friends from other cultures— Turkey, Sri
Lanka, Morocco-that they would often spend time with; however, the close
friends were Pakistanis.
3. Parents Visitation and Relationship with Neighbors: In
general most of the girls go with their parents to visit Pakistani families in
the community that they have know for several years. Very few of the
parents have good relations with non-Pakistani neighbors. The parents
visit the extended Pakistani family that lives in Oslo. Most of the families
have uncles, aunts and cousins that live in near proximity. Of course most
of the family members come from the fathers' side. This has contributed to
the sense of isolation of many of the Pakistani mothers. The fathers have a
very close Pakistani and community network. One girl said, "Almost our
entire Pakistani village lives here in Oslo." Many of the families come from
the same village. A few of the girls mentioned a Norwegian neighbor that
might have helped the family with issues that came up in daily life. Only
one girl said that her family visited Norwegians. She also visited
Norwegian neighbors that she was friendly with. In general, parents did
not visit Norwegian neighbors, but a few girls might have brief contacts
with them.
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4. Frame of Reference and Customs: The following table will
describe the girls' relationships to the countries of Pakistan and Norway
and their involvement with each of the cultures. Table 27 shows the last
visit to Pakistan, Islamic practices, television viewing, relationships,
Norwegian customs, and the concept of returning to Pakistan. The subject
number is not given; however, these female students are presented in the
exact order as they have been since the start of the analysis (29, 30, 23, 26,
35, 50, 25, & 14).
Each girl's family has a commitment to visit Pakistan every five
years to see relatives. Most of the girls mentioned houses that the families
had purchased for their stay in the village during that time. A family
member was assigned to the home to live and care for the property. It was
also seen as a way to contribute to the family members who were left
behind in Pakistan in very poor conditions. Many of the family members
still sent money to relatives regularly. Two of the girls said that they would
go back to Pakistan and start a business and get married. The remaining six
students did not want to return. The two girls who mentioned return-ing
to Pakistan had the most sincere interest in their culture (Islam) and spoke
openly of a better status in Pakistan than in Norway. The girl who wanted
to start her business was going to have a hotel in the village where
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TABLE 27
FEMALE SUBURB STUDENT INVOLVEMENT IN
PAKISTANI AND NORWEGIAN CULTURES
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
Whom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
6 months
ago
Fast for
Ramadan
Comedies,
drama
Pakistani-like
to be different
Religion is
too different
Yes, Move
after Univ.
Marry there
4-5 years
ago
Friday and
Sunday to
the
Mosque
Modern
films
Pakistani Too much
freedom for
Norwegians
No, I don't
know
enough to
live there
4 years ago Parents go
to the
Mosque. I
do not.
Comedies Norwegians. I
want be like
them
Norwegian
boys are
nice. I skate
too.
No,
absolutely
no way
4 years ago Wear Scarf
at home
and read
Koran
Watch
Urdu TV
Both Pakistani
& Norwegian
Nice
culture, but
do not
practice
No, I do not
know about
the place
2 Years ago
□
Sister (20
yrs) to be
married.
Father is a
leader in
the
Mosque.
Wear Scarf.
American
Programs Pakistanis
Skiing with
family at the
cabins in the
mountains
No, nice to
visit but not
to live there.
2-3 years
ago
Participated
in Koranic
School1
year Wear
Scarf
English TV
and Indian
(Urdu) TV
Pakistanis, we
think the same
Not much to
do with
Norwegian
Culture
No, just
visit There
are insects
there!
2 years ago,
Dad bought
a house
Wear Scarf,
used to go
to Koranic
school
Pakistani
TV &
Indian TV.
These are
the best
films.
Both, spend
majority of
time with
Pakistanis
Not good -
Norwegians
drink a lot
of alcohol.
Yes, finish
school and
start my
business
7 years ago Used to
study the
Koran. Fast
for
Ramadan.
Pakistani
films &
Indian TV
Pakistanis
mostly, No
need to be just
Norwegian.
Different,
too much
freedom for
them. Too
silent.
No, stay
here where
my parents
and family
are.
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she would be the manager. This was status to her and much better than
being rejected by Norwegians. She knew that she would have to go back to
Pakistan to marry her cousin, and this was fine for her. She had accepted it
Her five brothers who were completing High School were also going back,
and she wanted to be close to her family. These boys had also married their
cousins in Pakistan. This is a way of making sure that the money earned
overseas stayed in the family.
The girls who would stay in Norway did not feel a strong bond to
Pakistan and did not clearly understand their culture. However, the girls
acknowledged that they were more comfortable with Pakistanis in Norway,
but viewed themselves as different from the Pakistanis in Pakistan. These
girls also mentioned that they were unsure as to how it was in that country.
Most of these girls also mentioned that their entire family resided in Oslo,
so why would they need to move to Pakistan? These girls wanted to stay
close to their parents.
The young girl who said she would absolutely refuse to live in
Pakistan wanted to marry a Norwegian man and become more
westernized, much to her fathers great dismay. Three other girls had
relatives in England and talked about possibly moving there after school.
This was an exciting prospect from them if they did not stay in Norway.
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There was also the potential that they could marry a cousin in England.
Others mentioned the insects and warm climate in Pakistan to be major
obstacles to moving back there. All these girls agreed it was nice to visit,
but that they would not live there.
The girls felt the culture was very different in Norway with too
much freedom for drinking and smoking among young people. Only two
of the girls said anything positive about Norwegian culture. In fact, most of
the girls did not like the added pressure of having to try to find a balance
between being modem and the strict behaviors put on them by their
parents. Four of the girls mentioned that Norwegian culture was nice, but
the values were different because young people could do whatever they
wanted. These girls felt that they had to listen to their parents at all costs or
risk being considered a bad or immoral person. This also created conflicts
for girls who did wish to begin to be more like Norwegian girls. These girls
often said that it was good for parents to decide on husbands, and criticized
Norwegians for putting their grandparents into convalescent hospitals.
This was immoral for Pakistani women who cared for their elderly. Girls
used concepts of Islam to distinguish their lives from Norwegians.
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Inner City Male Student Cultural Adaptation
1. Life: The Oslo Inner City boys liked to discuss and talk about
aspects of their lives when asked to tell about how things were for them in
Norway. The boys expressed themselves in much more depth than the
girls. These boys like to talk about their families, friends, relationships to
others, and experiences in Pakistan. Common themes were relatives who
lived overseas in other countries, jobs and successes of siblings, history of
family immigration to Norway, and concepts of Islam.
The boys had relatives who lived in the other cities in Norway, the
United States (New York City), Denmark, Canada, Germany, England,
China, Hungary and Spain. One student had a very unique situation. His
uncle married a Chinese woman and resided in China. His other uncles
live in England, and his grandparent lived in Spain. He said that every
three to four years they got together in Pakistan and used English and Urdu
to communicate. This young boy had no problem stating that he related
better to Norwegians, and he seemed secure with several cultures. He said,
"I feel at home here." He kept a distance from those Pakistani students he
noted as "negative." He said, "Those boys spread rumors to others about
our families. It is not nice." This was the same student whose father told
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him to use his intelligence to make decisions when conflicts came up in
daily life that might not match the values of Islam.
Siblings' activities ranged from nothing of great potential to
attending college, postal workers, hotel attendants, cooks, kitchen helpers,
nurses, nursery school helpers, shop keepers, travel agents, waiter, and
video shop keepers. Parents were generally satisfied with their jobs in
Norway. Some owned apartments and rented out to others to earn money,
worked in factories or service industry jobs. All the families lived very
close to each other and enjoyed each others company. This area of town
was referred to as "Little Pakistan."
One student discussed his future plans to go to America or England
to study. However, he had relatives in the United States and Canada with
doctorates who could not get jobs. He felt that Norway was better because
this did not seem to be a problem. He also said that his father tells him that
he is a Norwegian because they live better than most Pakistanis. Not
sending money home to Pakistan allows them to spend more money on a
lifestyle similar to Norwegians. The other Pakistanis live poor because they
choose to do so by sending money outside of Norway. He also said that
they do not accept their poor social status in Norway because based on the
Pakistani quality of living they are rich. This same student mentioned that
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Pakistani attitudes appear to become worse with the children because they
are expecting the parent to adopt more Norwegian ways, but they do not
This student believed that it created feelings of discrimination. He frankly
stated that he thinks of himself as a Norwegian! Another student who felt
he lived middle class was satisfied with his life in Norway, and valued his
culture. He said that his parents restricted him to home at night because
some of the other Pakistani boys were engaged in criminal behavior in the
neighborhoods.
Most students did say that their lives in Oslo were very good,
because they never really knew much of Pakistan other than the occasional
visits. A father told his son that the most important aspect of being
Pakistani was maintaining the traditions of Islam. He felt that adopting
practices of behaving Norwegian were necessary, but Islam must always
guide their lives. This father also wished to return to Pakistan for
retirement after all his children were married with good jobs in Norway.
He was to purchase a large home in Islamabad for them to visit This
student mentioned being stuck between two cultures. He thought he might
marry and live in Pakistan one day, but he was not sure.
The student who said he was always in trouble was very talkative
about his situation as well. He came from a family of 15 siblings. When
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asked about his life, he stated that there was much racism in Norway. He
felt that his problems were because he was not accepted. He never did his
homework because he did not see the point in doing it He said his father
has done well with his export-import business and this did not require an
education. He also said he had no interest in learning anything about
Islam. He felt it was also ridiculous to his life in Norway since he planned
on staying.
2. Friendships: Students mentioned their friends to be those
students in their classes. All the boys had Pakistani friends with the
exception of three students who mentioned that they had Norwegian
friends. Several students also mentioned friends from several different
foreign lands— Morocco, Somalia, Vietnam, Sri Lanka, Turkey, and Gambia
— to be close friends. A student mentioned that many of the Pakistani boys
get in trouble and cause problems at school and in the community, so he
did not have that many friends because he would maintain positive
relationships with only certain people.
3. Parents' Visitation and Relationship with Neighbors: All of
the boys mentioned several Pakistani friends, relatives and neighbors that
the families would visit Only two students mentioned Norwegians as
people that their parents would visit The one boy said his father had a
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Norwegian boss at work and that he would invite them to his house. This
was unusual. All the families from the Oslo Inner City School lived within
walking distance of each other and their relatives. Some families had
several apartments next to each other to accommodate large numbers of
siblings, aunts, uncles and cousins. There was much visitation and support
within the Pakistani community. One student mentioned that his father
did not visit, but his mother would meet with all the neighboring Pakistani
women everyday because she could not speak Norwegian and needed the
support of her friends to learn about certain things in daily life. In general,
the boys had many relatives in this area of town and socialization was
present among these groups in the markets, street comers, and homes.
4. Frame of Reference and Customs: The following table will
describe the boys' relationships to the countries of Pakistan and Norway
and their involvement with each of the cultures. Table 28 shows the last
visit to Pakistan, Islamic practices, television viewing, relationships,
Norwegian customs, and the concept of returning to Pakistan. The subject
number is not given; however, these male students are presented in the
exact order as they have been since the start of the analysis (2, 3,12,13,14,
15,16,17,18, & 19).
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TABLE 28
MALE INNER CITY STUDENT INVOLVEMENT IN
PAKISTANI AND NORWEGIAN CULTURES
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
Whom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
Summer
time every
year
No, when a
child
studied
Koran.
Films in
Urdu
Pakistanis and
foreign
students
It is nice. I
go to ski
often.
No, maybe I
could do my
own
business
Last year,
almost every
year
Fridays go
to the
Mosque
with friends
English
and
American
films
Pakistanis Very
different,
little to do
No, not able
to live there.
Last year,
every 2
years
None Action
films and
Urdu TV
Both Pakistani
& Norwegian
It is nice. I
can ski.
No, the
country is
over-
populated
5 years ago None Action
films and
Urdu TV
Both Pakistani
& Norwegian
Nice
culture, I
like to ice
skate
No, I like
Oslo
Summer
time every
year
None,
except
Ramadan
Action
films
Pakistanis Nice
culture,
skate, ski,
and go
fishing
Yes, open a
shop or
business in
our village
3-4 years
ago, make
trips
No, when a
child
studied
Koran.
Comedies
and TV
series
Norwegians
and other
cultures
Feel caught
in middle.
No, mother
does want
to return.
2 months
ago, go
every two
years
Yes, Every
week -
Father to
Mosque
American
series
Both, are good
- caught in
middle
Nice, and I
ski with
Norwegian
s
Maybe
when
m arried-
England
2 years ago Attend
Mosque
sometimes
Comedies Pakistanis Do not
really
know
Yes, get
married,
buy house
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TABLE 28 CONTINUED
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
W hom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
1 1 /2 years
ago. Lived
there for a
year
None Urdu TV Pakistanis Do not
know
No, too
many
bandits in
Pakistan
This year.
We go every
year
celebrations
with father
Comedy
and films Pakistanis
Nice
culture.
Like soccer
too.
No, get job
in Oslo.
Only visit.
Seven boys said they would not return to Pakistan after completing
high school or college. Two indicated that they would return to open a
business the other to be married and buy a home. One boy said he might
move to England after completing school, but moving to Pakistan would be
difficult even though his father would like him to do that This boy's father
had kept Islam as the strong tradition in the family, but encouraged the the
boy to learn the Norwegian way of life. Many of the boys had large
families in Oslo related to their fathers, his brothers. Staying in Oslo was
very easy given the large support system provided by the extended family.
Other students mentioned the corruption in Pakistan as the reason not to
return. A boy explained that people are not safe in Pakistan because the
police collaborate with criminals. In Pakistan, the officials use money for
their own personal gain that should go to building roads or to help the
people. This boy stated that the Norwegian government had helped his
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father to get increasingly better jobs and paid for his mother to attend
language classes.
The majority of the boys did not participate in any Islamic activities.
Three other boys did attend the Mosque with their fathers or friends. A
few of the boys studied the Koran when they were young in local schools
with their fathers and other boys. Several boys mentioned that their fathers
kept traditions of Islam alive in the daily practices in home.
On average the boys returned to Pakistan with their families every
one to two years. Two boys had longer periods between visits, three to five
years. One boy even returned to live in Pakistan for a year and a half
because his grand parents were ill. He did not go to school and felt the
experience was very boring and negative. He also learned of the corruption
in Pakistan and the criminal activity in all the cities.
Six of the boys said they relate better to Pakistani students than to
Norwegian or other cultures. Three of the boys indicated that they related
to both Norwegians and Pakistanis equally well. Only one boy said he
could relate better to Norwegians. All the boys had positive images of
Norwegian culture, if not somewhat superficial. One young boy did
indicate that he felt he was caught between two cultures even though he
did feel he related best to the Norwegians at his school. His father said
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that Islam was important for maintaining values, but that it was equally
important to learn to live like Norwegians. In that process the father told
him there would be differences, and he would need to use his intelligence
to make wise choices. To this child Islam was not necessarily the answer to
every aspect of life, although, he admitted to praying two or three times a
day with his father. Two other boys said they did not know much about
Norwegian culture; however, they did not convey any negative attitudes.
Inner City Female Student Cultural Adaptation
1. Life: The girls all mentioned that they enjoyed their lives in
Norway; however, several of the girls mentioned that their lives were
somewhat boring because they did not have much to do. One girl said that
her father did not allow her to work in the family store yet, so she had
nothing to do. She spent most of her time with the mother at home. All the
girls mentioned that they spent time with the father's family— uncles and
cousins during free time. A few of the girls mentioned the cold weather in
Norway as the one drawback to their life in Oslo. The problems that the
girls mentioned focused mainly on the lack of involvement in activities.
Three of the girls mentioned that if they had an all girls school they could
participate in more community and recreational activities. Another girl
mentioned that the boys at the school cause many problems for them.
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Another problem mentioned by one of the girls was the lack respect that
students demonstrate in school in Norway. This was not the case in
Pakistan.
2. Friendships: A girl mentioned she would like to go back to
Pakistan because her friends and cousins were living there. She had only
lived in Norway for a short time. She missed her friends. These girls all
had girl friends at school and in the neighborhood. Many of them were
family members. In most cases the friends were Pakistani girls; however,
one girl did mention that her best friend was from Sri Lanka. In general,
these girls had more positive feelings about the diversity of the student
population. All girls discussed positive relationships with the girls at
school from Turkey, Morocco, China, Somalia and other countries. One
girl mentioned that the Norwegians were "freaks" and could therefore not
be good friends. This is the same girl who mentioned that she could not go
out at night because all the drunks were out in town. A Pakistani girl had
lived in a rural community of Norway, Gjovik, before moving to Oslo. She
said that she had Norwegian friends there and that there was much more
for her to be involved in the community. She missed the countryside
because people were more sincere and nice. She said "Oslo people are not
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so nice. In Gjovik I could go to community activities with other Norwegian
children. Here in Oslo it is not possible."
3. Parent's Visitation and Relationship with Neighbors: Most
parents visited and invited to their homes other Pakistanis that they knew
in the neighborhood and extended community. The girls mentioned that
their parents liked their jobs in Norway. One girl said that she visited both
Norwegian and Pakistani neighbors. One girl said that her parents told
her, "Norway is not our country," and for that reason they did not take
their place in the Norwegian society. This girl also discussed how
Pakistani's were singled out for discrimination and racism. She also said
her parents stayed with the Pakistani community, but she did not like that
She did not like the Pakistani customs. She preferred to be more western.
All the girls mentioned that the families they visited were the friends of
their fathers. They said that their mothers did not know that many people.
In general, most of the mothers missed Pakistan a great deal. The mothers'
families were still living in their villages in Pakistan.
4. Frame of Reference and Customs: The following table will
describe the girls' relationships to the countries of Pakistan and Norway
and their involvement with each of the cultures. Table 29 shows the last
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TABLE 29
FEMALE INNER CITY STUDENT INVOLVEMENT IN
PAKISTANI AND NORWEGIAN CULTURES
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
W hom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
3 years ago Wears scarf
every day
Urdu TV Pakistani
people
Fine,
religion is
different
Yes, after
university
9 months
ago
my first trip
Traditional
dress every
day
Norwegian
and
English
films
Both
Nice
customs. I
like to
skate
No
3 years ago No. when a
child
studied
Koran
Urdu TV Pakistanis Not that
different -
just
clothing
No, I am a
Norwegian
citizen.
1 year ago When warm
weather,
use
traditional
clothing
American
Comedies,
Urdu TV
Both Pakistani
& Norwegian
Nice
culture, I
ski on
school trips
Yes, many
cousins
there. Nice
family
2 years ago Traditional
clothing
when home
Urdu TV Both Pakistani
& Norwegians
Very good,
more
freedom
not control
and
barriers
No, I am
close to
Norway.
Not familiar
to Pakistan.
4 years ago None Urdu TV
and videos
Pakistanis Like it
here. No
one poor.
Only rich.
Yes, my
parents like
better there.
Never went
back to visit
Wear scarf
every day
Urdu TV
Pakistanis
Good, girls
have
freedom
equality.
Not sure,
girls have
no future
there
Never since
I came to
Norway
Traditional
clothing
every day
Norwegian
TV
Both
Pakistanis &
Norwegians
Nice
culture,
skated one
time
No, never to
live. I only
like to visit
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TABLE 29 CONTINUED
Last V isit to
Pakistan?
Islamic
Practices?
Television
Viewing?
Relate to
Whom better?
Norwegian
Customs?
Ever Return
to Pakistan?
This past
summer
Sometimes I
wear the
scarf
Urdu TV Since I moved
to Norway -
Norwegians
Value
culture
Nature is
beautiful
Never go,
too hard to
go back
3 years ago,
family likes
visits often
Traditional
dress
always.
Read Koran
Usually
Norwegian
films
Pakistanis
Nothing.
Only on
field trips
No, only to
visit-keep
my culture.
visit to Pakistan, Islamic practices, television viewing, relationships,
Norwegian customs, and the concept of returning to Pakistan. The subject
number is not given; however, these female students are presented in the
exact order as they have been since the start of the analysis (1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8,9,
11,10 & 20).
All of the girls but one wore traditional clothing, known as the
Shalwar-Kameez, a long shirt with lose pants and the dupatta, a light scarf.
Most of the girls had self-selected to wear this clothing. They liked the
style. None of the girls mentioned going to the Mosque, but rather staying
close to home with their mothers. The girls had known each other for years
from the same neighborhoods were they grew up together. Most of the
girls had gone to elementary school together. One girl mentioned that
those Pakistanis who moved out to the suburbs, surrounded by only
Norwegians, felt isolated from Pakistani support Now she pointed out
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that many new immigrants are taking the homes of those long standing
Pakistani residents who have moved to the suburbs. She also mentioned
the area of town that she lived in to be the best for Pakistanis because they
all felt like a family.
A father had told one girl that the family was going to sell the family
store and move to Pakistan; however, he mentioned this every year and
nothing happened. Another girl discussed the fact that Pakistanis had a
hard life in Oslo. Many of her father's brothers and wives were sick and
could no longer work. She said that they had worked hard for a long time
to save money to send to family in Pakistan. One girl mentioned that they
did not send money back to Pakistan, so her family was more modem and
lived like the typical Norwegian.
One of the girls mentioned that the parents would decide on their
marriage partner. The girls also missed relatives in Pakistan— particularly
the cousins— since these relationships were considered important to
determine the course of arranged marriages.
Student Control Sample:
The control student group consisted of fifteen students from a ninth
grade English class of the Oslo Inner City School. Eight of the students
were boys, and seven were girls. The students represented a wide array of
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immigrants and Norwegians from Oslo. Of the control students; there were
three Norwegians, one Norwegian-Pakistani, one English, one Spanish, one
Norwegian-Japanese, one Afghani, and seven Pakistanis. They worked
through the questions in focus groups across three class periods facilitated
collaboratively by the researcher and the classroom teacher. These students
were administered the exact same interview protocol questions as the
Pakistani students from the Oslo Suburb School and Oslo Inner City School.
The responses revealed interesting contrasts and similarities to those of the
Pakistani girls and boys from those two schools.
In the area of educational opportunities students generally
demonstrated that they were satisfied with the way school was going,
except for occasional problems with their teachers. Students did indicate
that they occasionally received help from their teachers when asked. One
of the Norwegian girls mentioned that there were many special
opportunities for them at the school, such as, musicals, theater, and
homework assistance after school. One of the boys also mentioned the
homework assistance after school on Tuesdays and Thursdays. He
attended regularly. Most parents came to the school for meetings with
teachers. The students liked to sleep, ride bikes, chat with friends on the
phone, e-mail or the computer, and go for walks in their free time and on
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the weekends. Again, these Pakistani girls did mention that they were not
involved in sports, clubs or community activities. The Spanish girl said she
went to nightclubs with her friends since they were much older than she.
This was an exceptional case. A majority of the girls had friends in their
classes. The boys were involved in sports clubs— basketball and soccer.
The achievement patterns for the control group indicated that a
majority of the students had average grades. Girls' favorite subjects were
history and English. The three Norwegian students also said that
Norwegian was one of their favorite subjects. One girl did say that math
and science were her favorite subjects. The boys liked math and science.
One boy said his favorite subject was "girls." He also liked sports and
music. The boy from Afghanistan said that he felt school was so great
because he learned about so many things. Most of the students did their
homework on their own with very little help from others in the family. The
students also said that they did not like all the teachers, and sometimes the
classes acted poorly. One student even said that some teachers were racist
The Pakistani girls had positive impressions of their teachers. Two of the
Pakistani boys said that they felt that if the teachers were better at their
school, then maybe the "Oslo Inner City School" could be the best in
Norway. These boys also complained about the facilities at the school,
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saying that the restrooms were not nice, and that the soccer field was too
small. These two boys did say that the classrooms were beautiful and
education was good in Norway. These two boys went to the Mosque
everyday.
The control students had high expectations for careers. They
mentioned being veterinarians, artists, doctors, photographers, police
women, designers, and basketball players. One of the Norwegian girls said
her grades were not so good so she did not think she could be a profes
sional. She was not sure what she would do as a career.
Cultural adaptation and empathy for other cultures by the control
student group did illustrate that all these students had positive feelings
about Norwegians as well as the other cultures in the school. All the
students had friends of many cultures. Most of the Pakistani girls
mentioned Norwegian and other girls as their friends. The Norwegian girls
also mentioned that their friends were horn many different cultures,
particularly Pakistan. One of the Norwegian girls mentioned that Pakistani
men have "inappropriate thoughts for women and are really strict!" Most
students did say that their lives in Norway were great The Norwegian-
Japanese boy said it was very good to be in Norway because everybody is
equal. The students believed that it was very good to have many cultures
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in Norway, and they considered moving to another country later in life.
Pakistani boys said that their live were very good and nice, because they
got good water and food. These boys said the environment in Norway was
nice and clean.
When asked about their problems, one Norwegian girl said that that
was a very personal question, therefore she would not answer. Another
girl said that there were gangs and drugs in the neighborhood. She felt this
was a problem. When asked about families and siblings students
mentioned positive life styles— "My brother is in London, and my sister
lives happily married in northern Norway"; "My brother works, and I am
very close friends with him"; and "My family is close. My sister is married
and I have a nephew. I play a lot with him."
Students did not visit their neighbors, but liked to go to cafes and the
homes of their friends. One girl went to Salsa and Marenge dances with
her friends. Most of the parents did not visit others in the neighborhood, as
well. The students believed their parents "loved" their jobs and enjoyed
life. All the control students had positive images of Norway and other
cultures. This reinforces the acceptance of diversity at the Oslo Inner City
School. The focus group experience allowed the students to share different
perspectives, but also recognize similarities. The Pakistani students in the
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control group answered their questions similar to the individual interviews
discussed previously which reinforces the themes of the Pakistani student
responses.
Teacher Perspectives
The following section illustrates the perspectives of the teachers in
the two schools, Oslo Suburb School and Oslo Inner City School, relative to
the situation of Pakistani students. Eight female and three male teachers
were interviewed at the Oslo Suburb School. Five female and one male
teacher were interviewed at the Oslo Inner City School. A total of 17
teachers were interviewed for the study. Their perceptions will be reported
based on location of teaching experience, suburb or inner city. The teachers
were asked questions which relate to the opportunities, achievements, and
cultural experiences of Pakistani students. The responses revealed four
major themes of teacher perceptions: (1) Curriculum relevance for
Pakistani students, (2) Autonomy of teacher instruction, (3) Coordination at
the school, and (4) Value of Pakistani student experience.
The theme of curriculum relevance entailed a detailed discussion of
additional programs and services to immigrant students; concepts of the
national curriculum for the Pakistani students; Pakistani student
engagement in the classroom; notions of Pakistani student employment
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opportunities and achievement patterns; and assumptions regarding
community and social attitudes toward schooling. The autonomy of
teacher instruction was revealed through a discussion of access to staff
development in immigrant education; assistance in the classroom; concerns
and understandings of Pakistani students' culture and background;
personal experiences with Pakistani students and families; and the degree
of trust between teachers and Pakistani students. The level of coordinated
support at the school was based on teacher perceptions of the admini
strations' support; concepts of the principal's leadership; degree of problem
solving with colleagues; contact and support with the Oslo School
Authority and the Norwegian Ministry of Education; participation in
decision making; integration of social services and partnerships in the
community; and the level of resources in the school.
The final theme, value of Pakistani student experience, was an
analysis of the teachers' impression of the significance of the curriculum,
their relative instructional autonomy and the schools' coordinated efforts in
developing the potential of the Pakistani students. These three important
impressions of schooling were developed into an integrated schema for the
relevance of Pakistani student experiences from the perspective of the
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teachers in the two schools. Educational responses and student adaptations
will also be explicated from the teacher's views.
