Dialectical feminism and contradictory economic systems: Campesina daily life from Somoza to Aleman

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DTAT.Er-TTGAI, FEMINISM AND CONTRADICTORY ECONOMIC SYSTEMS: CAMPESISA DAILY LIFE FROM SOMQ7.A TO AT.EMAN Volume I by Julia Havelin A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (POLITICAL ECONOMY & PUBLIC POLICY) December 2000 Copyright 2000 Julia Havelin Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3041462 Copyright 2000 by Havelin, Julia All rights reserved. _ __ _® UMI UMI Microform 3041462 Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN C A LIFO R N IA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVHRSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007 This dissertation, written by Julia Havelin under the direction of h. Dissertation Committee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re quirements for the degree of D O C TO R O F PH ILO SO P H Y Dean of Graduate Studies Date .Decem ber. 18A. .2000 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Chairperson Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Dedication: To my very own personal, self-appointed, self-decommissioned sceptic - who helped me along in the lucha for Social Justice & the World as One. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iii Acknowl arityaments Thanks to my support team - academic, financial, and personal: 1. Open doors at research facilities - Biblioteca la Malinche, Puntos de Encuentro's CEDOC, UCA/Nitlapan, UNA, CISAS, and URRACAN. 2. Omara Sequeira, and folks at CIPRES, and UNAG - for help in relocating the 1987 interviewees. And to Jorge Abarco with Asprodic for the trips to Sacal and Asedades, to Edelma with OEA-CIAV for the trip to Playones de Catarina and Huispante. Special thanks to Haydee Rodriguez in Jinotega/Matagalpa and "la Fefa" in San Carlos/Laurel Galan. Thanks to Dorothy, Julieta, Blanca, and Isabel for help with the Mulukuku interviews; to Yariz Somoza for revealing the path to Esquirrin; and to Arlen Rivera in Huispante. 3. (Juritzia and companeras at) Puntos de Encuentro, and (Manuela Aguilar and the computer lab technicians at) la UAM, my two official sponsors in country. Special thanks to Maira Vargas for help with the Fulbright arrangements. 4. Fellowships from the Bannerman, Fulbright, Zilpha and John Main Foundations, as well as USC's Center for International Studies, Women in Management Scholarship, and School for International Relations. 5. CSE, INEC, Teotecacinte's mayor Chindo Sanchez, Mara Oporta Gomez in Asedades, and Karina in Los Robles - for maps and census information. 6. Leonor Cornejo at SNV and Sonia Agurto at FIDEG - for help with questionnaires. 7. Lesbia Lewis Webster - for her interpreting in our Miskitu- Spanish-English interviews. 8. Don Ariel, Jacqueline, Elia, and "el gran barbudo" - for making me feel at home. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv 9. Doug Partello, Kendra Gorlitsky, Dave Harmon, Brendan Shea, the folks at Partners in Health, Bridges to Community, and Friendship City Exchange - for helping me put all my human capital together. 10. Dona Fran and dona Pilar - for the wonderful food. 11. Surupa and Melanie - for freeing me from worrying about things in Los Angeles. 12. Marie T. and Shirley Wax - for the monthly letters - including the hilarious story of the pig that was taken through the carwash enroute to the Iowa state fair. It created a lot of laughs during my interviews. 13. My committee members, in particular to the warm and patient Nora Hamilton, to Sharon Bear for editing and encouragement, and to my early intellectual mentors, Eileen Crumm, Mark Amen, John and Marie Havelin, Steven Joseph Wax, and Howard Gardner. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TaVtl» of Contents V Page Dedication .................................................... ii Acknowledgments ............................................. iii List of Tables ............................................. xiii List of Figures ............................................. xvi Abstract ................................................... xviii Chapter One: INTRODUCTION - GOALS & METHODOLOGY ............. 1 I. STUDY AIMS AND HYPOTHESES .................................. 1 II. METHODOLOGY ................................................ 5 A. Philosophical Underpinnings ......................... 9 B. Case Design .......................................... 9 C. Case Selection and Maps ............................. 18 III. A WORD ON PERSONAL ETHICS .............................. 22 IV. CHAPTER OUTLINES ......................................... 24 A. Education and Campesinas in Nicaragua, 1967-2000 ........................................ 24 B. Health Care under Various Regimes ................. 24 C. Fertility and Campesina Quality of Life ........... 25 D. Patriarchy and the Nicaraguan Campesina ........... 25 E. State Interventions - Practical and Strategic .... 27 F. Political Knowledge and Participation ............. 27 G. (Dis)Empowerment through Wealth, Work, & Adjustment ...................................... 28 H. Conclusions - The More Things Change............... 29 Chapter Two: EDUCATION AND CAMPESINAS IN NICARAGUA, 1967-2000 ........................................ 30 I . INTRODUCTION .............................................. 30 II. EDUCATION DELIVERY AND PHILOSOPHY UNDER FOUR REGIMES ... 33 A. Somoza Dynasty .................................. 33 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vi Chapter Two (cont.) Page B. The Sandinista Decade .............................. 36 Massification of education ...................... 36 Politicization of education ..................... 41 C. The Neoliberals - Chamorro and Aleman Regimes .... 4 3 Ideology and curriculum changes ................ 4 3 Shrinking back state support of education ..... 45 Urban-rural gap .................................. 4 8 Culture of education ............................ 4 9 III. WELFARE EFFECTS OF EDUCATION ............................ 52 A. Generational and Geographical Stratification ..... 52 B. Education and Economic Development ................ 54 Pupil desertion .................................. 57 Education and economic outcomes ................ 5 9 C. Education and Health ............................... 62 D. Education and Patriarchy ........................... 65 Differential access to schooling ............... 65 Education and gender consciousness ............. 67 Education and feminist empowerment ............. 69 E. Political Awareness and Participation ............. 72 Knowledge of political affairs ................. 73 Political activism .............................. 74 Regime Ratings ................................... 7 6 IV. CONCLUSIONS .............................................. 77 Chapter Three: HEALTH CARE DELIVERY UNDER VARIOUS REGIMES .. 81 I. OVERVIEW ................................................... 81 II. SOMOZA PERIOD ............................................ 86 III. THE SANDINISTA PERIOD .................................. 89 A. Increased Health Infrastructure ................... 90 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. vii Chapter Three (cont.) Page B. Attention to the Poor .............................. 91 C. Limits to the Gains in Health ..................... 94 IV. THE NEOLIBERAL YEARS .................................... 97 A. Literature Review: Health Effects of SAP/ESAF .... 100 B. Health Effects of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua ......... 103 Declining services and discouraged consumers .. 103 Unaffordable medicines ........................ 106 Declining nutrition ............................ Ill A new wave of infectious diseases ............. 112 The Aleman administration ..................... 116 Social Participation and Health ............... 117 V. RANKING OF FOUR GOVERNMENTS ............................. 119 VI. RURAL ISOLATION ........................................ 119 VII. WORK ACTIVITIES AND HEALTH ............................ 126 VIII. CONCLUSIONS .......................................... 127 Chapter Four: FERTILITY AND CAMPESINA QUALITY OF LIFE .... 134 I. MACHISMO AND FERTILITY .................................. 134 II. INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS OF FERTILITY ................ 136 III. HISTORIC USAGE OF FAMILY PLANNING .................... 138 IV. CURRENT USAGE OF FAMILY PLANNING ...................... 14 4 V. FACTORS INFLUENCING FERTILITY DECISIONS ................ 14 6 A. Education and Family Planning .................... 14 6 B. Economic Influences on Family Planning .......... 150 Services vs. nutrition, potable water, etc. ... 151 Fertility and rural residence ................. 153 Changes in ideology induced by economic crisis ................................... 155 C. Machismo and Family Planning ..................... 156 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. viii Chapter Four (cont.) Page Religion and family planning ................... 157 VI. PATRIARCHY AND HEALTH ................................... 160 VII. HEALTH EFFECTS OF FERTILITY ............................ 162 A. Maternal Mortality Ratios.......................... 165 B. Offspring Mortality ............................... 168 C. Child Mortality Ratio ............................. 170 D. Fertility and Infant Mortality .................... 173 VIII. CAUSES OF OFFSPRING MORTALITY (M0RT_WHY) ............. 180 IX. CONCLUSIONS .............................................. 181 Chapter Five: PATRIARCHY AND THE NICARAGUAN CAMPESINA 18 9 I. PATRIARCHY, DEFINED ....................................... 190 II. EMPOWERMENT, DEFINED AND MEASURED ...................... 192 A. EMPOWERMENT (Scale) ................................ 193 III. SEXUAL OPPRESSION AND FAMILY DOMINATION ............... 196 A. Domestic Violence ................................. 199 Recent Abuse .................................... 200 Lifetime Abuse ................................. 201 Spouse's Alcohol History ....................... 203 IV. GENDER DIVISION OF LABOR (GDOL) ................... 207 V. IDEOLOGY: ETHEREAL AND MATERIAL INFLUENCES .............. 214 A. Ideological Variables ............................. 214 B. Institutional Formation of Ideas .................. 217 Family production of values ..................... 218 Religious production of values ................ 219 Local culture and community production of values .................................... 224 C. Dialectical Production of Patriarchy and Feminism ................................. 226 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ix Chapter Five (cont.) Page The old synthesis (patriarchy) ................ 227 Dialectical confrontation (thesis- antithesis) .............................. 229 The new synthesis (feminism) .................. 231 VI. INFLUENCES ON EMPOWER_PTS ............................... 232 VII. CONCLUSIONS ............................................. 236 Chapter Six: STATE INTERVENTIONS - PRACTICAL AND STRATEGIC ................................ 241 I. THEORIES ON THE STATE'S ROLE IN EMPOWERMENT ........... 241 II. THE NICARAGUAN RECORD OVER THE PAST FOUR ADMINISTRATIONS .......................... 244 A. The Somoza Regime ................................. 244 B. The Sandinista Regime ............................ 24 7 C. Opinions on Revolutionary Changes (CHANGE_REV) ... 251 D. The Neoliberal Regime ....................... 256 III. TESTIMONIES OF WAR LOSSES ............................. 260 A. The Insurrection and Contra Wars .................. 260 B. Social Upheaval in the Neoliberal Years (WAR97) .. 265 IV. CONCLUSIONS .............................................. 27 5 Chapter Seven: POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE AND PARTICIPATION ...... 283 I. POLITICAL AWARENESS ..................................... 283 A. Knowledge of Land Laws ........................... 28 6 B. Knowledge of Domestic Violence Laws (LAW230) 288 C. Consciousness ..................................... 290 II. SOCIAL PARTICIPATION .................................... 294 A. Practical vs. Strategic Benefits.................. 294 B. General Participation Rates ...................... 297 C. Participation in Non-Traditional Group ........... 301 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. X Chapter Seven (cont.) Page Effects of non-traditional participation ..... 305 D. Political Protest of Patriarchy (N0_ABUSE) ...... 308 E. Influences of Spouse's Social Participation ..... 309 III. CONCLUSIONS ............................................ 313 Chapter Eight: (DIS)EMPOWERMENT THROUGH WEALTH, WORK, & ADJUSTMENT ............................... 316 I. ECONOMIC STATUS AND EMPOWERMENT ...................... 316 A. Overview - Women and Their Families ............. 316 B. Purchasing Power .................................. 317 C. Capital Ownership ................................. 317 Animal husbandry ............................... 321 Land ........................................... 321 Remittances .................................... 326 D. Colluding Systems: Poverty and Patriarchy ........ 330 II. STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMS (SAP/ESAF) .............. 331 A. The History of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua ............ 333 B. SAP/ESAF Effects on 208 Families ................. 335 Employment ..................................... 335 Infrastructure ................................. 337 C. Gender Effects of Adjustment ..................... 338 D. SAP/ESAF and Small Producers ..................... 34 3 Credit ......................................... 34 4 Crop diversification and disposition ......... 34 6 III. WORK AND EMPOWERMENT ................................... 353 A. Colluding Systems: Patriarchy and Housewives .... 353 B. Colliding Systems: Patriarchy and Paid Work ..... 354 Semi-strategic transformation ................. 355 C. Influences on Paid Work .......................... 356 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xi Chapter Eight (cont.) Page Type of work ................................... 356 Women and farm labor ........................... 360 D. Influences of Paid Work ........................... 361 Ventas: Mom and Pop Storefronts ............... 361 IV. CONCLUSIONS ............................................. 364 Chapter Nine: CONCLUSIONS - THE MORE THINGS CHANGE......... 371 I. DAILY LIFE FOR NICARAGUAN WOMEN ......................... 371 II. DAILY LIFE FOR CAMPESINAS: URBAN-RURAL DISTINCTIONS ... 374 III. DAILY LIFE UNDER CHANGING POLITICO-ECONOMIC REGIMES .. 377 A. The "banana split problem" ........................ 37 8 B. Somoza Regime - "The Old Synthesis" .............. 382 C. Sandinista Regime - The Opening of Dialectical Contradictions ................................. 38 3 D. Neoliberal Regime - Persistent Dialectical Conflict ........................................ 387 IV. TRANSFORMATION OF PATRIARCHY ........................... 397 V. "WHAT THEN MUST WE DO?" ................................. 403 1. Practical ................................... 403 Education ................................ 403 Health ................................... 404 Human Development ........................ 404 2. Semi-strategic .............................. 405 Family planning .......................... 4 05 3. Strategic ................................... 406 Feminist public discourse ............... 406 Education curriculum .................... 4 07 Public awareness campaigns about alcoholism ......................... 407 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xii Chapter Nine (cont.) Page VI. RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS .................................. 4 07 VII. CONCLUSIONS ............................................ 410 Bibliography................................................. 412 Appendices: Appendix One: Interview Sites ............................. 44 8 Appendix Two: Variable Descriptions ...................... 449 Appendix Three: Central American Life Expectancy Ratios ... 459 Appendix Four: Potable Water ............................... 4 60 Appendix Five: Latrine Services ............................ 4 63 Appendix Six: Vaccine Coverage ............................ 4 66 Appendix Seven: T-tests of Association ..................... 4 67 Appendix Eight: Summary of Interview Results ............... 4 68 Appendix Nine: Urban/Rural Bias ............................ 4 69 Appendix Ten: Significant Influences on Empowerment Points ................................... 472 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xiii List: of Tables Page Chapter Two: Table 2.1: Education in Central America .......................... 32 Table 2.2: Number of Teachers ..................................... 39 Table 2.3: Number of schools ...................................... 39 Table 2.4: Education Spending Relative to GDP .................... 41 Table 2.5: Student-Teacher Ratios ................................ 4 6 Table 2.6: Spending per Student (Dollars) ........................ 47 Table 2.7: Urban-Rural Differentials ............................. 49 Table 2.8: Illiteracy Rates ....................................... 51 Table 2.9: Education Effects on Economic Status ................. 60 Table 2.10: Education Effects on Health ........................... 64 Table 2.11: Education Effects on Patriarchy ...................... 71 Table 2.12: Education Effects on Political Variables ............. 74 Table 2.13: Links between EDU_YEARS and Social Participation .... 7 6 Table 2.14: Comparing Education under Aleman to Prior Regimes .... 7 6 Chapter Three: Table 3.1: International Health Comparisons ..................... 83 Table 3.2: State Expenditures on Health Care .................... 99 Table 3.3: Spending as a Percentage of Budget .................. 100 Table 3.4: Availability of Medicines and Family Health ......... 109 Table 3.5: General Influences on HEALTH ......................... 115 Table 3.6: Political Awareness/Activity and Health ............. 118 Table 3.7: Comparing Health under Aleman to Prior Regimes ..... 119 Table 3.8: Travel Time and Health ............................... 123 Chapter Four: Table 4.1: Central American Fertility Rates (TFR) .............. 137 Table 4.2: Visits for Birth Control (000s) 139 Table 4.3: International Family Planning Usage ................. 140 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xiv Chap-ter Four-, (cont.) Page Table 4.4: Influences on Lifetime Family Planning - (FAMPLN_EVER) .................................. 141 Table 4.5: Comparison of Contraception Usage (1992 & 1997) 144 Table 4.6: Influences on Current Family Planning - (FAMPLAN_NOW) 145 Table 4.7: Factors Influencing Fertility (TOTAL_KID) .......... 147 Table 4.8: Education and Fertility.............................. 14 9 Table 4.9: Poverty and Fertility ................................ 153 Table 4.10: Rural Residence and Fertility ....................... 154 Table 4.11: Comparisons of the Urban-Rural Gap .................. 155 Table 4.12: Patriarchy and Health Outcomes ...................... 160 Table 4.13: Outcomes of Family Planning ......................... 163 Table 4.14: Fertility and Health Outcomes ....................... 165 Table 4.15: Maternal Mortality Rates (MMR) ...................... 167 Table 4.16: Predictors of Offspring Mortality ................... 168 Table 4.17: Predictors of Child Mortality ....................... 172 Table 4.18: Central American Infant Mortality Ratios (IMR) ..... 174 Table 4.19: Predictors of Infant Mortality ...................... 177 Table 4.20: Education and Mortality of Children ................. 180 Table 4.21: Causes of Offspring Mortality ....................... 182 Chapter Five: Table 5.1: Empowerment Scale .................................... 196 Table 5.2: Family Domination .................................... 199 Table 5.3: Alcohol and Violence in the Family .................. 205 Table 5.4: Division of Reproductive Labor ...................... 211 Table 5.5: EMPOWER_PTS: Influences and Outcomes ................ 234 Chapter Six: Table 6.1: Revolutionary Changes in Family Relations ........... 252 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. XV Chapter- Six, (cont.) Page Table 6.2: Associations with the 1990s Crime Wave (WAR97) 273 Table 6.3: Regime Comparison - State Support for Women ......... 278 Chap ter S even: Table 7.1: Political Knowledge Variables ........................ 285 Table 7.2: Knowledge of Domestic Violence Laws .................. 289 Table 7.3: Political Consciousness (CONSCIOUS) .................. 291 Table 7.4: Social Participation Variables ....................... 297 Table 7.5: Participation in Group (J0IN_GR0(JP) .................. 299 Table 7.6: Membership in Non-traditional Group (TYPE_GROCJP) .... 303 Table 7.7: Type of Social Group and Gender DOL .................. 306 Table 7.8: Spouse's Social Participation and Empowerment ....... 310 Chapter Eight: Table 8.1: Purchasing Power (Women and their Families).......... 318 Table 8.2: Control of Capital .................................... 319 Table 8.3: Effects of Land Access ................................ 