Table 30 presents the demographic data relative to the total of
seventeen teachers interviewed for the study at schools, Suburb and Inner
City. The average age of the teachers interviewed at the suburb school is 44
years and the mean number of years teaching is 15.2 years. Two teachers
had completed the requirements for a masters degree in education. The
remaining teachers at the suburb school have 2-3 years at the teachers
college with an additional 1— 5 years at the university studying subject
matter competency. The average number of years at the university is 4.7
years for the suburb schoolteacher interviewees.
The average age of the teachers interviewed at the inner city school
is 34 years, and the mean number of years teaching is 8.2 years. These
teachers at the inner city school have 2-3 years at the teachers college with
an additional 1-3 years at the university studying subject matter
competency. One of the teachers is an American Norwegian who received
a Bachelors degree in the United States of America. The average number of
years at the university is 4.6 years for the inner city schoolteacher
interviewees.
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TABLE 30
SUBURB AND INNER CITY SCHOOL
TEACHER DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES
Gender Age
Level of
Education
Years
Teaching
Special
Training
Grade 8c
Subject
SUBURB SCHOOL TEACHERS:
FEMALE 32 Masters 8 NOA (sem.) 8 - Sciences
FEMALE 54 4 yr. Teachers
College
30 8,9 - P.E. &
German
Lang.
FEMALE 37 5yr.
University
2 • 7,9 - Lang.
Support
FEMALE 48 5yr.
University
7 Special
Education
7,8 - Arts,
NOA
FEMALE 51 5yr.
University
25 • 7,8,9-M ath
8c Sciences
FEMALE 24 4 yr. Teachers
College
1.5 • 8,9 - French
language
FEMALE 45 4 yr. college
in Pakistan
7 Urdu
Primary
Lang. Insfc
7,8,9-U rdu
Support
FEMALE 44 5yr.
University
20 NOA (year),
Imm igrant
Ed. Theory
7 ,9 -NOA,
Norwegian,
Soc. ScL
MALE 53 Masters 25 • 7,8-M ath,
Science
MALE 53 4 yr.
University
27 NOA (sem.) 7,8,9-NOA ,
Norwegian,
Soc. ScL
MALE 43 7yr.
University
15 Special
Education
7,8,9-
subjects
Special
Education
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TABLE 30 CONTINUED
Gender Age
Level of
Education
Years
Teaching
Special
Training
G rade &
Subject
INNER CITY SCHOOL TEACHERS
FEMALE 22 Bachelors degree
-4 yr*
1
substitute
- 8,9 - French 4c
English
FEMALE 31 3 yr. University 6 - 8,9- Soc. ScL
& Norwegian
FEMALE 48 4 yr. University 20 Inunigrati
on Ed.
Theory
9 -M ath
FEMALE 39 6yr.
University
12 7,8,9 -Soc.Sci
English
MALE 30 6yr.
University
2 8,9-
Altemative
School
At both schools a wide array of teachers representing the spectrum
of subject areas— science, math, Norwegian, social science, Norwegian as a
Second Language, foreign language, arts, special education, alternative
education, and Language Support— were interviewed. Seven of the
seventeen teachers had special training in the areas of immigration
educational theory, Norwegian as a Second Language (NOA), primary
language support in Urdu, and special education. The teachers were all
highly qualified and significantly involved with the Pakistani students and
community to develop perspectives on several relevant themes in the
schooling of the Pakistani students.
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Curriculum Integration and Relevance to Pakistani Students
At the Oslo Suburb school the teachers discussed several aspects of
curriculum integration. The class sizes ranged from ten to twenty-five
students. Teachers instructed a total of twenty hours a week. Faculty,
grade level, parents, and committee meetings took up most of the teacher's
non-instructional time. The program available to Pakistani students that
offered the most assistance in academic achievement was the use of Urdu
primary language support The explanation of subject matter, such as
Geometry and Algebra, in the primary language helped students in
understanding content and improving grades. The Oslo Suburb School also
offered students a class completely instructed in Urdu for Pakistani
students who required literacy in the primary language, a reception class
for students newly arriving from Pakistan. Classroom teachers indicated to
the Urdu support teacher those students who would benefit from the
additional language support to improve their grades. Norwegian as a
second language is the Norwegian language class in which most Pakistani
students are enrolled, even though they have been born and raised in
Norway. These students continue to have problems with competency in
Norwegian. A language support class also provided students with extra
assistance in certain subjects. Students of all grades went to these classes
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together. The teacher felt it put students at a disadvantage to be in such
classes because it was difficult to monitor progress with so many levels of
subject matter competencies. The Oslo Suburb school had opportunities for
students to learn about other careers. Most of the Pakistani boys wanted
careers in security, electronics, taxi drivers or food services.
At the Oslo Inner City School, teachers instructed classes comprising
between twelve and twenty-nine students. The Pakistani student
population of each class was approximately one half to three fourths of the
total students of that class. Most class sizes ranged in the high twenties.
The small class size of twelve was for the alternative school teacher who
instructed trade and vocational options for the students in place of some
academic subjects. These students actually went across the street to another
school to attend trade courses, and mixed with the other students at the
Oslo Inner City School for certain academic classes. The teachers and the
principal referred students who had problems with the academic
curriculum to these courses. In several cases, the students had behavior
problems, and they had requested to be transferred to the alternative school
where there were also opportunities for students to learn about careers.
They could take practical lessons in the 9 * * 1 grade from the social teachers,
as well as attend sessions with the social teacher to discuss high school and
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vocational options. Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School instructed
twenty hours a week with several teaching a few hours over to compensate
for teacher shortages at the school. One of the teachers interviewed was a
permanent substitute who instructed for up to fifteen hours a week and
was available to take over classes when necessary. The Oslo Inner City
School provided similar options for students who required instructional
support to those available at the Oslo Suburb School. There was Urdu
language support for students who required assistance in the subject areas
because they had not fully mastered Norwegian. There were also classes
for Norwegian as Second Language available to all immigrant students.
This school offered "Homework Help" classes after school on Tuesday and
Thursday sponsored by this city region's administrative council. This was
not available at the Oslo Suburb School. All the teachers at the Oslo Inner
City School mentioned instructional practices needed to help make
language more comprehensible and concrete. Teachers worked one on one
with students in need and adjusted the curriculum to meet the challenges of
Pakistani students.
"Pakistani students received lower grades if they do not have access
to primary language support in Urdu", said one teacher at the Oslo Suburb
School. Grades improved as a result of Urdu teacher support in classroom
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instruction. Pakistani student grades were generally lower than those of
other students at the Oslo Suburb school. In the group of Pakistani
students, some had very high grades, but the general tendency was for the
group to have lower grades in comparison to other groups, such as the
Vietnamese. Some teachers went so far as to say, "The Pakistani students
do the worst in school." Teachers at the Oslo Suburb School expressed
concern about differences between immigrant groups. It is not clear to
them why, after being bom in Norway, the Pakistanis fair less well than the
new immigrants, such as the Vietnamese and Yugoslavians. In general,
Pakistani students had the most difficulty with subject areas that required
the greatest use of the Norwegian language and with a variety of
vocabularies. The students have a functional knowledge of Norwegian, but
tittle academic content knowledge.
The teachers at the Oslo Inner City School had some similar
impressions of the grades of the Pakistani students. These teachers tended
to emphasize the huge discrepancy between the grades of various Pakistani
students. Some had the best grades in the school, and others had the worst
of all the immigrant students. It was difficult for them to generalize about
the Pakistanis as a group. However, teachers explained that of all the
immigrant groups at the school, these students were the most well
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behaved, especially the girls who were extremely polite and helpful in
school. Some of the Pakistani boys had problems in school due to language
deficits, but large numbers of Pakistani students at the school provided a
sense of security for the students. The discipline problems for these
students were less frequent There did appear to be a motivation problem
for some Pakistani students in completing assignments. However, these
teachers emphasized the problems with language and culture as reasons for
the students' low grades. Behavior and lack of motivation were not as
strong a factor. One teacher went so far as to state, "There is very little
difference between the Norwegian and Pakistani children in terms of their
grades and challenges in school. For the Pakistani student it is an issue of
the cultural differences that conflict with the goals of the Norwegian
School."
The Oslo Suburb schoolteachers discussed the differences observed
in their classes between the Pakistani students. There was a disparity
between boys and girls. Girls tended to work much harder, and boys were
not as serious. Boys were observed to lack initiative in academic study.
However, seventh grade boys could to be more serious with their school
assignments. The boy's change in attitude occurred later in the middle
school. Some girls are not allowed out of the home, and do not have
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opportunities to get assistance from classmates. Some teachers attributed
the differences in grades to the educational level of the parents. Some
parents put more emphasis on job skills than education. Other parents had
a relationship to the students, and assisted them with their homework. One
student had very high grades and worked very hard in school. He wanted
to be a doctor, and was described by one teacher as, "living in two worlds.
Omar can successfully do his schoolwork and is very goal oriented. His
parents also maintain his Pakistani identity by having him involved in all
activities associated with the Mosque." Other teachers believe that taking
on both cultures is very difficult for some students because they do not
have the support of the family. She believes that Pakistanis have many
opportunities, but they face challenges in accomplishing them due to the
imbalances of the cultures.
The perceptions of the Oslo Inner-city Schoolteachers of the
Pakistani students in their classrooms were interesting. Again, these
teachers emphasized the problems with language and culture, but
understood that these students came with a different experience to the
Norwegian school. Because Pakistani students were the majority of the
immigrant student population of the school, the cultural context was much
different from the Oslo Suburb School. Teachers had more favorable
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opinions of the Pakistani students in their classes. They said that students
were very friendly and often added to the dynamics of the classroom.
Teachers did recognize that the Pakistani parents did not always have the
necessary educational background to help students in need, but would
encourage all their children to get a good education. Teachers tended to
have more concerns about the Pakistani students and what would happen
to them once they left the middle school for high school or employment
Teachers at the Oslo Suburb school had diverse opinions regarding
the socio-economic status of the Pakistani families and the potential for
improvement for the students. The Urdu language teacher did not feel that
it was easier for today's Pakistan Youth to get jobs. She believed that
Pakistani students had better chances of getting ahead in Pakistan with
their new education than in Norway. Many Pakistani families still reside in
the cheapest housing in Oslo. The Oslo Suburb School is situated in an
industrial area outside the city where immigrants move and which
Norwegians no longer find desirable. A new form of discrimination has
begun in Norway that was not apparent before. Today, all students in
Norway can go on to high school. Prior to the school reform effort of 1994,
students had to pass exams to enter high schools. The Oslo Suburb
Pakistani students entered high school, but usually dropped out after the
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second year. The teachers indicate that they know many Pakistani students
who say it gets very difficult at the high school and opt to take jobs instead
of study. Teachers recommend that discussions be open in the middle
schools about failure and options for students who need support in school.
Many of these students also mentioned that they do not get the same jobs as
Norwegians so why bother studying for so many years. Teachers observed
that the Pakistani students do not often take advantage of their opportun
ities, often selecting not to work hard in school. This was attributed to the
unemployment of many of the parents and the low paying jobs that they
continue to receive. Teachers suggest that the socio-economic conditions
improve very slowly. The parents continue to work in low paid jobs. A
teacher suggested that "Those Pakistani parents who exist in a vacuum by
discouraging their children to adopt western practices, hurt the children's
chances for success and future jobs!" She believed that the first generation
required more information and practical knowledge on living in Norway.
Some fathers quickly encouraged students to get jobs rather than study,
because education was not valued in the family. Discrimination in job
hiring causes mistrust and problems of motivation for the Pakistani
students, as well. The teachers agreed that given the social situation it was
not easy for Norwegian schools or the Pakistani students. However, some
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of the teachers did credit lack of motivation to the problem, as well. Some
of the Pakistani boys have high ambitions, but do not attribute study and
hard work to the high paying jobs to which they aspire. Other teachers
recognize that the students are "Thrown into the school with very little
background for what they are to encounter." In some cases the school is
their first experience with Norwegian culture and people because the
families have had very little contact with Norwegians.
The Oslo Inner City Schoolteachers had similar concerns regarding
socio-economic advancement for the Pakistani students and their families.
However, impressions of their ability to get ahead were again more positive
and the students were looked upon as a group where some are successful
and others may not be, just as with any other family or group of immigrant
students. Because of the large number of Pakistani students at the school it
was very difficult to make generalizations, but Oslo Inner City School
teachers favored the Pakistani students as some of the most successful
students who would continue to study in high school. The girls would
select traditional career fields such as nursing and teaching, and Pakistani
boys would register in general studies or work in their parents' shops,
groceries or taxi businesses.
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Unfortunately, one teacher did mention that the Pakistani parents
from the Oslo Inner City School did have a great deal of expertise in
utilizing the social welfare system, and often took advantage of the system
by "working" the unemployment and disability benefits. She also said that
the Pakistani community had a tremendous network of contacts that could
be called upon to explain how to utilize and interpret the Norwegian
system for those who required assistance. She felt the Pakistani community
in the Oslo Inner City was living a life that was quite satisfactory to them.
She also acknowledged that many of these students did very well despite
the poor educational background of their parents, and a small number fell
into the criminal element in Oslo. Other teachers mentioned that many of
the Pakistani parents worked very hard and had high aspirations for their
children. Another teacher mentioned the job segregation in Oslo. He said,
"The Pakistani students know the areas that they can get a job. They focus
their intentions on these jobs, but are encouraged by their parents to study
more academic fields. The discrimination is very obvious to many of the
students and their families. It is a problem."
The national curriculum reform effort of 1994 eliminated the
instruction of primary language teaching in the elementary grades for
students with a mother tongue other than Norwegian. The new curriculum
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completed in 1997 provided language support to the curriculum in
Norwegian, not the instruction of subject area contents in the primary
language. The new curriculum guidelines did not have provisions for the
second language learners as was seen in prior years. Many believed that
this was a political, as well as financial bias mandated by a parliamentary
decision. In the 1980s, the Norwegian National curriculum had offered
such instruction to immigrant students.
Teachers at the Oslo Suburb School felt that the loss of literacy in
Urdu language contributed to the lower grades for Pakistani students.
Pakistani students do not do as well with the curriculum from the
perspective of the Oslo Suburb Schoolteachers. The Urdu teacher believed
that the students from Pakistan she instructed were the lowest She assisted
students in understanding the Norwegian instruction through explanation
in Urdu. She said that the help they really needed was in learning a foreign
language, such as English and Norwegian, not the explanation in Urdu.
The general understanding is that Pakistani students do not have the
necessary competence in Norwegian to be successful with the academic
content areas.
Teacher attitudes about students who receive primary language
instruction were consistent with their views regarding the academic
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achievement of Pakistani students at the Oslo Inner City School. Teachers
were uncertain as to the impact of the primary language teaching in the
early years, but all agreed that it afforded the students the opportunity to
learn more about their culture and language. Students who had more
exposure to this had better attitudes toward school and performed better in
class. Teachers agreed also that the use of Urdu to support content area
instruction was critical for students who lacked adequate ability to
communicate in Norwegian. One teacher pointed out that for some of these
students English is their primary language. The use of Urdu, Punjabi,
English and now Norwegian often caused confusion for students in terms
of mastering the Norwegian language. All Oslo Inner City School teachers
agreed that second generation Pakistani students continue to have
problems with Norwegian and require specially designed instruction based
on second language learning practices to acquire more Norwegian.
Teacher concepts of the Norwegian Policy in regards to Language
Minority pupils were contentious. Some teachers at the Oslo Suburb School
believed that it was better for Pakistani students to learn their native
language; however, improvement of academic achievement could not be
linked to instruction of the primary language, Urdu. However, the politics
behind the immigration policy has created new racism and unemployment
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for Pakistanis in Norway. Teachers do require additional resources for
making the content of Norwegian more accessible to the second language
learners in every subject area in spite of the new policy. Teachers also claim
that even though lessons may be presented with contextual clues in the
Norwegian language to increase understanding, the contextual experiences
draw upon Norwegian culture and do not allow Pakistani students to fully
understand the meaning. Attempts to make language more comprehen
sible do not achieve the goals because of lack of sensitivity to the cultural
differences between Pakistanis and Norwegians. Again the Oslo Suburb
Schoolteachers mention that the students are "thrown" into the classroom
with very little language or cultural exposure to the ways of the Norwegian
school.
Teachers at the Oslo Suburb School credit the new curriculum
guidelines to be written well in terms of theory and presentation, but to
lack practical application to the instructional setting of the classroom. Some
teachers believed that the cooperative grouping of students for project
teaching helped to create an atmosphere of trust but did little to engage
students in the curriculum and advance their knowledge. One teacher said
that he was part of the teacher's union task force that gave input to the
curriculum as it was being devised. He also said that he did not see
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changes that significantly helped in the instruction of minority immigrant
students. Additionally, several teachers complained that the instructional
practices for the second language learners was not included in the final
published version of 1997, but would be released at a later date. This sent a
clear message to some about the importance of the immigrant student
population in the National Curriculum Guidelines. Previously, the
instruction of Norwegian as a second language was a subject area, now the
assumption was that it would be combined throughout all content areas.
This was disappointing to many teachers at the Oslo Suburb School.
Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School have interesting insights
regarding the Norwegian Policy on Language Minorities and the National
Curriculum guidelines. The immigration "Stop Law" of the early 1980s
caused many of the Pakistani men to return to Pakistan to "marry off' their
daughters to bring in more of the family and to maintain the wealth within
existing family lines. This is a fairly new phenomenon. As few or none of
the Pakistanis return to their homeland, the purpose has become to bring to
Norway more of their own. Prior to this Pakistani men had petitioned the
government of Norway to admit their wives and families when it became
apparent that the men were going to stay in Norway. Now immigration to
Norway is reserved for refugees and asylum seekers. Teachers felt the
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Immigration "Stop Law" put an undue strain on the girls and families.
Immigration and securing within the family accumulated wealth was a
difficult reality for many families. It required Pakistani families to maintain
relationships with cousins in Pakistan to be wed with their daughters.
Female teachers at the Oslo Inner City school had very strong viewpoints
regarding the male influence in the Pakistani culture. One informant told
the researcher that the male Urdu teacher at the school was a top leader in
the Mosque, and he had notified families in the community of this research.
The lives of the Pakistani immigrants were not to be shared with others.
They were very private people, and did not welcome investigation into
their way of life. Other teachers argued that the immigration laws created
more intolerance from Norwegians, as well. Norwegians used the laws to
continue patterns of intolerance. These teachers observed that it was no
wonder Pakistanis choose to create their own segregated community
enclaves with such tough immigration laws in existence.
Oslo Inner City School teachers had similar concepts of the new
Curriculum Guidelines as the Oslo Suburb Schoolteachers. The plan was
viewed as difficult to implement and not grounded in the practical realities
of the schools. These teachers also felt that they needed additional training
in the guidelines. Because many of the teachers had worked with large
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numbers of immigrants for many years, the belief was that they had good
practices in place. The National Curriculums' exclusion of strategies and
instructional models for immigrant students would not impede these
teachers from continuing to instruct according the best practices for
bilingual and second language teaching. As a matter of fact, one of the
teachers at the Oslo Inner City school had written a curriculum guide for
Norwegian as a Second Language. Although there were many young and
new teachers at the school, several teachers had selected this school and
been working with immigrant youth for years.
Autonomy of Teacher Instruction
Support and Assistance for Teachers.
There are no instructional assistants in the classrooms at the Oslo
Suburb School. Parents are invited to come to the school once or twice a
year for the parent conferences. Pakistani parents do not always attend
cultural events at the school. The grade level chair makes most of the calls
to parents regarding students with problems. Teachers find reasons to
blame the parents for the low achievement and behavioral problems of the
Pakistani parents. Teachers would often send home checklists each month
specifying areas of improvement All the teachers agreed that communi
cation with the homes was very poor and something should be done to
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improve the situation. The mothers do not generally come to the school
because they require an interpreter, and they do not like that the school's
interpreter is a woman and can see what problems the families might be
having with their students. The mothers do not want to "lose face" when
the educational shortcomings of their children are exposed. They prefer to
let the fathers attend the meetings speaking in Norwegian and handling
any problems relative to the school. The mothers would like to keep these
issues with in the family. Problems in school with their children were
viewed as problems with themselves, the parents. Teachers perceive a lack
of communication between the children and their parents, largely
attributed to the loss of Pakistani culture by the second-generation
students. Teachers also perceive a double standard between boys and girls.
While parents are forgiving of disciplinary problems with the boys, the
girls are to be kept under strict control.
At the Oslo Inner City School some Pakistani parents are very
interested in the education of their children. Fathers attend these
conferences and teachers do not require an interpreter. Often times it can
be difficult to get the family involved, and if the mothers come to the school
an interpreter is necessary. The grade level chair is the primary contact for
students who have disciplinary, behavior, or academic problems. These
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teachers schedule those meetings. Many of the Oslo Inner City School
Teachers also write notes to communicate with parents. Teachers felt it was
fairly easy to maintain contact with the parents. Oftentimes the grade
levels would hold conferences for parents when it was necessary to discuss
important issues in the schooling of the children.
Teacher Personal Experiences with Pakistani Students and Families.
Personal experiences with families revealed interesting comments by
the Oslo Suburb Schoolteachers. Pakistani parents do not understand the
importance of certain pedagogical practices for teaching music and physical
education. The parents do not support the instruction of these two subjects.
Parents are also disappointed by the lack of discipline allowed by the
teachers and administration. Students are not to misbehave and defy the
authority of older people. Parents felt that the school should discipline the
children more severely.
Most of the teachers felt that Pakistani students and their families
would not return to their homeland. The teachers know that these students
feel like tourists in their homeland. Teachers also mentioned that Pakistani
students would most likely not intermarry with Norwegians, because their
parents found that unacceptable. However, some Pakistani men of the first
generation had married Norwegian women for citizenship purposes. The
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girls tell their teachers today that they are afraid and can not concentrate in
school because they fear being sent to Pakistan to be married. Boys freely
pursue Norwegian girls because it is considered acceptable, but it is not
acceptable vis-i-vis Pakistani girls. Teachers observe that parents do not
take advantage of the opportunity to be involved in the parent-teacher-
student association. Fathers continue to visit the school for meetings only.
Teachers are also concerned with the health and well being of the families.
Many parents are ill and have numerous health problems. This has an
impact on the students' ability to focus on school.
Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School felt they should be more
involved with die parents. Teacher admitted to being involved more with
the parents of students who have problems. Rarely are the families
contacted for positive reasons by the school. A few teachers mentioned
having gone to weddings and family functions of the students' older
brothers. Some teachers did feel a connection to the community in the Oslo
Inner City School. Most of these teachers felt that these students would not
be returning to their homeland. They felt that some of the girls might, but
that the Pakistani boys had become far to westernized by living in Norway.
Other teachers recognized that the families had built larger houses in
Pakistan for retirement but had no intention of returning. They had
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become vacation homes and places for the extended family to live. It was
also viewed as a way to support the family left behind in Pakistan.
Trust Between Teachers and Pakistani Students.
Students feel secure and safe in asking teachers for assistance and
support at the Oslo Suburb School. Students often ask questions and for
assistance, but do not take it to the next level by accepting responsibility for
what they may need to do to achieve the intended outcome. Teachers are
concerned with the status of the Pakistani students. The Pakistani students
speak Norwegian tine, but do not clearly understand academic concepts.
The Pakistani students have a superficial knowledge of the Norwegian
language and vocabulary. The Pakistani girls do not participate in physical
education because of the need for privacy. Girls are not comfortable
changing and showering in front of other students. The Pakistani girls stay
in-groups and speak very little to others. Girls have difficulty establishing
relationships with other girls at the school. These girls carry on the
traditions of the families and are typically excluded from many activities.
Most of the Pakistani boys dress western style and are involved with all
aspects of western culture.
The teachers' major concern for the students, particularly girls, is the
self-segregation of the Pakistani students from the Norwegian students at
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the Oslo Suburb School. The Pakistani students prefer to socialize and
maintain relationships with their similar culture group. One teacher
observed that the students create these "gangs" for support and comfort in
the school that is considered unfamiliar to them. Some Pakistani students
also held themselves back from field trips that they did not consider
acceptable to them. This can contribute to racism and the construction of
homogenous groups. Teachers continually mentioned that integration
went very "slowly." However, a teacher said, "Education and schooling is
better for the girls. It allows girls to be involved in the Norwegian culture,
and the parents cannot be as stringent with the Islamic traditions."
When being disciplined by teachers, Pakistani boys show lack of
respect toward teachers and often defy school rules at the Oslo Suburb
School. The Pakistani boys will often take the advice of the Urdu Language
Teacher when being counseled in Urdu for disciplinary actions. Teachers
are also concerned with the lack of support from the home for high
expectations in school. Teachers mention the need for after school
programs to support their academic achievement since parents are not
always able to do this for their children. The Oslo school authority will
provide interpreters to translate meetings and conferences and gives some
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resources, but there is no fully integrated system of support services for the
immigrant community.
Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School observe the Pakistani students
talking and enjoying their time in school. They are not afraid to ask
questions and engage in dialogue to learn about issues they do not
understand in school. Pakistani students ask for help or inquire about
things they do not understand. These teachers, like the Oslo Suburb School
teachers, also have concerns about the Pakistani students. Although there
is the opportunity for all Pakistani students to attend high school many do
not choose to attend. These students opt for jobs, and girls take on practical
roles of the family. Other teachers have concerns about the boys joining
Pakistani gangs because of a crisis of identity related to becoming more
Norwegian when the family continues to reinforce traditional Islamic ways.
The Pakistani girls are also a concern to many of the teachers. These girls
are often married to the cousins from Pakistan who are uneducated
compared to these girls who have completed the equivalent of a lO^1 grade
education. The girls have difficulty adjusting to the cultural and educa
tional disparities of these marriages and have adjustment and self-esteem
problems. Many of the girls are withdrawn and very shy, and do not
socialize with the Norwegians. Other teachers mentioned the stereotypical
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self-segregation of the Pakistanis from the other culture groups. It is
speculated that integration should be much better. Some of the teachers felt
that the language classes needed to be better planned to determine the
proper student placement in instructional programs that would improve
language ability. Pakistani male students who are not successful in school
often become involved in criminal activity. There are often instances of
students written up in the paper for theft and rape. As mentioned before,
this school has the reputation of being violent A student had been killed
there many years before.
Concerns and Understandings of Pakistani Student Backeround and
Culture.
Most teachers at the Oslo Suburb School have a good idea of the
general background and location where the students from Pakistan come.
Teachers ask questions and get to know the students. Teachers know that
most students come from the Lahore region in Pakistan that is a rural area
and underdeveloped. Culturally, the teachers understood the stereotypes
regarding the Pakistani students, rather than having a deep knowledge of
the rich Pakistani Islamic culture. A few teachers are not interested in the
Pakistani student experience and do not ask them questions. Teachers help
students by working individually and in small groups. Teachers also take
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time to discuss problems and review solutions for their needs. Pakistani
students require a lot of individual attention and encounter difficulty in
many areas of instruction. This requires teachers to adopt practices to meet
their needs. Some teachers at the Oslo Suburb School are from foreign
countries, such as Finland and Germany, and use the experience of being an
immigrant to Norway to relate better to the Pakistani students. Many
teachers felt this helps students with motivation in school. Generally, the
girls worked harder in school and required less assistance with motivation.
The students with motivation problems are often in Special Education
classes, as well. This allows the student to receive more individualized
instruction.
Teachers are also concerned at the Oslo Suburb School because they
realize that statistics of youth violence continue to rise. Sixty to seventy
percent of these crimes are committed by immigrant youth. The social
teacher and other teachers would like to see the social services departments
and the schools link together to provide family projects and workshops that
address these community concerns. The social teacher is in a unique
situation because she talks with the students regularly. She credits the
Pakistani students with being very honest and open regarding their
problems. "There simply is no apparent solution and the situation can
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become even more complicated/' stated the social teacher. In situations
where the girls have claimed that their fathers have hit them, the girl will
often retract the original statement in fear on continued reprisals after the
agencies have contacted the families and begun an official investigation. It
was mentioned that students have confided about incest and abortion to
teachers. Laws require that this be reported to social services and that an
investigation be done immediately. This puts a tremendous stress on the
school and the families. Most teachers concur that the women in the
traditional Pakistani families in Oslo are "hurting" both physically and
mentally.
The teachers at the Oslo Inner City School do ask about the students'
backgrounds and have better understanding of their cultural background
and customs. They explain that the students have lived in Norway since
birth but have often visited Pakistan several times and live in a very
isolated Pakistani community in Oslo. Teachers also are very clear about
students coming from regions in Pakistan that are closely connected.
Administrators and teachers from this school have visited the area that the
students are from on an official educational exchange trip to heighten
awareness to their culture. Some teachers did mention superficial
understanding of the culture related to food and religious holidays;
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however, the core of them agreed that concepts of Islam provided the
cultural roots for Pakistani students.
Thus, these teachers did understand the strong influence of Islam on
the lives of the Pakistani students. Teachers explain that there is often
teasing based on the religious backgrounds of students. Pakistani students
take great pride in being Muslim, but are often observed talking to other
students who are not The Pakistani students who believe this to be wrong
chastise the students from Sri Lanka and Morocco who may not continue to
hold to Islamic ways. This is often the case with girls and more traditional
boys.
Other teachers mentioned the girls when discussing their knowledge
of the culture. Because girls are often confined to the home environment
with the mothers, they begin to develop negative self-concepts. Lack of
interaction with the Norwegian society greatly limits the girls' comfort in
speaking out in school and getting involved in other activities. The strict
separation of Pakistani girls from the western culture concerns many
teachers. In the Norwegian curriculum, teachers now teach "World
Religions" and "Life Perspectives" (Livsyn). These classes allow students
to discuss multiple perspectives regarding life, culture, and religion. These
classes are meant to open up discussions about identity and to honor
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differences between groups. Pakistani girls are often silent and do not offer
opinions or perspectives. Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School see little
chance of the students returning to Pakistan; however, there are strong
linkages to that way of life.
Coordination at the School
The Oslo Suburb teachers feel that the administration is supportive;
however, the disciplinary method of one of the school inspectors is
somewhat authoritarian. The role of the principal was greatly supported,
as the principal was held in high regard and seen as a good person. The
principal advocated that the city provide additional funding and resources
for the school. Students and teachers participated in internationalization of
the curriculum and had the opportunity to travel to other countries. The
principal created many interesting opportunities for students and teachers.
She is also organized and planned meetings for teachers across grade levels
and disciplines to permit them to engage in dialogue and collaboration.
Some teachers, however, might assess this organization as superficial
planning that did not result in successful classroom implementation for
better instruction of the subject matter.
The principal at the Oslo Inner City School was viewed as a friend
and a person that was open for dialogue and discussion regarding concerns
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at the school. Teachers admitted that they did not get a great deal of
support from administration/ other than disciplinary interventions. There
simply were not enough resources. So even though the principal was open
to all concerns, rarely were they followed by action because of lack of
resources or coordination. Teachers believed that much had to be done on
their own because of lack of priorities and ineffective management The
teachers did believe that discipline and positive behaviors were improving
at the school, and that the principal devoted much time to talking to
children to make sure that they were learning. However, this meant that
there was little time left to deal with other issues requiring coordination.
The School Inspector was viewed as unstructured, but very effective in
dealing with the immigrant community because of her long experience
with the population. Some teachers viewed collaboration and cooperation
with their fellow teachers as the most effective way to accomplish school
priorities.
Teachers at the Oslo Suburb School spent less time coordinating
efforts because of recess duty and other responsibilities at the school.
Teachers also agreed that they would be required reduce their teaching
load in order to achieve better coordination. Informally, the teachers often
advised one other of problems and methods to handle issues that arose in
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the school. Teachers met three to four hours a week in grade level and
subject area meetings to discuss student work and progress. Teachers often
engaged in dialogues to coordinate efforts that helped students achieve
success. For example, the seventh grade team innovatively implemented a
plan to serve all immigrant students. Three teachers split the Pakistani,
Vietnamese and "other" students into three distinct classes. This model
helped to create a team teaching approach with each of the Mother Tongue
(minority language) teachers. The second year the teachers switched back
to an integrated approach (all immigrant groups in one classroom setting)
as described in the new curriculum guidelines. This plan emphasized the
creativity and flexibility of some teachers at the Oslo Suburb School. The
reality to many teachers is that officials rarely ask them about improvement
plans for the Pakistani students, so any involvement by teachers on policy
or re-organization of planning is minimal.
Teacher cooperation and collaboration at the Oslo Inner City School
was discussed positively. The teachers organized by grade level as well as
subject areas. Teachers felt they could use more time to discuss student
progress and monitor achievement. On Wednesdays teachers met for three
hours by grade level and discipline to discuss students. The principal also
planned staff meetings to discuss important new issues and information
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during this time. Teachers felt the school was a good place to work and
supported their teacher colleagues. They also informally met with each
other during breaks and at lunch to discuss student progress and the
implementation of new plans and lessons at the school.
The school inspector (located at the school and similar to an assistant
principal) was to handle issues of supervision and discipline at the Oslo
Suburb School. Because some of the teachers disagreed with those
methods, he was not called upon to handle these problems. The job of the
school inspector is difficult Responsibilities include teaching, as well as
providing administrative support It is understood that this job is stressful
with very little increase in pay compared to that of a teacher. There is also a
counselor and social teacher at the Oslo Suburb School that handles the
issues related to student matriculation and social services. One of the
teachers focuses on aspects of socialization, and the other works with
academic screening for high school. These positions are also held by
teachers who take on administrative duties in place of their normal
teaching hours. Meetings these teachers held were often determined by the
crisis situation of a particular student
The social teacher will often intervene with students who require the
attention of Department of Child and Family Services. Often fathers are
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very strict on the daughters and the latter sometimes require the assistance
of a social worker. Parents are often in conflict with the school when such
action is taken. The social teacher has indicated that the Department of
Social Services is fairly incompetent in handling the issues of cultural
conflict that arise when girls are involved in the activities of the Norwegian
school that conflict with the fathers' strict rules. The social teacher often
visited the homes of the Pakistani students with the social workers.
Families deal with the officials in a respectful manner, but deal with conflict
behind closed doors by disciplining girls harshly. "Girls do not visit public
places alone, and are not allowed to go with the class to public swimming
pools," explained the social teacher in frustration as she explained her
biggest concerns for the Pakistani girls at the school.
Teachers do not often take part in decision making at the Oslo
Suburb School. Representative teachers can provide input to school
management through school councils. Teachers follow the national
curriculum and adhere to the instructional lesson plans of the curriculum
framework document for their subject area. In one unique situation teachers
advocated no physical education for those students who fasted for the
month of Ramadam. It is generally accepted that these students are not
required to do physical activity during the time of religious fasting.
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Students were not in any condition to be physically active during those
periods.
Parents take part in decision making to a lesser degree, except for
decisions regarding the instruction of Norwegian as a Second Language,
the instruction of Norwegian as foreign language, or mainstream
Norwegian instruction for their child. Students are tested at the end of the
school year to determine placement in the appropriate Norwegian
Language option; however, parents can indicate which class they would
like for their child.
Decision making at the Oslo Inner City School is handled in the same
manner as at the Oslo Suburb School. Teachers rarely take part in making
decisions, but make informal recommendations to the principal at staff
meetings. Because only one teacher representative can serve on the school
site council there is no capacity building for participatory management of
all school staff in decision making. There is a planning group with one
teacher from each grade level that meets with the principal to discuss plans
and make recommendations. This group is viewed as the leadership team.
Teachers do feel included in the flow of information at the Oslo Inner City
School. Rarely is a parent part of this group; however, the principal does
speak to parents at their meetings and takes recommendations from the
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strong Pakistani community leaders in this region of Oslo city. When
parents are contacted to advise on plans for the school, they are empowered
to be participants and supporters of the school. Parents do feel they are
partners in this process. Parents who come from cities, rather than rural
areas in Pakistan, are the ones who generally deal directly with the school
on these issues. The teacher class leader from each grade level also involves
parents in issues reflective of grade level plans.
Teachers attended conferences and training sessions sponsored by
the Oslo School Authority. The Urdu teacher attended classes regarding
the pedagogy of Mother Tongue Teaching. Staff development dealing with
immigration pedagogy and cultural competency has been recommended by
the teachers as being a worthwhile requirement for all teachers in Oslo.
The teachers believed that this would improve instructional practices and
assist students in reaching academic goals. Teachers are disappointed at
the lack of coordinated services for immigrant students. Some teachers
believe the teachers' union provides more opportunities to learn about
these children. Teachers believe that the Oslo School Authority should
encourage administrative councils to allocate more money for additional
after school tutoring hours for students who require help with subjects.
The councils' support could also pay for reduced class sizes by hiring more
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teachers. Teachers also suggest that they need more role models and
teachers from the Pakistani community. One teacher had been able to work
into the curriculum a Pakistani Police Woman to visit the class. There
should be more opportunities such as this for the students.
Oslo Inner City School teachers did not have positive impressions of
the Oslo School Authority. Teachers viewed the administrative support
from the Authority as impractical and not beneficial for the support needed
at the school. They also felt that many of the individuals working at the
Authority lacked competence and were unable to handle the situation in
Oslo schools today. These teachers, like the Oslo Suburb school teachers,
had the viewpoint that there was little proliferation of ideas and
innovations from the Oslo School Authority. There was a lack of offerings
for staff development to increase competency in dealing with language
minority children. These teachers also felt that the Oslo School Authority
should have solutions and plans to help schools, like the Oslo Inner City
School, that lack resources and are impacted by a large immigrant
population. Unequivocally, these teachers believed that the Oslo School
Authority was a large bureaucracy completely removed from the needs and
challenges of urban schools in Oslo. Even the training offered by the
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Authority on second language learning and immigrant education was
viewed as limited by the Oslo Inner City teachers.
The teachers did not have contact with the Ministry of Church,
Education, and Research. It is rare that teachers are in direct contact with
the Ministry. The Ministry had just adopted the new curriculum guidelines
for compulsory schooling in 1997. This new plan required problem-based
learning across all subject areas. The teachers at the Oslo Suburb School felt
insufficiently prepared to teach using the new pedagogy. Training and
competency development in problem-based learning and project
development for the curricular areas were major areas of concern for the
teachers. The need to teach using these methodologies required much more
time to cover the scope and themes of the curriculum for a given subject
area. Teachers had concerns that they would not be able to provide
students with the full course of study for the subject areas given the new
problem-based learning approach which takes considerable time to
implement This was seen as a significant disadvantage for immigrant
students who require more explanation of the subject matter. Teachers
suggest that Pakistani students will require more time studying on their
own to keep up with the curriculum. Because Pakistani boys do not study
as often as other students, this instructional innovation could cause
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academic declines for those students. However, cooperative learning and
project-based instruction might make content more comprehensible
because they are grounded in experiences and real-life problems.
Immigrant students may make a better connection with the curriculum.
Oslo Suburb School teachers have requested training and competency
building programs to assure that all students will be successful in achieving
the mandates of the new curricular guidelines. The Ministry was not
perceived as helpful in implementing the new plan because no training
courses are being offered. The Oslo School authority was to have
determined how to get over 4,000 teachers trained on the new curriculum.
Teachers do not have much confidence in the Oslo School Authority's
ability to get that job done. In 1997, teachers from the Oslo Suburb School
attended a conference on language and culture in Bali, Indonesia. While it
was eventful, it did not provide the focus for the compulsory schooling
required to help integrate new methods of teaching. A focus on anthro
pology and culture is fascinating; however, it must be relevant and practical
for instructional purposes. Teachers do not believe that this new reform
will produce quality staff development either.
Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School had a similar standpoint
regarding the Ministry of Church, Education, and Research. The ministry
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was viewed as even more separate and distanced from the realities of the
urban schools that the Oslo School Authority. Teachers did mention that
the meetings the Ministry has to discuss changes in policy rarely involve
teachers from the field. This was regrettable to many of the highly involved
staff that participated in this study. In fact, many teachers mentioned the
university studies done at the school on the low test scores of the immi
grant student The Ministry used this to guide policy making. Teachers at
the Oslo Inner City School are resentful that they were not included in
planning and policy decisions impacting their school, especially since their
school is the largest immigrant school in Norway. Teachers said programs
such as "Homework Help" in the inner eastern section of Oslo were
inspired and funded by the Administrative Council in their city region.
The Ministry does little to acknowledge these programs nor to provide
additional funding for services that work! Teachers view the Ministry as a
source of information regarding the national curriculum, but little other
than that And even this support is viewed as limited and not meeting their
needs. One teacher had been asked to be an assessor of the new curriculum
for her subject area. She said that the Ministry did not take her
recommendations seriously. It was simply and exercise that needed to be
complete prior to releasing the new curriculum guidelines.
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At the Oslo Suburb School, many teachers assisted in the referral and
coordination of social services for students and families. The social teacher
was the primary contact with relevant agencies in the community, the
school and the family. High school and college aged Pakistani students
volunteered to come to speak to the middle school students at the Oslo
Suburb School to serve as role models and tutors. The Pakistani boys in the
8 * * 1 and 9 * * 1 grades begin to have many problems in school, so the influence
of these college students in counseling and mentoring these boys helps to
steer them away from problems, such as street gangs. The college students
like to work with the middle school students because they help to eliminate
their perceptions of being very tough. The realities of what the college
students present make the latter change their defiant attitudes quickly.
The need for tutoring and after school services for the Pakistani
students is high. There is little interest in teaching beyond the instructional
day for the staff at the Oslo Suburb school. Responsibilities for these
programs should be delegated to staff that are interested in such activities.
Notes are sent home to parents of Pakistani students who require
additional help. There is no systematic approach to deal with the problems
and concerns of parents. Teachers say that parents are surprised when they
receive notes regarding bad behavior or poor performance. Students do not
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discuss negative aspects of school with their parents. Students claim,
"Everything is great!"
Teachers at the Oslo Inner City School make referrals and reports to
social service agencies when necessary. Teachers are confidential
informants and utilize this to help students in need by reporting to social
services any students who have problems related to abuse and neglect
Teachers agree that this is very important in the Pakistani cultural context,
because many of the girls are beaten if they do not follow the norms and
rules of the family. This is not the case for young boys, who can often be
seen involved even in criminal activity. There is a double standard, and
teachers feel they must help girls in these circumstances when the teachers
have been informed. Teachers take time to fill out reports necessary for
investigations and home visits. Teachers feel that conflict between the
Muslim religion and the Norwegian schools puts many Pakistani girls at
risk of abuse in Oslo. Teachers help students in need by working with
them one to one and staying after school to discuss aspects of their school
work and home life that might be an issue. The school also has access to
volunteers in the community to work with students in need.
Teachers at the Oslo Suburb School did not have positive
perceptions of the leadership of the Oslo School Authority. The Urdu
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teacher said that much of the problem had to do with lack of discipline and
the lack of immigrant parent involvement Teachers also mentioned a lack
of resources at the schools. There is a need for more books and equipment
for students. Teachers also mentioned that the Oslo School Authority by
not providing cultural resources and background information to teachers
does not deal with the problems of immigrant students. An example was
the disappearance of the girls around fourteen or fifteen years of age to be
wed in Pakistan in order to bring over additional family, cousins, to
Norway. Teachers would for the girls' well being like assistance in
handling such traumatic episodes.
In addition, criminal activity is on the rise with immigrants.
Teachers mentioned that these issues should be addressed openly with the
Pakistani students to help them to handle pressures from negative influ
ences in the community. One teacher said, "Social problems of the
Pakistanis cannot be held separate from the educational issues. They have
too large an impact on their success!'
Congruent with public opinion in Norway, teachers believe that the
educational system could make better use of the resources that are
distributed to the local schools. Teachers deem poor communication with
the public regarding education as the reason politicians and public officials
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are viewed negatively in dealing with schooling problems. Teachers
believe that Pakistanis may not clearly understand the implications of
education in Norway. Most Pakistanis view the educational system the
same as the health system, much better than in Pakistan. The problem was
summed up by one teacher who said, "The parents do not want to integrate
with the system (schools and Norwegian society) and their children want to
be Norwegian. Pakistani people are hard hit by this reality. They are good
people in a very difficult situation. We have to find ways to help them."
Administrative and Managerial Elements
The administrative and managerial elements of schooling that
impact the Pakistani student experience were discussed with several key
administrators. A total of 19 administrators where interviewed for the
study, coming from various levels of the educational administrative
hierarchy. Three individuals were employed by the Norwegian Ministry of
Church, Education, and Research. Another six administrators were
working for the Oslo School Authority, and the remaining ten
administrators were local principals, school inspectors, and community
leaders at the Suburb School or the Inner City School.
The positions of the administrators were discussed relative to several
key issues that influence the Pakistani student experience— Pakistani
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community and student access to institutions, services, and programs;
relevance of Pakistani student and community by the leadership; resource
allocation to programming to assist the Pakistani community and students;
acceptance of Pakistani community role models in the schools; degree and
level of partnerships with multiple social services agencies; involvement in
promoting positive public relations for Pakistani students; functions and
organizational structures which enhance the Pakistani student experience;
and concepts of the curricular objectives and educational opportunities for
Pakistani student success.
These issues evolved into an analysis of the Oslo school leadership,
the organization of the community, and the policy and evaluation of the
educational system. The following three sections are described below
relative to the themes that were developed from the use of the codebook in
the interpretation of the data. The educational organization research
questions were refined from concepts of participatory leadership and
necessary levels of complexity for partnerships with the Pakistani
community and social agencies. Collaboration and high involvement of
participants in leadership are necessary for building trust in an immigrant
community and developing opportunities for access and advancement
The following table reviews the background of the administrators and
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consultants who volunteered to be interviewed for the study to better
understand the situation of Pakistani students.
The interviewed administrators at the Suburb School averaged 16.6
years of educational experience. The Inner City School administrators
averaged 25.5 years of experience in the held of education. At the Oslo
School Authority the mean number of years of experience in education was
25.3 years. This average was the same for the administrators at the
Norwegian Ministry of Education. The overall educational experience
average for all the administrators interviewed in the study was 22.6 years.
The average educational level for all interviewed administrators was
4.2 years at the university. At the Suburb School the mean educational level
for administrators was 4.6 years at the university and teachers colleges.
The Inner City School had an average educational level for its admini
strators of 5 university years. Administrators at the Oslo School Authority
had 4.3 years university education. Except for one of the leadership
interviewees at The Norwegian Ministry of Education, all leaders had
masters' degrees at the ministry.
At the Suburb School three leaders in the community were inter
viewed as partners with the school administration. Most of the admini
strative interviewees had some form of specialty training that provided
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TABLE 31
BACKGROUND DATA FOR ADMINISTRATIVE
AND LEADERSHIP INTERVIEWS
Gender Age
Level of
Education
Years in
Teaching or
Leadership
Special
Training
Current
Position
SUBURB SCHOOL LEADERSHIP (decentralized level
•
•
FEMALE 52 6yr.
University
27 Educational
Developm ent
Principal -
Suburb
School
MALE 47 5yr.
University
20 Educational
Technology
School
Inspector
MALE 50 4 yr.
University
27 School
Inspector
FEMALE 44 5yr.
University
16 • Public
Health
Project based
H ealth in
curriculum
Public
Health
N urse*
MALE 22 High
School
8 -youth
leader
conflict
resolution
Community
liaison*
FEMALE 29 3yr.
College
2 -social
services
immigration
laws
Social
W orker*
INNER CITY SCHOOL LEADERSHIP (decentralized level):
MALE 68 some
University
40 - Principal -
Inner City
FEMALE 57 4yr.
Uniiersity
22 Norwegian as
a Second
Language
Academic &
Social
Counselor
FEMALE 64 5yr.
University
23 Immigration
Ed. Theory
School
Inspector
MALE 44 6yr.
University
17 Educational
Technology
Academic 4c
Social
Counselor
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TABLE 31 CONTINUED
OSLO SCHOt3L AUTHORITY LEADERSHIP (intermediate level):
Gender Age
Level of
Education
Years in
Teaching or
Leadership
Special
Training
Current
Position
MALE
m
7yr.
University
30 Special
Education -
Program
Dev.
Director -
Drop O ut
Recovery
FEMALE 36 5yr.
University
6 Public Law C onsultant-
M inority
Language
Pupils
MALE 65 2yr.
University
45 M iddle
School
Reform
Special
Consultant,
Superintendent'*
Cabinet
FEMALE 55 5yr.
University
19 Immigrant
Education
Advisor,
M inority
Language
Pupils
FEMALE 53 2yr.
University
27 Acting Local
Educational
Inspector
FEMALE 50 5yr.
University
25 C onsultant -
M inority
Language
Pupils
NORWEGIAN MINISTRY OF EDUCAT1 O N (centralized level):
FEMALE 4yr.
University
31 M inority
Language
Instruction
Senior
Executive
Officer
FEMALE
•
Masters 23 Compliance
A
Evaluation
Consultant,
Cabinet Staff
FEMALE Masters 22 Teacher
Education
Senior
Executive
Officer
* Partner in schooling community
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additional insight into the situation of Pakistani students. The following
sections develop the reoccurring themes that help to describe the educa
tional leadership, organization and policy relative to the situation of
Pakistani students in Norway.
Leadership of Oslo Schools
Pakistani Access to Social Structures.
The perspectives of the Oslo School Authority administrators, when
asked about the issues surrounding Pakistani schooling and experiences,
were markedly similar. Giving a decisive answer on the most successful
programs for the Pakistani students was not forthcoming. Two educational
officials from the Compulsory Schooling Department would not initially
meet with the researcher, and the Superintendent's office intervened to
suggest that the meeting take place in the study since they were both
primarily responsible for immigrant education and oversight of the
compulsory schooling department Two of the Oslo School Authority
administrators were reluctant interviewees and gave indecisive answers.
The highly politicized nature of the immigrant field made them shy away
from discussions since the Authority had been criticized over the past
several years for the elimination of primary language instruction.
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There is a lack of program evaluation of educational options for
immigrant students, much less the Pakistani student population. The
Ministry and Authority do not separate the groups in determining
instruction. All programs are for all immigrants. However, administrators
did admit that the best results for these students are distinguishable (i.e.,
higher grades) when students are in bilingual programs. "The students
appear to do much better in school (when in bilingual programs) and their
self-esteem is higher," was the insight from one administrator who had
been involved with the Pakistani population for many years. However,
numerous systematic experiments of these programs are lacking in the
educational research. There is little data on the situation of the Pakistani
students, and less comparative data across groups of immigrant students.
The current options available to Pakistani students are: normal
instruction, extra support in subject matter from a primary language
teacher, and instructional strategies for second language learning in
Norwegian as Second Language classes. Students in the middle school may
also take electives in foreign languages. At some schools there is also
assistance with homework available through funding from the urban
administrative councils. In the high schools there are options for
immigrants, as well. They can opt out of the third language in the high
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school, and substitute the primary language. The Oslo School Authority is
encouraging more team teaching between language support teachers and
the classroom teachers. The Authority provides competency building in
this strategy for the primary language teachers. "It is necessary for the
instruction to be organized for full integration of language with content so
that teachers are supporting both the knowledge and learning of the
Pakistani child," said the experienced consultant who advises the Oslo
School Superintendent He also explained that during the 1980s there was
much funding for primary language instruction; however, over time
politics created a divisive discussion about the nature of this instruction.
Later in the 1990s, a large part of these monies was instead put in the
administration of programs. He considered this to be a big failure by the
politicians and the system. The advisor who has been working with
minority language students and pedagogy for years also stated that certain
schools are experimenting, with funds from the City Administrative
Councils, to provide mothers with adult education opportunities to help
Pakistani students be more successful in school. In her view, parent
education in critical to the success of Pakistani students.
There are very few consultants and advisors at the Oslo School
Authority or among school inspectors at the local schools who handle and
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implement programs regarding culture, language, parents, or options for
immigrant students. There are four Minority Language consultants in the
Oslo School Authority-one for the high schools and three serving the
middle and elementary schools. They rarely visit the schools, dealing
mainly with resource allocation, course descriptions, and support plans.
One of the consultants did mention that she had visited the reception
language classes for newly arrived immigrants. The consultants are
sometimes called for advice. The school inspectors and the principals at the
local school sites do not have any formal education interaction with the
immigrant population. Some teams of teachers are now formally trained in
strategies for second language learners.
The city's administrative councils handle policy and information for
immigrants. Interpretation of policy and guidance for immigrants is
assigned to the administrative regions of Oslo. There should be better
collaboration between the Oslo School Authority and the City's Admini
strative regions. The parliament determines the educational and immigrant
policy, and it is the responsibility of these two government entities to
interpret the laws. It appears as though collaboration is lacking. Effective
collaboration would greatly benefit schools. In the 1980s there were
experiments with local schools as "social transitional centers" where more
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resources for the immigrants were available in their local neighbor- hood
with the school serving as a "community center."
The Pakistani community members are not often involved or
employed at the schools. There are few teachers from the Pakistani
community who are hired to work with the highly impacted schools, which
is also the case in the Eastern section of Oslo where most of the immigrants
tend to reside. There are not enough trained Pakistani teachers. The
eastern section of Oslo has always been home to lower socio-economic
groups, and the schools have had a bad reputation for years. It has
naturally occurred that this area has become what is called "Little
Pakistan." Some administrators have referred to this area as ghettoized.
Leadership Values Pakistani Student Needs.
The leadership in the Oslo School Authority has identified the
specific needs relative to the Pakistani community. Their standpoint is that
the Pakistani community requires: (1) teachers who speak Urdu and access
for Pakistani students to primary language instruction for attainment of
literacy; (2) a systematic approach to after school tutoring and home work
assistance; and (3) a parent education component linked to the schools.
Currently, the consultants and advisors at the Oslo School Authority do not
believe that the schools have the means to meet these needs of the Pakistani
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students and their families. Other areas of concern for the Pakistanis
include: the young girls and the social situation that isolates them from
contact with the Norwegian community; the lack of Norwegian language
mastery of all Pakistani students that limits their success in the high
schools; the severe lack of parental involvement in the schools; and the
opting out by most Pakistani students from the elective, world religions.
Many advisors believe this elective is the first step to begin a dialogue
about different ways of life and possible adaptation to the Norwegian
customs. Regarding the girls, a limited number of schools have begun a
career transition effort Pakistani girls work at the local nursery schools
while in high school to provide them with work opportunities later in life.
Consultants also believe there is a tremendous need for alternative
education and options besides the academic setting. Adult learning linked
to the school is also very important, especially for the mothers who would
be responsible for reinforcing the education. Some Oslo schools have
worked very hard to link resources (e.g., Social Services, Unemployment
Training, Health Department, and Adult Education) to their schools;
however, the large majority are not able to meet the needs and require
additional resources.