325 Table 8.4: Remittances - Influences and Effects ................. 328 Table 8.5: Economy-Led Changes in Family Relations (CHANGE_ECON) 340 Table 8.6: Diversification of Crops ............................. 346 Table 8.7: A Sub-Sample of Agricultural Output .................. 348 Table 8.8: One Woman's Story - "Poverty Has a Woman's Face" .... 351 Table 8.9: Influences on Work Type and Position ................ 358 Table 8.10: Gender Division of Farm Labor ........................ 360 Table 8.11: Work Influences on Patriarchy & Economic Status ..... 362 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xvi List: of Figures Page Chapter Two: Figure I: Levels of Education .................................... 53 Figure II: Urbanity and Education ................................. 54 Chapter Three: Figure I: Reported Illnesses .................................... 113 Chapter Four: Figure I: Schooling and Fertility Levels ................... 149 Chapter Five: Figure I: Alcohol and Abuse Histories ........................... 205 Figure II: Recreational Activities .............................. 210 Figure III: Work Position (W0RK_R0LE) ........................... 213 Figure IV: The Empowerment Curve ................................. 233 Chapter Six: Figure I: Rural-Urban Gradient in Reported Revolutionary Changes ......................................... 255 Chapter Seven: Figure I: Knowledge of LAND_LAWS and Empowerment (EMPOWERED) .... 287 Figure II: Type of Group Membership (TYPE_GROUP) ............... 302 Chapter Eight: Figure I: LAND_SIZE .............................................. 323 Figure II: Regime rating - TOP_LAND ............................. 324 Figure III: Regime Rating - TOP_WORK ............................ 337 Figure IV: Infrastructure - Relative to the Past ................ 338 Figure V: Top Credit ............................................. 34 5 Figure VI: Disposition of Crops (SELL_FOOD) ..................... 347 Figure VII: WORK_TYPE ............................................ 357 Appendices: Figure I: Access to Water in Home................................ 4 62 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xvii Appendices, (cont.) Page Figure II: Access to Water - Relative to Past ................... 462 Figure III: Access to Latrine .................................... 465 Figure IV: Access to Latrine - Relative to Past ................. 4 65 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. xviii Abstract Interviews were conducted in 1997 with 208 women from Nicaragua's nine regions are used to examine differences in politico- economic regime and degrees of patriarchy. One hypothesis contrasts daily life under socialism (equalized assets and state-led economy under the Sandinistas) to life under capitalism (free markets and private capital under Somoza, Chamorro, and Aleman). Another hypothesis assesses feminist transformation through practical measures (in education or economic status), semi-strategic measures (birth control, paid labor, or participation in traditional health, education, or religious groups), and strategic confrontation of patriarchy (participation in women's, political, or producers' groups or public discourse recognizing gender inequities). Historical perspective is gained by revisiting eight families interviewed in 1987 for La Vida Cotidiana de la Mujer Campesina who were again interviewed in depth. In addition, two hundred randomized interviews at four levels of urbanity facilitate a general assessment of feminism (ideology, gender division of labor, and freedom from domestic violence) and of the social capital affecting daily life (access to education, health services, wealth, and public safety). Socialism's benefits have exceeded capitalism's over the years. The Sandinistas were rated best in four of five factors: access to education, health, credit, and land; but unemployment was deemed increasingly scarce since Somoza and is currently synonymous with "the crisis." Small producers are de-capitalizing (land, crops, and animals) during the era of neoliberal adjustment. However, public security has been threatened persistently under both systems. State support for feminism has been nearly nil, despite some Sandinista strategic public discourse. Semi-strategic social Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. participation among women surged in the 1980s. And feminist public discourse led by NGOs blossomed in the 1990s. But patriarchal praxis and ideology widely persist. Empowerment scale points were normally distributed except for a skewed upper tail. These exceptional women were more likely to participate in non-traditional group(s) and to a lesser degree, in paid employment, as well as to have spouses who avoid alcohol and who are socially active. Inequitable division of household labor is the most persistent patriarchal form. Some movement up the empowerment curve occurs through increased schooling, family planning, or participation in paid work. These practices, as well as membership in traditional groups, create dialectical conflict between patriarchy and feminism - in their material and ethereal forms. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION - GOALS & METHODOLOGY Day breaks in thousands of Nicaraguan homes with the rhythmic pounding of a woman's hand shaping corn dough into tortillas. She is the first to rise, greeted by the hungry chirps and squeals of the chickens and pigs who recognize her hand as the one that feeds them. By the time others in the house awaken, she will already have lit the firewood to heat the morning's sweet coffee and the rest of her family's breakfast. Thus begins a portrait of the daily life of a Nicaraguan peasant woman, a campesina. One goal of this dissertation is to flesh out that story. The details vary. Some campesinas have electricity, running water, tile floor, and a sturdy roof. A few, especially in semi-rural areas, might even have luxury items such as a refrigerator or gas stove. But as established by CIERA's La Vida Cotidiana de la Mujer Campesina [The Daily Life of Peasant Women], the typical rural woman faces quadruple burdens of excessive maternity, machismo, poverty, and poor self-esteem.1 Rural women's status is affected by three factors - by their position in the capitalist world system, by their rural residence, and by machismo. This dissertation uses a dialectical approach to examine those three factors and their impact on Nicaraguan women. Dialectics assumes contradictions. Particular to feminist transformation, this thesis conceives of a dialectical process in which material and philosophical experiences often collide within the empowerment-patriarchy dichotomy. Conflicts may arise between patriarchal practice and feminist ideology or between feminist 1 CIERA was the research arm of the Sandinista Ministry of Agriculture and Agrarian Reform (MIDINRA). In 1987, as part of a nationwide study on the role of women, they interviewed eight peasant selected to represent their zone of residence. See CIERA (1989). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 practice (e.g. social and economic participation) and patriarchal ideology. The clash between these elements often results in an outcome characterized by aspects of both starting conditions, precipitating further contradictions. For instance, a woman who gains a position in the paid workforce (challenging traditional expectations that women devote all their energies to the household), may increase her self-esteem and further challenge power relations between herself and her spouse, or her workload may increase in the form of a double day if she and/or her male family members continue to support the traditional gender division of labor inside the household. But traditional dialectical materialism, which Marx crafted from Hegelian dialectics, begins with contradictions in the economic realm. Marx argued that the unfettered pursuit of profits causes irrational production and distribution of resources, regardless of use value or human need. The increased concentration of wealth in fewer and fewer hands simultaneously produces increasing amounts of total wealth and increasing numbers of impoverished citizens. A contemporary example of contradictory distribution of resources on the world scale lies in the fact that only six billion dollars would be sufficient to provide a basic education for all children in the developing world, while in the U.S. and Western Europe, 12 billion dollars is spent annually just on perfume.2 More specific to the themes of this dissertation, structural adjustment programs designed to improve the health of developing economies have been criticized [for instance, in a notable study by Cornia, Jolly, and Stewart 2 La Prensa 11 September 1998 - citing UNDP reports that these nations spend $105 billion annually on alcoholic beverages and $50 billion on cigarettes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 (1988)], for their association with deteriorating health of women and children in the Third World. On the national scale in Nicaragua, contradictions are seen between various classes and between competing economic systems over the years. Taking as an example the Somoza dynasty's accumulation of land for large-scale cotton and coffee plantations, the concentration of wealth among a few large landowners (many of them, such as the Somoza family, maintaining urban residences), along with their desire for more acreage for large-scale cotton and coffee production, conflicted with the existence of multiple small holdings among the rural peasantry.3 The clash of the classes led to the forceful expropriation of land for capitalist production, first for coffee production in the central mountains, and later for cotton production on the Pacific coast. This part of Nicaragua's history is reminiscent of the "primitive accumulation" detailed in Marx's history of European capitalism in its separation of the peasants from their ability to produce. The dissertation uses the debate over the relative (dis)advantages of socialism and capitalism to address how these politico-economic changes have affected the daily life of peasant women. In the last three decades, macro-level political conditions have drastically swung from dictatorial dynasty to (semi)socialism to post-war liberalism and standard neoliberalism.4 Following a thirty- 3 However, this tension existed to a lesser degree than in neighboring El Salvador and Guatemala, due to Nicaragua's relatively larger proportion of farmers with medium-sized holdings. 4 Nicaragua's post-war liberalism was muted by President Chamorro's drive to reconcile (and appease) opposing political and economic forces. But the 1996 election of President Aleman heralded a more distinct break from the Sandinista state's productive and social welfare policies - as immediately recognized by the emigres from (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 six year dictatorship led by the Somoza family (favoring large agro business) , the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) oversaw a decade of socialist redistribution in the 1980s. Saying that the Sandinista decade was socialist puts one on contested terrain. This contrasts with claims that the Sandinistas only weakly pursued socialism, favored capitalists over the masses, or were mainly social democratic in their policies.' And some have argued that U.S. imperialism prevented the socialist model from being implemented in Nicaragua. But every socialist experiment has met with the resistance of capitalist powers, so that no pure form of socialism has ever existed.6 Louis Putterman's typology of socialism - centralized planning, nationalized capital, and regulated prices - allows us to identify the Sandinistas as the most socialist government ever seen by the Nicaraguan populace. That is, relative to both predecessors and successors, the FSLN surpasses other governments in the quantity of state and collective property, state- controlled prices and wages, and central planning of the economy. The Sandinistas also differ from the preceding and subsequent regimes in their explicit dedication to the socialist goal of redistribution ' ’(... continued) Miami who began returning in waves soon after the elections. 5 See Benjamin (1989); Close (1999,21); Collins (1985;41-42,80-81, 143-145); Garfield and Williams (1992;158,241); and Walker (1982,20- 21). Of these, Benjamin makes the most forceful argument about Sandinista support for capitalists, but most of these authors note the tension in the early post-Somoza period between the FSLN's need to restore civic order and the spontaneous expropriations of land being carried out by Sandinista supporters, especially in Region II. 6 See Elliott (1985,3) and Putterman (1990,115). For that matter, these authors also note that neither has capitalism existed in its purest form. For as ascertained by Edward Chamberlain in his 1933 Theory of Monopolistic Competition, "However small, a defect in pure competition, means that there will be monopoly and therefore an element of power." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 of capital assets (e.g. land) and social welfare (access to education, health care, technological advice for farmers). Two subsequent administrations in the 1990s have displayed varying faces of neoliberalism centered upon structural adjustment programs. In general, SAPs have been austerity programs aimed at increasing revenues and decreasing expenditures of developing countries. The ultimate goal of these SAPs is "balancing the books" - i.e. equilibrium. The type of programs prescribed involves free trade, open markets, and little government interference - characteristics of archetypal capitalism. Accompanying these shifts in economic philosophy and government have been several levels of militarism, resulting from the persistent contradictions which have arisen in the conflict among beneficiaries of the various regimes over the last four decades. First there was a revolutionary insurrection in the 1970s, and a subsequent civil war with financial and trade embargoes fostered by a global superpower in the 1980s. The 1990s ensued with continuous low-intensity kidnapping and banditry committed by discontented civilians and soldiers from both sides of the 1980's war. I. STUDY AIMS AND HYPOTHESES Weaved around this comparison of economic systems are a series of questions concerning the path to feminist empowerment - briefly defined as women gaining control of their lives. The dissertation gauges changes in patriarchy by utilizing Maxine Molyneux's typology of actions deemed as practical (or based on material need) vs. strategic (based on equal rights and opportunities). How have access to health and education been affected by the varying regimes? Has the level of patriarchy in their family relations been altered? What do the peasant women have to say about their place in the changing Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 political and economic circumstances surrounding them? Which of the regimes is considered most favorably by these women? One way to gauge the changes in the typical campesina's story is to revisit the same women who were interviewed in 1987. Another is to place their stories within the larger socio-historical context. In order to achieve both these aims, the dissertation used a mixed methodology. A round of mostly qualitative interviews was conducted with the CIERA study subjects, followed by a series of largely quantitative interviews with women from these and other towns. Secondary sources, including statistics, are used to place the results of these interviews in context. Given the dearth of data on the conditions of daily life for rural women,7 a considerable part of the dissertation is deliberately concerned with describing these conditions. Three hypotheses appear throughout the chapters. First, that the Sandinista regime - with its emphasis on the poor - would be rated highest in terms of social capital - identified as education, health, and economic opportunities. This hypothesis reflects the socialist base of government in the 1980s, contrasted with the "irrationalities of capitalist economics" in the preceding and subsequent regimes. A second hypothesis is a corollary of the first, namely that highly capitalist governments which pursue a pure market economy favor neither the rural peasantry nor the poor. Specifically, the structural adjustment programs administered continuously in one capacity or another since 1988 are expected to lead to a 7 During the 1980s there were a few exceptional works written by CIERA and CIPRES. CIERA disappeared with the change of government in 1990, and CIPRES continues its investigations as a non-governmental development agency. But in general, there was little data focusing on rural women. This changed slightly towards the end of the decade, but according to Montenegro (1997), the deficit persists. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 deterioration in access to education, health care, and employment for peasant women. The third hypothesis revolves around the attempt to assess current patriarchal norms and praxis as well as the evolution of these throughout recent history. Patriarchy is identified as tri fold: inequitable division of reproductive labor, (physical) domination, and ideological socialization which reinforces both. Feminist transformation is seen as a dialectical process of material and philosophical experiences in which patriarchy and feminism meet in a contradictory encounter which has the potential to transform both of ideas and practice. This third hypothesis addresses the role of state interventions, both practical and strategic, in the status of its female citizens. The initial supposition attached to hypothesis number three is that the feminist rhetoric of the Sandinista regime, along with the social participation of women during the Revolution, empowered women and changed family relations. In order to answer the question about whether the socialist regime liberated women, I examine a variety of influences on patriarchy - education, religion, access to health care, as well as the way that women's participation in social and economic activities affect family relations. Many feminist economists have critiqued the so-called imperialist tendency of economic theories in the examination of social relations. For instance, they note that mainstream theories often omit women, the infirm, and the family from the economic model.0 Using this feminist vision to examine effects of varying regimes, we elicit a much more complete picture of the effects of state 0 See Ferber and Nelson (1993); Kuiper and Sap (1995); Waring (1988); and Feminist Economics, multiple issues. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 interventions. For instance, in the area of health, a trio of factors emerge: biological reproduction (fertility), production (paid and subsistence work), as well as social reproduction (child and homecare). Women's involvement in paid production offers both favorable health benefits (e.g. a greater dedication of resources to household nutrition) and negative effects of a double day spent between productive and reproductive responsibilities. In addition, attention to women's reproductive activities reveals how women subsidize the capitalist health care system in an era of cutbacks in public sector spending (i.e. through increased use of home-based healthcare and natural remedies). Some say that socialist regimes enhance women's liberation by breaking the machista equation of private=female and public=male. The theory supposes that by overcoming patriarchal barriers to women's social activities, women recognize their inequitable treatment and division of labor in the household, and that this feminist consciousness spurs a search for new private and social behaviors (e.g. through laws). Others suggest that participation in the paid labor force unlocks the doors to this public world and similarly catalyzes a feminist transition for oppressed women. Others such as Molyneux (1986) maintain that the quality of social participation determines whether feminist consciousness occurs. That is, if women's collective activities are centered upon traditional visions of the woman as wife and mother (i.e. in the pursuit of practical interests), these are not as likely to unburden women as are activities which directly confront gender oppression (i.e. strategic interests involving male violence and the household division of labor). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 Chandra Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres (1991) offer another version of feminist critiques of mainstream theory. They plant the hypothesis that patriarchy, economic system, and socio political factors such as race and ethnicity create interlocking systems which at times collude and at times collide.9 While the third hypothesis of this thesis suggests that the Revolution liberated Nicaraguan women, competing hypotheses arose out of the transition from socialist to capitalist regime in places such as Eastern Europe and in Nicaragua. Here the proposal is that socialist regimes slighted the interests of women by assuming that their rights would naturally ensue after the economic inequities were conquered. But authors such as Margaret Randall (1994) assert that gender justice did not flourish along with other socio-political rights. According to this argument, once the state is less actively interested in the organization of social rights, women have a greater chance to lobby in their own interests. Thus one sees a post socialist bloom such as the proliferation of autonomous (non governmental) women's groups in Nicaragua during the 1990s. In general, the dissertation examines a variety of personal and institutional sources of potential dialectical conflict in the examination of women's empowerment under varying regimes. II. METHODOLOGY A. Philosophical Underpinnings The selection of a mixed methodology was based on the limitations of solely relying on either quantitative or qualitative research. It is also worth mentioning the (lack of) reliability in statistical data. The inadequacies of statistical data are pointed 9 Others writing on this issue include Amott and Matthaei (1991) and the authors in Sargent (1981). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 out almost universally by authors writing about Nicaragua. Possibly none declare it as well as a document by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development,10 Few countries, even those very underdeveloped, have so little published information as Nicaragua. There are no adequate recent histories, no reference libraries, not even a government manual or direct ory. A number of ministries have not published an annual report in years. Although those statements are several decades old, there has been little progress. Only two national censes have occurred since the early 1950s - in 1972 and 1995, and the latter was the first census taken since the devastating earthquake of December 1972. Specific examples of deficient data include Richard Garfield and Glen Williams' report that, until 1983, reported tetanus deaths exceeded the number of cases.11 Chandler Stolp's (1987,158) research on efficiency in health care was stymied by the fact that, "Only by visiting each of MINSA's regional headquarters could a researcher expect to collect data matching personnel with facility, and even then the form in which the data are acquired and recorded differs across regions." According to health planner Enrique Morales, With the help of computers in the U.S., you can provide instant statistics on the number of times a baseball player has struck out two batters in the seventh inning wearing blue socks. Here, we are still trying to figure out how many children are dying, and why.1 2 10 Cited in Lethander (1968,3-4). The paucity of data during the Somoza regime occupied three pages of testimony in Lethander's dissertation about the Nicaraguan economy. He noted that as of 1964, there were almost no studies of the Nicaraguan economy other than two or three prepared by the Nicaraguan government. There was no central agency in charge of collecting data or keeping accounts for public sector agencies. 1 1 Garfield and Williams (1992, 104). 12 Ibid., 107. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 In the early 1990s, one of Nicaragua's leading scholars, Oscar Rene Vargas, with Ph.D's both in sociology and economics, lamented that vital statistics (used to compile information on infant mortality rates, for instance) only covered 47 percent of the population.13 About the more recent Chamorro administration, one researcher noted that, "[The president's press office] gave so little attention to detail that it could not produce a list of cabinet changes made during the administration."14 Maureen McCue (1997,16) observed that Nicaragua had no reliable health data to track sexually transmitted diseases. And as recently as 1999, most Nicaraguan universities were paying very little for research, with the bulk of funding going to salaries and administrative costs.15 Some researchers allude to the intentional obfuscation of data for political purposes.16 But for the most part, Nicaragua's data problems are characteristic of poorly funded governments in lesser developed countries.17 Researchers have been frustrated by the lack 13 Vargas (1993, 190). 14 Close (1999,89). After searching various government offices, he finally received the information from the U.S. Embassy. 15 Corea (1999), citing Carlos Ruiz, post-graduate research director of the Agrarian University. 16 Carley (1981,88). For particular references to this phenomenon under Somoza, see Woznica (1986), Garfield and Williams (1992), and (Coplin 1996,70). For references to the Aleman regime see Ciberdiario 19 April 1999; La Tribuna 2 November 1999; and Vargas (1999). 17 Throughout the dissertation, I have followed McCue's lead in terminology concerning the Third World. She wrote (1997,19), "...I use the terms First World, Western, or Northern cultures or societies, or the developed world interchangeably only because of a lack of more precise easy to use terms. Similarly, I use Third World, lesser developed world, and Southern cultures or societies interchangeably as is done in the common parlance of economics, anthropology, sociology, and other social sciences." See Arturo Escobar (1995), Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12 of reliable economic, health, and other data throughout the developing world.1 8 The purpose of emphasizing these statistical deficiencies is two-fold. First is to offer a note of caution about the national statistics reported in this dissertation, particularly in the education and health chapters. Second is to note the value of supplementing this dearth of data with a new statistical study. While 208 women are a relatively small proportion of the Nicaraguan population, in terms of mathematical analysis the relatively large-N aspects of the dissertation allow for testing of the study's three hypotheses. The term "campesina" implies three characteristics - female gender, rural residence, and lower socio economic status. In general, many Nicaraguans, even those in semi- urban areas such as Tipitapa on the outskirts of Managua, consider themselves campesino. This often is related to having been born in a rural area, and to having maintained some rural habits, even if the only sowing one does is in the garden outside the house or if the only animals raised are a few chickens. But as defined in this study, campesina does not imply agricultural production, rather rural residence. In fact, of the few women interviewed here who work for pay, many live in rural areas, work in the informal sector, and sometimes even travel to urban areas on a daily basis in order to 17 ( . . . continued) the Third World, Princeton University for a fuller discussion of the implications of the various terms. 18 One specific example comes from Mauldin (1994), who reported large and unexplained differences between the World Bank and the United Nations Development Program reports of maternal mortality ratios in 1993. He concluded that, "Country-by-country comparisons make clear that reliable data on maternal mortality do not exist for most developing countries." For a similar conclusion about data on international debt, see Toussaint (1999,81). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13 perform that work. Nor is it a given that other members of their families engage in agricultural production. For the same reasons mentioned above in the discussion of the dialectical process, the numbers of self-sufficient small landholders has decreased as capitalist production has advanced, so that many male family members also are proletarianized members of a wage labor force, or of the informal sector. Selection of cases at four levels of urbanity allows for a comparison of the situation of peasants to more urban women. Randomized selection of interviewees allows for comparisons of different levels of wealth and it reveals the ways in which the life stories of a small set of subjects (e.g. CIERA's eight women) both parallel and deviate from the typical campesina. Many academics prefer such large-N studies, and scorn qualitative studies as pseudo-science. They claim that the chief weakness of qualitative data is the inability to test generalizable hypotheses.19 Yet, while the quantifiable data may enhance a study's reliability, they may offer a limited version of the reality of rural life (i.e. study validity). Other scholars, such as Michael Carley (1981) and Richard Wilks (1999) praise the richness of qualitative data.20 Robert Hahn (1999,304) asserts that in-depth participant observation allows for culturally sensitive instruments. Writing specifically about 19 Elaborations of this methodological debate are found in Bardhan (1989); Bernard (1994); Carley (1981); Devereux and Hoddinott (1993); Hahn (1999), and King et al. (1994). 20 Carley (p.181) quotes Edwards' (1975) wry attack on large-N studies: "The application of precise and detailed statistical techniques to such an ambiguous area [as urban deprivation] is about as meaningful as using a micrometer to measure a marshmallow." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 Nicaragua, McCue (1997,16) justified the use of lengthy but small-N interviews: In a country where the collection, collation, and evaluation of health data is rarely accomplished, much less published, poorly dispersed when available, and spotty and unreliable at best, small observa tional studies ... are a valuable first step toward laying the foundation of information for general reference and further investigation. The value of open-ended questions and lengthy home stays comes to light when one considers the silence surrounding conditions of campesina quotidian activities. Researcher Nancy Folbre (1991,22) noted a serious lack of consistent time-series data on women in nations of the South, impairing international and inter-temporal comparisons: "Data from developing countries allow, at best, only broad generalizations." Reasons for the lack of data include the geographic and cultural isolation characteristic of campesina life. In addition, the constraints of a 14 to 16-hour workday make women's participation in social activities, including academic studies, extremely unlikely. Another strong contributing factor is that most academics prefer to do interviews where their own creature comforts are guaranteed - not in places far removed from paved roads, clinics, running water, or electricity.21 In 1987, members of the CIERA team stayed with eight campesinas and conducted their interviews while the women washed clothes, took care of their children, prepared food, etc. These investigators explained the emphasis on qualitative interviews as "...the belief that the complex social nature of individual lives cannot be captured Devereux and Hoddinott (1993,185). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 by objective data, formulas, and hard facts."22 That is, qualitative data has the advantage of allowing the women to introduce their own voices, questions, hypotheses, and analyses - which the urban academic may have overlooked while designing the study based on her own experiences and the short body of available literature.23 The mixture of using primary data which is both "objective" (e.g. infant mortality ratio) and "subjective" (e.g. ratings of best health care), and which is supplemented by secondary sources (e.g. previous infant mortality ratios), allows us to better confront what I refer to as "the banana split problem": It is as if there are two people who want to eat a banana topped with servings of vanilla, chocolate, and strawberry ice cream, covered with hot fudge, whipped cream, nuts, and a cherry. But what is available is a platano, one-dip of vanilla ice cream, and some strawberry jam. The socialist option might be that one person (having previously been designated leader) decides to trade and/or sell the ice cream and jam in exchange for rice, and then distributes fried platano and rice to both people - independently of their tastes. The capitalist option might be that the person closest to the ingredients trades and/or sells them for a banana, one dip of neopolitan ice cream and some hot fudge, and then sits down to eat in front of the (now hungry) other person. Nobody got their banana split - although one person came close enough to eat what might be called a "banana sundae." (And whether 22 CIERA (1989,6). All translations from the original Spanish text are mine. 23 For more on urban bias to academic surveys, see Nichter (1999,304- 305). Particular to Nicaragua, see Close (1999,43). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 the banana split was ever an appropriate or healthy desire anyway, well that is another question). This analogy expresses the view that throughout the developing world - and Nicaragua in particular - with the exception of a splinter fraction of elites who live as well as wealthy members of more developed nations, the overwhelming majority of citizens live in absolute poverty, but that changes in circumstances (e.g. political regime) do provide changes in the relative degree of poverty among these peoples. How does the "banana split problem" relate to this dissertation? The growing gap between income and expenses in adjusting nations is often attributed to effects of structural adjustment. That may be true, but it may also be a problem of starting ingredients. Some of the apparent poverty-inducing effects of austerity may reflect the weak economic conditions preceding the programs - which leads to a methodological quandary. As discussed above, the lack of reliable longitudinal data means that a comparison of "objective" rates (e.g. literacy) may actually be equivalent to comparing apples and oranges, (or bananas and platanos). But this problem is diminished by the inclusion of subjective data. When the women rate the regimes in terms of access to education, their expressed preference - i.e. for "platanos and rice" or a "banana sundae" - allows us to ignore the fact that neither got their banana split. In the sense of dialectic transformation, this analogy heightens focus on the contradictions within the process, and minimizes attention to the fact that both starting and resulting conditions are dominated by levels of poverty. It is worth noting that one of the study's weaknesses is that the case selection is equivalent to interviewing only the person who was farthest away from the food line, not the person who got their Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 "banana sundae." Most of those interviewed for this study live in very modest homes, with some dirt flooring, and latrine toilet facilities; they use firewood to cook, and are unlikely to have electricity, or to have received credit, or remittances, let alone have any savings or investments. Not a single family had a phone - even among the residents of Managua. But one of the study strengths is that these were the same people interviewed in 1987 by CIERA (i.e. rural poor women). Thus by revisiting the CIERA interviewees, this dissertation allows for a unique longitudinal comparison. And by complementing those interviews with a larger set of randomly selected women from the same towns, the study's reliability is enhanced. B . Case Design The majority of visits occurred between January and September of 1997. The first few months were spent in week-long stays with seven of the original eight women.24 The interview topics range from demographics, and family relations, to the women's opinions on socio economic changes brought about by shifts in government. Much of the data from these weeks, including extended life histories, and time studies on household work, constitute material for a post-doctoral project. After the first round of interviews, another week was spent with these families, where our relationship was more informal. During the day, I would leave to do randomly selected interviews with other women in the village, and would return to spend the evening with the family. The macro-level survey was conducted with 200 women randomly selected from each of the nation's nine regions. In interviews lasting approximately one hour, women were questioned about their 24 One woman, "Marina," died the very day that I went to find her (12/5/96). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 memories and opinions of the last four political regimes - that of the Somoza family, the Sandinistas, and the two most recent presidents, Violeta Chamorro and Arnoldo Aleman. These latter interviews were done in a semi-structured form which attempted to balance a conversational style with the structure of a 14-page questionnaire. Some notes were made on the form during the interview, with more careful notes made a few minutes after the interview, and if the woman consented, a tape recording was made. In addition, through my work as a nurse and/or interpreter, I have made three follow-up trips to Nicaragua (May 1998, May 1999, and August 2000) in which I re-contacted five of the original interviewees. Some information has also been obtained from an ongoing exchange of letters with these and other women - in particular, after 1998's Hurricane Mitch. C. Case Selection and Maps As mentioned previously, an attempt was made to relocate the eight women interviewed in La Vida Cotidiana de la Mujer Campesina. In the case of "Marina, " I talked with a colleague of hers in the farmer and rancher's union, CJNAG, and with "Marina's" brother, as well as doing interviews in the town where she had spent much of the 1980s. The other seven women all graciously agreed to let me spend a week in their home asking invasive questions about their life histories, income, and family relations. "Maria Felix" had moved to the capital, Managua, where I interviewed her and a randomized set of her neighbors. In addition, we visited her parents' home in San Juanillo, where the 1987 interviews had occurred, and I interviewed another set of neighbors there. Selection of the remaining towns was based on Nicaragua's deep socio-economic and cultural diversity. The nation is about the size Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 and population of the state of Iowa, with approximately four million inhabitants. The three main regions are the Pacific (16% of territory), Interior (29%), and Atlantic Coast (55%).25 The Pacific holds almost two-thirds of the population, i.e. 63 percent; the Interior, 31%; and the Atlantic, only 6%. The division of productive assets between these regions follows the population distribution much more closely than that of terrain size. Historically, Spaniards colonized the Pacific Coast while the British colonized the Atlantic Coast. The people of the Pacific Coast and Central Regions, known as ladinos, or mestizos, speak Spanish. The dominant Atlantic groups and languages are Miskitu and Creole, followed by Rama, Sumo, and Garifuna. The differences between the Atlantic Coast and the rest of the nation are dramatic, extending far beyond language and ethnicity. For instance, while the war to overthrow Somoza led to tens of thousands of deaths in the western parts of the country, many on the eastern seaboard only learned of the struggle when the Sandinistas came declaring victory. Ignored politically and economically for most of its history, the Atlantic region has been like an unwanted stepchild. The omission of Atlantic Coast history was notable in much of the 1980's burgeoning literature on Nicaragua, including the book which was the seed to my dissertation. My research, through the interviews with Miskitu women in Tuapi, reflects a small trend in the 1990s to incorporate more costefio perspectives. But even within the Pacific and Central zones (ladino culture) there is much politico-economic variability. The western coastal zone (Region II), dominated for years by cotton plantations, is so 25 Olivera et al. (1990, 19). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 arid that most homes are thatch huts. The implications for privacy, protection from insects, and from other natural elements are immediately obvious. Beyond that, such housing makes one's security more precarious in a time of rampant crime. The coffee-growing zones of Regions I, VI, and to a lesser extent. Region V, are mountainous areas with the most fertile land, but these areas also were, and continue to be the center of war activities. In other more arid parts of Region V, some of the population engage in seasonal migration to the coffee zones. Selection of campesinas from any one of these areas would only partially reflect the situation of other rural women. Thus, one of the dissertation's strengths is its extensive geographic coverage. In the interests of randomized surveys, considerable effort was made to obtain maps for each town visited. After multiple visits to the electoral office over a six-month period, maps were obtained for most locations. But Nicaragua's overall statistical shortages apply here as well as anywhere else. Jessie Smith (1997,121) observed that her efforts to randomize interviews were limited by the fact that the maps - even from the most recent census - omitted a great many homes. Likewise, in most towns in this study, there were residences which did not appear on the maps. Many of these were the newest, poorest homes, and were added to my maps before the randomization process. In cases such as Teustepe where the town was too large for me to do my own survey, I added to the maps in an ad hoc manner, and selected each fourth home of the additions.26 In the case of 26 This method led me to the poorest family with whom I spoke - the ten people sharing a one-room, bamboo-walled, plastic-roofed shack in Teustepe. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 Mulukuku, where I was unable to get or make a map, I visited each fourth street, then each fourth home for a visit. For some areas, there were no maps available from the Supreme Electoral Council. In Asedades, the map used was one which had been made by community and development workers the year before, and which was supplemented with my own survey.27 In Teotecacinte, a map was loaned to me by the former mayor of the town, and in Los Robles by the woman who had done a town survey in 1996 as part of her work with a health association. As a rule, all interviews were done by myself alone. In a few cases, at the insistence of my hosts, I was accompanied on all or some of my visits. For all of the Mulukuku interviews - an area of persistent war activities - I was escorted by one of two women affiliated with a non-governmental clinic/women's group, which had a strong Sandinista identification. But neither woman made any attempt to interfere with my selection process, nor did several of the interviewees hesitate to criticize the Frente.28 In two of the most rural areas, my hosts insisted on accompaniment only to the most isolated homes. This was good advice, for the path to the Esquirrin section of Asedades disappeared at one point, and resumed after climbing over one neighbor's fence and through another's back yard. Similarly unusual crossings of creeks and woods were necessary to reach some of Huispante's homes. 27 Bridges to Community, a New-York based solidarity group had brought a health brigade to Asedades and implemented a clean water project in which every house received a ten gallon jug, some chlorine, and education about hygienic practices. 20 However, when my hosts heard my surprise at the relative lack of conscientization among the dissertation interviews, they selected two women for me to interview. One of these was one of the anomalous cases of extreme feminism and political activity discussed in Chapter Six. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 III. A WORD ON PERSONAL ETHICS During the 1980s, I worked both as a registered nurse and in the solidarity movement with Central America. Having been propelled by a decade of political activism, intellectual curiosity, and restlessness in my career, I embarked on a degree in Political Economy and Public Policy in the 1990s. Years as a peace activist had left me with a deep sympathy for the plight of Nicaraguans, especially those who lived in the war zones. Similarly, John Brentlinger (1995,170) expressed a deep solidarity, and even discomfort, in talking with widows whose husbands had been tortured or mutilated, "Every woman I talk with is very grave and sad. I become so upset I can hardly ask questions.... It seems cruel to ask her to talk, to give details, to make the effort." Yet, to not offer these women the chance to express their stories seemed even less moral. As stressed by Omara Sequeira, chief author of CIERA's 1987 study, few to none of Nicaraguan researchers have the luxury to travel to all nine regions for extensive interviews, an opportunity provided to me by the Fulbright Foundation. It may be that the nearly universal readiness to be interviewed reflected the lack of other opportunities for these women to tell their stories. In any case, I approached these interviews with a deep sense of awe at the experiences which these women had survived and my relatively advantaged position.29 Much of my previous activism had occurred in support of the Sandinista Revolution. Nevertheless, as noted by Robert Amove 29 To put this in perspective, in the year of my fieldwork, the average salary of one Canadian woman equaled the sum of the average salary of 277 Nicaraguan women. See La Boletina 31 (July-August) 1997:17. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 (1994:8-11), solidarity work does not necessarily have to impede good academics. He recounted a conversation with Juan Bautista Arrien: He retold the story of Aristotle, who upon being queried how he could disagree with his mentor Plato, responded, 'Between my teacher and the truth, I must choose the truth.' Arrien then went on to counsel me, 'Between the revolution and the truth, you must tell the truth.' I hope that the reader will find that I, too, have followed this counsel. During my fieldwork, I wondered about the ethics of being a rich woman getting input for my education from women who were so gracious that they insisted on my sitting during the interview - while they cooked, cleaned, and took care of children. I arrived at a decision similar to that of Caroline Kroeker: In poor and disempowered areas, it would be unethical to gain knowledge in a detached manner (so as to pro tect the reliability of the findings), when the ob jects of research have immediate and vital needs that the researcher is capable of addressing.30 Thus, I found myself mixing my nursing and academic careers on multiple occasions. Carrying medicines donated by visiting medical missionaries, it was clear to me that I should offer the appropriate antibiotics when interviewing a 64-year old woman whose leg was reddened from cellulitis, or anti-fungal cream to a woman with hands blistered by a long-term infection. Not to be cavalier about the blurred line between researcher and subject, I waited until after the interview to offer medications. And occasionally, I would not have the medicines until a subsequent visit, but if I was able to provide treatment based on my nursing knowledge and available provisions, then I did so. As the remaining thesis will show, many of the women whom I saw live in abject poverty, and my debt to them is great. 30 Kroeker (1996), citing Wilpert (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 IV. CHAPTER OUTLINES After this introductory chapter there are seven thematic chapters and a concluding chapter. A. Education and Campeslnas in Nicaragua, 1967-2000 Historically, rural women were the least educated Nicaraguans. This chapter offers an overview of political ideology, government spending, and the level of patriarchy associated with the last four regimes. Topics covered include current enrolment, the average years of schooling of the interviewees, and the gender content of the curriculum. Changes in political ideology have coincided with changes in the gender ideology advocated in state-sponsored curricula as well as in differential obstacles to education according to socio economic status. Queries addressed include the empowering effects of added schooling in terms of social participation, changes in the household division of labor, and in domestic violence rates. In addition, this chapter examines the effect of education on the daily life of peasant women and their families - in terms of their health, family relations, political activities and opinions, as well as economic status. Interviewees' assessments of the various regimes in terms of education are included. B. Health Care Delivery under Various Regimes This chapter and the next look at the ways in which the health of women in the developing world is subject to a double jeopardy resulting from the interlocking systems of patriarchy and world capitalism. Residents of rural Nicaragua often walk an hour or more to the nearest transportation, market, school or health services. Besides enduring long treks to health facilities, campesinas suffer Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 from malaria, dengue, cholera, malnutrition and other "poverty diseases." The chapter focuses on the hypotheses that the Sandinista government did more for the poor than any other, and that structural adjustment has been hurting the nation's poor. Data include a mixture of objective and subjective aspects: per capita expenditures on health care, factors related to access to medicines, and the interviewees' relative ranking of the regimes in terms of health care. Special attention is paid to hazards associated with rural residence, particularly to time spent traveling to health facilities. C. Fertility and Campesina. Quality of Life While patriarchal influences on health are various, foremost among these issues is fertility, which in the case of the peasant woman, can be described as 'excessive.' This chapter examines the incentives and barriers affecting Nicaraguan women's fertility during various political regimes? National fertility ratios are compared relative to those of prior regimes and to those of other nations. Interviewees' usage of family planning is analyzed in an effort to predict economic and cultural barriers or incentives to contraceptive usage. Variables examined include years of education, economic status, urban vs. rural residence, and dominance within family relations. Effects of fertility control are identified, in particular on maternal and child mortality ratios. This chapter also examines the traditional hypothesized relationship between increased female education with later marriage, enhanced negotiating position within the family, and a decreased number of children. D . Patriarchy and the Nicaraguan Campesina This chapter addresses three aspects of patriarchy: physical domination within the family, division of reproductive labor, and the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 ideological formations which support both of the above. Here an identification is made of how empowerment is either impeded or aided by factors which are demographic (i.e. age, education, rural status), social (political participation and awareness), economic (purchasing power, control of capital) and ideological (religious attitudes, gender conscientization). Radical feminists focus on the sexual and physical domination of women by men. Along these lines, the chapter explores rates of current and past domestic violence and the connection with a woman's education, social participation, ideological variables, as well as with the spouse's use of alcohol. The interviewees offered their opinions on whether family relations were affected by the Revolution. Marxist feminists (among others) emphasize the oppression of women through the gender division of labor. This chapter also examines the gender division of labor in the household, and the relation with a woman's education, economic status, or social participation. In addition the husband's social activities are examined for their link to their participation in household chores. The third strand of the chapter involves the cultural construction of gender roles in Nicaragua - the ethereal forms of patriarchy, including internalized machismo among women. Cultural expectations add an element of social isolation to the geographic isolation endured by many campesinas. Machismo in the minds of both men and women fosters social, sexual, psychological, and economic dependence among Nicaragua's women. The last part of the chapter uses a point scale (EMPOWER_PTS) to analyze the ways in which women gain control over their lives. The eight level scale is comprised of four pairs of variables reflecting purchasing power, control of capital, domination within Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 the family, and social participation/political ideology. These are used to compare the interrelations between gender violence, inequitable household labor, ideological views, and variables such as participation in social group or paid productive activities. E. State Interventions - Practical and Strategic The chapter on patriarchy within political regimes begins with an examination of the various roles which the state can play and has played in enhancing women's daily practice. Molyneux's well-known typology of practical vs. strategic gender interests is used to rate the effect of various governments on the status of rural women. Practical interests include the provision of child care services, the building of latrines, potable water systems, and health and educational services, as well as public safety. Strategic interests include the overt recognition of sexism, and of the domestic violence and division of labor discussed in the previous chapter. The examination leads to identification of some of these measures as semi-strategic. Questions addressed include how women's lives, and the women's movement, have been changed by the succession of regimes, and whether these women believe the Revolution affected family relations. The chapter ends by inquiring into the ways that women's lives have been affected by political variables such as the civil war and a decade of social decay involving widespread theft, kidnapping, and murder. F. Political Knowledge and Participation Many theorists have described the liberating effects of participation in social organizations, even if merely involving practical gender issues. This chapter explores the relationship between social participation and empowerment, examining both the factors precipitating that involvement, and its effects. The Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 following queries are addressed: Does awareness of political variables - such as laws, candidates, and policies - correlate with increased power within the family? Does participation in political processes or social groups create dialectical contradiction in a woman's ideology and daily practice? Does the type of social participation have a differential effect on empowerment? G. (Dis)Empowerment through Wealth, Work, and Adjustment This chapter assesses the economic status of interviewees and their families - as measured by purchasing power and control of capital assets - and pursues the idea of colluding economic and patriarchal systems. Variables of economic well-being, such as remittances, savings, housing conditions, or the ability to make capital purchases, are examined for their links to patriarchal variables. The question of the impact of structural adjustment on rural women is revisited here. The history of the programs is briefly reviewed, and topics discussed include the effect on employment, gender parity, social participation, and the women's own assessment of changes in family relations due to the economic crisis. In addition, the subjects offer their opinions about the best government in terms of work, credit, and land. Given that a core goal of SAPs is the transition towards large-scale agroexportation, special attention is paid to these small producers' access to credit, and the disposition of their capital (crops, land, animals). Much feminist literature describes the liberating effects of women's work outside the home. After identifying variables altering the likelihood of women's participation in paid labor, this section then examines the dialectical role of paid work in the empowerment process. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 H. Conclusions - The More Things Change... The information in the previous chapters depicts more fully the typical day for a Nicaraguan campesina. This concluding chapter uses the updated life histories of the CIERA interviewees to reflect on conditions which are general to campesinas and other women and to evaluate the relative advantages of urban vs. rural life. The process of feminist transformation is reviewed in order to identify the relative impact of practical, semi-strategic, and strategic interventions. The regimes are compared, both in terms of their provision of practical services, and in regards to the impact on patriarchal family relations. Structural adjustment programs are evaluated, based on access to education, health care, employment and the interviewees' opinions of the effect of economic crisis on family relations. Out of this analysis, a set of factors are identified as most important in the improvement of daily life for campesinas and other Nicaraguan women. This is followed by an elaboration of research implications. Renowned Nicaraguan novelist, Rosario Alguilar, once said that, "I know no better medium to understand human suffering than through daily life in Nicaragua."3 1 If these pages succeed in portraying that suffering, I hope that this will be a catalyst to improve the lives of the women who generously shared their stories with me. 31 See La Boletina (40) 1999, 56. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 CHAPTER TWO: EDUCATION AND CAMPESINAS IN NICARAGUA. 1967-2000 "Solo los dos ultimos estan en la escuela. A veces tengo que secarles la ropa en el fuego para alistarles para la escuela en el dla siguiente. Esta manana se fueron a la escuela sin comer - no tuve nada para darles. [£l de 11 esta en el tercer grado y el de 13 en quinto.] Cuesta 200 pesos por ano a alistarles con ropa y zapa tos. "l I. INTRODUCTION An examination of the campesina education over the past three decades elicits a portrait of pervasive poverty. For example, the woman quoted above can not afford a change of clothes for her children, and thus washes them each day and props them over the kitchen fire at night in order to send them to school with clean clothes the next morning. In the last decade of the twentieth century, education may be nearly free, but the cost of food, clothing and supplies provides a significant obstacle for parents such as that single head of household. The need for education in Nicaragua is great. Worldwide resources are available. As noted by the UNDP's Human Development Report, only six billion dollars would be sufficient to provide a basic education for all, while in the U.S. and Western Europe, 12 billion dollars is spent annually just on perfume.’ Nicaragua and Honduras have long vied neck and neck for the undesired position as Central America's poorest country. Since the end of the Somoza 1 Interview Case No. 123 from the town of Teotecacinte (G15): "Only my two youngest are in school. Sometimes I have to dry their clothes over the fire to get them ready for the next day at school. This morning they went to school without eating - I didn't have anything to give them. (The 11-year old is in third grade and the 13-year old in fifth.) It costs 200 pesos [20 dollars] per year to buy their clothes and shoes." Author's note - where multiple translations are possible, the original words are offered in footnotes. ’ As reported by La Prensa 11 September 1998. These nations spend $105 billion annually on alcoholic beverages and $50 billion on cigarettes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 years, Nicaragua's per capita debt has been one of the world's highest. Current debt repayments are two-and-a-half times its spending on health and education combined, occupying more than half of all government revenue. This places a tight restraint on any educational policies that might be intended by a particular political regime. Nevertheless, there have been differences in philosophy and delivery of education among the last four governments. The first part of this paper covers differentials in access to education, in terms of age, geography, ethnicity, and gender over the last three decades - framed within the socialist vs. capitalist debate. On the one hand, socialist governments have been commended for public investments which are of an egalitarian nature and coherent with the collective needs of society.3 Particular to education, socialist regimes have been praised for exemplary literacy rates. On the other hand, states with market capitalist economies are praised for their balanced budgets and greater efficiency than is seen in the case of large public sector investments." The prescribed capitalist remedy for inefficiency and bloated budgets has been structural adjustment reform (which has in turn been criticized for social inequities, including decreased school attendance among the poor).5 With regards to education, capitalist budgets are praised for their 3 Vulliamy (1996,110). 4 Kahn (1990); Lele (1991); O'Brien (1991); andSanyal (1996). 5 Amove et al. (1999, 10); Asthana (1994, 59); Carnoy (1998); Cornia et al. (1988, 1991); FIDEG (1992); Jonakin (1997); Kakwani et al. (1990); Pastor (1987); Reimers and Tiburcio (1993,22); Sparr (1994,26-7); Torres and Puiggros (1995); Toussaint (1999,156); and Zukevas (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 increased consumer options - including parents's choices about how much disposable income to spend on education. The latter sections of this chapter concentrate on the links between education and empowerment. According to Karen Kinnear (1997,7), "More than any other factor, education is believed to be the key element in improving the lives of women throughout the world." Particularly of interest is the link between schooling and the daily life of peasant women and their families - in terms of their health, family relations, political activities and opinions, as well as economic status. Typical of most Latin American states, Nicaragua has a bimodal education. That is, the poor hardly attend at all while the elites advance to the university level. It is common for the state to spend 15 to 20 times more per university student than for primary student.6 Compared to the other nations in Central America, Nicaraguan education is nearly last (See Table 2.1). Table 2.1: Education in Central America7 Country Avg. yrs schooling Illiteracy Guatemala 3.2 44.4% Nicaragua 3.8 34.3% El Salvador 4 . 