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The Oslo School Authority admits it has very little data on the
Pakistani families and their movement from Pakistan to Norway. Some
research councils, UngForsk (Youth Research), have done independent
research on the situation, but the Oslo School Authority lacks sufficient
data to assist in the development of the programs that they have identified
as a need. Special projects funded by the government are now looking into
some aspects of immigrant education. The immigration directorate also has
data on the immigration of peoples to Norway; however, these data are
rarely used to inform the schooling situation or educational practices
concerning Pakistani students. The special consultant to the Superin
tendent of the Oslo Schools also mentioned the two-week visit to Pakistan
by local Oslo principals. The purpose was to raise awareness of the
situation of the Pakistani students and their families. He said, "These are
not poor people; they live in large homes that have been built in the country
side with money earned working in Norway. Many have chosen to live
simple lives in Norway to prove they are wealthy back in Pakistan. They
visit frequently for vacations." During this visit; many of the principals ran
into their students in the communities. The Pakistani population in Oslo
tends to be from the same regions.
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Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience.
Appropriate practices and functions in the schools are outlined in the
curriculum framework; however, each of the Oslo schools is decen-tralized
in its governance structure and make decisions on the implemen-tation of
the curriculum frameworks. Leadership teams at the schools make
recommendations regarding use of resources and the Oslo School
Authority checks compliance with laws and regulations. However,
consultants and advisors with the Oslo School Authority are not certain
that these regulations are always followed according to the guidelines
determined by the parliament and the Ministry of Church, Education and
Research. In fact, many of the top officials in the Oslo Education Authority
view their role as more effective than the Ministry because they are much
larger and more in touch with the reality of the large urban center. Oslo is
unique in the sense that it is the largest city in the country and extremely
different from the rural areas. In general, the Oslo School Authority
realizes that they are viewed as a large bureaucracy severely removed from
the schools and communities, but the Ministry of Education is viewed as
even more remote and out of touch with the realities of Oslo. Figure 5
represents a structural diagram of the Norwegian educational system from
Ministry to the school site.
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FIGURE 5
DIAGRAM OF THE NORWEGIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
NATIONAL LEVEL
25 U rban
Adminis
trative
Regions
COUNTY LEVEL
25 U rban
Administrative
Councils
LOCAL SCHOOL SITES
Oslo School A uthority
D epartm ent for
C hildren A E ducation
City Council - M unicipal Executive
B oard
Com pulsory Schools
High Schools
Adult Education C enters
Norwegian M inistry of C hurch,
Education, and Research
There has been a discussion in the past several years for the Oslo
School Authority to come up with solutions to better organize the schools
to meet the challenges of the immigrant population. There has been an
effort to bus students from the highly immigrant impacted schools to the
schools with lower percentages so that no school will have over 50%
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immigrant student population. The viewpoint of the Oslo School Authority
was that disbursing the immigrant student population more equally among
Oslo's schools would promote their integration into the Norwegian school
system and would help students to be more successful in schools. This
research, in part, seeks to analyze the impact of doing such an organiza
tional change. Currently, the political climate of education for immigrants
has been far too highly debated to make such a policy change with out
more data.
As another option, the Oslo School Authority has also discussed the
potential of class size reduction in schools with large immigrant enroll
ments. The city administrative regions have already encouraged schools to
use additional resources from the administrative council to reduce class
sizes. This is viewed as a way to help provide immigrant children with
better access to the curriculum by providing them with smaller classes and
greater student teacher interaction and rapport
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community.
The Oslo School Authority Consultants and advisors believe that the
local teachers follow the curriculum guidelines to the best of their ability.
With the second language teaching of Norwegian, the consultants and
advisors observe that there is such a lack of resources, mainly of qualified
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teachers, that there is little opportunity for them to accomplish all the aims
of the curriculum framework outlined by the Ministry. The use of bilingual
education (i.e., primary language instruction) is not discussed in the new
release of the curriculum guidelines. The Ministry has not revealed, a year
after the release of the curriculum guidelines, a program for effective
primary language instruction. Teachers have opportunities to attend
linguistic competency development programs at the local teachers college
and the University of Oslo. The Oslo School Authority provides teachers
with forty hours of instruction in linguistics and forty hours of instruction
in immigration pedagogy so that teachers will obtain the necessary skills in
dealing with immigrant children. The Authority pays for the courses and
teachers who participate can earn up to ten college credits. The courses can
take up to 28 weeks and obviously require a commitment by the teachers.
There are from two to five such trained teachers at each school. The
advisors believe that all Oslo city school teachers need this competency in
order to effectively handle the growing immigrant student population in
Oslo where one out of every three students is an immigrant child.
Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs.
Oslo schools resources available for parents and for referral to social
services are limited. The Oslo School Authority can provide translators for
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the schools that require additional services for their parents7 conferences
and meetings. However, most schools must work with their own urban
administrative councils to get additional resources for parent education and
social services linked to the school sites. Funding is allocated by the Oslo
School Authority to the schools based on a per pupil formula for the
instruction of the national curriculum. Schools are also allotted up to three
hours a week per immigrant pupil for primary language support up to the
9 * * 1 grade (now changed to 1 0 * * 1 grade) if the student qualifies for the
services. Additional formulas are also used to calculate the per pupil
allotment for students who receive Norwegian as a second language.
Funding is only used to pay salaries and instructional materials for these
programs. Funding for other kinds of educational activities can be sought
through the administrative councils or the Oslo municipality and other
state agencies. Limited resources may be provided from these offices.
There are not enough primary language teachers to serve the numbers of
students who require support At the fifty-six compulsory schools in Oslo,
immigrants range from 25%-100% of student enrollment There are simply
not enough teachers to support the students who require primary language
instruction to understand content in Norwegian. This major concern of
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educators of the immigrant students makes developing interventions and
strategies exceptionally challenging.
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support the Schools.
Linkages to the community and partnerships with social service
agencies at the schools vary greatly from the perspective of the Oslo School
Authority consultants and advisors. Individual teachers take on the roles
of being referral partners for the social service agencies. If there is a child
in need or a family suffering, the social teacher and school inspectors will
contact the Oslo Child Welfare Secretariat or the Secretariat for Refugees
and Immigrants Any support or lobbying for the families' and
communities' needs is enacted through the administrative councils of each
region's urban neighborhood. These urban administrative councils have
much more authority and run parallel with the Oslo Municipality and the
Oslo Secretariats (such as the Secretariat for Refugees and Immigrants).
Again, it is unfortunate that there is a lack of coordination between these
administrative councils of the urban neighborhoods and the local schools
that are directly administered by the Education Authority of Oslo. The
Education Authority is similar to a Secretariat that reports directly to the
Department of Children and Education included in the Oslo Municipal
executive board. This Oslo Municipal Board is directly linked to the
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twenty-five urban administrative neighborhoods. The Oslo City Council
(consisting of the secretariats) and the Urban Neighborhood Committees
(consisting of urban neighborhood administrations) make up the govern
ance of the municipality of Oslo. There is a lack of coordination between
the two entities. Please refer to Figures 4 (p. 144) and 5 for a diagram of the
structure of government related to the educational system. There is also the
Ombudsman for Children directly administered by the Parliament of
Norway that can be of assistance to the children in a minority commun-ity
in extreme cases.
There is currently a large-scale study in five Norwegian cities—
Bergen Stavanger, Kristiansand, Drammen, and Tromso— looking at the
similarities and contrasts of successful programs for immigrant children.
This is seen as one of few systematic efforts to try and coordinate and
understand the intricate nature of schooling immigrant children. Some
schools also cooperate with the National Directorate for Immigration to
combat racism and ethnicity in schools. There are several programs that
are tailored for schools to help them to promote positive images of
immigrants in the local community. Often the Oslo School Authority has
made contact with the Ministry of Culture to seek information about the
customs and life styles of the Pakistanis. One of the Ministry's advisors is a
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Pakistani National and an exceptional outspoken political ally of the
schools for the maintenance of primary language instruction.
Pakistani Student Matriculation and Dropout Status.
There is great concern from the Oslo Education Authority regarding
the dropout and articulation rates of the Pakistani students. There is a
Pakistani student society at the University of Oslo comprised of a hundred
students. It is apparent to many school officials that Pakistanis do not go
on to the high school, and fewer go the University.
The Dropout Recovery Program developed by the Oslo School
Authority, in collaboration with middle schools, high schools, and the
national unemployment office, offers the best example of a partnership of
social service agencies developed to assist students in need. The program is
administered across four regions in Oslo in a consortium of urban admin
istrative regions, the unemployment office, social services and the schools.
Each of these offices has a dropout recovery contact to deal with the
students' needs. It is the responsibility of the middle school to ensure all
students go on to high school. If students do not register in a high school,
the students are referred to the Dropout Recovery Program in their region
to receive job development and resources to look into training and
vocational schools. The Dropout Recovery Program is responsible for
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placing all students who do not attend high school. Students also have the
opportunity to take part in continuing education at regional high schools
where they can learn practical work experience at the same time they take
courses to improve their grades. The partnership is of great interest to
politicians who are now looking to the schools and communities to provide
safety nets for students who do not succeed. The Dropout Recovery
Program was developed as part of the Educational Reform of 1994, which
was discussed previously. Experts estimate that sixty to seventy percent of
the dropouts are minority immigrant students. The statistics of the
Dropout Recovery program do not reveal whether the participants in the
database management system are immigrants.
The statistics are not disaggregated by ethnicity. This is of great
concern to the Oslo Educational Authority. Of the total number of students
who have been identified for the Dropout Recovery Program, approxi
mately 30% are unemployed, do not wish to be tracked, or have not been
found in the community. Statistics are being accumulated year by year
since 1994, and the program shows great potential for helping students to
make the transition from Middle to High school in Oslo, or to assist them in
alternative career paths. The middle school counselors and social teachers
are vital to help identify the students who did not go on to high school and
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require the intervention of the partnerships of the Dropout Recovery
Program.
Organization of the School Community
Pakistani Access to Social Structures.
The Principal from the Oslo Suburb School and other administrators
in this setting had great insights regarding the Pakistani situation based on
many years of teaching and administrative experience with this student
group. The administration had developed special services for Pakistanis by
putting students into small groups in the classes so that they would receive
extra support from their teachers. Attempts have been made to reduce
class size for those in Norwegian as Second Language and social studies
classes so that they might better begin to comprehend Norwegian. The
Pakistani students' lack of language skills was a great concern of the
administration in the Oslo Suburb School. There are also "Homework
Help" classes and special instruction in the computer lab for students who
require additional assistance.
Pakistani students are also "forced" to deal with integration to a
larger degree at this school because there is little opportunity to segregate.
<
During lunch, all students must eat together in the cafeteria, and the library
is open for all during the break to study and do homework. Teachers on
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duty make a conscious effort to make sure that they are together at all
times. Separation from the group is greatly discouraged. All teachers at
the Oslo Suburb School are encouraged by the administration to take
pedagogy in Norwegian as a Second Language and use music and arts as
part of the socialization process for students to promote integration. The
parents are also encouraged to come to school often to follow the progress
of the students. However, it is not always easy to get them in to the school
and good communication is lacking as explained by the teachers.
In seventh grade, students at the Oslo Suburb School are given the
Norwegian Reading and Comprehension test to determine proficiency in
Norwegian. Most are placed in the Norwegian as Second language classes
because they lack the conventions of Norwegian necessary to be in
Norwegian I. As students get better Norwegian grades (competency), they
can transition over to the other classes, Norwegian I. The transition does
not occur quickly. By 9 ^ grade most students are still in Norwegian as a
Second Language. This fact is what greatly disturbs the administration at
the Oslo Suburb School. The administration at the Oslo Suburb School
observes that not all Pakistani students are the same. A rare two or three
boys are doing outstanding in Norwegian. The school system lacks
knowledge as to why some do better than others. The principal feels that
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the Oslo School Authority simply groups them all into the immigrant
classification with very little understanding of the situation of the students.
The authority does not visit the schools to do research, and makes policy on
courses and teacher training with little direct experience. The large
majority of Pakistani at the Suburb School lack language ability; however, a
few do attain levels similar to that of the Norwegians. The principal would
like to know why?
One administrator at the Oslo Suburb School stated, "Pakistani
students who were socialized at age four and five in the local nursery
school seem to have a much easier time with Norwegian. In my years
teaching Pakistani, those who have had pre-school with other Norwegian
students, do much better in the conventions of language." He implies that
those students who have lived isolated with families until the first day of
school when they are seven, have a more difficult time throughout their
schooling experience even into middle and high school.
At the Oslo Inner City School there are some programs available to
the Pakistani students that provide access to social structures and
mainstream Norwegian educational experiences. However, most of the
opportunities are not for integration purposes because the school is over
90% immigrant and there is little opportunity to have an experience where
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the Pakistani students are combined with Norwegians. The school does
offer "Homework Help" on the campus and intervention programs in small
group instruction for Pakistani students. These programs focus on
language support with emphasis on understanding Norwegian subject
matter content The "Homework Help" program is available four days a
week. There are also special days when parents are invited to "Tea with
Teachers." They get together and discuss issues and concerns regarding the
education of their children. The Oslo Inner City School is also the reception
center for all newly arrived immigrants in grades seven to nine in the inner
city section of Oslo. The school provides language support in multiple
languages to newly arrived immigrants for up to six months before
integrating them into the mainstream classrooms. There are several mother
tongue teachers who provide support for these students during allocated
hours by the Oslo School Authority. The alternative school is also linked to
the Inner City School for students who will focus on learning a trade and
vocational studies.
The administration of the Oslo Inner City School believes in the use
of bilingual education. The administration would like to see the results of
longitudinal studies of Pakistani immigrants that received mother tongue
instruction compared to those today who do not The school continues to
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experiment with bilingual programs for students by using resources horn
the Oslo City Council. The consensus of the administration is the longer
Pakistani students receive language support or bilingual education, the
better they do in the subject areas. The administration has long been
involved with the Pakistani community and had very strong opinions
regarding services and instructional practices. There is great skepticism
toward the Ministry of Education and the Oslo School Authority. Because
of the unique circumstances of the school being highly impacted by
immigrants, the administration does not believe that the officials from the
ministry and the authority have the competence to deal with the situation.
Oslo School Authority personnel rarely visit the school. They are viewed as
bureaucrats with little understanding of the situation of the school or the
community. They are only commended on their ability to handle the
compilation of data from the schools for achievement testing and
demographics. Regarding English instruction, one official of the Ministry
of Education was involved in the administration of a study. She provided
project feedback and recommendations on the curriculum development
Other than this contact few had an involvement with the Ministry.
The Oslo Inner City School also administers the Norwegian
Comprehension and Reading test to all students to determine placement in
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the Norwegian as a Second Language or Norwegian Classes. Parents can
also decide the option that they believe is best suited to their children
regardless of test scores. Most are placed based on teachers'
recommendations.
Perceptions of the social welfare policies for the immigrants tend to
be negative at the Oslo Suburb School. Immigration stop laws have made
life difficult for many Pakistani families who would like to bring in more
family members. In the view of many Norwegians and the administration
at the Oslo Suburb school, the Pakistani families tend to manipulate the
social system by using disability insurance for up to and beyond thirty
years because they do not want to work. Administrators discuss the
extensive network of Pakistani families that support each other in the
acquisition of information about the system and the use of those resources.
Other Pakistani parents work very hard for many years saving up money to
send home to families in Pakistan that they do not see often. The
unfortunate reality is that many Pakistani families do not follow up on
contacts with the schools, and do not get involved at any level. The large
families tend to exclude the schools system as one of the benefits of the
welfare state, hi general, they do not take advantage of the system by
learning how it works and encouraging their children to be successful.
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While there are a rare few who do this, it has caused conflict for some of
these students because they are "forced" to be successful in school, but at
the same time must maintain the Pakistani ways. There is much resentment
from these students as they attempt to settle into schools.
The principal of the Oslo Suburb School provided an interesting
example of prevailing cultural tensions: "The father speaks good
Norwegian, has an important job with the Norwegian Radio— his own
Pakistani Radio show— but he is constantly dissatisfied with his situation (in
Norway). He comes to my office frequently complaining about discrimin
ation against his son. His own lack of feeling 'Norwegian' has made his son
very nervous and uncomfortable in school. I can only assume that his son
is having a very hard time here."
The administrators of the Oslo Inner City School believe that the
Pakistanis have information regarding social welfare policies and make use
of the services for which they qualify. They are often seen at the urban
administrative centers of the social welfare offices. There are Pakistanis
involved in the schools not only as mother tongue teachers, but also as
substitute teachers. The principal had distinct opinions regarding the
exclusionary (isolationist) attitude of the Pakistani Mother Tongue teacher.
He did not socialize with the Norwegians and appeared to withhold
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information in interpreting certain aspects of the parent conferences. The
principal felt that there was something "surreptitious" about his dealings
with the Pakistani community. There appeared to be a need to isolate and
exclude certain information about families from the school. This teacher
was also an important leader in the Mosque. The administration was wary
of this behavior. There is also teacher assistants who work with the classes
from the four major immigrant communities— Pakistan, Turkey, Morocco,
and Somalia. The high concentration of immigrants in this area is seen as
positive for support of the Pakistani community. They initially move into
the area because of low rent and the attractiveness of being with their own
kind. However, the unusual aspect is that most stay in the inner city
because of the support of their group. Many have claimed there is less
racism and sexual pressure for the students in this area of town.
Leadership Values Pakistani Student Needs.
The administration at the Oslo Suburb School observes that the most
important need for the Pakistani students is parent education and more
parent involvement in the school. They have suggested a parent advisor to
work with the immigrants at the school who will better assist parents in
getting involved and feeling comfortable with the school meetings and
teacher conferences. These administrators also consider communication to
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be a problem and that more interpreters in the school are necessary. The
general consensus is that the parents are extremely isolated from the school.
Because the Oslo School Authority bills for hours that the interpreter is
hired, it has become very expensive. "What the school really needs is a
parent advisor or liaison that is available at all times", says the Principal of
the Oslo Suburb School. The school has intervention activities for all
students in the 7 ^ grade for career days so that parents can become
involved. In the 9 * * 1 grade, the social teacher and academic advisor begin to
discuss continuing educational selections and potential career decisions
after middle school is complete. The local schools have little information on
the socio-economic situations of the families, and therefore have difficulty
in developing parent education or relevant workshops for families. School
Personnel understand that the first generation, parents, work in the service
industry; however, the situation of the children that they teach is very
complex. Administrators at the Oslo Suburb School does not feel equipped
and competent to deal with the situation of the families, and would like for
there to be solutions to help support the education of the Pakistani
students. There is an Urdu language teacher at the school who is seen as
the expert and leader in providing assistance in both translations and other
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family related issues. However, families often bring other family members
to translate, hoping to keep problems within the family. There are also
Pakistani youth from the high schools and the university who visit the Oslo
Suburb School to give support and mentor students.
The Oslo Inner City School administrators feel that it is very
important that the educational leaders make their school a priority in terms
of resources and interventions for positive achievement of immigrant
students. The principal is overwhelmed with work and mentioned that he
simply does not feel that he can accomplish everything that must be done.
He mentions the creative and exceptionally talented teachers who are very
dedicated to the community as the source of inspiration for the school, but
that there is simply too much that must be done. The administrators feel
that they have the ability to meet the needs of the immigrant students but
lack necessary resources and support from the politicians. The political
transformation in the bilingual/mother tongue teaching policy has
discouraged many of the teachers and left them feeling helpless to address
the needs of the immigrant community. Some of the needs involve girls,
these administrators mention the Pakistani girls' desires to complete school.
They would like to have the opportunity to study further; however, the
girls are very critical of their competency to succeed in high schools. They
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are also very aware of the family resources, and that there is not money for
them to be in school full time— books are expensive and it requires a great
commitment to study. These Pakistani girls realize that the longer they stay
in school the more it takes away from their ability to help and care for
family members.
This Oslo Inner City School principal had visited Pakistan to learn
about the students on a study trip with educational officials horn Oslo. The
experience was of great interest to him as he said he came to a deeper
understanding of his clients— both parents and students. However, the
Inner City School administrators have little data on the background of the
immigrants that they are schooling. In fact, the school inspector has
publicly criticized the Ministry of Education in an interview with the local
newspaper regarding a study that was supposed to inform the educational
officials of the educational situation of immigrant students. The research
report analyzed the achievement data of several different immigrant
groups in Oslo and outside of Oslo and posed their level of achievement
against one another by ranking the groups. The school inspector has asked
what they plan to do with such a report? She condemned the report for not
looking into student background factors: How long have they lived in
Norway? Have the students been instructed in their primary language?
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Have they had support in course content in the primary language? What
are the parents' educational backgrounds? The school inspector goes
further to denounce the Ministry of Education by saying, "They say that
this new research will help to resolve the immigrant educational situation.
How is this possible? I wait with anticipation to see how these data will
improve the situation of immigrant schooling in Oslo!" The school
inspector has taught immigrants at all levels in education for over thirty
years. She has seen two of her female Pakistani students become medical
doctors and holds very high aspirations and expectations for immigrant
students' abilities to achieve in school.
Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience.
At the Oslo Suburb School the leadership team meets every Tuesday.
It is comprised of three teachers, two administrators, a student and a
parent The team monitors the budget and researches necessary informa
tion for issues that may need to be addressed at the school. The leadership
team also handles the allocation of resources for the best interest of student
programming, such as parent workshops. At other schools some leader
ship teams also organize their school for immigrant community participa
tion by opening up the library to the participants in the evenings. Often
this proves to be futile because the families do not come to the resource
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center to organize. This may be because there appears to be no purpose for
the use of the library. The context of the family workshops held in the
library must be meaningful for parents to come to the meetings. Admini
strators do know that the families tend to come in-groups because they
prefer to support one another and interpret for those who have difficulty
speaking Norwegian.
The school inspector and the social teacher at the Oslo Suburb School
have organized evening meetings for parents to provide input to the school.
There are normally two meetings— one for the Pakistani parents (8:00 p.m.
to 10 p.m.) and one for the Vietnamese parents (6:00 p.m. to 8:00 p.m.). The
t
Oslo School Authority provides an interpreter for each group. In 1997, the
meeting was organized to explain the new educational reforms and the
new curriculum guidelines. Parents are served coffee and are given the
opportunity to explore issues with the administration. The attendance is
usually limited to the fathers who also normally come for the teacher
conferences.
Additionally, the Oslo Suburb School administration has planned
staff meetings to specifically dialogue about the status of the immigrant
minority students in the school. The theme of these meetings is "Minority
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Language Pupils and the School." The following is the agenda of a meeting
that was held as early as 1994 (Table 32).
The teachers at the Oslo Suburb School have had great opportunity
to dialogue about a number of issues that impact the immigrant community
and how to better their schooling experience.
At both the Oslo Schools— Inner city and Suburb— there were councils
present that encouraged the participation of many stakeholders at the
schools. There is a student council, cooperative school selection committee,
teacher's union representation, union for classified staff, and parent union.
All these entities had influence on the schooling process and gave input to
the principal on program as well as budget At the Oslo Inner City School,
the school determines many of the functions and administrative practices.
The school has undergone extensive case study research regarding the
administrative practices and strategies that work best in dealing with
immigrant students. These studies have shown that the school is doing
quite well. The school coordinates activities for the families at the school
site and does much to draw in many resources for after-school tutoring.
Many of these initiatives have never been evaluated. The staff feels that
they have been working very hard with little rewards nor effective
evaluation to inform further experimentation regarding alternate
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TABLE 32
MEETING: MINORITY LANGUAGE PUPILS AND THE SCHOOL
How do language minority pupils function in the classes and in the
school environment?
1. Social adaptation— "Urdu Comer" - a ghetto for social isolation
2. Discipline problems
3. Mobbing
4. What can be done to integrate the students better?
5. Subject matter competency (hours for instruction)
6. Reading comer
7. Do we have lower standards and expectations for our language
minority pupils?
8. How do we use our minority language pupils as resource people in the
school community?
Norwegian as a Second Language
1. Evaluation of the competency in Norwegian
2. What can we do to improve our process and outcomes?
3. Norwegian as an elective?
4. Technology/Computers and minority language pupils
5. Differences between the minority language pupils with different
backgrounds
Parent meeting for minority language families in February 1994
1. Is there an agreed upon relationship between parents and school?
Initiated with families?
2. The physical education period and participation in showers and
hygiene?
3. Sports events in the winter
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TABLE 32 CONTINUED
4. Field trips and longer excursions with the grade levels
5. Reproductive health instruction
6. Lifestyles and outlook on life instruction
7. Cultural collision
8. Improvement of transition from previous school year
9. Contact between school and home
Is the school information good enough?
1. When to have school information presented
2. Phone number to interpreters
3. Mother meetings— exclusively for the mothers in the families to meet
at school.
4. More representation in the school council
scheduling and bilingual education. In one instance they organized
Norwegian as Second Language classes and Social Studies with like
immigrants to receive support with mainstreaming in the afternoon. This
improved achievement The public authorities in education do not
recognize the innovations at the school.
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community.
The administration at the Oslo Suburb School believes that the
teachers do their best to adhere to the national curriculum; however, more
training and meetings are necessary, especially in reference to the status of
the immigrant community. Staff development is available for teachers at
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the Oslo School Authority, but many do not participate. The fact that the
Ministry has not adopted a curriculum plan in the area of minority
language instruction concerns many teachers. There are also many
challenges for the Pakistani students with the implementation of the new
curriculum guidelines. Students will be required to communicate
effectively to do project based learning, and with limited competency in
language some administrators feel the Pakistani students may not do as
well as the other students.
The administration believes that the environment at the Oslo Suburb
School is very supportive and nurturing for the Pakistanis, but that they are
not making academic gains. This is of great concern to the educators.
Many teachers are also not qualified to teach to the special needs of the
immigrant community. The principal believes that more Norwegian
exposure and use of technology in the curriculum will increase the
Pakistani students' success rates by better preparing them for the high
school. She has worked diligently advocating for more resources in these
areas from the neighborhood administrative councils and the technology
"Comenius" project for internationalization. Students communicate via the
internet with other students in Italy and The Netherlands discussing
curriculum related projects.
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At the Oslo Inner City School there are many experiments with
education for language minority students. There is a strong belief in
bilingual (mother Tongue) teaching that comes from a long tradition of the
teachers teaching these classes. One administrator explained that she had
taught a combination Norwegian/ Urdu class for the seventh and eighth
grades in the 1980s. The students received Urdu instruction in Math and
other content areas. "I have seen all of those students go on to college, and
many of them have come to talk to me about the importance of having
bilingual education and exposure to Norwegian as a late transition from the
elementary bilingual program. The language problems appear more
challenging in the elementary years because the Pakistani students come
with very little background in Norwegian. The children are isolated and
not exposed to the language, but with structured bilingual programs and
late transitions in to Norwegian, I have seen students do much better
academically. The decisions for schooling minority language pupils today
are simply wrong," said the administrator from the inner city school.
The attitude of the principal at the Oslo Suburb school toward the
new curriculum is positive. "The new Curriculum Guidelines are the best
ever. The instructional areas of concern— problem based learning— are
challenges for teachers to improve their instruction. Teachers must present
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a problem statement and facilitate the content knowledge of the students. I
am very pleased with this new approach that is required for 20% of the
class instructional time/' said the Principal of the Suburb School. Another
administrator was troubled that the 1997 curriculum guidelines did not
have any mention of the instructional practices for minority language
pupils. Many teachers at the school are now being trained in the new
curriculum guidelines and have the same questions about the lack of
strategies for minority language pupils. There is high teacher turn-over at
the Oslo Inner City School. Almost 50% of the staff are newly hired within
the last three years. Many experienced teachers have left after deciding to
teach in the high schools because the number of instructional hours is much
lower. Staff training for teachers continues to be of critical importance with
so many new teachers at the school. They require training in the strategies
of Norwegian as a second language. Two teachers at the Oslo Inner City
School devised a curriculum text for Norwegian as Second Language that is
widely used in other schools in Oslo. Many of the teachers at the school are
highly motivated and considered experts in the field of minority language
instruction.
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Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs.