1 28.5% Honduras 4.3 27.3% Panama 6.7 9.2% Belize N. A. 9.0% Costa Rica 6.0 5.2% 6 Amove et al. (1996, 144); N.Castillo (1998,229). As mentioned previously, humility must be included in the usage of statistics gathered by resource-poor governments. According to Coplin (1996), "Data on Nicaraguan education have been subject to bias and inaccuracies for all 26 years examined." Furthermore, even if the validity and reliability of the usually discussed statistics were parallel to the best research, this still does not inform the reader of the fate of those who leave the educational system. 7 Source: Inter-American Development Bank. All figures are from 1995, except Belize's data which is from 1997. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 As a rule, it has been shown that nations with large indigenous populations fare the worst, and in Central America, the largest concentration of indigenous people is in Guatemala (approximately 60 percent of the total population), which indeed, ranks last in most educational statistics.8 But despite a relatively small indigenous population (3 percent), Nicaragua ranks second to last. In terms of Central American statistics on total spending on education relative to GDP, Nicaragua was lowest in 1985 at 12.4 percent, and second lowest after Guatemala in 1990 at 14.0 percent. It appears that education is not as high a priority for Nicaragua as it is for the neighboring countries. II. EDUCATION DELIVERY AND PHILOSOPHY UNDER FOUR REGIMES A. Somoza Dynasty The Somoza family ruled Nicaragua for over four decades.9 This study focuses on the third member of the family to rule - Anastasio Somoza Debayle who was in power from 1967 until the Sandinista triumph in 197 9. Many Nicaraguans look back fondly at the last two decades of the Somoza regime - in particular to the economic promise that was belied in high growth rates and flourishing exports of coffee, cotton, sugar, and beef.10 However, others speak of the brutalities inflicted by the National Guard on political opponents, 9 Patrinos and Psacharopoulos (1996). For more history of the Somoza regime, see Alegria (1996), Arellano (1998), Booth (1982), Cabezas (1985), Diederich (1981), LaFeber (1993), Lernoux (1982), Maier (1980); Millett (1977), Tunnerman (1992), and Walker (1982). 10 For instance, see Jimenez (1992,58) for the relatively strong international terms of trade throughout the 1960s and 1970s for Nicaragua's agro-exports. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 youths seen as potential dissidents, and peasants who resisted the addition of their land to the ever-expanding Somoza holdings.11 Unlike the succeeding regimes, the Somoza era was marked by a rise in gross domestic product (GDP) which generally exceeded the rise in population growth. GDP grew an average of 5.3 percent per annum between 1962 and 1972.12 Yet this did not spawn much educational improvement. Spending on education as a percent of national income (GDP) remained fairly constant despite post earthquake general increases in spending.13 Absolute spending on education increased from 1968-7 9, but relative to overall government expenditures, education's share shrank by 63 percent. The increase in teachers (22 percent) was lower than that of students. Nationwide, enrolments increased by 28 percent in the Somoza period.1 4 Education in the Somoza era was consistent with economic modernization. There was a focus on science and technology. Preparation of teachers was more formal and rigorous than in the subsequent regime, but in general, the Somoza regime was characterized by a restricted quality and quantity of education.15 The structure of power and wealth meant illiteracy for the majority. According to Valerie Miller (1985), an educated population would not 11 The economic dominance of Somoza and associates is displayed in their monopoly ownership of almost all of the nation's major industries, including chemicals, tobacco, beer, hotels, bus lines, and the national airline. 12 N.Castillo (1998,47). 13 In 1972, Nicaragua's worst disaster to date leveled the capital. An earthquake exceeding 7.0 on the Richter scale killed thousands and set development back decades, despite much international relief. 14 N.Castillo (1998, 176). 15 Arellano (1997, 107); Amove (1994), Coplin (1996); and Prevost (1997) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 serve as well the needs of the dictatorship, neither politically nor economically. During Somoza's father's tour of new Costa Rican schools, he commented, "I don't want educated people: I want oxen."16 Among the worst educated during the Somoza era were the campesinos. Literacy rates in the late 1970s were said to be 50 percent - 70 percent in urban areas, but only 25 percent in the campo. In 197 9 in El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua - only one- third of rural enrolled children had the chance that an urban child had for completing education.17 According to the think tank, FIDEG (1991a, 101), under Somoza, there was 93% illiteracy among rural women. Thus, poverty presented a tremendous barrier to education during the Somoza years - markedly so in rural areas. These trends are reflected in a few of my interviews. From the town of Mulukuku, comes the report, "My parents couldn't buy the supplies. And besides the nearest school was far away."18 Even in a relatively urban town such as San Carlos, a woman noted, "There was education for those who had the dough. For the poor, where were they going to find it?"19 In addition, there was a general lack of a cultural push towards education, especially in the countryside, as expressed by one interviewee who said, "I grew up with people who considered that a waste of time."20 In the town of Asedades (site of 20 interviews) six 16 Miller (1985,20) . 17 Coplin (1996, 32). 10 Case 163 from Mulukuku (K5) . 19 Case 110 from San Carlos (F6). 20 Case 133 from Managua (H2), a woman who grew up in a rural county near Matagalpa. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 women reported the lack of education under Somoza, crediting either this cultural apathy or insufficient economic and educational resources.21 In conclusion, the Somoza epoch was marked by economic development that did not diffuse to the area of education and by broad areas of exclusion in terms of access. The lucky few might have received a quality education, but these were not representative of the population as a whole whose government did not pay much mind to public education investment. According to one researcher, "In all ten categories, Somoza's performance is the lowest. Worst are the low levels of rural enrolment and [number of] rural teachers."22 B. The Sandinista Decade The Somoza epoch ended on July 19, 197 9 with the triumph of the Insurrection fought by the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN). Partly due to the toll taken by the battles of 1978 and 1979, the FSLN inherited one of the lowest income economies in Latin America - and as mentioned, one of the least developed educational systems.23 Massification of education In contrast to Somoza's Liberal Party, the Sandinistas included an overt dedication to mass education - both in the "Historic Program of the FSLN" developed in 1969 before they came to power and in the 21 Cases A5, A7, A10, All, A14, and A18. 22 Coplin (1996, 185) . 23 Somoza left the national treasury with 3 million dollars, but the Sandinistas faced payments of 600 million dollars on the highest per capita debt in Latin America. See Babb (1996,43); Benjamin (1989,20); Black (1981,187); Carnoy and Torres (1990,315); Christian (1985;141,302); Donahue (1986,24); Garfield and Williams (1992,201); and Smith (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 Constitution of Nicaragua passed in 1987 near the end of their decade.24 Upon coming into power, the Sandinistas first showed euphoric hopes to eradicate illiteracy, offering free education at all levels and to train more and better teachers. All areas of education expanded - from preschool through university and adult education. For instance, the number of preschoolers went from 9000 in 1978 to 50, 000 in 1984 .25 The Sandinista goals for education were four years of basic education for the entire population and a desk and chair for each student.26 Within months of the Triumph, a national literacy campaign was launched, the result of which was a turnabout in literacy statistics from 50 percent of the population to 87 percent (95 percent in urban areas, and 7 9 percent in rural).27 The Nicaraguan Literacy Campaign is considered one of the most successful enterprises in the field of fundamental education in this century.20 Notably, the campaign was unanimously awarded the UNESCO 1980 prize for "distinguished and effective contribution on behalf of literacy.29 24 For more history on the policies of the Sandinistas, see Booth (1982), Booth and Walker (1989), Close (1988), Enriquez (1997), Hodges (1986), Nolan (1984), Snarr (1990), Vanden and Prevost (1993), and Walker (1985, 1991). 25 Coplin (1996, 116) . 26 Amove (1994, 51). 27 For more detailed information on the methodology and materials of the literacy crusade, consult Hirshon (1982, 49-55), and Amove (1994), Barndt (1995), Black (1981), Carnoy and Torres (1990); INIEP (1995), and Miller (1985). 20 Sadeghpour (1995, 5). 29 Miller (1985, 203) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 The campaign used a multiplier strategy whereby more than 50,000 youth brigade members and 30,000 literacy teachers reached 400,000 people. From November of 1979 until May of 1980, a series of five workshops were held where each group trained a larger group in basic literacy teaching skills. Grassroots groups which had been instrumental in organizing the overthrow of Somoza all participated in organizing the campaign. These included the farmworkers' union (ATC), women's group (AMNLAE), teacher's union (ANDEN), neighborhood groups (CDS), as well as the army, church, media representatives, universities, and institutes for development and agrarian reform. The Campana NacionaL de Alfabetizacion (CNA) took place from March to August of 1980. Besides teaching basic literacy, brigadistas were involved in health campaigns to eradicate malaria, improve sanitary practices, and teach some preventive medicine. The increase in public school teachers was from 12,706 in 1979 to 41, 593 in 1984 . 30 (See Table 2.2 on the next page). University enrolment was expanded to rural, indigenous and poor through a system of regional quotas, free tuition, and scholarships/stipends. The Sandinistas were the first to introduce bilingual education to the Atlantic Coast with its native Miskitu, Rama, Sumo and Garifuna populations. Some 20,000 indigenous people received classes in their own tongue.31 And the most substantial increase in school buildings of recent years occurred during the Sandinista regime - especially at the primary level (See Table 2.3 on the following page). The massification of education surpassed literacy and included an expansion of curriculum at the university level and the extension 30 Coplin (1996, 116). 31 Sadeghpour (1995, 18). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 of scholarships to rural and poor students as well as a greater inclusion of girls and women in the educational process. In fact, the greatest expansion in literacy was seen in females living in the rural sector. Table 2.2: Number of Teachers32 Administration Year Teachers, Teachers total rural Somoza 1963 1, 145 1972 5, 600 1978 12,606 2, 053 1979 12,706 FSLN 1983 6, 172 1984 41,593 Chamorro 1990 23,887 1993 26,557 1995 32,570 Table 2.3: Number of schools33 Administration Year Primary Secondary Somoza 1978 2, 402 279 FSLN 1990 4, 030 320 Chamorro 1993 4, 714 338 1995 4,847 228 Many of the women interviewed for this study praised the expansion of educational services during the Revolution. For instance, a woman from one of the most isolated towns, Mulukuku, noted, "In those days, there was more help. They gave away chalk and 32 Sources: Arellano (1998,109); Arrien et al. (1997,103); M.Castillo (1998,75); and Coplin (1996,116). 33 Source: M.Castillo (1998). Due to the longer time span needed to construct schools, the FSLN is credited with the number of schools in 1990, while the number of teachers in 1990 is credited to the Chamorro regime which began in April. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 went from house to house seeing who needed to be in school."34 Besides the provisions of supplies, access to schooling was augmented, reflected in a testimonial from a rural county two hours east of the capital, "I only got to third grade because there wasn't anything higher. Now in Santa Rita (a 20 minute walk away) we have a grade school and you can go to El Empalme (45 minutes away) for high school."35 Even a virulently anti-Sandinista interviewee noted that education was more accessible under this regime, despite the fact that her sons lost time due to military service.36 Poor families received education that was unheard of under Somoza: "(The Sandinistas) gave pencils, notebooks - all that didn't have to be paid for. Because of them, we learned - my son became literate at 14 years old and now he is a doctor in Leon."37 Consistent with expanded literacy, numbers of teachers, and of schools, as well as with many adult education programs, the FSLN devoted a greater share of resources to education than any previous or subsequent government.38 (See Table 2.4 on next page). This evidence supports the hypothesis that the Sandinista's socialist tendencies benefitted the peasantry and the poor more than the more concentrated forms of capitalist spending characterizing the Somoza, Chamorro, and Aleman administrations which benefitted a lesser share of the population. 34 Case 159 from Mulukuku (Kl): "En ese tiempo habia mas ayuda. Regalaban tizas y iban casa a casa a ver quien debia estar en la escuela." 35 Case 7 from Asedades (A7) . 36 Case 11 from Asedades (All). 37 Case 35 from Teustepe (B15). 30 Prevost (1997, 12). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 Politicization of education While education is by its very nature a political act, during the Sandinista epoch, this was made more overt than usual. For example, the elementary text "Carlitos" highlighted social themes and national heroes, while the literacy primer "Dawn of the People" taught pronunciation with words such as La Revolucion, liberacion, genocidio and masas populares. As with other socialist states, the Sandinistas considered ideas as weapons in the class struggle and education as a tool for social equality. Table 2.4: Education Spending Relative to GDP39 Administration Year Public Spending on Education (% of GDP) Somoza 1970 2.2 1978 2.7 FSLN 1980 3.2 1981 4.2 1985 6.0 1986 6.2 1987 6.2 1988 6.2 1988b 6.0 1989 4.0 Chamorro 1990 5.1 1991 3.1 1992 3.3 1993 3.2 1995 3.8 Much of this explicit politicization alienated the Nicaraguan populace. But Amove hypothesized that it was the mass mobilization, not the content of the primer, that created the most 39 Sources: Carnoy and Torres (1990,329) for years 1970-78; M.Castillo (1998,26) for years 1985, 1987, 1990, 1995; Collins (1985,153) for 1981; Coplin (1996,163) for 1991-93; and Reimers and Tiburcio (1993,92) for years 1980 and 1988; Vargas (1993,173) for 1986, 1988b, 1989. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 resistance.40 Still, several of the women interviewed in this study complained of the content of instruction:41 ... because then it was all indoctrination - those who were with them (that supported the Sandinistas) were the good students, but they weren't going to get much out of their studies. And their books, were full of their theory, from the first grade they had regiments with arms - that's the way they shaped the child's mind. Much more serious than the verbal critiques of Sandinista educational policies were the attacks emanating from the contra war, begun in 1981, and reaching their height in the mid-1980s. Education and health workers were seen as representatives of government and were directly targeted by contra snipers, road ambushes and mines. Among the casualties were the following: • 98 adult education workers murdered, 171 kidnaped by the Contras, 15 primary school teachers murdered, and 16 wounded, • as well as the closure of 840 adult education centers, and • the closure of 354 schools, with 14 destroyed in raids (all by 1985) .42 Amove noted that, "Altogether, the number of children without access to schooling had increased from 75,000 in 1984 to over 149,000 [by 1989] . "43 One of the strongest critiques of the Sandinista educational program involves the effect of the military draft (Siu 1992,19-20). 40 Amove (1994,27) . Also, Arrien et al. (1997,21) . For instance, some parents did not approve of their youths spending university time in the mountains. 41 Case 85 from San Juan de Oriente (El) . 42 Coplin (1996, 117) . 43 Amove (1994,23). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 Although it was officially illegal, boys under seventeen were often recruited into the military. Parents reported raids on classes where sons were drafted directly from school, and thus many acted as did this woman from a rural town in the northwest, "We took our kids out of school to avoid the military."44 When speaking of the war years, several women interviewed in 1997 told of spending nights outside their homes, roaming the mountains, sleeping in ditches, to save their teenage sons from the draft. C . The Neoliberals - Chamorro and Aleman Regimes It was that very draft that most authorities consider the most decisive factor in the 1990 election which ousted the Sandinistas in favor of the 14-party coalition headed by Violeta Chamorro de Barrios.45 The ideology of the UNO government would bring radical changes to the face of Nicaraguan education. Given both the substantive similarity in the programs of the two most recent governments as well as the brief reign of the Aleman administration at the time of this study, the two regimes will be discussed together - except when the interviewees themselves emphasized a distinction. Ideology and curriculum changes While the Sandinista political agenda was explicitly included in their social and educational programs, ideological fervor thrived in their successor's educational programs. This is demonstrated in the words of Vice Minister of Education, Humberto Belli, in a message to teachers in September 1990, "Your highest purpose is to exorcize from 4 4 Case 72 from Huispante (D9) . 45 For coverage of the 1990 election and the politics of the Chamorro regime, see Castro and Prevost (1992), Close (1999), Robinson (1992), Seligson and Booth (1995), Vanden and Prevost (1993), and Walker (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 the books, classrooms, and schools, all the evil taught during the ten years of revolution."46 Amove (1994,5) noted, In much the same way as the Sandinistas had used the education system as a state apparatus to legitimize the revolutionary order of the eighties, the conservative coalition of forces that defeated the FSLN in the 1990 elections set out to use education to consolidate its vision of the society and its historical project to accord priority to market mech anisms, traditional values, and parliamentary - rather than mass—based - forms of democracy. One of the key players in this transition was USAID, which had withdrawn its educational support to the Sandinista regime as of 1981. As reported by Melba Castillo, the drastic overhaul that occurred in 1990 was mainly through North American support, including 12 million dollars from this agency. From the second semester in 1990 to the first in 1991, approximately 4,480 schools received 7.6 million books. In order to receive this hefty donation in USAID money, the Nicaraguan government had to promise that it would use books from other Latin American countries "or from 'supervised writing.'"47 That is, in its anti-Sandinista fervor, USAID funding was conditioned upon the usage of books reflecting the new socially conservative ideology. The changes in textbooks did not go without protest. Complaints were registered about the cultural inappropriateness of the texts from Mexico, Puerto Rico, and Colombia. The new tracts contained examples of families with a very traditional gender division of labor, and they included racist portrayals of indigenous populations. The replacement of texts was part of an explicit plan to foster new 46 Coplin (1996,132). Similar remarks by Belli were made in 1998. See Jimenez, Jose Leonel. 1998. El Ministerio de la Familia sera celula de la sociedad. La Tribuna 30 August. 47 Coplin (1996, 153) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 values, as evidenced in the course required of all students - that of Civics, Morality, and Politeness. Aleman's government has continued this emphasis on Catholic values and obedience to the liberal economic paradigm. The civic education part of the curriculum has antagonized even some non-Sandinista supporting parents, such as this woman:48 Now they are charging 80 hours of service to the high school students. My daughter didn't go to school one day this week because her class was cleaning the streets. But what are they going to learn doing that? They should pay people to do those services so the students can go to school and learn. In interviews with 108 peasant families in 1996, Smith (1997,98) found that, "Over 83% of the peasants surveyed felt that the quality of education had deteriorated since 1990." And not a single family reported that the educational system had improved under Chamorro. Shrinking state support of education The Chamorro administration was plagued by a stagnant GDP, while population growth continued to expand. The economic crisis forced the state to accept conditions placed by international lenders.'4 9 From the outset the government aimed to decrease public support of education. MED's staff decreased by two-thirds to less than 500 in the early 1990s.50 The percentage of expenditures on education relative to all government expenditures was slightly higher than under the FSLN (11.7 percent relative to 10.75), but because public expenditures as a whole were shrinking so much at this time, the total share of Nicaragua's income going to education was also 40 Case 101 from San Juan de Oriente (E18). 49 See Lauglo (1996) for more on the way that the World Bank shapes educational policies in developing countries. Also see Amove, Torres et al. (1996). 50 Amove et al. (1996, 148). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 declining - down to an annual average of 3.2 percent from a mean of 5.6 percent during the Ortega administration.51 Table 2.5: Student-Teacher Ratios52 Administration Somoza FSLN Chamorro Year Ratio of 1968 33 1 1969 34 1 1970 40 1 1971 35 1 1972 36 1 1973 40 1 1974 39 1 1975 N. A. 1976 38 1 1977 37 1 1978 38 1 1979 35 1 1980 N. A. 1981 N. A. 1982 36: 1 1983 32:1 1984 29: 1 1985 33: 1 1986 32: 1 1987 33:1 1988 34 :1 1989 31: i _ 1990 34 :1 1991 34 :1 1992 34 :1 1993 32: 1 1993a 39: 1 1995 36: 1 Average 1968-79: 36.8 Average 1980-89: 32.5 Average 1990-95: 34.8 Another manifestation of the declining state investment in education relative to the Sandinistas is seen above in Table 2.5 (Student: Teacher Ratios). Studies in the countryside reveal figures much worse than the national ratio. For instance, Marinka Romeyn's (1994,49) research in the colonia San Martin in Nueva Guinea 51 Sources: Amove et al. (1996,148); M. Castillo (1998,38); N. Castillo (1998); Coplin (1996,187); and Reimers and Tiburcio (1993,92). 52 Sources: Coplin (1996;68,124,164) for years 1968-1993; M.Castillo (1998,27) for years 1993a, 1995. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 (Chontales) revealed an average of 45 students per teacher, with 55 students in the first grade class. In 1996, the national average for primary school only was 40.9 students per teacher.53 Nevertheless, the national ratio, and the average during the recent neoliberal years, are still superior to those of the Somoza years. Elected into office in October of 1996, Aleman's Alianza Party was in its first year during the time of this study. After one and one-half years in power, the Alianza had decreased per student education spending by 24 percent relative to 1994 .54 In 1999, Nicaragua's 4.3% of the national budget dedicated to education compared poorly with other nations dedicating 7 percent.55 These declines in per student spending - especially at the preschool, teacher training and secondary levels - are reflected in the following table. Table 2.6: Spending per Student (Dollars)56 1993 1994 1995 1996 %drop93-96 Preschool 21. 8 20.9 16.4 12.3 43.6% Primary 42. 8 36.7 39.6 34 . 6 19.2 Secondary 38. 9 34 . 3 30.5 29.3 24 .7 Teacher train. 186.2 183. 9 154 .8 128 .5 31.0 Special educ. 156. 6 212.7 169.8 160.2 -2.3 Overall Spending 42.1 36. 6 36 . 6 32.5 22.8 Aside from the category of special education (representing very few students), primary education has been the least affected by declining per capita spending. This can be explained by the fact 53 BCN 1997 III (6) . 54 La Prensa 17 August 1998. 55 Juan Bautista Arrien, director of the Progcama de Promocion de la Reforma Educativa en America Latina (PREAL) interviewed in La Tribuna 7 September 1999. 56 Source: M.Castillo (1998,20). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 that in 1996, 97.6% of high schools were privatized, with the result that government resources went largely to primary education..57 One effect is that only 7.5% of students receiving a high school education in 1995 studied in rural areas. Urban-rural gap Rural high school enrolments fell by 66 percent in the first four years of the Chamorro regime.58 But rural primary enrolments rose in public, private, and publically-subsidized private schools. This focus on rural primary education surpassed even that attained by the Sandinistas in terms of enrolments and numbers of teachers.59 While the aid to rural communities is laudable, some have critiqued the heavy emphasis on primary education, stating that it stunts development of democratic institutions and of the nation's scientific and technical needs.60 According to this argument, the need for governmental support for secondary education is greater in rural areas than in urban, and the exclusion of funds for rural secondary education perpetuates the system of bimodal education. Chamorro's construction of over 1,000 schools was also a heavily rural phenomenon. In 1995, 57.6% of the national population was urban,61 but 77.5% of 494 schools were urban, and in 1996, 92.5% of high school students as well as 87.6% of teachers were found in urban 57 Arrien et al. (1997,20). 58 Coplin (1996, 165) . 59 Ibid, 167. The increases were, however, only marginal. 60 See N.Castillo (1998,343); Arrien et al. (1997); and Watson (1996). For a broader critique of the theory underlying the World Bank's emphasis on primary education, see Bennell (1996) and Lauglo (1996). 61 CELADE (1997, 38). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 areas.62 Table 2.7 (below) of 1997 enrolments in the regions 17 departments shows the severe deficit of rural high schools - notably in the three regions Madriz, Boaco, and Jinotega with zero percent rural secondary enrolments. Table 2.7: Urban-Rural Differentials63 Departments Enrolment/ Enrolment/ Primary Secondary Population Population enrolment enrolment 7-12 yr. 13-18 yrs. % rural % rural Nueva Segovia 1.0 0.3 62 14 .8 Madriz 1.2 0.3 64 0.0 Esteli 1. 3 0.5 46 4 . 1 Chinandega 1.1 0.4 46 4 . 1 Leon 1.2 0.5 49 9.9 Managua 1.2 0.6 18 5.3 Masaya 1.2 0.5 45 20.0 Carazo 1.2 0.5 44 5.6 Granada 1.2 0.4 43 2.7 Rivas 1.2 0.4 64 24.8 Boaco 1.0 0.2 65 0.0 Chontales 1.0 0.3 47 7.6 Jinotega 0.9 0.2 69 0.0 Matagalpa 0.9 0.3 61 2.4 RAAN 1.0 0.3 79 17. 9 RAAS 0.7 0.2 52 13. 1 Rio San Juan 0.8 0.2 82 18 . 4 National Total 1.1 0.3 46 7 . 5 Culture of Education The cultural expectations of universal education, instilled by the Sandinistas, remain evident in both practice and belief. This contrasts with Mozambique, another post-socialist, post-war society being led through structural adjustment by the international lenders.64 For instance, in 1978 there were only 8,735 preschool 62 Arrien et al. (1997,11). They reported that 64% of the population were classified as urban. 63 Source: M.Castillo (1998,73-81), citing Ministry of Education. 64 According to Hanlon (1996,101), Mozambican peasants named as their top priorities a local store and water, then a corn mill, not education. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 children enrolled in Nicaragua. By 1995 that number reached 99,000.65 Parents reflected a strong appreciation for their children's education and struggled to create opportunities consistent with their budget constraints, such as that reported by a rural family in Asedades (A17), "We can't let both (teenage) girls go to school. So, this year, she is studying, and next year, the other one will go." Families try to find ways to provide more education for their children than they have received. A woman with a third grade education (D19) reported, I took one of the girls out of school two years ago... not because the fees went up so much. They were asking for things from school, but our family income went down and we can't buy pencils, notebooks, uniforms. We are thinking about maybe sending her with his grandmother in Zopilote so she can keep going with fifth grade. And another woman from Laurel Galan (C20) contrasted these attitudes with those in Somoza's time: "My grandparents were poor. Before, they didn't send you to school like they do now - even if you are poor, you go." With a greater social emphasis on education, there are adults thirsting for education, but they face these same economic hurdles. A woman from one of the more isolated rural areas in this study (Huispante) related:66 65 Coca Palacios, Leonardo. 1998. Sistema educativo esta en crisis. La Tribuna 11 October. 66 Case 67 from Huispante (D4): "No leo. No le interesaba antes (si uno leia o no).... Con sexto grado, todo el mundo me engaha. Antes todos eramos analfabetas, ahora hay pre-escolar para todos que tienen sus 6 afios. Estoy tratando de organizar una clase de adultos - si hay interes, pero la clase debe ajuntarse a las 6, y a esa hora ya esta oscuro y adonde vamos para una lampara? No hay luz - pero no se puede tener la reunion mas temprano porque la gente estan trabaj ando." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 I don't read. Nobody cared before if you read or not. . . Anybody with a sixth grade education can fool me. Before (the Sandinistas' came), we were all illiterate, but now we have a pre-school for all the kids under six. I am trying to organize a class for adults - and the interest is there, but the class has to meet at six and at that hour it is dark, and where are we going to get a lamp? There isn't any electricity (but we can't meet sooner because everybody has work to do) . This culture of education exhibited by parents does not however translate into national policies. As discussed above, policies in recent years have shrunk back governmental support for practically all education other than primary. During the six years of the Chamorro administration, the drive to return to pre-Sandinista education was successful in many respects. The number of private and religious secondary schools increased from 315 in 1990 to 853 in 19 9 3 . 67 Adult education programs have been cut and overall literacy rates have deteriorated under neoliberalism. (See Table 2.8.) Table 2.8: Illiteracy Rates68 Year National Urban Rural Source(s) 1963 49% 1 1972 46 1 1974 40 18 66 7 1978 39 17 63 7 1979a 54 3 67 Coplin (1996, 135). 68 Illiteracy is usually defined as not knowing how to read or write, among the population greater than ten years old. Sources: l=Arellano (1998,108); 2=Miller (1985); 3=Coplin (1996,191); 4=Black (1981,210); 5=Vargas (1993; 173,177); 6=Arnove (1994,336); 7=Garfield and Williams (1992,85); 8=CIERA (1989b,120); 9=01ivera et al. (1990,44); 10 = La Prensa 16 September 1998; ll=Arrien et al. (1997,29); 12=N. Castillo (1998,336); 13=La Tribuna 6 March 2000; 14=Carnoy and Torres (1990). The latter, along with Amove (1994, 336) explain the difference between their 1981 illiteracy rate and the more commonly reported 13% saying that the latter was based on "the government's decision to subtract from the target population of illiterate adults approximately 130,000 individuals who were considered unteachable or learning impaired." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 Table 2.8: Illiteracy Rates, (cont.) Year National Urban Rural Source(s) 1979b 68 4 1979c 50. 3 24.0 76.0 5 197 9d 40 7 1981a 12. 9 2,3,5, / 1981b 23. 0 6, 14 1985 25 13 40 7 1987 26 7 1988 24 . 6 13 30 8 1987-89 32.0 3 1989 30. 5 9 1990 24 . 9 10 1993 28. 8 16 45 11 1995 35.0 10 1996a 50.0 6 1996b 27. 0 11 1996c 37.0 12 1997 35. 0 13 III. WELFARE EFFECTS OF EDUCATION A. Generational and Geographical Stratification The good news to be gleaned from interviews with these 208 women is that younger women appear to be getting more education than their elders did. Years of education (EDU_YEARS) and AGE were strongly negatively correlated.69 Of 65 subjects with no education, 62 were born before 1974 - that is, only three were born after the time when Sandinista education was available but did not receive that opportunity.70 Despite the increase in education, the increase remains confined to elementary education. That is, only a slim minority of the sample as a whole reaches even the entry level of secondary education. (See Figure I on the next page.) 69 The AGE-EDU_YEARS Pearson's correlation is -.378, with p=.000**, N=192. 70 Of the entire 203 cases for whom education information is available, 178 were born before 1974, and only 25 after. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 Figure I: Levels of Education c <D O <D au While access to education has improved over time, the rural setting remains significantly delayed in terms of years of education.71 Those who live in the most rural areas represent only one-third (35.1%) of the 208 interviewees, but they are one-half of those with zero schooling. (See Figure II on the following page). Significance at p.=.000 was reached in a regression where rural status and age were used to predict a woman's education.72 This involves the fairly heroic assumption that one's rural status has 71 See Appendix I for a description of the distance required to travel to the various areas. The Gamma test-statistic between URBAN and EDU_YEARS is .282, p=.000**, N=203. 72 The linear regression was run stepwise, with P-entry=.10, and P- removal=.15, including a constant; and excluding cases listwise. The variable, H20TIME, used as a proxy for past poverty, was dropped for nonsignificance. The standard error is seen in parenthesis below each coefficient. The original equation was: EDU YEARS = BO + Bl*URBAN + B2*AGE + B3*H2QTIME Education Categories 40 -------------------------------- None Upper primary H.S. grad Lower primary Some h.s. Some technical/grad Education Categories Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 remained constant over one's lifetime. The resulting regression follows: EDU_YEARS = 3.471 + 0.644*URBAN - 8.89e-04*AGE (.424) (.265) (.000) adj R.square = -.221 s.e. = 2.14 Anova F = 12.216, p=.000** Figure II: Urbanity and Education Education Categories Lower primary- upper primary Some h.s. Some technical/grad Level of Urbanization B. Education and Economic Development Education has long been lauded as an efficient tool for development. This philosophy dates several decades to Rostowian modernization - the hypothesis that economy drives development.73 As pointed out by Carlos Torres (1996), these are not idle ideas. Much 73 See for instance Hanlon (1996), citing Adedeji, Adebayo; Green, Reginald and Janha, Abdou. 1995. "Pay, Productivity and Public Service" (Priorities for recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa). Unicef and UNDP, N.Y. Also see Gfeller (1997) and Heward (1999,4). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 public education policy - particularly in adult education - is based on the idea of investment in human capital. Increased education is said to lead to increased understanding of health and nutrition, the demand for technical training, incentives to work (due to higher wages), and ultimately to increased productivity.74 Empirical work supporting the connection between education and development in Nicaragua includes Benjamin Davis's (1997) dissertation work which shows that more educated campesinos have a significantly greater chance of improving their economic status - mainly by shifting out of agriculture.75 The flip side to education as spur to economic development is poverty as a barrier to effective education - both in terms of quality and quantity. Access to education in the age of adjustment is affected both by poverty at the individual level and by institutional deficits.76 The lack of infrastructure provides an obstacle beyond a family's particular finances. One woman recently reported moving her family to a small city to aid her children's education, "There where we were living in Rio Negro, there wasn't any school for the kids. And they had to walk two to three hours, crossing a river to get to school."17 Neoliberal policies have meant new fees attached to education. The decentralization process, whereby schools become "autonomous," 74 Torres (1996,196), citing Blaug (1974) Walser 1980, Torres 1980 and Unsicker 1987. Also see Fine (1995,111); Gallin et al. (1989,7); and Kinnear (1997). 75 Davis, Benjamin. 1997. "Economic reforms and the Determinants of Income among Agricultural Households in Mexico and Nicaragua." Ph.D. diss., University of Berkeley. From DAI, Vol. 59-03A, page 0903. 76 See the essays in Watson (1996) . 77 Case 38 from Teustepe (B18) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 has transferred fiscal responsibility to local committees.70 This allows the government to claim that it charges no primary education fees, despite the widespread practice of charging parents for various educational inputs, including teachers' salaries. Pierre LaRamee and Erica Polakoff reported that as of 1990, schoolkids have had to pay a monthly fee, purchase school uniforms (and shoes), buy their own books and notebooks, and supply their own pencils/crayons.79 Alexandria Cartwright (1993,95) told of report cards being withheld if the 'voluntary teachers' bonus' is not paid by parents. By one account, as many as 35% of all children between the ages of six and nine do not attend school because their families cannot afford the fees.80 Of the women interviewed in 1997, multiple complaints were made about deteriorating education in the post-Sandinista period: "You didn't have to pay for fees. We didn't pay for pencils, notebooks, uniforms, shoes - all that is required now."91 In the context of 60-70 percent combined un- and underemployment, these fees place parents with little disposable income in a situation of double jeopardy. Per capita income was the equivalent of $340 in 1992, but a family with two children in high school and two in grade school would need to pay some $60 per year - over one-sixth of total income.32 The result is withdrawal of children from school: "By one estimate, 4 5 percent of primary school 78 Under the "autonomy" process, the state remains the owner of installations, but the schools are administered by local councils. See M. Castillo (1998) and Gershberg (1999). 79 LaRamee and Polokoff (1997, 169). 80 McCue (1997, 67). 91 Case 161 from Mulukuku (K3) . 82 Coplin (1996, 161) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 age children in the country were failing to attend school due in large part to deficit reduction measures that compelled impoverished parents to purchase many materials required for school attendance."83 Pupil desertion While under the Sandinistas, 20 percent of Nicaraguan school- aged children remained outside the educational system each year, by 1998 this figure had risen to thirty percent. In a study of three of the nation's 17 departments, school desertion was attributed mostly to the need for child labor contributions to familial productive or reproductive labor. Next in importance was the lack of bread to take with them to eat in school, as well as the lack of adequate clothing. Thirdly, the parents reported being unable to provide proper utensils. Fourthly they mentioned the distances necessary to travel to school. The last two reasons cited were poor health (notably dengue and measles) and one raised by a spokesperson for the mayor of Achuapa, that of the lack of credit for small farmers who then lack beans, corn, sesame and wheat as family dietary and monetary input.84 Throughout the country, the dissertation interviewees reported having to take their children out of school after 1990 because of economic reasons: “My sister-in-law had to take her seven kids out of school, since 1990, because she is a widow and doesn't have the money for school."85 In fact, in this town (of 17 interviews), four families (Cases K6, K8, K9, and Kll) had removed schoolchildren during the neoliberal administrations. One woman (K8) said, "Two 83 Jonakin (1997), citing Gonzalez (1996, 12-13). 64 Marenco (1998). 85 Case 164 from Mulukuku (K6). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 years ago my children left school. Everything is more expensive now." The desertion rate among interviewees may be intensifying. In another town with 17 interviews, three families had withdrawn their children in the current year from school. One mother commented, "I took my seven-year old out this year. I took her out so she could watch the baby. I have to work. She doesn't want to do it - she gets bored."86 The granddaughter in one house (M15) lamented, They are going to take me out this year and I have gotten to 11th grade, but it costs 15 cordobas [approximately $1.50] for the exams and besides that we have to pay for the leaflets. I want to study. I hope they find some way to let me keep studying. And in the town of Teotecacinte, with 20 interviews, five families (G2, G8, G10, G12, and G13) had withdrawn school children in the Aleman administration. Even in the capital of Managua, economic drop-out was reported (H4): "Last year, I put them in school - but I just couldn't come up with the fee for the security guard." Families try to give at least a few years education, even if they eventually pull the children out. One woman reflected, My two older children, who got to fourth grade, left because of lack of money. Their dad doesn't have any work and you need to pay for exams, shoes. Last year the professor told me that school is free and I should leave the kids in class, but we have to buy books, uniforms, shoes. This year I do have one in first grade and another in second.87 Often the desertion-to-work survival tactic by families has little strategic advantage. Not only is there the potential loss to national development in an uneducated population, but there may be little direct gain for the family. Witness this story from the small 86 Case 201 from Los Robles (Mil), also M3 and M15. 87 Case 2 from Asedades (A2). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 town of Teotecacinte (G2): My neighbor took her eldest daughter out of school this year. [In answer to the researcher's query, 'But isn't it free?'...] Yes, but you feel bad send ing them that way - without shoes, and you have to pay for books, uniforms, pens... Now she (the daughter) works in tobacco - when she can get (the work) - but they only pay kids a half-salary. In the same town, another mother (G10) commented, "The kids' dad took them out of school to pay for medicine when we were all sick." Her husband and three children work in the tobacco barns - “They pay him 110 pesos [approximately 11 dollars] every two weeks, but they only pay the kids eight cordobas per day [80 cents]." Education and economic outcomes The hypothesized role of education as a catalyst to economic development is upheld with extremely high significance in the variables of wealth and purchasing power (as shown in Table 2.9 on the next page). Years of schooling is strongly associated with better housing conditions (BUILDING, LATRINE, ELECTRIC, FLOOR, WALLS, WATER, ROOF), as well as with some purchases and more general indicators of wealth or poverty.80 Purchases related to schooling include type of cooking fuel (COOK_FUEL), FURNITURE, and clothing for one's children (KID GARB). 98 Appendix Two contains a list of variable definitions. There are eight italicized composite variables which characterize different facets of EMPOWERMENT. Chapter Five elaborates on this empowerment scale. POVERTY is an index with points accumulated for each lowest score on the five variables WATER, LATRINE, ELECTRIC, BLDG_LEVEL and OWN_HOME. [These reflect housing water supply (WATER), sanitary services (LATRINE), electrification (ELECTRIC) , and a composite containing the prior three indicators as well as considerations of flooring, roofing, furniture and housing size (BLDG_LEVEL). OWN_HOME is the self-reported ownership of residence(s).] POVERTY is negatively correlated with EDU_YEARS. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 Table 2.9: Education Effects on Economic Status89 (xVariable=EDU YEARS) Category- Economic Social Patriarchy Economic Social yVariable P S G T L P- N BUILDING .348 .000 201** LATRINE .167 .000 201** COOK FUEL . 142 . 000 203** FURNITURE .072 .030 200* ELECTRIC .326 .000 203** FLOOR .262 .001 201** TIME FUEL -.275 . 004 104** H20 TIME -.213 .006 183** WATER . 184 .009 203** WALLS . 159 . 010 201** GOT LAND -.199 .026 122* ROOF . 163 .026 207* POVERTY -.158 . 026 203* KID GARB . 182 . 027 198* SAVINGS .438 .000 203** RENT TO .238 .000 203** OWN HOME . 151 .000 201** REMIT . 143 .026 202* FAMILY_RANK . 184 .009 188** HAUL WOOD -.243 . 012 142* LAND_WHO . 181 .034 89* NUM COW . 269 . 118 35 HOUSE DENS -. 109 . 123 203 NUM CHICK -.020 .784 196 NUM PIG .016 . 916 51 WORK ROLE .061 .520 189 WORK TYPE -.024 . 623 190 OWN GARB . 116 . 173 200 H20 NOW -.055 .495 196 BUY SMALL . 162 .114 203 T.A. SMZ . 153 . 127 144 DAYCARE . 101 .264 190 BUY LARGE .081 .435 201 SOUP_KITCH .060 .785 190 FUTURE -.203 .051 119 89 P=Pearson's R-square was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordinal variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. The category ''Social" includes the feminist ideology and political opinion variables. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 Greater schooling increases the likelihood of having savings, of renting out capital equipment (RENT_TO), and of owning at least one home (OWN_HOME). Families of better schooled women obtained their land through the more desirable methods (inheritance or purchase, rather than loaned, rented, or through agrarian reform which may not have led to a secure title). More educated women tend to live in families who buy their cooking fuel, and thus spend less time in the search (TIME_FUEL). Similar results are seen in time spent hauling water (H20_TIME). The negative association of HAUL_WOOD - denoting who in the family is responsible for hauling firewood reflects the fact that only the poorest of women haul wood - usually only when they are cast into the position of single head of household. The more education, the more likely one is to report that her family lives better than others in the community (FAMILY_RANK). The more educated women are also those more likely to express optimism about their FUTURE, with significance of p.=.051. Nydia Castillo's work on higher education in Nicaragua showed that the more educated tended to have more opportunities (and initiative?) to earn better incomes abroad. Consistent with this is the positive association between EDU_YEARS and REMIT (an ad hoc variable of reported receipt of remissions). Noteworthy non-statistically significant relations include WORK_TYPE and WORK_ROLE: probably due to widespread employment, women with greater years of schooling are no more likely to be their own or anyone else's boss. Nor are they less likely to be a housewife. The lack of correlation with BUY_SMALL (a composite variable covering cooking ingredients, soaps, and sweets) reflects the trivial nature of these purchases - nearly half the interviewees were empowered in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 this category. The lack of association with the number of cattle (NUM_COW) and pigs (NUM_PIG) reflects the fact that men are generally the owners of these goods. The null association with ownership of fowl (NUM_CHICK) is not as easily explained. Over half the interviewees owned at least one chicken and we would have expected that the more educated had fewer chickens because of their transfer either out of the rural lifestyle or to more lucrative aspects of it - such as ownership of a corner store, or of cattle or pigs. But if unemployment (or other decisions) have kept them in the home, they may be just as likely to have chickens as less educated women whose chief work occurs is home-based. C. Education and Health Some argue that a dedication to improved education is the most fundamental investment for improved health, productivity and natural resource conservation.90 There is a broad body of literature tying enhanced female literacy to improved familial health indicators - such as Infant Mortality Rate (IMR), Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR), fertility rates, and use of contraception.91 Some maintain that the greatest effect of education on familial health indicators such as family planning and infant mortality occurs through increases in secondary education of women.92 However, correlation is not causation, and there are other studies which hypothesize that schooling does not necessarily lead to decreased fertility. Roger 90 For example, a United Nations Fund for Population Activities (1989) review of studies in 46 countries found that raising the number of educated women by one percent was more valuable for a family's health than was raising the number of physicians by one percent [See Kinnear (1997)]. 91 For sources, see Dexter et al. (1998,140), as well as Barrett (1992); Desai and Alva (1998); Sandiford et al. (1991,1995,1997). 92 Gilford (1995); Subbarao and Raney (1995). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 Jeffery and Alaka Basu (1996) question the long-held but under investigated assumption of educational effects on fertility. The assumed logic claims that a different set of social choices face educated women: later marriage, few children, greater influence on family decisions, and hence fewer, healthier children. Their review of a dozen studies in Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka did not support this hypothesis. Rather, in the words of one North Indian woman (p.150), "If you study, you have to make [bread] and if you don't study, you have to make bread." This study largely supports the traditional hypothesized relationship between increased female education with later marriage, increased family planning, and decreased number of children, as well as with decreased child morbidity and mortality. (The exceptions being that no exact information was obtained on child morbidity, and that the hypothesized general increased role of the woman in family decision-making was not demonstrated). Specifically, EDQ_YEARS was strongly correlated with age at first marriage (AGE_MAR) , with fewer offspring (T0TAL_KID), fewer deceased offspring (ANYKID_MORT), and increased usage of contraception (FAM_PLAN) (See Table 2.10 on the next page). Regardless of whether one's child is in the first year (INFANT_MORT), the first five years (CHILD_MORT), or at any time after that (ANYKID_MORT), maternal education is a protective mechanism against their death. The more educated women are the ones who have ever used birth control (FAMPLN_EVER) and who are currently using it (FAMPLAN_NOW). Likewise, increased education was strongly correlated with improved health indicators such as clinic visits (TRAVEL_HLTH) and SICK - an ordinal variable ranging from cholera to no major illness. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 Associations at nearly significant levels were noted between EDCJ_YEARS and greater access to medicines (MEDS) as well as sickness in another family member (FAMSICK1) - all of which supports traditional conceptions of the positive effects on health of greater female education. Table 2.10: Education Effects on Health (xVariable=EDU YEARS) yVariable P S G T L P- N TOTAL KID -.516 . 000 203** ANYKID MORT -.361 . 000 203** CHILD MORT -.353 . 000 186** INFANT MORT -.326 .000 203** AGE MAR .226 .002 186** HEALTH CHAM -.079 . 084 185* TRAVEL HLTH .082 .012 202* SICK . 162 . 028 203* FAM PLAN .258 . 002 184** FAMPLAN NOW .250 .014 184* FAMPLN_EVER .275 .018 184* HEALTH POST -.125 .202 106 HOSP TIME -.097 .267 118 HEALTH SMZ -.077 .366 149 HEALTH FLSN .023 .772 182 PRENATAL -.023 .878 40 MEDS . 118 . 109 197 FAMSICK1 . 125 . 109 188 DECISIONS .062 .707 203 As noted above in the section on economic conditions (and in Table 2.9), increased education was found to be associated with enhanced health-related housing conditions pertaining to running water (WATER), sanitary services (LATRINE), and type of floor (FLOOR). However, no significant relationship was seen between education and improved access to health facilities - specifically increased visits to the local health post (HEALTH_POST) , decreased travel time to hospital (H0SP_TIME), or increased attendance at prenatal clinics (PRENATAL). This may be due to the fact that the latter variables have to do more with national infrastructure while Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 the housing variables are presumably subject to greater personal control. The more educated the woman, the more likely she was to say that health care has deteriorated under Aleman (HEALTH_CHAM), but there was no significant link between education and one's opinion about the status of current health care relative to that under Somoza or the Sandinistas. D. Education and Patriarchy Differential access to schooling Throughout the developing world, patriarchy interferes in female education by decreasing girls' access to schooling. Nelly Stromquist (1996) and Maria Floro (1995) are two among many authors who have focused on the patriarchal barriers to female education in the developing world. They found that the typical gender division of labor starts at an early age. Thus, the expectation of care-taking extends to the older daughters of the family who are called upon to displace their own work and educational activities in order to tend to the younger children's nutritional, educational, and other needs. Gender role expectations have affected girls' schooling throughout Nicaraguan history. In Nicaragua the Somoza regime exhibited traditional machismo in its dominance of men in university preparation. Especially at the rural level women lagged seriously behind men. Among interviewees who were young during the Somoza regime, women often reported prematurely terminating their studies in order to do household reproductive work: "I left after a year in order to help my mother with the younger kids."53 Patriarchal attitudes predominated, as in the tale of a woman from a town near 53 Case 181 from San Juanillo (L6). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 the Honduran border: "My mom thought 'If you are going to school, you'll end up going out earlier with the fellows.'" So this woman did not go to school, and had her first child at age fifteen regardless.54 One of the most dramatic changes from the Somoza years was the overt inclusion of women in the education process (Collinson 1990). By the end of the decade, women constituted 60 percent of teachers and were instrumental in the running of the adult education centers. The gender gap in educational attendance improved under the Sandinistas, and received a boost from the voluntary absence of males from the education system in an effort to avoid the military draft. The 1999 UNDP Human Development Report rated Nicaragua highly in terms of gender parity in years of education among the sexes.55 Nor do these interviews reflect the extreme patriarchy of the Somoza years. Generally, girls and boys both are seen as meriting an education.04 However, although they are not widespread, some gender differences in access to education do exist. Especially in the countryside, many interviewees reported that the boys are dragged out to the fields at a young age - losing education at the primary level, and that girls tend to start married life early, sometimes as young as 13 - forfeiting opportunities for a secondary education. This is consistent with machista philosophies which ultimately identify boys with paid production and girls with household activities. Some 54 Case 128 from Teotecacinte (G17), "Mi mama pensaba, ’Si vas a la escuela, vas mas rapido con los hombres.'" 55 El Nuevo Diario 9 August 1999. For other literature showing Nicaragua's favorable comparison with other nations in terms of a gender literacy gap, see Hahn (1999;86, 333); Jacobson (1991,11); Toussaint (1999,24); and UNDP (1995,4). 04 This is reflected in GENDER_EDU where 80.6 percent of respondents claimed equal access to education among their sons and daughters. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 credit the persistent gender gaps to the lack of an overtly feminist educational curriculum.35 Education and gender consciousness Traditional machista values in textbooks and teachers' values may support a patriarchal system. One way that this occurs is through repeated presentation of men in leadership images, such as politicians, scientists, or bankers contrasted to examples of women as housewives and mothers.06 Conversely, ever since the 1985 Nairobi meeting celebrating the decade of the Woman, much has been said about increasing girls' schooling and the ways that a nation's leaders, and the international donor community, can overcome gender stereotypes in education.87 The highly idealized curriculum changes recommended in 1985 included: the socialization of boys in the responsibilities of shared parenting and household care; a focus on the retention of girls in school; the training of teachers in the elimination of sex stereotypes in curricula; an increase in the number of women's studies programs; as well as efforts to decrease illiteracy and increase vocational training for women. Nevertheless, Elizabeth King and Anne Hill's 1993 study showed that few countries - only 22 of 185 countries - changed their educational policies to enhance women's status. 05 For instance, Stromquist (1995,441) faults sexist education in the case of the former communist nations with high percentages of women in science (traditional male) fields but without any change in reproductive responsibilities or other social inequalities. 06 See Cardenal (1998); N.Castillo (1998); Daun (1997); and Torres and Puiggros (1997). 07 See Carter (1999,57), citing Caldwell (1980), Easterlin (1983), Dasarda et al. (1986) and Levine et al. (1991). Also see the more historically-oriented work by Whisnant (1995,408). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 The Sandinistas did not do much to implement these policies, but they did promote the idea of women as socially active members of society and women entered scientific and technical fields for the first time. And to some extent, non-patriarchal social relations were taught in the schools. One woman from Leon said, "...at school my son learnt from his teacher that housework is shared, (and he cooked one evening)."ea During the Chamorro and Aleman governments, changes in curriculum advocated a return to a more traditional gender ideology. Karen Kampwirth (1998,73) described the new texts: Happy mothers are pictured cooking or scrubbing in their middle-class kitchens; happy fathers are pictured sitting in overstuffed chairs or engaged in paid employment. The texts emphasize the value of legal marriage, the only form of marriage recognized by the UNO (although the 1987 constitution recognizes both common-law and legal marriage), as well as the evils of abortion. Both neoliberal governments resisted sex education for teens in the public educational system, seeing it is an exclusive family issue.89 As a result, although the dominance of female attendance at the university level remained, their presence in non-traditional fields (such as science, medicine, agronomy) began to reverse itself. And patriarchal values persist - especially in the older cohorts - despite Sandinista efforts to implant a new civic ideology and the consequent heavier participation of women in the educational process. According to Maria Brenes, younger women benefitted the most from educational changes.90 That is, the older women's family 08 Quoted in Collinson (1990, 13). 09 Wessel (1991,545); and La Boletina (1999 39:26-28). In contrast, in the CDC's (1993) survey of 7,150 women between 15 and 49 years of age, the vast majority (94%) favored sex education at the high school level. 90 Brenes (1991,233). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 responsibilities, and the patriarchal thinking of both men and women did not leave room for much change. In this study, one 56-year old interviewee said, The girls who are older than ten don't have much interest in their studies. The mother has to go follow them closely to keep an eye on them. While with the male, it is different. It's poverty that forces them to go to work from the age of 15.91 Ideological values among the study participants were not closely associated with years of schooling. For instance, if education played a role in women's conscientization, one would expect those with more schooling to recognize the longer workday of Nicaraguan women relative to men. But RATE_WORK showed no significant relationship with EDU_YEARS. Nor did better educated women tend to report less social isolation (ISOLATION). Neither did education affect reports of changes in family relations due to the Revolution (CHANGE_REV) . One exception to this comes in 4EVER_WIFE. The great majority (82.3 percent) predicted that the traditional division of labor in the household will persist, and only 17.7 percent said that they expected change. However, there was a significant and positive relationship between years of education and 4EVER_WIFE. That is, the few who expect gender norms to shift were those with more education. Education and feminist empowerment As noted previously, schooling is said to have tremendous potential to improve women's lives. The mere fact of being literate has been seen as a spur to women's self-esteem and empowerment.92 However, the relationship between education and feminist empowerment 91 Case 24 from Teustepe (B4). 