Most resources for additional services for immigrants, the Pakistanis,
come from the urban neighborhood administrative councils and the Red
Cross. There is very little program funding for services. The per pupil
allotments from the Oslo School Authority are applied directly to instruc
tional materials and salaries for teachers of immigrants. However, the Red
Cross has organized resources for immigrants in the community. There are
opportunities for the parents to learn about health-related issues and how
to assist their child with homework. During the summer the Oslo Suburb
school also offers Norwegian classes to the families. The hope is to recruit
many of the parents to get involved in school. The families also require role
models in their communities to assist with the development of education.
The Neighborhood Administrative Councils are still actively
involved in allocating resources per pupil for school support The Oslo
Suburb School was involved in a special project with the University of
Bergen to determine positive strategies for involving students in the
Norwegian culture. It has been difficult to achieve more involvement at the
schools, and the prospect of integration continues to be bleak. Actually,
one administrator from the Oslo Suburb school said," Pakistani students
actually seem to fair worse in terms of integration in the 1990s than they
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were doing ten years ago in the 1980s. The (Norwegian) governments'
attitude toward immigrants and new racism has made it very hard for
today's Pakistani youth to feel comfortable with integration (at school)."
The Oslo Inner City school would like to provide more programs at
the school; however, as noted, resources are limited. Referrals to agencies
such as the Child Welfare Secretariat are done directly by the teachers who
submit reports on the child abuse or neglect Teachers often criticize the
Child Welfare Secretariat for not coordinating better with families and the
school. Homework Help is available at the school to all students four days
a week. The urban administrative Council and the Red Cross fund this
after school tutorial. College tutors work with the students to provide
tutoring and assistance with homework, since many of the parents in this
urban area are not able to read and write. Several parents are illiterate.
There are large numbers of immigrant parents at the Oslo Inner City
School; therefore, it is difficult to get resources for the programs. The
school is allocated funding per hour of instruction in Norwegian as a
Second Language for Minority Language Pupils. The school has funding
for many hours of language support, as well instruction in second language
learning. There is limited funding for instructional hours to do transitional
language programs. Funding is also allotted to the language reception
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center and small group instruction of minority language pupils. The Oslo
Municipality had allocated over thirteen million Norwegian Kroner
(approximately 1.9 million dollars) to this inner city section of Oslo to
handle the growing need for educational programs for children and the
parents. The school had yet to realize any of the funding. The school has
attempted to have several meetings with the parents, but because of the
vast numbers and lack of interpreters the meetings have not always been
successful.
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support the Schools.
The school staff arranges linkages in the community for Pakistani
students at the Oslo Suburb school. Often network meetings are coordin
ated by the staff to learn about potential referrals in the community for
assisting Pakistani students in need. When referral services are arranged,
again the fathers and male family members take on the responsibility of
making plans and attending meetings. Arrangements have been made with
the local Child Welfare Secretariat to deal with reports of abuse or neglect,
and the local police from the urban administrative neighborhood go to the
school for discipline issues regarding graffiti and delinquent behavior. The
Oslo Suburb school inspector and social teacher are often collaborating with
the police and local child welfare office. They are overwhelmed with the
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over-representation of cases for both agencies by the Pakistani students.
The administration is also affected by the lack of respect for women horn
boys at school and within the families. The problems and issues of
Pakistani girls are often not resolved to the best interest of the girls.
The local health center has recently been involved in a study of the
immigrant youth to promote healthy behaviors and as well as positive
images of immigrants in the suburb school region. They have adapted
strategies for the Oslo Suburb School teachers to use in their classes as
activities. The Oslo Suburb School administrators have also been involved
in training activities and conferences in London, Berlin and Gothenburg to
examine the issues and complexities of educating immigrant children.
The Pakistani Workers Union has developed a resource center for
their families and children. The families get information about dealing
with the school and problems that might occur. The school uses the
brochures from this organization printed in Urdu to help parents
understand the need to communicate with the grade level chair and
classroom teachers regarding behavior and academic achievement This
brochure was the result of a conference and problem solving meeting
between multiple agencies— police, the child welfare secretariat, the school,
Pakistani parents and their children. The brochure details contact with the
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schools, structuring homework in the family, tips for dealing with the child
welfare secretariat and the police, the criteria for spending child welfare
stipends, and concepts of integration and bi-cultural identity. The Pakistani
Workers Union is attempting to tackle some of the very difficult issues
confronting Pakistani families in Oslo.
The health program of the Oslo Suburb School was integrated into
the curriculum. A curriculum on sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) was
delivered in the 9th grade and the other grades learned about community
and family health. The public health nurse maintained an office at the Oslo
Suburb School where she works once a week. She also had an office at the
local high school. She provided information for middle school teachers and
students related to adolescent health concerns. Her main office was in the
health station at the urban administrative center offices. The public health
nurse also maintained contact with the families by visiting the homes. She
knew where most of the students at the Oslo Suburb school resided in the
nearby community. The nurse said that the health instruction for the
Pakistani students had to be separated for the boys and the girls. She
stressed that the girls must receive the same information as the boys in
school. Girls generally are not told of any reproductive health issues at
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home, while boys have access to sexually explicit information (porno
graphic movies).
The public health nurse went on to explain, "Many of the Pakistani
girls have been raped, and do not know that they can say no. They have
not been talked to on this level by anyone in the family. The girls are not
sure what has happened to them. Often they come to me to talk about their
sexual experiences, and I am very concerned!" She goes on to explain the
situation of a fifteen-year-old girl who had a twenty-three year old lover.
"The Pakistani girl told me that she had to do as he said. It is clear that
Pakistani girls do not have a good relationship with their bodies and do not
understand that they can talk to others about these issues. What makes it
even worse it that the girls do not know about prevention, such as condoms
and the pill." The boys are viewed as not having any boundaries put on
them by their parents. What is the reality is that the parents are not quite
sure how deal with the modem influences of western culture on the lives of
their teen-age children. Many of these practices, birth control, teenage
dating and exploration are forbidden in Islam. Adolescence is exception
ally difficult for the Pakistani girls. Again, an official notes the depression
and isolation of girls in the Pakistani community. The public health nurse
visits all new-born children's families in the urban administrative center to
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counsel parents about immunizations and infant development Many
Pakistani mothers are isolated with very little stimulation in the home for
family development and the raising of young children. Recommendations
have been made that the health department investigate a means to increase
stimulation for pre-school children to better their chances in school.
The issue of arranged marriages also has an impact on the schooling
of many girls. At the high school the public health nurse explains that
many girls drop out of school to be married. She said that she knows of
three Pakistani girls who had fought their parents in the arranged
marriages and subsequently went to a crisis center to get help from the
authorities. These girls did get assistance to move out of their homes into
apartments. Two of the girls completed high school and one did not One
married a Norwegian and has no contact with her family and does not
receive any support from them. Essentially, the girls want to get an
education and marry someone they love. This breaks with the tradition of
arranged marriages in the family and has put many girls at great risk of
isolation from their families. Some Pakistani girls find the life they would
live in arranged marriages so distasteful, that they take drastic measures.
The public health nurse states, "This situation is extremely problematic.
The parents have a difficult time to understand their children. It makes it
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almost impossible for these second-generation students to move to the next
level of integration in Norway. The administrative centers realize they
must find some way to work with the boys and men on these issues to help
move the families forward." This two-culture conflict is very obvious to
those working in the health related occupations with Pakistani families.
The health station at the urban administrative center in the Suburb
School community offers adolescents opportunities to learn about: (1)
Lifestyles, (2) Alcoholism, (3) Pregnancy prevention, (4) Eating disorders,
(5) Body development, and (6) Relationships and sexuality. The doctors
and nurses are available to discuss, give advice, solve problems, administer
pregnancy tests, and provide HIV/AIDS information. Student can go to
the center any time to discuss or receive services from a qualified health
and medical professional.
Programs in the community of the Oslo Suburb School provided
examples of what services might be integrated with the Oslo schools to
better coordinate programs for the Pakistani students and their families.
The Urban Administrative Centers provide essential programs and services
in their neighborhoods that are funded by the State ministries and Oslo
municipality. The departments of social services and children's welfare
provide many resources to the families. The unemployment departments,
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as well as the health station, are located in the same commercial center near
the Oslo Suburb School. The unemployment and training departments run
the "sewing den" for the immigrant women to work and socialize. There
are also adult education classes run by the center in Norwegian as a second
language. The center offers pre-school and day-care program for the
children of working parents that are across the plaza from the administra
tive centers offices. Next to the pre-school is the Activity Center for youth
functions and recreational events in the community. The child welfare
office is also located in the facility for families to receive their dependent
child stipends. The crisis center is located at the police station that is farther
into the city center of the urban administrative neighborhood. Occasionally
a lawyer from the Immigration Secretariat will visit the Oslo Suburb School
center to answer any questions that community members might have. This
center is truly a "community center." The post office and a grocery store
are located on the plaza and the local train stops right next to the center
traveling to and from the City of Oslo. Many families can be seen in the
center socializing and students often visit each other there as well. Several
high rise low-rent apartments where the students live surround the center.
The task of the unemployment office is to provide training and skills
to employed citizens as they look for jobs. The immigrant women who are
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seen sewing in the "den" sell their products in a shop next door. Some of
the women on unemployment take the Norwegian as a Second Language
courses for years and do not find employment Alternative forms of work
are encouraged. The sewing den is an example of this initiative. The social
workers at the center have indicated that they have very little contact with
the schools except for the "Drop Out Recovery7 ' contact person who deals
with the social teacher to help place drop outs in training programs. The
integration of services with the schools would help to get information out
to all the families to participate in the activities of the center. Public
officials rarely visit the school with the issues that need to be initiated with
families. The same problems of initiated contacts with mothers are
prevalent in the social services center as is seen in the schools.
The Pakistani immigrants who come to the center have very few
skills and require much training. The social workers have to constantly
explain to the urban administrative council the need for additional training
resources for the adult immigrant community. Most of the Pakistani
parents have little education and therefore cannot get higher paying jobs. It
will require much effort in re-training programs. The reality is that most
Pakistani immigrants will continue to collect benefits and receive training
and language courses, but not obtain jobs. The sad reality is that the center
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is seeing younger and younger clients, they are the students who are
dropping out between middle and high school.
The activity center located in the community center complex is for
youth to gather. There is a billiards and game room for the youth, as well
as prescribed activities such as disco night The center also hosts a weekly
discussion group about multicultural understanding for the neighborhood
youth who come from approximately nineteen nations. There are mostly
immigrants in the facility. There is an aerobics class for immigrant women
and other large rooms for meetings. A cafe that serves light meals is
connected to the center. There are no alcoholic beverages sold in the center.
The researcher met many of the families for the interviews at the cafe in this
center. It is the hub of the immigrant community around the Oslo Suburb
School.
There are social and community relation's liaison workers that work
at the activity center and perform outreach activities to the community.
Like other public officials working with the Pakistanis, these individuals
also believe that the youth can be best served by working with their
parents. Impressions from the staff at the center were similar to those of the
administration at the Oslo Suburb School. Role models from the
community are asked to come to the center a meet with the children to
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discuss violence. Gangs are becoming more prevalent and social workers
discuss the difficult integration process for most of the immigrant students,
particularly the Pakistani youth. One community relations liaison was
assigned hours that he spent "out" in the community with the youth-
getting to know them and providing positive options for criminal
behaviors. Local principals also called upon him to deal with students one
to one at the school when incidents occurred. He is called to mediate
conflicts. He admits that there are not enough resources to help Pakistani
students. "They require information on the cultural integration process and
how to deal with the conflict between Islam and the Norwegian way of
life", said the Moroccan Community Relations Liaison. He explained,
referring to a Pakistani male, Oslo Suburb School student by name,
"Pakistani parents have little control. . . (Pakistani student) robbed two old
ladies and later went to vandalize a shop owner's car after he stole from
him, as well. The school also found a gun in his locker." The youth
organizer now takes many of these boys to boxing lessons and finds
positive outlets for their destructive behaviors. Regrettably, he explained
that many of these students end up in foster homes. Statistics reveal that
most problems occur during the winter, because most of the students are in
Pakistan during the summer.
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The situation for the Pakistani youth that come to the center is
challenging. Youth organizers refer to the mindset of the Pakistani parents
being out-dated to a time in Pakistan before they moved to Norway. It is
incredibly challenging for these parents because their views date back to
fundamental ways of Islam that modern day Pakistan has moved beyond.
The parents maintain strict codes of Muslim behavior that put children in
great conflict with the ways of the Norwegians. Girls are engaged at
thirteen or fourteen and remain silent in the eyes of others, carrying a heavy
load of guilt and great dismay. "Forced marriages" are not discussed, but
become great sources of conflict for the Pakistani families. The parents
continue to tell their children that they will move back, and Norway is
simply a place to earn money. The children view Norway as their home
now, and want desperately to fit in with their peers. The students feel
stuck in the middle between the society in which they live and their lives in
the family homes. "Islam is the reason for all the (children's) problems,"
said the youth worker who spends hours in the streets and house parties
with the young Pakistani boys. "There must be a way for them not to give
up on their culture and integrate with Norwegian society," explains the
youth worker in frustration.
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A way to integrate social services support from the urban
administrative centers with the schools may help the Pakistani students.
The school is the primary socializer for youth, so partnering with other
agencies will help these students to be successful. The activity center
administers a group therapy program that focuses on loyalty, respect,
tolerance and cooperation. The center tries to help youth develop skills and
competencies that will build stronger communities and families. The social
workers also offer assistance in getting into sports and recreational
activities hoping that this will bridge the gap of cultural integration. The
social workers stress that the Norwegian schools have the most to offer the
Pakistani students to better their situation in the society!
Social workers at the urban administrative center also made
reference to the highly politicized nature of using public monies on the
immigrants. One political party on the right of the spectrum examined the
breakdown of resources each immigrant costs the state in terms of social
benefits and services. It was much more that any Norwegian would ever
receive. Social workers do not have optimistic hopes that more monies will
be forthcoming to programs for immigrant families.
The history of the Oslo Inner City School plagues much of the public
image of the school. Its early beginning is as a poor working class school.
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Eventually many of the individuals with social problems and alcoholism
moved into the area due to cheap rents. The fact that a student had been
murdered at the school in the early 1990s also brought negative media
attention to the school, as well. There was also an incident at the school
where a male Pakistani student had sexually intimidated the gym teacher
during class time. The school occasionally gets negative media attention
and this does not make improvement plans easy for the staff. Morale can
be very low.
Immediately surrounding the area is an ethnically diverse neighbor
hood that is considered "artsy". Several politicians and intellectuals live in
the immediate vicinity of the Oslo Inner City School. The notions of ethnic
diversity are considered to be off-beat and novel to the intellectual
community. The principal of the Oslo Inner City School has explained that
the self-segregation of the Pakistani community from the rest of Oslo is not
necessarily a bad thing. He believes that the community surrounding the
school is very well developed with many positive aspects. There are a
number of partnerships with the urban administrative center at the school,
and at the Oslo Suburb School all social service offices are within walking
distance to the school. The principal also states that many of the parents
and students come to his office to confide in him and ask for his advice. It
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was observed that the principal has an "open door policy" with the
community.
The Oslo Inner City School has partnerships with many local
hospitals for health referral. The school has also been the "subject" of many
research studies comparing immigrant student achievement around
Norway. The administrators of the Oslo Inner City School do not value this
type of quantitative research. These administrators would rather focus on
the case study research, and attempts to explain the immigrant setting at
the Oslo Inner City School. The information is often wrong and causes
conflict and criticism from school to school in the Oslo area. There are a
proliferation of attempts to spread positive aspects of being immigrant in
the community. The proliferation of projects by the Department of
Immigration attempts to dispel the violence and negative aspects in the
media regarding the Pakistani and other immigrant students in the area.
There are also programs to work with the 9^* graders to get them jobs and
to work in the community as positive role models. The Secretariat for
Refugees and Immigrants provides advice to the school and is linked to
community outreach efforts.
The Social Services Community Relations Outreach worker also
handles similar issues as at the Oslo Suburb School. He works with the
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students and their families to deal with socialization issues related to school
and the community.
Pakistani Student Matriculation and Dropout Status.
The viewpoint of administrators at the Oslo Suburb School
regarding dropout rates for Pakistanis is dismal. They are dismayed by the
Pakistani students' low transition rates from Norwegian as Second
Language into Norwegian L The students who do not begin in Norwegian
I at the beginning of 7 ^ grade tend to get very bored in Norwegian as a
Second Language and eventually lose interest in trying to transition over to
Norwegian I. Those students opt to "just make it" in Norwegian as a
Second Language. Those students who do not make it in the Norwegian I
but who go on to high school have great difficulty with the subject matter
in high school. The language is very complex, and these Pakistani students
tend to drop out The social teacher at the Oslo Suburb School takes special
lL
care with the 9 graders in Norwegian as a Second Language. She follows
them closely to determine what exactly their intentions are for high school
and future careers. In reality, most of these students drop out after the first
year of general studies in the high school. Many of the boys who drop out
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get jobs as 'Pirate Taxi Drivers' who do not have licenses to operate in Oslo,
but they make a very good living.
The principal at the Oslo Inner City School sees very few students
who go on to university. His standpoint is that boys have better opportun
ities for university entrance than the girls do since the boys are not isolated.
However, he indicated that most of the boys go into practical work after
school is finished. If the Pakistani students go into the high schools they
generally fail exams and therefore drop out with in the first or second year.
University is an experience that is greatly limited for these students in the
perspective of the Oslo Inner City School principal. Many of the Pakistani
students show lack of respect towards women and do not listen to their
female teachers. This does not afford the Pakistani male students the
opportunity to learn from the instructional setting when they lack respect
for the teachers. The administrators at the Oslo Suburb school feel that
many of the students will drop out by the first or second year of high school
because the experience is too difficult Many of the administrators
mentioned again that if Pakistani students were given primary language
instruction with Norwegian transition their self-esteem would be higher
and literacy would be achieved. They are skeptical that students will be
successful without primary language instruction.
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A case study of Pakistani students, both boys and girls, who had
matriculated into the university, explained the need for getting ahead by
skill building in "test taking" and reinforcement in Norwegian. These were
indicators of the Pakistani students' academic success developed by case
study analyses of students in the university. Administrators use this
information to reinforce Pakistani language support in Norwegian.
Policy and Evaluation
Discussions with administrators from the Ministry of Church,
Education and Research revealed the lack of priority by the politicians to
align funding and major initiatives with immigrant education and minority
instruction. From year-to-year, the parliament would determine a budget
for such instruction. There is one consultant in the Ministry to handle all
the laws and regulations pertaining to the instruction of minority language
pupils as well as teacher competency and continuing education for the
teachers of these students. Most programs are experimental and linked to
researchers at universities. The Ministry does little analysis or in-depth
study of such programs. The consultants who were interviewed felt that
this was a travesty; because of the ambiguity surrounding immigrant
education, it should be given high priority.
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A small group of researchers from the University and institutes have
written policy papers that influence the decisions made by Parliament
(Storting). Since 1997 much of the monies passed by legislation have been
allotted to teacher education in the area of minority language pupils. A
comprehensive teacher competency plan has been proposed for the three
years period (1998-2001). The consultants viewpoint is that researchers will
soon begin to evaluate the necessary instructional strategies and
recommend the support materials needed for promoting minority language
pupils' success. Currently, there is a comprehensive plan for the use of
migration pedagogy and structured Norwegian as a Second language as the
primary teacher competency areas. The current use of Norwegian as a
Second Language has been controversial since students continue to do
poorly in school well after they have been exposed to several years of
Norwegian as a second language.
In all of Norway, five percent of the population is immigrant In
Oslo, thirty percent are immigrants, of these approximately 70% are
Pakistanis. These issues do not impact the rest of the country significantly,
so many fear that Oslo will simply have to take initiatives to support
minority language pupils through the resources of the Oslo municipal
government These policy makers have had to look to the United States
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and other European countries for case study and longitudinal research
dealing with the education of immigrants and successful strategies to
increase student achievement
Cultural Change and Familial Case Studies
The family case studies are very important in understanding the
development of interactions between Norwegians and Pakistanis during
the years prior to the experience of the second-generation students who
were interviewed for this study. The contact between the Pakistani families
and the Norwegians, the subsequent treatment within Norwegian society,
the concepts of cultural loss and preservation and levels of assimilation
between the families help to explicate the history of this group and define
the impact of the interaction on the children's schooling. Family members
have delimited the degree of opportunities available to them in the
Norwegian society and concepts are developed of how this might impact
upon their children.
A total of 32 families were interviewed for the study. The majority
of the families were from the Suburb School. Only five families were
interviewed from the Inner City School because there was a shorter period
of time available to engage those families in case studies. However, the
themes that were evident with the families at the Suburb School informed
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the process of developing more rapidly an impression of the Inner City
School families. It was not necessary to perform as many interviews in the
latter environment because the basis for understanding the familial context
had already been highlighted. The differences and similarities between the
two schools helped to illustrate the family experiences in those two
communities. Tables 33 and 34 represent data that describe the demo
graphics of the families whose children are in the schools. The tables are
split to portray the unique situation of mothers and fathers. In several
instances group interviews were performed with the mothers since the
mothers did not feel comfortable being questioned on their own. Fathers
were interviewed individually by the researcher. Children were not
interviewed with the parents. In some cases, the older siblings were also
interviewed as the surrogate parent
Family History
At the Oslo Suburb School the vast majority of the fathers moved to
Norway in the early 1970s from the rural areas surrounding Gujrat and
Kharian. They arrived in Oslo to find difficulty communicating in a new
language, but took great comfort in the pensions and guest homes that
were provided by the government Many of the fathers reminisced about it
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TABLE 33
DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES FOR FAMILIES
AT THE SUBURB SCHOOL
A*e
of
M
Mother'*
Level of
Edaratiaa
Her
h t e i f i
Level of
Edaratioa
Her Arrival
Norway;
O ridao*
Namber
of
Cluldrca
Her Occupa-
Uoaal
Stataa
H asbaad'*
Occapa-
tioa
Reaideacc
of her
SibUag*
MOT!HERS (M)
40 8 years M*10 yr.
F*»8 yr.
(police)
1972
from
Kharian
Five House wif
e
Delivery
fora
Bakery
Oslo (+),
Denmark
,Canada
37 5 years M«0
F= ?
(teacher)
1981
from
Kharian
Four House wif
e
Bar
tender
Oslo,
England
(+)
36 0
no
school
M=5 yr.
F= 5 yr.
(shop)
1989
from
Mohri
Sharif
five House wif
e
Factory
worker
Oslo (+),
Denmark
46
(Nor.)
11 years M »?
F*12 yr.
(laborer)
Bom
Oslo
Husband-
Faisalabad
two Cashier
Cosmetics
Railroad
Engineer-
Divorced
Norway
46 4 yr.,
B.A.
College
M*0
F«0
1977
from
Chakwal
two Urdu
teacher
Shop
owner
Pakistan
38 8 years M*0
F=10 yr.
(shop)
1973
from
Rawal
pindi
two Nursery
school
aide
Postal
delivery
Oslo (+),
Pakistan
42 5 years M=0
F=0
1995
from
Gujrat
three House
wife
Black
smith
Denmark
(+), Oslo
46 10 years M«0
F=0
1975
from
Lahore
six seam
stress
factory Oslo
33 10 years M=5 yr.
f=10 yr.
1986
from
Lahore
two seam
stress
Hotel
Service
Oslo
42 8 years M=8
F= 6;
died
1981
from
Gujrat
three grocery
shop
owner
shop
Oslo (+),
England
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TABLE 33 CONTINUED
A*e
of
M
M otkci'i
Level of
E d ic iilo i
He*
Paieot'a
Level of
Edacatioa
Her Arrival
Not way;
O tigiaa*
Nooiber
of
C kildrea
Her Occapa-
tioaal
Stataa
H aabaad'i
Occapa-
Uoa
Resideace
of her
Sibliag*
34 7 years M -5yr.
F-5 yr.
military
1982 from
Gujrat
four House
wife
Restau
rant
Oslo
50 0 M -0
F-6
(railroad)
1982 from
Kharian
six House
wife
disability Oslo
39 6 years M-3yr. 1983 from
Kharian
six House
wife
factory;
disability
Oslo;
Pakistan
38 10 years M -0 1988 from
Kharian
Seven (3
from his
first
wife)
House
wife;
secretary
Pakistan
factory;
disability
Pakistan
43 5 years M -0
F«0
1976 from
Gujrat
three House
wife
Brewery Oslo
40 10 years M - ?
F - ?
1979 from
Gujrat
four Work in
clothing
shop
Clothing
shop
owner
England
* FATHERS/BROTHERS
45 10 years M -0
F-0; died
1976
from
Gujrat
four Machine
Operator
House
wife
Oslo,
England,
Pakistan
48 14 years M -0
□
F-college
business
1970
from
Lahore
two National
Radio
Reporter
(Urdu)
House
wife;
Univ.
job
Pakistan
Holland,
Oslo,
Pakistan
52 14 years
2 college
M -0
F-8,
man
ufacturer
1974
from
Lahore
four Railway,
ticket
sales
divorced
from
Nor.
woman
Pakistan
47 8 years M -0
F-0
1971
from
Murala
three Brewery House
wife
Pakistan,
Denmark
45 8 years M -0
F-0
1971
from
Gujrat
six factory House
wife
Pakistan,
France
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TABLE 33 CONTINUED
A«e
of
M
M other'*
Level of
E d in lio i
Her
Fareat's
Level of
Edecatioa
Her
Arrival
Norway;
O tiglas*
Number
of
Children
Her Occapa-
tioaal
States
U
iii
Reaideace
of her
Sibliag*
38 8 years M -0
F-0
1974
from
Kharian
four Bar
tender
House
wife
Pakistan,
Spain
50 12 years M -5
F-6
(Army)
1975
from
Mohri
Sharif
five Factory
cleaning
House
wife
Pakistan,
England,
Oslo
55 12 years
college
M=0
F-5
1975
from
Jhelum
seven Hospital
cleaning
House
wife
Pakistan,
Oslo
51 10 years M - ll
F - ll
1968
from
Gujrat
four Clothing
shop
owner
Works
in
clothing
shop
Pakistan
16
broth
er
High
School
M -4 y r.
□
F -9yr.
1983
from
Gujrat
n /a future-
police
n /a Oslo
25
broth
er
Univ. of
Oslo
M -5
F-6
1976
from
Lahore
n /a future-
scientist
n /a Oslo
* Origins in Pakistan; M = Mother; F = Father; (+)=majority
i
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TABLE 34
DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES FOR FAMILIES
AT THE INNER CITY SCHOOL
Age
of
M
Mother's
Education
N V F
Her
Parent's
Level of
Education
Arrival
Norway;
Origins*
Number
of
Children
Her Occupa
tional
Status
Husband
Occupa
tion
Residence
of her
Siblings
MOTHERS
37 14 years M -0
F=10 yr.
(Courts)
1983
from
Gujrat
House-wife Custodia
1 Work
Oslo (+),
36 10 years M=0
F=? (sold
fruits)
1979
from
Sialkot
package
factory
Rest
aurant
Oslo
Age
of
F
Father's
Level of
Education
His
Parent's
Level of
Education
His
Arrival
Norway;
Origins*
Number
of
Children
His Occupa
tional
Status
Wive's
Occupa
tion
Residence
of his
Siblings
FATHERS
53 14 years
sciences
M“0
F-0 (shop)
1970
from
Guirat
two Shop owner House
wife
Oslo,
England
53 12 years M=3 yr;
F=5 yr.
1972
from
Islamabad
one Electri
cian
House
wife
Oslo
47 11 years
geology
M=0
F= 12 yr.
City Admi
1975
from
Lahore
Cafe Owner House
wife
Oslo,
England
W ..
* Origins in Pakistan; M - Mother; F = Father; (+)=majority
this experience as an exciting time for them when they were involved in
many fascinating new ventures. Within a few weeks many had jobs in local
hospitals and public offices cleaning. Classes in Norwegian were also
provided to the fathers. Eventually the fathers were employed in stable,
unionized factory jobs working from eight to four each day earning a good
wage. Many of the fathers had worked in factories for most of their careers
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in Norway. Others had ventured to open their own shops when they had
money saved to invest in their own small businesses. All the fathers had
worked hard in Norway in their jobs, although it was very different from
the work in Pakistan. Some wished that farming could have been an
option, but farming in Norway is an exclusive right of the large land
owners. All the fathers agreed that there was little if no discrimination in
Norway when they first arrived in Oslo in the 1970s. It was an exciting
time and the local people received them with great enthusiasm. They
viewed Norway as a peaceful and beautiful place to live. Some parents
discussed the willingness of Norwegian neighbors to help them when they
first moved to Norway.
"When I came to Norway I was a street car conductor. The
Norwegian King, King Olav at that time, entered my streetcar. I got a
photograph of him with me— I call that picture 'the King and T. It was put
in the newspaper with the title, 'The King and the Conductor'. I was very
proud to be in Norway at that time. This was in the 1970s. Now I am not
so sure about the problems in this society. I want to be Norwegian, but I
am not accepted." This is the quote of a parent at the Suburb School who
explained his joy to be in Norway, which later turned to frustration with
the eventual segregation from Norwegians. This was a college-educated
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parent who had very negative views about his lack of acceptance in the
Norwegian Society. Other parents with less education were aware of the
new discrimination in Oslo, but did not focus on the negative aspects,
rather agreeing that they were different from Norwegians and also
choosing to be separate from them. The same Pakistani man explained,
"When I meet a Norwegian now, they do not know if they want to talk to
me. They think I am bad. I don't approach them either, because I feel the
prejudice."
Most of the fathers came horn families in Pakistan that owned little
plots of land and lived a subsistence level of life. Some fathers had worked
in Greece, Germany, and other European countries for several months to a
year prior to getting permission to move to Norway. The fathers had been
tourists working illegally in those countries before settling in Oslo. Later
they petitioned for their wives and children to come in the early 1980s
when it became evident that living in Norway and saving money would be
a better life for their families. Some petitioned for younger male siblings to
come to Norway, as well. Some of the younger parents had come to
Norway during their teens and attended some school in Norway. In one
case, an older brother had brought them in to Norway. They continued to
send money to family members in their villages who required additional
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assistance. Mothers quickly became isolated from Norwegian society
staying at home with the small children and seeking little socialization
outside of the Pakistani neighborhood community. Some of the mothers
did take Norwegian as second language courses after encouragement by
their older children. Mothers had numerous children and were very busy
with caring for the family.
Most family members discussed the difficulty of integrating with
Norwegians. There were rare occasions where a Pakistani man might have
married a Norwegian woman; however, it normally ended in divorce after
two to five years. These marriages always required the Norwegian women
to convert to Islam. In general all the parents, both mothers and fathers
agreed that Pakistani-Norwegian marriages do not work because of
differences in values and life styles. None of the parents that were
interviewed for the study mentioned a marriage between Norwegian and
Pakistani that had lasted. Most referred to the marriages as arranged to
help gain citizenship for more Pakistani family members. Some Norwegian
women had married cousins of the Pakistani fathers to bring in additional
family members from back home in Pakistan. When discussing the
marriage of their children to Norwegians, a vast majority of the parents
said that they would approve marriages to Pakistanis only. One parent did
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say that his son could decide to marry whomever he wanted, but that if his
choice were not appropriate for the family the son would not go against the
father. The parents all confirm that it is not always easy to marry from
different cultures, especially if Islam is not the common religion. Pakistani
parents are also viewed by their children as different from Norwegian
parents. Siblings explain that the parents stay together and make it difficult
for the kids to be with Norwegians. Most older siblings agree that they
would not marry outside their religion or culture. A university student
studying computer science also made it clear that marriages between
different religions are difficult The pillars of Islam are most important, and
it would unforgivable to marry a Norwegian. He will return to Pakistan to
marry.
Most Pakistani parents are not certain that they would now return to
those homes since their children prefer to stay in Norway. They agreed
that few would go back to Pakistan because they had been in Norway for
between twenty-two and thirty years. It was too difficult to return. It is a
dilemma for the parents. All the parents had high aspirations for their
children to complete school in Norway and get good jobs. There were
limitations put on the girls by both parents who believed the first priority of
their daughters was to care for the children and home.
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Some of the mothers discussed in their interviews the sense of
responsibility they have for their children. They felt that they could move
back to Pakistan once all the children were married. At that time they
would no longer have responsibility for the children. They did not voice
concerns about discrimination because they were not exposed to the
Norwegians. Many said they had no contact with Norwegian people
during the years they have lived in Norway! Those that had contact with
Norwegians admitted that many were helpful. The Norwegians would
help them with their shopping by driving them places and also caring for
sick children. Some explained discrimination by the younger Norwegians
in the last several years.
The mothers enjoyed their visits to Pakistan and wanted nothing
more than to return as soon as their children were married and settled.
One mother said she would not go back to Pakistan, but had family in
England she would like to join. Ultimately, the mothers admitted that the
husband would decide. The women were married in Pakistan prior to
coming to joining their husbands. Their parents and families did not reside
in Oslo. Many of their parents still lived in Pakistan or had joined other
children in England and Denmark. The mothers also explained that they
had to wait to come to Norway until the fathers had apartments and a
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means to provide for them and the children. They admitted that waiting
put a strain on many marriages.
A few mothers did say that they would accept their children
marrying Norwegians; however, they and their husbands would attempt to
make their children understand that it may not be a good lifestyle. Mothers
tended to be more flexible in allowing their children to decide aspects of
their lives. The fathers would make the final decision. The one Norwegian
mother of two Pakistani male students was also interviewed. She was
divorced and had kept the children. The father did not maintain his
Pakistani traditions and blamed her for his problems with his family. He
had moved to England and did not keep in contact with the children. She
had tried to keep relations with his family hoping the children would learn
about their culture. It was a difficult situation for the children and there
was little contact She said that she and her Pakistani husband had spoken
English together, and he had rejected having the children learn Urdu. Their
situation was unique, and she admitted it was a problem.
In general, most mothers do not advocate for their children to marry
Norwegians. They mention that maybe the next generation could do this,
but that now it would be too difficult Some of the mothers have
mentioned high hopes and aspirations for their children in schools. They
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hope that the girls will do better, but some believe that there should be
Muslim schools for girls so that they can have more opportunities to learn.
At the Oslo Inner City School the family histories were similar to
those of the parents at the Oslo Suburb School. One impression was about
discrimination in Norway. Parents felt that it would be better for them if
they lived in the United States or the United Kingdom. One father said,
"Citizens in the US or UK understand how it is be different. . . . People are
open to differences. In Norway, very few people understand what it is like
to live in the same community with people who are different from them."
This man, whose father was a public administrator in a rural Pakistani city
council understood politics and went on to explain, "Norway became a
wealthy country very quickly. When we first came to Norway, many were
still very simple people farming their land. Now the fast growth to wealth
with North Sea oil has clouded many Norwegians. It would be much better
for Pakistanis to return to Pakistan or move to England, because we are too
dependent on the Norwegian society and are not encouraged to do similar
business with Norwegians." He also said that his education was not good
enough to warrant application for a higher level job. He had studied
geology. He eventually went into his own business by opening a cafe.
"Our future in Norway is not so good. We have to learn the language and
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our opportunities are limited. I could get a better job in Pakistan or
England."
Like many at the Oslo Inner City School, the next two parents
interviewed were comfortable with living in a city and having access to
urban amenities. Another father at the Oslo Inner City School had similar
impressions of his family history. He explained that almost 95% of the
Pakistani community that moved to Norway was from the rural areas and
therefore illiterate due to minimal access to schooling in Pakistan. He said
that most of the families still remain functionally illiterate because they
have not learned to communicate in Norwegian either. "I studied for
several years in Pakistan and have family that have studied for Ph.D.s in
England. I know what education means to my family. Many Pakistani
parents were simply satisfied with the money they could make in Norway,
and later have come to realize that education is what matters in this
western society. It has been a painful adjustment for most of the families."
He goes on to say that the sad reality is that many of the second-generation
students also remain illiterate because of lack of exposure to Norwegian.
"The system is very different in Norway. Many Pakistani parents have
decided that they do not want to become part of that system (society)."
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Like the Oslo Suburb School fathers, these fathers also started out as
factory workers in the early 1970s. Many opened their own shops or cafes
when getting other jobs was not possible. The difficulty now is that many
small grocery shops cannot compete with the discount food stores. "I have
owned several small grocery shops, and I believe that I will now try a cafe
in this area. It is not going well with the grocery any longer", said the
father. Similarly, the Oslo Inner City parents had positive experiences with
Norwegians when they first moved to Oslo. However, today the older
Norwegians are resentful of them for taking away perceived benefits from
the state pension for immigrant use.
This same father was also supportive of Pakistanis marrying
Norwegians. He said, "When in Rome, do as the Romans". He said that he
was in favor of his son marrying a Norwegian because he might have a
better level of acceptance. He also called Norway his "second country". It
is not Pakistan, but I am happy here. "It is unlikely that any of us will
return to Pakistan. The system is corrupt Years of colonial rule and
mismanagement in Pakistan have lead to the state being rich and the people
remaining very poor. I would like to go back, but find it very difficult I
visit my family there often. I have only known of one Pakistani man to
move back with his family. It is very rare" explained the man. "The
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bottom line is that most of us have been here almost thirty years, if not
more. It is too difficult to adjust back in Pakistan now, and I like my job in
Oslo," was the viewpoint of this Oslo Inner City School father.
The mothers who were interviewed at the Oslo Inner City School
had similar views. It was difficult for them to understand the newfound
racism in Norway. It was very sad that things seem to be getting worse for
them and their children. "I have noticed that children have started to fight
the last two years" stated one mother. Another of the mothers came to
Norway when she was sixteen with her parents. She began to work
immediately in a factory packing cookies. She did not go to Norwegian
courses but was completely fluent in Norwegian at the time of the research.
Most of the mothers at the Inner City School could speak Norwegian to a
limited degree. Hers was much better. She was engaged to her husband
whom she brought to Norway when she was married at eighteen years old.
He found a job easily when he came to Oslo. He has always worked in a
restaurant "I do not believe it is a good idea for the Pakistanis and
Norwegians to marry. We like them, but do not want to be married to
them. We are Muslim," said this mother. It is unlikely that these families
will return to Pakistan. The mothers say that it is too difficult for the
children since they do not like it in the rural areas in Pakistan. Visiting the
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extended family in England and Denmark is more fun for the children.
"My husband does not want to go back to Pakistan. It will be too difficult
for us." These mothers understand the difficulty for their children in
returning to Pakistan. They are more realistic about the children staying in
Norway and become more westernized.
Another mother had taken four years of Norwegian courses and was
fluent in Norwegian. She had come to Norway when she was twenty-three
to raise the children with the father who had been in Norway for five years
at that time. She had also worked in Oslo as a custodial worker. Currently,
she cared for the children and the home. She also agreed that the
Norwegians received them more positively in the beginning than today.
There was much discrimination in the Oslo community today. Marrying
Norwegians was not looked upon favorably. She had witnessed one such
marriage that ended in divorce and the children suffered. "We cannot mix
Islam and western ways. It just does not work," said the mother. Both
these mothers from the inner city school agreed that the would not return
to Pakistan because of the children, and wanted to study and learn more
about Norwegian society so that they and their children would be accepted.
These mothers had a healthy skepticism for the Norwegians, but also
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understood that it was necessary to speak the language and attempt to
enjoy life in Oslo.
Parent Attitudes Toward Education
Parents at the Oslo Suburb School generally had a low educational
level. One mother and four fathers of the twenty-seven interviewed at this
school had studied at the university. All the parents wanted the best for
their children and had high aspirations for their success. However, the
history of their schooling experience was limited. Parents at the Oslo
Suburb School tried to influence their children to do well in school, but
often without the knowledge needed to encourage good educational habits.
An analysis of the grandparent educational level of these students revealed
that a large majority had never gone to school. Sixteen of the twenty-seven
parents of the Oslo Suburb school students indicated that only one grand
parent had gone to school in Pakistan. For most of these grandparents
education was limited to three to eight years. The history of schooling was
limited, so parents were asked about the value and purpose of schooling,
the type of involvement they have in the Oslo schools, and the aspirations
and purpose of post-secondary education.
The mothers at the Oslo Suburb School had an educational level
ranging from zero to ten years with the exception of the one mother who
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had attended a four-year university in Pakistan. The mothers had from two
to seven children and ranged in age from thirty-three to fifty. Nine of the
sixteen mothers from the Oslo Suburb School were housewives. These
mothers cared for the children and maintained the family home. The
mother who had the bachelor's degree from Pakistan was also an Urdu
teacher in the middle school. One mother was also a nursery school aide in
a local pre-school. Two others worked in a grocery or clothing shop - their
husbands' businesses, and another two of the mothers were seamstresses in
the local sewing den where they practiced Norwegian and sold their
products in the community store. The women had siblings and an
extended family network living in Oslo. Besides Pakistan, some had family
in Denmark, Canada, and England.
Mothers of the Oslo Suburb School placed value on the schooling
experience of the children. The purpose of school for the children was to
get a good education and better job in Norway. However, this view was for
the boys and often excluded the young girls. Mothers said that girls should
study until high school and then get married. More traditional mothers felt
that compulsory schooling (ten years) was sufficient education. Then the
husband or father would decide what the girl would do. If she married,
then her husband would need to decide her next steps. If she was not
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married right away, then she could study more. Mothers would attend
meetings at school when the fathers. However, the fathers generally took
care of all issues dealing with the education of the children. A few of the
mothers advocated for Muslim schools for the girls because the girls were
isolated at the Norwegian schools. Post-secondary aspirations for girls
were limited by their mother's views regarding marriage and family. It
was rare that a mother would answer that the girls should study in college.
In fact, only three mothers at the Oslo school encouraged their daughters to
study past high school. Mothers believed in traditional roles, men work
and women care for the family.
The mothers are satisfied with the school system and encourage the
children to do well. Schooling is viewed as way to get better jobs and earn
more money, not a place for socialization and learning Norwegian values
and culture. The mothers encouraged the boys to get good educations to
get good jobs in Norway to help provide for their families. The mothers
also believed it was important for the girls to do well in school and to speak
Norwegian. One mother was concerned that when she got old she may be
put into a nursing home which was common for Norwegian citizens to do
with their elderly. The Norwegian State provides care for the elderly and
sick. This was despicable to the mothers, as they wanted their children to
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earn money and care for them in the home. The family unit must stay
together.
The mother who worked in the pre-school was very progressive.
She would allow her children to marry Norwegians and wanted them to
become modem. She, in fact, was sterilized so that she would not have
more than two children. She did not want a large family. She had attended
school in Norway and had worked with children earning her own money.
She spent much time with her children and husband and emphasized the
need to have a strong family. Even though she would allow her girl to
study as far as the wanted, she still had obligations to the family as she
herself had to her husband. This mother had found a positive way to
reinforce education and the Pakistani values. This was not the norm. Most
mothers did not believe in too much education for women and believed
that they must marry Pakistani men.
Schooling is also valued in Norway by Pakistanis because it is free.
In Pakistan it is very expensive to get a good education. Many mothers
mentioned that education is valuable; however, it becomes more and more
difficult to get jobs in Norway even with an education. It is not like it used
to be in Norway when they first came. Mothers also felt that the situation
was complicated for their girls. Although the mothers had traditional
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views, they could clearly see that the woman's role in Norwegian society is
very different The Pakistani mothers wanted the best for their children but
within the confines of their traditions. The purpose of schooling is to allow
the children to decide on a better life; but Islam is the guiding force for all
decisions. Mothers at the Oslo Suburb School also acknowledged that their
girls do better and are more interested in school. However, this interest is
simply to help support the families and their husbands in their traditional
roles as mothers. Education should not interfere with that role and is not
focused on career interests.
The fathers from the Oslo Suburb School ranged in age from thirty-
eight to fifty-five. Their educational level was from eight years to some
years in college. Five of the nine fathers had at least one parent who had
attended school from five years to some years in college. The majority of
the fathers' parents had not attended school at all. The parents of two male
siblings that were interviewed had attended school from four to nine years.
These fathers worked in factories, service jobs, and shops. One man was an
Urdu Radio Host for the Norwegian National Radio Station. The siblings
were in college or high school. The extended families of the fathers and
male siblings lived in Oslo and Pakistan, as well as Holland, England,
Denmark and Spain.
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Fathers at the Oslo Suburb School believed in the value of schooling
in getting a good job for boys; however, they did not believe that girls
needed to study since they stay in the home and care for the children.
Learning Norwegian and communicating is very important for girls, so
they should study and learn as much as they can in school. The fathers
acknowledged that the boys might want a partner with a similar level of
education to be content in life. So the fathers encouraged girls to learn as
much as they can in school, but not go beyond compulsory school. If the
girls are not married young, then they can go on to study in high school.
"Of course the girls who go on to University should do so only if their
husband would encourage this!" said the fathers. Because so many families
have been illiterate for years, the prospect of schooling and being educated
is very attractive to all the Pakistani families.
A few of the fathers said they wanted their children to decide on
schooling options like the Norwegians, but felt that it was difficult because
the children are not sure what kind of job they can really attain in Norway.
They also acknowledged that it is more difficult to get jobs in Norway now,
and that an education does not necessarily mean they are guaranteed a job.
There is much discrimination, and the fathers are concerned that the
children may not want to study.
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One father, who preferred to speak English when being interviewed,
said that girls get a good education in Norway. However, they must marry
in Pakistan and return when the time is right "The children are forced to
struggle in two worlds— it is especially difficult for the girls, but they must
follow Islam," said the father. "Education has a purpose for contributing to
the family. A career should not take over the ultimate way of life, Islam,"
said the same father. Any loss of Islamic ways due to western education is
perceived as difficult to handle. "The girls should not confuse their
education and way of life, Islam, with learning Norwegian culture. They
must be kept separate to maintain Islamic ways. It is difficult for the girls.
It seems to be better for the boys," said this father. Fathers and Mothers
both mentioned Urdu instruction and would like to have seen this continue
in the schools. Many of the children did attend the Koranic school, but
needed more familiarity with language on a daily basis. Many parents
continued to teach the oral Urdu language at home, but they were not able
to teach the Urdu written language. The majority of parents are illiterate in
Urdu.
The five parents that were interviewed at the Oslo Inner City School
all had more than ten years of education. Their parents ranged from zero
education to twelve years or some college. The ages ranged from thirty-six
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years to fifty-three years of age. The three fathers were professionals— two
owning their own store and the other being an electrician. The one mother
was a housewife but had worked at one time in her life; the other worked in
packing factory. These parents had siblings living in Oslo and England and
traveled between the two places often. These parents had more positive
and modem views of what education in Norway meant for the Pakistani
people. They were also more realistic regarding their situation in Oslo.
One father explained that he felt the Norwegian schools were very
good because English is taught as the second National Language. The hope
of some parents at the Inner City School is that their children might go to
America or England to become professionals. The opportunity to learn
English was seen as a great advantage of going to Norwegian schools.
These fathers also encourage the girls to study science and go beyond the
traditional ways, but always remember that Islam guides their life. "In
Pakistan it may be acceptable for girls not to study, but we live in the west
now and our girls must be accomplish and do well in school. I have great
hopes for my daughter," said one father at the Inner City school. Another
father explained how difficult it is for most Pakistani families because they
are rural people and are illiterate. They may not understand the
Norwegian way of life. However, he stated that life in Pakistan is so
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corrupt regarding jobs and money. "It is almost impossible to accumulate
money and status in Pakistan in the areas we come from. Even if there is
discrimination here in Norway, our children can get a good education and
have the opportunity to have a better life. That life might be in Norway or
England, France or Germany. I want my children to have options. In
Pakistan there are no options. Both of my children, a girl and boy, will
study to become doctors or other professionals. I have confidence in the
schools here in Norway."
The mothers at the Oslo Inner City School had similar views
regarding the value of schooling for their children. They had exceptionally
high expectations for their children. They walked with their children to
school everyday and spoke to them about potential jobs. These mothers
wanted the children to attend university in Norway and become
professionals. "I have an uncle in England, and many cousins who are
doing well. They have learned English. We also believe in work hard here
in Norway and our children will have success," said one mother. These
mothers also believe it was important to go to Norwegian schools because
of exposure to the culture. Muslim ways can be learned in the home. It
was not necessary for them to have Muslim schools for girls.
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Mothers at the Inner City School did understand that there was some
difficulty for children who have conflicts between the culture of Islam and
the Norwegian way of life. These mothers choose to validate the need to
learn Norwegian and stay in Norway. They also said that their families
gain strength from the large Pakistani community in which they live in the
inner section of Oslo.
Cultural Interactions
Pakistani parents were asked about several key elements of culture -
language, religion, behavior and attitudes. They were also asked about
what key aspects of their culture they have preserved and what they have
lost in their lives in Oslo. Parents were also asked to make a comparison
between life in Pakistan and life in Norway. Finally they were asked to
explain what was their plan for social and cultural development for their
children in Norway. The analysis is again explained in terms of the
situation of the families at the Oslo Suburb School and the Oslo Inner City
School. Differences are apparent between the interpretations and
expectations of cultural contact in the two locations.
The fathers at the Oslo Suburb School had difficulty with the way
things were going with their culture in Oslo. One father explained, "The
more we try to keep things the same, the more different our lives become".
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Parents maintained the oral language at home and attempted to teach their
children to read Urdu, but this was not successful. Koranic school on
weekends was not sufficient to learn to write the language. Most families
have resigned themselves to the fact that the children will not write Urdu,
but speaking Urdu and Punjabi is critical for communication with their
families who live in Pakistan. Parents maintain the language in the home
and with friends.
The Islamic religion was central to maintaining their way of life.
Children are to respect their elders and teachers. Parents are in control of
the children who are expected to obey their parents and not question their
decisions. Children are required to learn from their parents. There is a
strict separation between men and women in Islam, and some fathers
pointed out that Pakistani women do not frequent the pubs and cafes in
Oslo. They are not to be socializing outside the homes of family. This
separation has caused many of the women and young girls to be isolated
from the socialization they require to adapt to Norway. Islam is still very
strict within many Pakistani families in Oslo. Many of the fathers at the
Oslo Suburb School stated simply that "We have our own beliefs.
Norwegians do not accept or understand. That is the way it is with our
religion," said one father.
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A father from the Oslo Suburb School Stated, "Islam is not just our
culture, it is our way of life." This father chose to speak in English with the
researcher because he never learned sufficient Norwegian in the 22 years he
resided in Norway. He said his English always enabled him to commun
icate, and since he worked in hotels it was desirable that he spoke English
to tourists. He never expected to stay in Norway his whole life. Another
father had been divorced and explained that the father always gets the
children in Pakistan. "Men control most aspects of daily life; however, I
care about my children and their future and everything is different here
(Oslo). As long as they (the children) have respect for the family, they can
decide things that will work for them— better education," explained the
parent Support for the family and respect for the needs of the family, as a
one unit (unity), was of great importance to all the Pakistani families.
"Families that are getting too wealthy and westernized are not living
according to the Koran. They should be taking care of the children. This is
the problem with lack of emphasis on family in Norway" he explained
further. In another section the subjects discussed how much more
Norwegians were like them when they first arrived in the early 1970s. The
newfound oil wealth in Norway has changed the lifestyle for many. The
Pakistanis speculate that this has changed the values for many Norwegians.
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The freedoms and wealth that are so prevalent in Oslo, the major urban
capital, separates the Pakistanis from the Norwegians.
Pakistani parents find it difficult to reside in a neighborhood where
there is little contact and communication as a community. The fathers at
the suburb school explain that the Norwegian neighbors are separate and
alone. They do not make attempts to socialize with them or other
Norwegians they do not know. However, a few parents were skeptical of
the Norwegians, but thought that they were good people. "President
Bhutto opened the doors for those who wanted to leave. England closed
them. Norway was available to us. We thank Norwegians for taking us in
during a difficult time for us in our country." Norwegians who wanted to
help them welcomed some Pakistanis, but times are very different for
Pakistanis now.
The families continue to keep in contact with their relative in
Pakistan. They visit every three to four years. Most of the parents at the
Suburb School would like to return to Pakistan for half the year in
retirement when it is cold in Norway. The other half year would be spent
in Norway. Those that have relatives in England, Spain and Denmark
speak of moving there, as well. The reason for not returning to Pakistan for
many would be the loss of their culture or Islamic ways after living in
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Norway for such a long time. The fear is that they will not fit in.
"Returning to Pakistan for good with a loss of the Islamic traditions would
be extremely bad. It is for that reason we continue to maintain the ways
with the children," explained a father at the Oslo Suburb School. Another
said, "Things are difficult for our children. We will not go back to Pakistan
because we care about them and they want to stay in Norway."
Pakistani families are most concerned with the status of their
children and extended family. They are concerned with the new rise in
gang violence, but feel it is a result of difficult times in Norway, that is the
new discrimination. Some fathers feel that they are losing certain aspects of
the basic ways of Islam. A primary concern is the sheltering and protection
of girls from society. A few fathers feel that the girls should be able to
attend "All Girls' Muslim Schools" to protect them from exposure to boys.
This is an aspect of Islam that they feel they are losing with the educational
system in Norway. One father at the Oslo suburb school also fears that his
children will have a "different life" because they struggle between two
worlds— the Norwegian and the Pakistani. It is very complicated for them.
This father would like to see the Islamic and Christian way of thinking
reach the same goals. Priorities may be different, but goals should be the
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same. This would help the children be more successful and socially
comfortable.
The young university student who was a brother to one of the
students said, "Our color is the only thing that makes us different, nothing
else." He explained that the hair and the skin are an obvious separation
from the Norwegians. He said he respects the pillars of Islam, but
maintains an existence with Norwegians at the University of Oslo.
However, this young man also said that he would not marry outside of
Islam and would seek a wife in Pakistan. The young university student
also explained that many of the Pakistani youth today do not want to
accept that their parents were guest workers in factories with little or no
formal education. He said those that have problems are the ones have are
having an identity crisis. "These children should be required to study their
heritage in Pakistan so that they have a better understanding of their life. It
would help them adjust to Norway. They know very little about where
they come from." He went on to say, "By the time my children are bom in
Norway there will not be an identify conflict I know the system and can
explain things about Norway and Pakistan. That is important I hope that
the others see this!" He also explained that many Pakistani people assume
that girls are having a bad socialization experience. He believes that the
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girls are smarter than that and will manage to do just fine. "It is important
that the girls realize that we are separated, but equal. The equality comes
from Norway, the separate from Islam. The pillars also say that women are
equal but exist in different spheres. We have to find a way to rationalize
this, you see," he went on to explain.
Parents at the Oslo Suburb School are willing to accept that their
children remain in Norway, but do not accept intermarriage with
Norwegians. "The two groups— Pakistani and Norwegian are not meant to
be together," said one father. However, a parent who had a higher
education mentioned, "If the children are interested in marrying
(Norwegian), I will accept the idea. I have been exposed to many cultures
since I sailed in the Pakistani Navy. I do not necessarily believe it is right,
but I will accept it"
The mothers at the Oslo Suburb School have similar cultural
interpretations to their husbands; however, there are some differences. The
mothers mentioned that the girls have access to biology classes that teach
about sex. This is not accepted in Islam. Sexual discussion is private and
held secretly between husband and wife. The fact that Norwegians men
and women often live together without being married adds to the conflict
and differences between the two groups. The mothers also try to maintain
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as many aspects of Islamic culture that is possible. In general, all mothers
maintain Islamic traditions and allow the children to decide as long as their
decisions are based in the traditions of Islam.
Some mothers at the Oslo Suburb School stress that they have the
same life in Oslo as in Pakistan because they have maintained so many
aspects of their life from Pakistan. Also their cousins and extended family
live in Oslo. The fact that support from the Pakistani family is in Oslo
makes it much easier for them. This mother was very well adjusted and
had a family that appeared to be content in Oslo. However, her young girl
was a bit nervous about going back to Pakistan to marry her cousin. But
she seemed to accept that this was the way that it was done.
The mothers were generally satisfied with the school system in
Norway and believed that an education offered many opportunities to their
children. They wanted them to get good jobs in Norway and be successful.
One mother did say it would be acceptable for the children to marry
Norwegians, but that her husband would have to decide if it was correct
She was progressive and the youngest mother at the of the Oslo Suburb
School women. She believed that any woman who had learned Norwegian
should also work to help the husband. She said many Pakistani women do
not work and this creates isolation for them.
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The Norwegian mother who had been married to a Pakistani man
mentioned that to combat this isolation, many immigrant women spend
time at the welfare office where they have contact with Norwegians and
encounter activities. There is limited contact for many of the women. This
mother would have liked to maintain contact with her husband's Pakistani
family, but it was unlikely that her children would have the exposure. The
father had moved to England and did not contact his children. She was
Muslim, but did not practice. During the time she was married to the
Pakistani man she was not included in functions related to the Mosque and
religion. She was excluded as different Her former husband had told her
that he would help her to learn the ways of Islam, but did not take it
seriously. She believes she was used to get citizenship for him to get to
England where his other family lived. He was educated. This Norwegian
mother did maintain some contact with her husband's mother in Pakistan
to keep the children in contact with their culture. "My children will
become completely Norwegian. The influence of Pakistan is far too
remote."
Truth, honesty and respect were characteristics that a mother
mentioned were important to maintain from Islam. The children must
maintain these aspects of their life in order to live well. "I miss Pakistan,
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but as long as we keep these qualities in the family, we can live anywhere.
The luxury would be to have six months in our home in Islamabad and six
months in Oslo. This is our dream for when my husband and I retire." She
explained this with a bright smile on her face, but she also said that the
children would miss her and she them, so that she would no doubt have to
stay in Norway because that is what they wanted.
One of the mothers at the Oslo Suburb School had a tragic situation.
She had three boys ages 16,14, and 12. She did not come to Norway until
1995 with her children. She was incredibly ill with severe back problems
from working in Pakistan to support her children. Apparently, the
husband had difficulties providing for the family and was unable to bring
them to Norway to be with him. They had a very low income and could
not afford basic needs. The father was away working in a factory in the
mountains. Apparently, he had problems with alcohol and they rarely saw
their father. The interesting point is that the oldest boy was one of the most
successful students at the Oslo Suburb School. He had the highest grades
and received the most recognition from his teachers. He did better that the
Pakistani boys that had been bom and raised in Norway. His mother said
that her boys will study hard, although the youngest one had some learning
difficulties and missed his father. She maintained the culture by working
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with her boys on traditions and Pakistani ways. She said that if she had
money she would return to Pakistan.
The Oslo Suburb School mothers also discussed the need to fast for
thirty days at Ramadam. They still maintained this tradition with the
children. The mothers continued traditions of Islam. Some of the fathers
taught the Koran at home to the children, as well.
Areas of conflict were noted when children applied for jobs. One
mother explained that her son and daughter who had graduated horn
secondary school had applied for a job at the local center. They were not
interested in having them serve the public in the market This was very
disappointing to the children and their parents. Several mothers
mentioned that it was difficult to get jobs, so it was important for their kids
to study Norwegian and learn as much as possible. Other areas of conflict
were the freedoms given to Norwegian teenagers that are not considered
appropriate for Pakistani children. They are not to stay out late and go to
parties.
Based on the perspective of the Oslo Suburb School mothers, the
children are losing some aspects of their Pakistani culture. The question is
difficult for many to answer because they feel that they are trying very hard
to maintain the culture. Many mothers view the problems as too
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complicated to discuss, but they do know that the children are losing their
language. In many of the larger families the children speak Norwegian to
each other. The mothers to not understand what they are saying. How
ever, they agree that they themselves never really knew how to write in
Urdu. In addition, the mothers maintain that the children shall marry
cousins when they are sixteen or seventeen in Pakistan. However, they also
agree that there is more and more difficulty in getting agreement on the
arranged marriages. The children are fighting them on the fathers'
decisions.
Many of the mothers would like to return to Pakistan, but the
fathers' family members reside in Oslo so they must stay there. "We live in
our own areas— the Pakistani community of Oslo. We often feel like we are
in Pakistan," said one mother. Most of the mothers acknowledge a
difference between their lives and that of the Norwegians. "We live
separately from them," said one of the mothers. This reality was quite
normal to them and appeared to be the status quo. Many of the Oslo
Suburb School mothers are not well and have been sick for some time.
They complain of illness and fatigue. Some are depressed and do not like
their lives. One mother said she would like to take her younger children
back to Pakistan, but knew that it was not possible unless the father
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decided not to do this. This family had moved back to Pakistan for one
year prior to returning again to Norway. "We did not make it back there.
The children have health problems and we had to return to Norway.
Things are not the same for us there," explained the mother.
In summary the mothers at the Oslo Suburb School have high
aspirations for their children within the traditions of Islam. Education is
viewed as a means to help children make better choices and select a
successful future. The mothers liked moving to Norway to have their
relationships with their husbands and their families reunited. However,
many have experienced difficulties with culture. They miss their families in
Pakistan, live isolated lives in Norway, are often unhealthy, and cannot
communicate with others because of language deficiencies. These women
are home alone for long periods of time without exercise or contact with
others. For some of the mothers the visit to the school to be interviewed for
the study was their first time to be in the facility. The mothers all talked
about their active village life and social networks back home. The isolation
and lack of support from their families was difficult Maintaining Islam
was important for the women and involved isolation; girls staying at home,
using the scarf and long clothes to cover their bodies; and respect for
parents and elders. Marriage to Norwegians is not accepted, although it
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was perceived to be easier for the next generation. Above all the family
unit as one is considered most important to all aspects of being Pakistani.
The fathers at the Oslo Inner City School believed that the children
should acquire Norwegian to be successful. The Urdu language was used
within the family and to visit Pakistani relatives. "The children have to
learn from us the language since schools no longer teacher Urdu," said one
father. Religion, Islam, was viewed as the key aspect of culture to maintain
as a Pakistani in Norway. Without Islam the families would feel meaning
less. Islam is everything to them and if they were to lose their religion this
would be a problem for them. "We need our own culture, mainly because
it is the only thing bom to us," explained one parent Respect for parents
and elders was key for children to observe in their lives in Norway.
Children are to learn their values and behaviors from the parents.
However, Pakistani parents were concerned that the children may have
problems with this important aspect of Islam because of the freedoms
afforded to Norwegian children and adolescents.
The Oslo Inner City School fathers believed that the children have
not lost much in terms of their Pakistani culture. However, many Pakistani
children encounter peer pressure to drink beer and experiment with sexual
activity in adolescence. This is unacceptable to the fathers. They agree that
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their life is much better, safe and secure, in Norway. Although there are
these influences which make life very difficult for developing young adults.
Norwegians are perceived as very lonely people who rarely socialize
with others. Their reserved nature is often a stark contrast to the gregarious
character of the Pakistanis. The important issue to many of the Pakistanis is
that they would like to return to their country because of family and
friends. However, they realize that there would be problems for them to
return because their lives in Norway are markedly separated them from
their own people back home. All agree it would be very difficult to return.
The mothers at the Oslo Inner City School where more sophisticated
and socially competent regarding Norwegian ways. They agreed that it
was critical to maintain Islam as the symbol of Pakistani culture; however,
they were more realistic for the sake of the children. The mothers felt that
the children had many differences to encounter, and that they would
adjust to a "middle" life to increase their chances of being successful in
Norwegian society. Mother here also agreed more with their husbands on
the views regarding life in Oslo. The mothers liked the modern conven
iences of living in Oslo and took advantage of these for the benefit of a
better lifestyle for the family. These women were more positive about the
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differences and did not want to return to Pakistan. However, they did feel
it was important for children to visit to maintain the language and culture.
Family Cases and Discussion
The analyses of the family responses as an aggregate by gender and
location of school give the description of family attitude, history and
culture from a Pakistani mother or father group perspective. Analyzing a
few distinct family cases gives additional insight into the situation of
Pakistani students in the two schools. What follows are the tales of their
families and opinions of living in Oslo. In most of these family interviews,
the researcher had spent much time with the families in their homes for
dinner and other social gatherings.
The Oslo Inner City School: The Afzal Family
The father of the Afzal family had a high education as an electrician
and many opinions regarding his twenty-five year experience in Oslo. The
mother also had a high school education from Islamabad, the capital of
Pakistan. Unlike the majority of the Pakistani immigrants in Oslo, this
family came from an urban environment prior to moving to Oslo. The
father came due to hardships in Pakistan and had many dreams when he
arrived in Norway. His initial contact in Norway was very positive.
Although he felt isolated because he did not know the Norwegian
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language, his command of English made communication much easier for
him than other Pakistanis arriving in Norway. He was quickly employed
as a laborer in a glass factory and later as a kitchen assistant It was
common for the Pakistanis to hold several jobs during their first five years
in Norway. He was provided housing by the immigration directorate and
began the process of petitioning for his family to join him in Oslo.
Father Afzal spoke highly of the Norwegians in the first ten years of
his employment in Oslo. He mentioned, "My Norwegian boss was very
rich and very good to me. He helped me when I did not understand
differences in the Norwegian culture and my own. He also eventually
helped me to start my own business, which I did in the 1980s." He
continued, "During the early years I was very happy and felt good about
the Norwegians. Today, the situation is very different with much
discrimination by the Norwegians." Mr. Afzal went on to explain that the
Norwegian culture had stronger family values, much like Pakistan, when
he came in the early 1970s. "Norway has become wealthy so quickly. The
nation has lost sight of what is really important Just like the children,
Norway has grown too fast The values are focused on money and material
goods. Most Norwegian citizens spend money for nice cars and other
luxury items. They would rather go into debt than go without these
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possessions. Many Norwegians seems to compete with each other for the
best homes and material goods. This is in such contrast to the Norway we
came to respect in the early 1970s/' said Mr. Afzal.
Both Mother and Father Afzal referred to themselves as "black
Norwegians." We also do not fit into Pakistani society any longer. The
parents put much value on education and encouraged their son to study
hard in school. Actually, their son was one of the most respected students
in the Inner City School. His teachers gave him much praise. His parents
explained the schooling experience for Pakistani students with great
insight "The schooling in Norway is complicated for Pakistani students.
They are stuck in a triangle. The three comers represent the teachers,
families and other students. Unfortunately, in Oslo these three comers are
in constant conflict with one another. It is so difficult for our children to
grow up balanced when the teachers ask for one standard, the families have
another, and their peers, both Norwegian and Pakistani, pressure them to
behave badly. There seems to be a constant struggle for our children. My
wife and I are proud to be Norwegian, but we continue to teach Ammad
the importance of being Pakistani to maintain our identity. He seems to be
doing well. We want him to be successful in Norway. This is his country
now."
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During the summer months when school is out, these parents get
books from the school to work with Ammad on his content knowledge in
the subjects to make sure that he understands his next years' assignments.
"We want to make sure he is ahead of the game. Others might pass him up.
He already has a disadvantage because he is a 'Black Norwegian'"
explained his father. "Because my wife and I are from Islamabad, we
understand the need for education. Other Pakistani families are just now
learning this because in the rural areas in Pakistan there was little need for
developing knowledge. It has been a struggle for these families to learn
this. But they too want the best for their children," explains father Afzal.
"Obviously, my wife and I realize that we do not have as strong a
contact with Pakistan. But that is a reality of moving to Norway. By the
third generation my family will have it much better in Norway. Pakistan
will be our heritage, but the life will be easier by that time, I think." He
goes on to explain that in certain areas in Norway where there are fewer
immigrants than in Oslo the situation is much better. "I look forward to
having my family live in those areas. There seems to be less discrimination
from the rural areas in Norway. I also believe that Norwegians there may
have maintained more of the Norwegian family values that we admired in
the early 1970s." Father Afzal explains if the Pakistanis believe that they
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are going to move back to Pakistan they are crazy. "It is simply not so easy.
This is why I am practical about the reality of what my family needs to do
to be successful here in Norway. Integration is the most important issue for
Pakistanis. For my family, the learning of both cultures makes this process
more attainable. We cannot forget where we came from/'
The Oslo Suburb School: The Ahmad Family
Mr. Ahmad and his wife were interviewed at their shop near the
Oslo Suburb School. They provided interesting information relative to the
situation of their Pakistani family living in England, as well as the situation
in Norway. Their shop was full of clothing from England and other quality
accessories for women. Most of the articles are imported from their
family's businesses in England. Mr. Ahmad began his career in Oslo as a
factory worker, but eventually went on to start his own business. He held
many jobs in Oslo before starting his business. He worked for the railways
and an electric company. Both Mr. Amhad and his wife have eleven years
of education from Pakistan. He lived in Norway for eleven years before
marrying and bringing his wife into Norway. Both his children were born
in Norway, and he and his wife share responsibility of running the store.
They visit family in England often.
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"There was little discrimination in Oslo when I first came to Oslo in
1968. I felt the same as the Norwegians. We worked alongside each other
in the factories. I realize it is very important for my children to play and
interact with Norwegians. I really want to see them successful in school
and life here." Mr. Ahmad explained that he was satisfied with his life in
Norway and had high aspirations for his daughter to study medicine.
"Both she and my little boy will go on to college here or in England,"
explained Mr. Ahmad and his wife. "We teach both our children to read
and write in Urdu. We also work with them on the cultural aspects of being
Islam. We are not so strict with our religion as others are, but we like to
maintain this as part of our identity. It has helped us to stay in contact with
our families in Pakistan and England," explain the Ahmads. "We do keep
in contact with our families. But it is hard on the children. I realize they
will probably lose the language with time." Mr. Ahmad discussed the need
to provide children with incentives. "It is difficult for the children to learn
new things when it may not be rewarded. We try to link all their efforts to
feeling satisfied and happy about life. Sometimes this is difficult My wife
and I spend much time explaining the history and culture we come from. I
have also been in Norway so long, that I give them a very good history of
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what I know here to be true. It helps them to understand," explains Mr.
Ahmad.
The family in England provides each child with the necessary
support and training to open their own store. "I am doing the same for my
children if they decide to do this. However, they can choose to do
something else. My people come from the city of Gujrat We have
exposure to city life through that and visits to England. It is easier for my
children to understand life here in Oslo than the other Pakistani children.
They may not have that information or background" discusses Mr. Ahmad.
It is clear that Mr. Ahmad and his wife are proud of what they can offer
their children in their life in Oslo.
The Oslo Suburb School: The Zahoor Family
Mr. Zahoor had lived in Lahore where he also attended two years of
college in English. He never really wanted to leave Pakistan, but the crisis
in Pakistani business in the early 1970s inspired him to seek a work permit
He moved to Norway in 1974 alone, but many of his friends had already
moved to Oslo. All his papers were organized and in order prior to his
coming to Oslo. His father had a metal products business in Pakistan. Mr.
Zahoor was adept a working with steel and other metals. He did not
receive such work when he moved to Norway. He worked for the Oslo
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Streetcar System as a driver. He mentioned that he was told, "Just drive, do
not think," when he wanted to offer suggestions for how improvements
might be made. He explained that he was not encouraged to go beyond the
level he was a t even though he had an education. He eventually became a
ticket checker after he was injured on the job. Mr. Zahoor explained that
the situation in Oslo in the early days was easy. He was eager to learn and
have a good life.
In 1976, he married a Norwegian woman who converted to Islam.
She learned to speak Urdu, and this was accepted by the Pakistani society
in Oslo. They had four children, but were eventually separated and
divorced after eleven years of marriage. He explained that his wife had
written a letter that she left at the dinner table. She disappeared and was
not heard from again. She lives in Oslo; however, she does not visit the
children. All four children live with Mr. Zahoor. He took the children to
live in Pakistan for two years where they attended a private English school.
He wanted them to learn about their culture. He recently returned to
Norway with the children. He explained that he has taken care of the
children for 10 years on his own. The Norwegian Child Welfare officials
often come to check on the children to make sure that they are being raised
correctly. "I am strict with the children. I have boundaries for their
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behaviors. I expect them to behave and act correctly. I enjoy my children
because they are all very good/' explains Mr. Zahoor. He has high hopes
for his children to study hard and go on to college. The three girls will also
decide what it is they would like to do with their life. He would like them
all to have careers.
Mr. Zahoor had ideas about the importance of maintaining the
culture. He said that Urdu is important because it helps hold the contact
with others from the same culture and allows them to function wherever
they might need to in the world. Islam is a personal belief system that
many focus on more than others depending on their experience. Finally, he
stresses the need for children to maintain their culture and traditions. This
is one of the reasons he went with his children to live in Pakistan for two
years. He explains, "It is very important to discuss with the children the
need to be Muslim. Otherwise, it is difficult for them to understand. We
must offer them support since they are different from the Norwegians. I
see other Pakistani parents who do not offer support, rather focusing only
on money. These children do not have good concepts of themselves. It is
hard for the children to understand where they have come from," details
Mr. Zahoor.
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Norway is a difficult place to live because as neighbors and
community members they rarely interact with the people, neither
Norwegian or Pakistani. This saddens Mr. Zahoor who would like his
children to have more access to Norwegians. "It is extremely difficult to
have contact with Norwegian people. They finish work at 4:00 p.m. and do
not socialize with others. They stay with their family and close friends. I
feel that they lack respect for us," explains Mr. Zahoor. Life is very
different for the Zahoor family in Norway. "The Norwegian children have
little respect for their parents and are not disciplined by the family. After
they turn sixteen, the parents will often let them do whatever they w ant It
is not a good situation for families in Norway and makes life more
complicated for the Pakistani children because they need to know what is
correct," explains Mr. Zahoor. The social isolation of the Norwegians and
the freedoms for their children make growing up difficult in Norway.
Especially for the immigrant child. "People require human contact and
assistance from others. It is terrible that we (Pakistani) do not feel that we
can communicate with the Norwegians," said Mr. Zahoor.
Mr. Zahoor notes that it is difficult for him to imagine returning to
Pakistan. He would have to start all over with his career and contacts. He
did, however, feel it was valuable to live with the children in Pakistan for a
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period of time when they attended school there. They now have a greater
appreciation for their county. "I feel that many Pakistanis live in a 'fantasy
world' if they think they save their money to return. The public system is
far too corrupt in Pakistan. Here in Norway we understand how to work
and achieve our goals. In Pakistan, there is no guarantee that all will not be
stolen from the local public officials or other corrupt individuals. Life is not
fair in our villages back home/' laments Mr. Zahoor.
Mr. Zahoor revealed that life in Norway was very different when he
first came to the country as in immigrant in the early 1970s. As a streetcar
driver, Mr. Zahoor saw many children in his day. "The children were very
polite in prior times. They acted like country people-pleasant to all around
them. It was like living in a real community, not unlike our lives in
Pakistan. Ask any Pakistani man who immigrated in that time. He will tell
you the same. The Norway of today is difficult to handle for our children.
The values are not the same. As I see it, there is very little responsibility by
the youth of today. It is very disturbing," explains Mr. Zahoor. "The
government of Norway was helped to put this irresponsibility in place.
The Child Welfare Office encourages children to make wild accusations
about their parents if they do not get what they w ant Parents have no
rights to discipline their children. The immigrant teenagers are also
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learning how to manipulate this system against the cultural values of their
parents/' Mr. Zahoor explains in frustration.
Mr. Zahoor also talked about the status of the Pakistani families in
Oslo. Many who came to Norway with an education from Pakistan were
not given equal jobs that related to their level of education. These men had
to find work in service and factory jobs. He said that there was a great deal
of resentment by many of the men who had to work in grocery stores.
Many men got back at the system by opening their own businesses, and
others went into the black market "It is difficult for Pakistani men to pass
on respect to their children when they have little for themselves. But most
of them worked very hard at their jobs, and often became sick as a result
The majority of men have done well working in Norway in low paying
service and factory jobs," says Mr. Zahoor. "These men have worked very
hard for their children to grow up in a better life. It is so difficult for us to
watch our own lose responsibility and respect for the family. This has been
a suffering position of most Pakistani families." He goes on to explain, "I
am not satisfied with the Norwegian system. Norway has not joined the
European Union, and I must think of the children. I believe that they will
move to England. It was one of the reasons I took the children to Pakistani-
they attended schools in both English and Urdu. English is well known in
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the whole world. They will be able to do whatever they want. I will be
proud of them."
"When my wife and I divorced, I made sure that the children kept
their Norwegian citizenship. I had to take charge of the children to make
sure that all went well for them. The Child Welfare social workers came to
check on me often. I have done well with the children. At one time I
wondered if I should remarry, but I have done the job myself. I have fun
with my children, and we all help out," discussed Mr. Zahoor. "I have high
expectations for my children."
Through these multiple family interviews and family cases it was
possible to identify patterns of acculturation and assimilation across two
and three generations. Gordon's (1964) seven stages of assimilation were
used in pattern identification. The process of assimilation, or sharing a
common life, is limited by the willingness on the part of the dominant
group (Norwegians) and the part of the new immigrants (Pakistanis) to
foster the social participation necessary for the integration to occur. As
explained in chapter two, Gordon had contended that the assimilation
process occurs in seven stages:
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1. Cultural assimilation: a change of cultural patterns to that of
the dominant society (acculturation). Cultural and behavioral assimilation
requires learning and adopting social practices of the dominant group.
2. Structural assimilation: a large-scale entrance into groups,
institutions and relationships on a primary group level in the dominant
society.
3. Marital assimilation: a large-scale intermarriage of the
dominant group with the new group.
4. Identificational assimilation: a development of a sense of
peoplehood or culture, on the part of the new group, based exclusively on
that of the dominant society.
5. Attitude receptional assimilation: the new group (immigrant
minority) does not encounter prejudice in its interactions with the
dominant group.
6. Behavior receptional assimilation: the new group (immigrant
minority) does not encounter discrimination in its interactions with the
dominant group.
7. Civic assimilation: there is absence of value and power
conflict between the two groups. The immigrant minority has assumed the
values and norms of the dominant group.
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When the histories of the families are examined in light of the
process of assimilation, these stages can be explained in the context of the
Pakistani and Norwegian experience. The Pakistani fathers have entered
into one form of structural assimilation— employment in major institutions
of the service industry and industrial labor market However, the mothers
have no form of structural assimilation in the Norwegian society. Living an
isolated existence, the women's only contact with Norwegians might be the
language classes they take at the local community centers. Pakistani
women do not even have exposure to the schools that their children attend.
There is no cultural assimilation by the Pakistani immigrant parents who
have chosen to maintain their Islamic culture and behavioral identity.
Some limited and superficial adoption of the Norwegian lifestyle is
evidenced by their attempt to understand the ways of the Norwegians.
However, there was no real adoption of Norwegian social practices.
Marital assimilation was viewed as problematic. A few instances of
marriage between a Pakistani man and Norwegian woman ended in
divorce over the years. Some family members believe that the third
generation may be able to marry into Norwegian life with more ease. The
Pakistani-Norwegian parents have not developed a sense of "culture" with
the Norweigns in place of their own. However, the children (second
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generation are showing attempts to meet identificaitonal assimilation
through interaction in the schools. Unfortunately, the Pakistani families
and children do continue to encounter prejudice and discrimination in their
environment Although entry into Norway was a positive experience for
all Pakistani men interviewed, sustained exposure between the two groups,
Norwegian and Pakistani, and the fact that the Pakistanis have chosen
chosen to stay has developed discrimination and prejudice. There is a no
civic assimilation between the Pakistani and Norwegians. Their civic lives
and values are separated within the society.
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CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
“A new opinion counts as 'true' just in proportion as it gratifies the
individual's desire to assimilate the novel in his experience
to his beliefs in stock.
It must both lean on old truth and grasp new fact
Ideas become true just insofar as they help us to get into satisfactory
relations with other parts of our experience."
William James, 1906
Stanford University Lecture
Summary
The need to understand cultural differences in education has long
been a concern for researchers (Ogbu, 1974,1983; Gibson & Ogbu, 1991)
interested in the status of minority students. Several researchers have
looked at the cultural adaptation and educational status of immigrant
students in different settings and countries to determine typologies of
achievement and success. In Europe, there has not been a clear under
standing of the social and cultural realities of immigrants in national
schools and the subsequent impact on school success. Generations of
immigrants to Europe have revealed differences in patterns of adaptation to
the cultural majority (Husen, 1992,1993). European minority problems
(and American) have generally been viewed as problems with the language
and culture of that group. However, political and cultural dominance over
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a minority group has been represented through allocation of resources and
policy planning by those in power. Any analysis of the experience of the
minority group must take into account these factors, as well.
Efforts to provide educational options and alternative programs to
immigrant students have met with varied results. Most of these programs
focus on a form of language instruction and few other interventions. A
recent report from Norway revealed that immigrant students do worse in
big cities (specifically Oslo) when compared with those from the same
immigrant groups in the rural areas (Engen et al., 1996). The report also
stated that immigrant students from low immigrant enrollment schools did
better that those from highly impacted immigrant schools. The findings of
this report and other such reports in Europe have posed immigrants against
one another and focused on a hypothesis that relates the value of education
to the home and cultural factors.
The effort of this study was to examine one immigrant student
group, the Pakistani in Norway, in great detail through the ethnographic
approach. The Pakistani student group was studied in two urban school
environments— one highly impacted with immigrants (Oslo Inner City
School) and the other with a minority of immigrants (Oslo Suburb School).
The study explored Norwegian educational opportunities and the
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subsequent academic achievement of Pakistani youth, the process of
cultural change experienced by the students and their families, and the
administration and policy of the Oslo Municipal schools. The study is
significant because it will contribute to an understanding for further action
in schools in Norway. No study viewing impacts of acculturation and
assimilation patterns of the Pakistani immigrant student group has been
directly related to the overall organization of the Norwegian schools in two
separate contexts— inner city and suburban.
The Problem
Immigrants had moved more or less voluntarily to their host
societies in Europe during the early 1970s. However, in the case of the
Pakistanis in Norway many of the fathers had petitioned to go to England
prior to being allowed to settle in Norway. The halt on guest workers to
other European nations made Norway the subsequent host under a
European directorate. Many Pakistani guest workers did choose to
emigrate from Pakistan; however, Norway was not their initial destination.
With the eventual decision to stay in Norway, Pakistani men petitioned for
their wives and families to join them. The situation of the Pakistanis in
Norway is a unique case for analysis given the fact they did not select
Norway as their country of choice, and though Norway was open to a
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"guest work force/" the Norwegians have not been open to the ways of
Pakistani Muslims. In general, success or failure of immigrant minorities
seems to be linked to the type of understanding minorities have about the
workings of the larger society and their place within that society. The
family cases and histories of these families will present a picture of this
reality.
The problem being investigated for this study looks at the status of
Pakistani immigrant students in Norwegian schools. Understandings of
minorities (immigrant minorities and ethnic minorities) are discussed to
provide a framework for the case of these Pakistanis. Immigrants view
economic and social discrimination as temporary; however, with the
passage of time immigrants develop survival strategies (Ogbu, 1991) and
ways to cope with their status in the society. The Pakistani epistemology -
their immigrant reality— is discussed in view of the their history, culture,
and concepts of education. The organization of the schools and educational
policies in Norway explain the status and views of the dominant group.
Norway is a country that is guided by social welfare policies that promote
equality. However, Pakistani students have experienced low levels of
performance and few options for improving achievement The study
explains the relationship between the Pakistani student cultural experience,
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organization of the schools and their educational opportunities in an
attempt to provide guidance for this problem. The findings will be
discussed in view of the theories and issues presented in chapter 2. The
following are a review of the major questions of the study:
1. What educational opportunities (both in school and after
school) are provided for Pakistani immigrants in compulsory schooling in
Oslo, Norway, and what level of academic achievement do they attain?
2. What is the process of cultural change as experienced by the
families of the sample students within the context of urban Oslo and how
does this cultural change (at home and in school) relate to the academic
achievement of Pakistani immigrant students?
3. How has the official administration of the Oslo Municipal
Schools, and specifically the two school sites in this study, been organized
to meet the needs of Pakistani immigrants and how has the resultant
Norwegian policy been implemented to provide for these changes?
These questions can be further delineated into subtopics for each of
the three research questions:
1.1. Educational Opportunities: What national school programs
and specialized, alternative programs are offered to Pakistani immigrant
children in urban Oslo schools as measured by evidence of:
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a. broadened curriculum,
b. teacher autonomy,
c. real-life incentives,
d. student self-esteem,
e. coordinated social service partnerships, and
f. capacity building at local site (with community).
1.2. Academic Achievement What is the level of academic
achievement of Pakistani immigrant children compared to mainstream
Norwegian students and other local immigrant students in Oslo as
measured by special attention given to time in the system and gender,
determined by:
a. matriculation and dropout rates,
b. standardized exams (norm-referenced),
c. grades, and
d. continuing educational selections based on options.
1.3. What is the relationship between the type of educational
opportunity available and actual student academic achievement?
Research question two can be delineated into the following sub-
topics:
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2.1. Cultural Interaction: What is the relationship between
Pakistani immigrant students' cultural contact with Norwegians and their
subsequent academic achievement as measured by case study experiences
of families in these areas in terms of:
a. levels of assimilation,
b. enculturation, and
c. acculturation.
2.2. Cultural Adaptation: What adaptive mechanisms have
Pakistani immigrant minority students adopted that may relate to academic
achievement as measured by female and male experiences and responses:
a. survival strategies,
b. frame of reference,
c. social identity related to education, and
d. status mobility system.
Sub-topics for research question three:
3.1. Organization of Education: What is the role of the political
system, the social welfare policies in Norway, in determining educational
options as measured by:
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a. degree of minority acceptance of dominant values, and
b. minority's access to and influence in the major social
structures allocating resources.
3.2. Organization of Schools: How has the school administration
at two specific school sites in Oslo responded to the needs of Pakistani
immigrants as measured by a model of participatory governance
(centralized vs. decentralized):
Units of analysis: Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO):
a. leadership,
b. financial base,
c. volunteers,
d. coalitions— level of partnerships,
e. public relations, and
g-
simple functions.
Theories Related to the Study
Several key theories were related to the study and discussed in the
review of the literature in chapter 2. Relevant theories of immigrant
minority education and cultural adaptation were presented from the
literature (Gordon, 1964; Ogbu, 1991; W irt 1979). The key issues in the
literature review recounted cases for the instruction of language minority
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students in Europe, the context of immigration from Pakistan to Norway,
the cultural factors of Pakistani immigrants, and the interactions of
immigrants in Norway and Norwegian national policy making. Specific
theories and issues related to the educational opportunities of immigrant
students and managerial elements in the immigrant schools and
community was also presented in the review of the literature.
Cultural interactions were further explained by presenting models
and representations of cultural responses and a typology for immigrant
minorities (Ogbu, 1991). Gordon's (1964) case for stages of assimilation and
Ogbu's cultural model were delineated to introduce concepts for the
analysis of the Pakistani immigrant situation in Europe. The concept of the
development of a third culture by the mixing of the two peoples (Pakistani
and Norwegian) was also discussed in light of other immigrant inter
actions, Hispanics in California. For the expansion of a potential political
model to explain the situation with the Pakistanis, the prior experience of
Norwegians with the Sami ethnic minority was considered (Paulston, 1982;
Koskinen, 1995; Aikio, 1991; Hoem, 1983). Finally, the explanation of
specific factors that may contribute to gendered immigrant student
responses was explicated for interpretation of the Pakistani immigrant girls'
experience.
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To explain factors in the school achievement of immigrant minor
ities, Cummins (1989) issues surrounding pedagogy, curriculum, assess
ment and parent and community involvement were discussed. Alternative
approaches (Oakes, 1987; Raywid, 1994; Wehlage, 1991) and nonformal
education models (LaBelle, 1986,1987) were also posed as potential models
for inspiring immigrant student success. Finally, a review of school
management and the organization of the community were examined that
focused on participatory methods. The significance of school collaboration
and a high level of complex coordination with the community were
discussed.
The issues in educating linguistic, cultural and immigrant minorities
were reviewed from the perspective of the newly forming European Union
(Husen, 1992,1993). Three ways of teaching the minority language (Mother
Tongue Teaching) of instruction were presented from the immigrant cases
of three European countries. These programs constituted using the
minority language as the medium of instruction, as an alternative national
language, and as an "optional" extra (after school) program outside the
national curriculum. Instruction of the minority immigrant language is
highly politicized by governments within the context of the national
curriculum. The issue of teaching culture and the position of religion in
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culture was explored from the perspective of European nations attempting
to assimilate the subculture. Political and institutional racism were
presented as concerns for the allocation of resources to programs that will
assist minority language pupils.
A detailed discussion of the cultural background of the Pakistanis
and their immigration to Norway provided the context of what the sending
situation of this group has been. Further portrayals of the interactions of
immigrants with the Norwegian people help to explain the context of their
arrival into Norway in the early 1970s (OECD, 1970; Riaz, 1994; Lie & Wold,
1991; Aarre, 1987; Jensen & Engesbak, 1994). Many Norwegians did not
view the Pakistanis as permanent citizens from the onset, so education for
their children was not an immediate concern.
The detailed literature review of the cultural responses and typology
for immigrant interactions focused on political models that perpetuate the
school failure of immigrants (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1981; Cummins, 1989) as
well as government policy (Wirt, 1979) that explains the process of
socialization in schools. This process is known as integration in Europe and
requires the acceptance of the minority of the dominant belief system. The
theory has distinct categories that can be related to the standing of the
Pakistanis. Sociological and anthropological models (Ogbu, 1991) present
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theories for a system of inequality when minority and majority cultures
m eet Bilingual Education and Mother Tongue Teaching are explained as
the national rhetoric for educating the immigrant minority pupil.
Gordon's (1964) rigorous interpretation of the assimilation process
explains how immigrants are able to adapt to schools and society. The
seven major sub-processes of his theory are used to explain the situation of
the Pakistani first and second-generation immigrants in Norway. Ogbu's
cultural-ecological theory considers the broad societal and school factors as
well as the dynamics within the minority communities (Ogbu & Simmons,
1998). A frame of reference is discussed regarding the immigrant value of
schooling, degree of trust of the schools, and symbolic beliefs about
schooling and the impact on the immigrant culture. Ogbu's cultural-
ecological theory also states that migrant/guest workers are not voluntary
immigrants due to the fact that a majority of them have no intention of
residing permanently in the society. They may be able to adopt an attitude
toward the schooling experience to make them successful; however, they
often consider their stay as temporary and only learn that which is
absolutely necessary. This may or may not include school credentials. A
final discussion of the mixing of cultures to create a third culture (Hayes-
Bautista, 1992) will explain some of the cultural similarities between the
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Norwegians and Pakistanis. The use of Anyon's (1983) analysis of gender
and class accommodation and resistance of girls facing contradictory sex-
role ideologies will explain the status of Pakistani Muslim girls confronted
with the egalitarian model of life in Norway. Their lives present a duality—
one conduct in school (equality of the sexes) and another in the home (strict
segregation of the sexes).
Examination of key issues of the institutional elements of schools
was also part of the literature review. The factors of curriculum and
pedagogy of schools impacting on a large number of immigrants was
discussed in detail (Cummins, 1989; Biber & Krashen, 1988; Wong Fillmore,
1983; Husen & Op per, 1993), Concepts from European intercultural and
multicultural models were explained. Beyond the curricular aspect, teacher
attitude, autonomy of instruction, assessment aligned with experience and
innovation and experimentation were important in the elements of
successful schools. In addition, community involvement and staff
development are very important for immigrant education to benefit the
minority group. Management that is responsive and deals with the issues
of the community and operates in a decentralized system is also critical. A
potential model for the organization of the school in the community is
presented as the non-governmental organization (Zachariah &
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Sooryamoorthy, 1994; Fernandes, 1985). For social transformation schools
should organize as a model of grass roots organizations, creating linkages
to services in the community that meet the needs of the immigrant
community. Partnerships and decentralization are the methods of school
organization that model what works to empower minorities.
The findings of the study draw upon the grounded research of the
literature review, as well as the personal histories of the Pakistani
immigrants themselves. The teacher and administrative interviews provide
the necessary information into the level of complexity of curriculum and
organizational partnerships. National policy helps to inform the process of
integration or assimilation and the context of the Pakistani immigrant
experience in Norway.
Methodology
This study was completed using a case study ethnographic
approach. The investigation utilized an embedded, single case design (Yin,
1994) allowing for embedded units to be selected and analyzed in terms of
the entire organization of the study. Within the three research questions
are imbedded components that were analyzed using qualitative techniques
of observation, interview, and document analysis. Methods and data
sources were triangulated to develop converging lines of inquiry.
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Each of the research units was characterized by the use of various
ethnographic techniques. The first component entailed looking at the
schools' educational options, and student achievement as a result of these
options. Describing cultural change within Pakistani families focused on
life histories. The final unit, educational organization, entailed review of
policy and perceptions of administrators in both the Oslo schools and the
Municipal office.
Data collection techniques involved: (1) Ethnographic interviews -
informal conversational interview, interview guide, standardized open-
ended interviews, and life histories; (2) Participant observation--in
classrooms, in teacher administrative meetings, homes of students and
families; and (3) Documentation-academic data, socio-demographic data,
curriculum and instructional data, administrative documents, policy
documents, cultural data, and newspaper and television media. Data
collection took place during two phases in Oslo over a six-month period.
Study population and sample population were composed of the
Pakistani immigrant students in Oslo middle schools. Sample population
also included the families and teachers or the Pakistani students at the two
schools— Oslo Inner City School and Oslo Suburb School. Key admini
strative and policy makers were also interviewed. Data analyses occurred
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simultaneously with data collection, data interpretation, and narrative
reporting and writing. The attempt was to make sense of multiple realities
to determine a holistic picture of the situation of Pakistani immigrant
students and their families. A thick descriptive narrative was used in
analyzing and writing the dissertation.
Findings
Within the framework of the three major research questions posed,
the findings have been summarized:
Demographic and Historical Findings
1. Demographic historical data revealed that Pakistani students
from the Oslo Suburb School had origins from the villages between
Islamabad and Lahore. A majority of the students came from the village
Gujrat located midway between those two cities. Educational level for
mothers was 7.3 years and 9.5 years for fathers. All parents were married
within their Pakistani group, except two of the Pakistani fathers— one had
married a converted Muslim Norwegian the other a Muslim African
adopted immigrant raised in Norway. Half of the students interviewed for
the study were born in Norway, the other half had moved under family
reunification laws with their mothers at very young ages. Parents at the
Oslo Inner G ty School come from the same village, Gujrat, and
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surrounding villages. The educational level was higher for the parents
interviewed at the Oslo Inner City School. Mothers had 9.3 years of
education; fathers had 12.5 years of education. Families had the same
average number of children, 4.5 at each school. There were no mixed
marriages at the Oslo Inner City School.
2. Pakistani fathers worked in the factories, the service sector,
and eventually opened their own grocery stores. Pakistani mothers stay in
the home to care for the children. Those few mothers who work are in
female segregated occupations, such as nursery schools. Those fathers who
had some higher education did not have higher status jobs. Their
credentials were not accepted in Norway. Many of the fathers accepted
disability insurance for injuries from heavy industrial work in the factories.
3. Pakistani families of the Oslo Inner City School had close
connections. Their children had gone to school together since primary
grades and there was a sense of community and responsibility between
parents and students.
Educational Opportunities for Pakistani Students
4. There are limited educational opportunities for the students
beyond the core curriculum. Opportunities may be present in the local
neighborhood, but not connected to the school. There are language support
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groups for recently arriving immigrants and special education is available
for those who need it At the Oslo Inner City School there is an alternative
school workshop to learn a trade for those who are not academically
inclined.
5. Pakistani male students at the Oslo Suburb School deny
lower achievement in school, rather focusing on the aspects they enjoy
about school— being with their friends. Females had more determination
and accept responsibility for their schoolwork. They will also ask for help
from their teachers.
6. Club activities and sports are activities in which the Pakistani
students at the Oslo Suburb School participate in a multicultural setting
with other immigrants and with a few Norwegians. There is separation
and segregation between the immigrants and Norwegians. Girls stay close
to the home and socialize only with family. A few girls attempting to
assimilate have begun to "party'' with Norwegians. This behavior has
resulted in conflict in their homes.
7. These same students are in a subordinate position in the
school because the majority continues to be enrolled in Norwegian as a
second language. At the Oslo Inner City School with such a large number
of immigrants curriculum superiority of Norwegian I is not an issue.
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Students view their status in a positive manner. The Oslo Suburb School
students realize they are in a "lower" level Norwegian and their standing is
inferior to that of the Norwegians.
8. Students at both schools lack literacy in Urdu, the national
language of Pakistan; however, they freely speak Punjabi with their peers
and family. Two to four year of mother tongue teaching in Urdu has not
helped children to gain literacy in their native language. Norwegian has
equal status with the use of Punjabi as their written language only. There
are many language deficits for Pakistanis in the use of Norwegian. Only
those parents who are literate in Urdu have maintained some of their
"native" language. It is rare, but some educated families stressed the use of
Urdu. Language has clearly become an element with schooling in
Norwegian, and socialization in Punjabi. The languages are kept separate.
9. Parents rarely visit the schools unless there is a conference or
a special meeting. Pakistani mothers at the Oslo Suburb School do not
speak Norwegian. Fathers visit the schools because they can speak
Norwegian. They are also the only ones who can assist with homework.
There is a severe lack of parent involvement, and the mothers are unable to
assist their children in school. At the Oslo Inner City School there is little
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involvement in the school; however parents are better able to communicate
in both languages, Norwegian and Punjabi.
Achievement Patterns of Pakistani Students
10. Male students with low grades at the Oslo Suburb School
indicated their career aspirations based on the real life possibilities of their
older brothers and other male role models. Grades for the boys drop
between 8 * * 1 and 9 * * 1 grade as they stop doing homework and see no
reward for studying. Other male students may have high aspirations, but
their grades are lower. Students already know that they are discriminated
against in the job market and state that there is little chance of their
education getting them good jobs. Girls study more and have better
grades. Male students at the Oslo Inner City School had high aspirations
for their careers and did feel they could get good jobs in Oslo. There were
little if any feelings of prejudice, and the boys acknowledged that they
would need to study hard.
11. Schooling is viewed by the boys at the Oslo Suburb School as
a place to socialize, not a place to learn. Girls take school seriously and
enjoy learning. Girls mention the need to stay together at school, so as not
to speak to the boys. This is strictly forbidden by the families. Oslo Inner
City School girls had positive attitudes about what they could accomplish
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in school and their careers. Their post secondary selections were more
ambitions than the girls from the other school.
Cultural Adaptation of the Pakistani Students
12. All students at the Oslo Suburb School explained their lives
in terms of the two worlds in which they live-one at the school the other at
home. Families do not interact with the local Norwegians/ and few of the
students have relationships outside the school with the Norwegian
students. Families interact with their extended Pakistani family network in
t
Oslo. Students at the Oslo Inner City School discussed their lives in
"Little Pakistan" positively. They enjoyed life noting little conflict with
Norwegians. Actually, some of these students called themselves
"Norwegians" with strong affiliation to the country, but within the confines
of their group values— Islam. Students also connect to a large Pakistani
network in Oslo and an international family of Pakistani immigrants
throughout the European Union.
13. A large majority of the students at the Oslo Suburb School
maintain their Pakistani customs and language with their extended
families. They intend to stay in Norway because moving back to Pakistan
is far to difficult given their lack of literacy in Urdu. Although they do not
plan to return, they maintain all their affiliation with the Pakistani group
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and do almost nothing that is typically Norwegian. Oslo Inner City School
students did not feel a need to move back to Pakistan because of the large
network of support in their families and local community. The students
have positive images of Norwegians and convey less dissatisfaction with
their experience in Norway.
14. At an early age all students are instructed in the Koran and
taught the importance of Islam in guiding their lives. Students feel that
their parents maintain the Muslim heritage in order to sustain their culture.
Students respect their parents and do not argue about this maintenance of
the cultural values. A girl who fought the traditional ways of Islam is in
constant conflict with her father. This is a rare occurrence.
15. Families visit Pakistan every two to four years and many have
homes that relatives care for in their local villages. Many families still send
money home to their families. Families at the Oslo Inner City School
visited their relatives in Pakistan more often, every one to two years.
Families that stopped sending money to family in Pakistan had more
modem lives like the Norwegians. These Pakistani families had begun to
be influenced by Norwegian materialism.
16. Girls at the Oslo Suburb School have strict behaviors
imposed upon them by their parents and by the pressure to become more
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modem. Girls used concepts of Islam to distinguish and justify their lives
from the Norwegians. Some girls understand that a life as a well-educated
woman in Pakistan may be better than living in Norway due to the
differences in culture. Oslo Inner G ty School girls had similar problems
with strict codes of behavior and lack of involvement in activities as result
of little contact with others. However, girls did have positive relationships
with girls of all cultures at this school.
17. Mothers at both schools did not have large extended family in
the Oslo area. Fathers' families were the primary groups for family
reunification immigration. This is part of the reason that Pakistani women
feel isolated. They rarely have the support of their own family.
18. As reflected in the Control Group of student responses, the
Oslo Inner G ty School population of students has empathy for other
cultures and positive feeling about Norwegians. The environment in which
these students are interacting appears to provide a much healthier means of
promoting diversity and concepts of integration.
Curriculum Integration and Relevance to Pakistani Students
19. Teachers indicated that Urdu language support offers
students the most assistance in academic achievement Explanation of
subject matter, such as geometry and algebra, in the primary language
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helped students in understanding content and improving grades. All
teachers also agreed that the primary language instruction helped students
to feel more confident about their culture and therefore they had better
attitudes toward the school.
20. Pakistani students revealed a huge diversity of grades. They
can be the best students and the w orst In the eyes of teachers, Pakistani
students are similar to Norwegian in that there are various levels of
achievement for all of them. The imbalance in culture for the Pakistanis
provides more challenges.
21. The transition from middle to high school reveals that that
most Pakistani students drop out between the these two levels. It is evident
from attitudes in school that many Pakistanis do not view these opportun
ities (high school education) to be realistic and as a result do not work hard
in school.
22. The lack of literacy in Norwegian has caused many students
to lose academic content and not be able to matriculate to the high school.
The use of Urdu, Punjabi, English, and now Norwegian has caused
confusion for many students.
23. Additional resources are required for students to be success
ful in school. Teachers require materials based on contextual cues from the
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Pakistani culture and experience, not the Norwegian. Attempts to make
language more comprehensible do not achieve the goals because of lack of
sensitivity to the cultural differences between Pakistanis and Norwegians.
24. National curriculum and immigration laws focus on the
exclusion and intolerance of the immigrants. The immigration laws have
not helped to integrate citizens, but served to isolate young girls and boys
as they are sent to Pakistan to be married to cousins so as to bring more
family members to Norway.
Autonomy of Teacher Instruction
25. Teachers are aware of the parents' disappointment in the lack
of discipline in the schools. Pakistani parents would like for the students to
be more severely disciplined by the school system. However, these parents
also discipline girls and boy differently. The girls have few freedoms.
26. A great concern for the Oslo Suburb School is the self
segregation of the Pakistani students from the mainstream Norwegians
students. However, teachers agree that any exposure to western schooling
for girls is a benefit to their development, no matter how much conflict they
many endure. When engaged to be married to a man from Pakistan with
no education, these girls have many problems with their families and peers.
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27. The social teacher in Norwegian schools has a unique ability
to be able to work with students on an individual basis to encourage a
change in perspective for girls and offer assistance in the cultural change
process.
Teacher Coordination at the School
28. Although there were diversely identified management styles
for the principals at each of the schools, there were positives in each
approach. The teachers believed that collaboration and cooperation with
their fellow teachers was the most successful means of accomplishing
priorities. Regrettably, they were never questioned regarding the impact of
their innovations.
29. The administrative roles of the school inspector and social
teacher help to support the principal. Grade level meetings, subject area
meetings and ad hoc meetings are convened to focus on the needs of
students. Administrators are supportive and involved.
30. Teachers do initiate changes in policy, and Pakistani parents
give input to the placement of their child in the Norwegian as a second
language program. Parents in the Oslo Inner City School do provide input
to the principal regularly in this powerful Pakistani community.
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31. Perceptions of the Oslo School Authority support are
negative. There is very little assistance with the immigrant community.
There is no strategic plan to deal with the implementation of programming
for immigrant students. There is no staff development to handle immigrant
education issues.
32. Conflict exists between the aims and goals of the project
based learning approach. New curriculum in Norway could benefit the
Pakistanis if it would provide comprehensible instruction grounded on the
experience and real life problems of the Pakistani students. As is, it
provides them less time to study or to benefit from explanations of subject
matter from teachers.
33. The Ministry of Education does little to acknowledge the
work of the most impacted immigrant school in Norway (Oslo Inner City
School). The solutions they provide are limited to superficial under
standing of how schools work when impacted by another social group.
Volunteer Pakistani college students do more to influence the education of
these students than any directive from the Ministry. The social and cultural
problems of the Pakistani students cannot be held separate from the
educational issues. The ministry misses much in this endeavor.
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Administrative and Managerial Impacts
Pakistani Access to Social Structure.
34. Access to socio-economic assistance is relative to the
allocation of resources by the administrative councils, school authority and
Ministry. Today the only programming that significantly impacts the
situation of the Pakistani students is the influence of the administrative
councils. The ministry and the school authority do very little to help
coordinate additional resources for immigrants.
35. Community reaction is that the Oslo School Authority simply
groups students into immigrant status and does little to understand the
academic differentiation of the immigrant children. There are few ministry
officials who deal with the situations relating to the Pakistani students.
36. Pakistani students who have had access to preschool with
Norwegians do better in school and have a better understanding of the
conventions of the Norwegian language.
Leadership Values Pakistani Student Needs.
37. The leadership of the Oslo Schools has identified several key
areas of concern regarding the Pakistani immigrants: (1) Social isolation of
Pakistani girls, (2) Lack of parental involvement and parent education, (3)
Lack of Norwegian language mastery, and (4) No systematic approach to
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dealing with intervention programs for ali Pakistani students. Little has
been done to deal with identified concerns which implies little effort by the
officials to correct the problem.
38. Leadership of Oslo schools has identified Pakistani motiva
tion to live modestly in Norway is in order to maintain wealth and status
back in Pakistan. This is viewed as in conflict with the way of life in
Norway.
39. The administrators of the Oslo schools do not feel competent
in dealing with the situation of the Pakistani parents. Lack of knowledge
and understanding has made assistance to their parents non-existent
beyond the routine translation of school meetings.
40. Negativity toward the Ministry of Education is reflected from
both Schools— Inner City and Suburb-due to the lack of appreciation of
their schooling situation compared to the rest of Norway.
Functions Enhance Pakistani Student Experience.
41. Functions in the Oslo Schools are decentralized and based on
National Curriculum Frameworks. The Oslo School Authority is in conflict
with the Ministry over implementation of several agendas. The Oslo School
Authority has more employees and experience dealing directly with the
reality of immigrant schools.
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42. The Oslo Suburb School maintains participatory practices
with a leadership team including relevant stakeholders— administrators,
teachers, students, parents and other community members.
43. Attempts are being made to bring Pakistani parents in to the
schools to dialogue on curriculum and relevant community concerns.
Attracting a significant participation level is difficult regarding Pakistani
parental needs due to lack of communication and understanding.
44. Innovations at the local schools are not documented nor
recognized by the Ministry of Education. Case study research and evidence
of parental education and resource development at the Oslo Inner City
School has yet to be evaluated. Subsequent impacts are not discussed in
the context of wider influence on the Pakistani families and their children.
Curriculum Relevant to Pakistani Community.
45. New curriculum guidelines of 1997 did not address the use of
primary language instruction as a content area of the curriculum. The
instruction of Norwegian as a Second Language was to follow as an
addendum to the curriculum framework as one of the content areas for
compulsory school instruction. The exclusion of these guidelines in the
curricular framework was interpreted as a political statement against the
immigrants in Norway.
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46. Teachers attend the local college for instruction in immigra
tion pedagogy and linguistics to increase competency in dealing with the
Pakistani students. The Oslo School Authority awards university credit
and stipends to encourage teachers to attend. The authority believes all
teachers should be trained in Oslo to deal with the growing immigrant
community.
47. New project based learning approach in the curriculum
frameworks is believed to disadvantage Pakistani students who lack
competency in language to master skills with less directed instruction, as is
incorporated in the new approach.
48. Both Oslo Inner G ty and Oslo Suburb Schools are bringing
additional resources to the schools in the form of projects outside the
curriculum— technology-based learning and innovative language support
programs.
Resources and Finances for Pakistani Programs.
49. There is lack of resources and funds to support the programs
for Pakistani students. Per pupil funding allocations are reserved for
salaries and instructional materials. Local schools must appeal to local and
government agencies for other additional support
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50. The Red Cross and Neighborhood Administrative Councils
have provided the most support for immigrant student and family
resources in the local schools.
Coalitions and Partnerships to Support the Schools.
51. The Oslo Urban Administrative Neighborhood Councils have
the most influence in obtaining additional funding for the local schools to
create partnerships and coalitions to support the schools. Their power
position in the municipality government affords principals the opportunity
to gain influence over the allocation of local funding. However, the
coordination between the Urban Administrative Neighborhood Councils,
Local Schools and the Oslo Education Authority is limited and good ideas
are seldom implemented on a larger scale.
52. The local school staff at both schools has more success in
developing partnerships with local agencies. The Oslo Suburb School has
informal partnerships with the local police and local child welfare office.
The local health center also provides assistance to the families. The Public
Health Nurse helps the girls to deal with complex issues in adolescence that
conflict with Islamic tradition. This school has also participated in
international efforts to analyze the immigrant experience by traveling to
other nations for conferences.
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53. The Public Health Program run by the Nurse is on integrated
partnership on the campus of the Oslo Suburb School that has shown the
benefits of coordination in meeting the needs of Pakistani girls and families.
54. The Pakistani Workers Union is attempting to deal with many
of the difficult issues confronting the families by collaborating with the
police, child welfare office, and schools. They have developed resources in
Urdu for parents provided during periodic task force meetings put on by
the agencies.
55. Many programs are offered by the urban administrative
neighborhood in offices close to