92 Gfeller (1997) and Kinnear (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 was only weakly present among these cases. This is despite a strong association between EDU_YEARS and the variables EMPOWERED and EMPOWER_PTS. EMPOWERED is a composite variable of eight empowerment categories assessing mobility, family domination, division of labor, political awareness and involvement, as well as wealth and purchasing power. EMPOWER_PTS reflect the sum of total points in the eight categories. Nevertheless, as shown in Table 2.11 (on the next page), the list of empowerment variables with no significant relationship to education is long, including those of family domination (NO_VISIT, NO_WORK, FORCED_MAR, TOOK_ITEM, TOOK_CASH, and DOMINATED) . NO_VISIT reports the prohibition by a family member from visiting one's family outside of town. NO_WORK reflects being prevented from working outside the house. Those who answered positively to FORCED_MAR had been forced by their family to marry their spouse. T00K_ITEM and TOOK_CASH identify women whose family members took either an item such as jewelry or cash without the woman's permission at sometime in the past year. DOMINATED is a composite variable which includes the preceding two and NO_WORK, as well as two others dealing with domestic violence (ABUSE and ABUSE_HIST). Similarly, it was surprising not to see a stronger relationship between education and travel (MOBILITY, MEETINGS, LEFT_T0WN, ISOLATION)93 or economic decisions such as renting out property (LAND_RENT), acquiring capital equipment (BUY_EQUIP), investment in home repairs (REPAIRS), and DECISIONS - a variable composed of the 93 MEETINGS indicates travel for educational, political or social gatherings; LEFT_T0WN indicates travel outside of town, either alone or by oneself. ISOLATION reflects reported statements such as "Yo no salgo" [”I don't go out."] MOBILITY is a composite variable based on MEETINGS, LEFT TOWN, and TRAVEL HEALTH.. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 preceding three plus one denoting the purchase and raising of fowl (CHICKS). In the case of the economic variables, it may be that the current unemployment crisis affecting Nicaraguans dampens some of the liberating effects of education. Table 2.11: Education Effects on Patriarchy (xVariable=EDU YEARS) yVariable P S G T L P- N EMPOWER PTS .195 .005 203* ABUSE HIST -.258 .004 158* 4EVER WIFE . 186 .020 160* EMPOWERED . 137 .034 202* LEFT TOWN .055 .227 202 BUY EQUIP .038 .291 203 GENDER WORK -.032 .443 203 CHILD CARE .028 .508 202 WASH DISH .006 .627 198 HAUL H20 .029 .654 108 SPOUSE ALCO -.174 .052 145 RATE WORK -.107 .209 180 REPAIRS .059 .4 97 203 LEISURE . 027 .712 172 MEN ALCO -.028 .810 107 TOOK CASH . 129 .063 198 MEETINGS .062 . 169 200 DOMINATED . 103 .224 194 ABUSE . 101 .285 186 ISOLATION .094 .358 186 CHANGE REV . 101 .363 172 NO WORK .082 .465 194 MOBILITY . 077 .485 202 LAND RENT .067 .633 203 DECISIONS .062 .707 203 GENDER EDU .073 .717 182 NO VISIT .048 .895 198 TOOK ITEM . 034 . 981 196 FORCED MAR .041 . 981 146 MARRIED .040 . 100 203 Having greater education doesn't tend to give one greater access to the recreation (LEISURE) of visiting others or watching tv, listening to radio (vs. no recreation, or going to church). More importantly, gaining an education did not liberate these women from oppressive household work. As with the Indian woman who said, "If you study, you have to make [bread] and if you don't study, you have Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 to make bread,"94 Nicaraguan women with an education find themselves still facing long hours of child care (CHILD_CARE), washing dishes (WASH_DISH), hauling water (HAUL_H20), and scrubbing clothes clean (LAUNDRY). The composite gender division of labor variable (GENDER_WORK) reflects the persistence of the traditional ways, regardless of educational attainment. The lack of significant correlation between education and having been abused by one's spouse in the past year (ABUSE) supports the idea that domestic violence crosses all socio-economic (and by implication, educational) frontiers. But the relationship is distinct when considering lifetime abuse (ABUSE_HIST). In that case, women with no schooling have a clear disadvantage relative to all other groups (that is, the risk of domestic violence is highest among those with zero schooling). And, despite the common assertion that alcoholism is independent of socioeconomic status, the variable reflecting spousal alcohol abuse (SPOUSE_ALCO), showed a nearly significant (negative) relationship with increased education (p.=.052), suggesting that women with more education either choose to separate from, or not marry, partners who drink heavily. Overall, this data suggest that education may improve women's choices concerning contraception and economic outcomes, but that it does little to change machista practice and ideology. E. Political Awareness and Participation Although the direction of causality may not have been firmly established in the literature, there is a clear association between education and political participation. That is, studies of women who are active in social groups have shown that these women tend to be 99 Jeffery and Basu (1996, 150). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 more educated than their peers.95 A natural corollary is that education increases a woman's political knowledge and awareness. Knowledge of political affairs In general, there was a very strong relationship between education and knowledge of political events and laws. These variables include one's opinion on the advantage of legal marriage (LEGAL_MAR), the ability to name one's congressional representative or deputy in the national assembly (DEPUTY), and having knowledge of structural adjustment (SAP/ESAF) or the domestic violence law passed in 1996 (LAW2 3 0) .96 (See Table 2.12 on the next page) . CONSCIOUS, the composite variable of political awareness, also showed a strong correlation with years of education. The variable, CITY_LIFE, which elicited one's opinion about whether it is preferable to live in the city or countryside, showed the expected negative direction with years of education. That is, the higher the education, the less likely one would be to find satisfying work (and life) in the campo.97 One exception lies in knowledge of the laws which gave titles to those receiving property under the Sandinista land reform (LAND_LAWS). Given that men predominate as landholders, the absence of a significant relationship between women's education and access to land (LAND_ACCESS), or with size and legal status of one's land 95 Vargas, V. (1992, 197). 96 Additional points were included in these variables if the interviewee offered some opinion as to their benefit or harm. In Nicaragua, since 1991, when the IMF began its first SAP program there, adjustment is known by the acronym ESAF. ESAF stands for Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility. This thesis uses the acronyms SAP and SAPs to refer to structural adjustment programs in general, and uses SAP/ESAF for Nicaragua's adjustment. 97 The significance of the association with education, however, did not pass the level of p.=.063. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 (LAND_SIZE, LAND_TITLE), is not surprising. Thus, the economic exclusion of women appears to have a spillover effect on this particular part of their political knowledge. Table 2.12: Education Effects on Political Variables (xVariable=EDU YEARS) yVariable P S G T L P- N LAW230 .206 .000 199** SAP/ESAF .094 .002 201** EDU SMZ -.464 .000 144** INJUST .254 .000 201** CONSCIOUS .200 . 001 203** PARTICIPATE . 147 .020 202* DEPUTY . 149 .026 194* JOIN GROUP .099 .033 203* LEGAL_MAR . 189 .030 183* LAND SIZE .158 .083 122 WAR 9 7 -.072 .053 202 TYPE GROUP .039 .413 203 EDU CHAM .035 . 470 164 CITY LIFE -.173 .063 187 RATE ALEMAN .083 .335 180 EDU FSLN .037 . 628 184 WAR -.024 .754 201 LAND TITLE -.013 . 908 93 VOTE96 . 124 .069 203 LAND LAWS . 126 .082 195 CAMPAIGN . 137 .233 202 SPOUSE GRP . 115 .338 137 LAND ACCESS . 074 .526 203 NO ABUSE .069 .603 202 WHY NO GRP . 074 .254 127 MAYOR . 141 .274 203 Political activism As expected, participation in acts of social protest is highly correlated with years of education. In particular, having acted to protest some injustice (INJUST) as well as the composite political participation variable (PARTICIPATE) and the participation in social organization (JOIN_GROUP) all increase with education. Years of schooling showed a positive correlation with reported voting in the 1996 elections (VOTE96), but the relationship is not significant Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 beyond p.=.069. This was almost as surprising as the fact that 7 6.3 percent of all respondents reported having voted. Similarly, the expected association with EDU_YEARS was seen with CAMPAIGN - having participated in a political campaign at some point in the past. Not surprisingly, only 8.2 percent of the interviewees reported this campaign activity. The expected positive relationship was not seen in the variable of social protest against domestic violence (NO_ABCJSE) suggesting that patriarchal norms are more deeply entrenched than other political ideas. More simply, this may reflect the prioritization of political rather than feminist ideologies under the Sandinistas, the administration which most overtly tried to politicize the populace. That is, those who received education under the Sandinistas were indoctrinated on the importance of public participation, but to a much lesser degree on the need for a revolution in the gender order. While the relation between J0IN_GR0UP and EDU_YEARS was significant - no significance was associated with TYPE_GROUP - the variable indicating type of membership. Of 74 women reporting group membership, 59.2 percent are in a religious group and another 18.3 percent are in traditional female groups pertaining to health or education. The lack of significance in the relationship between EDU_YEARS and FAITH (religious faith) indicates the strength of religiosity among Nicaraguan women, regardless of educational preparation. An examination of Table 2.13 shows that while group membership remains along traditional lines, those with greater education are also those whose membership defies the dominant norms (by participating in political, productive, or trades groups). This table contrasts the cross-tabulation results of EDU YEARS with those Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 belonging to any group, those belonging to non-religious groups, and those whose membership defies traditional gender roles. As expected, the strength of association increases as the traditional modes of social participation are eliminated - i.e. education is associated with breaking away from traditional styles of isolation for women. For those choosing to not participate in social groups, education does not appear to play a decisive factor (WHY_NO_GRP). Table 2.13: Links between EDU_YEARS and Social Participafcion Type of membership Lambda TYPE_GROUP (any) .103 TYPE_GROUP (not religious) .188 TYPE_GROUP (not religious, or hlth/educ) .455 Regime ratings In the comparison of current education with the three preceding regimes, the widest consensus was in the assessment of improvement over the Somozan educational system (See Table 2.14 below). With more education, one is more likely to say that education is better now than during Somoza's time (EDU_SMZ). More than two-thirds of the respondents to this question found that things are better or much better than during Somoza's time. Nevertheless, one-fifth of respondents still reported things being worse than under Somoza. Table 2.14: Comparing Education under Aleman to Prior Regimes (Percent) Regime Better before Same Better now EDU_SMZ 20.9 9.5 69.6 EDU_FLSN 4 7.8 20.1 32.1 EDU_CHAM 20.4 74.3 5.4 No statistically significant relationship was found between years of education and the rating of the Sandinista or Chamorro regimes' educational practices. Nor was there a link between education and the rating one gave to the Aleman regime (RATE_ALEMAN) , p. N .174 72 .359 29 .067 16 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 in contrast to the generally strong effect between political opinion and education. These figures represent the general cohesion of opinion about the Somoza regime and the polarization of opinion concerning the Sandinistas. EDU_FLSN reflects the greatest satisfaction with the educational system - almost half of respondents compared that epoch favorably with the current regime. Given that little time had passed since the onset of the Aleman regime, it is not surprising that the majority of respondents found no change from access to education under President Chamorro. However, within the first year of the Aleman presidency, no interviewee said that things were much better, and 20.4 percent thought things were worse already. Interviews were conducted between one and seven months from Aleman's inauguration, but no significant relationship was noted between relative rating of educational regimes and the date of interview. V. CONCLUSIONS The vicious cycle of poverty rears its ugly head when one examines Nicaragua's educational history. The French phrase, "Plus ca change, plus c'est la meme chose" ["The more things change, the more they stay the same,"] seems an apt comment to stories such as that of the woman whose mother took her out of school at the fourth grade for lack of money during the Somoza regime. Her 14-year old son left school in 1996 (during the Chamorro regime) and the 10-year old daughter left in 1997 (under Aleman's) .90 Rural women's education in the early years of the twentieth century was almost nil. It was not until the socialist decade of the 90 Case 8 6 from San Juan de Oriente (E2) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 78 1980s that significant changes were made. It is generally acknowledged that the Sandinistas expanded both access to service and the culture or expectation of education in the country - although the quality of service they provided is less widely praised. Despite the contra war, the FSLN generally continued to increase enrolments and staff. Accordingly, the women of this study gave the Sandinista regime the highest rating in terms of education, in support of our starting hypothesis. As noted above, it was during the Sandinista epoch that the vast disadvantage to rural populations in terms of access to education began to be reversed. In particular, campesina women were the group whose literacy expanded most impressively with the literacy campaign of 1980. During the Chamorro years, rural educational infrastructure continued to expand for children, while adult education opportunities diminished. But the rural statistics still lag relative to urban populations - at all levels of education, and dramatically so after the primary level. Rural high school-age students' opportunities for education shrank by two-thirds in the first four years of the neoliberal administrations. As a rule, the structural adjustment policies of the 1990s have led to downsizing of most educational programs. The following campesina's account of the evolution of education reflects the national trends: There weren't schools in the time of Somoza. With the Frente there was school for everybody - for kids, for illiterate adults, whoever wanted to study, studied. Now it's just kids. That one [points to her nine-year old] wants to study but I'm going to take her out because it costs too much. They are asking for too much." " Case D20 from Huispante. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 When comparing the prior three regimes to the current Aleman regime, 69 percent of the interviewees rated the current situation favorably relative to the Somoza decades, 74 percent found the situation unchanged in the first year after Chamorro, and 47 percent reported deterioration relative to the Sandinistas. The tale told by one woman from Teustepe (B21) reflects the poverty (and patriarchy) of the Somoza years, the Sandinista war years and the recent economic crisis: [Under Somoza] I didn't go to school. I don't know how to read. What they taught you was how to do housework. [Under the Sandinistas] one of my sons had to spend his months in the military draft. [Last year, under Chamorro] I took the kids out in May - they were always asking for notebooks and other things. The teacher, Leonor, scolded me - but I could not buy the books. In terms of the links between greater campesina education and the effect on familial health, this study supported the hypothesized relationship of education with later marriage, greater contraceptive usage, fewer children, and lower child mortality. Given the additional positive effect of delayed child-bearing on potential extra years of education and economic productivity, family planning can be seen to have both direct and indirect benefits for campesinas. In terms of feminist advancement, education does seem to have a positive effect, as belied in the association with the composite variable EMPOWERED and the sum of empowerment points. In addition, education spawns political awareness and social participation, consistent with standard notions of the empowerment process, but the conversion to feminism is incomplete, as evident in the null association between education and changes in the gender division of labor, or participation in social acts to prevent domestic violence. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 Reflecting the generalized poverty in Nicaragua, women of all levels of education were found to be poor and the national average schooling hovers near four years. Fernando Reimers and Luis Tiburcio's warning about the external efficiency of education looms large and leads to concerns about the losses to labor productivity, access to the labor market and other social ideals or political goals - e.g. citizenship, health, decreased fertility, and environmentally sensitive practices. In the words of researcher Janet Coplin (1996,201), (T)he Sandinistas have demonstrated that a regime that sees the long term value of education can pro mote it with less than adequate financing, in a less than democratic setting, and with a less than stable socio-political environment that one could scarcely describe as modern. The need for education is great. Meanwhile, the Sandinista's simple goal of a desk and chair for each student and universal education to the fourth grade remains unfulfilled. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 CHAPTER THREE: HEALTH CARE DELIVERY UNDER VARIOUS REGIMES I. OVERVIEW The purpose of this chapter is to analyze health care over the last three decades in Nicaragua - especially in regards to rural women. Rural women's health is affected by three factors - by their residence in the capitalist world system, by their rural residence, and by machismo. In this chapter, we concentrate on the effects of the first two factors, with an elaboration of patriarchal health effects in Chapter Four. Health care in the developing world has certain characteristics which are fundamentally distinct from health care in the more developed countries (MDCs). That is, disease prevalence and incidence rates are much more similar among lesser developed countries (LDCs) than between MDCs and LDCs. Women living in the developing world are more likely to be ill with the so-called "poverty diseases" - malnutrition, malaria, measles, tuberculosis, cholera, and acute respiratory diseases.1 For instance, infant mortality constitutes about 60% of all deaths in LDCs, compared to approximately two percent in the MDCs.' Ninety nine percent of maternal mortality occur in the developing world.3 The Third World is also the site of 99% of pneumonia deaths and of one-quarter of global 1 Hahn (1999); Koblinsky et al. (1993); and McCue (1997,10). McCue (1997,57) notes that Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1992) and Lesley Doyal (1981) use the term 'diseases of disorderly development.' 2 Kloos (1994,205). 3 Freedman and Maine (1993,153); World Bank (1993,113). Merchant and Kurz (1993,80) offer the WHO definition of maternal mortality as "the death of a woman who is or has been pregnant during the previous 42 days." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 pesticide use, over one-half of these poisonings, and up to 99% of pesticide deaths.4 Rural women's health is jeopardized due to lack of potable water, electricity, transportation, and to the increased work entailed in the search for water and in some cases, for firewood made ever scarcer because of deforestation. Most infant mortality in Latin America occurs in rural areas, and half of these deaths occur at birth. Up to 80% of Nicaraguan women living in some urban areas give birth in hospitals, but more than 80% of rural women give birth at home.5 Siu (1992,24) noted that rural life expectancy is ten years less than urban. The implication is that rural women's health is worse because they are poorer than their urban counterparts. But poverty and disease rates are not synonymous. Some lay blame on the irrational distribution of resources under a capitalist system. For example, the cost of the first day of the Gulf War alone could have immunized 60 million children.6 Similarly, Vicente Navarro (1981,8) lamented the global inequities in health: "The violence represented by imperialism is clear for all to see. In numbers of preventable deaths, the equivalence of six Hiroshima bombs explode each year, without making a sound, in the world of underdevelopment." Historically, this argument comes from Karl Marx whose treatise Capital exposed the trampling of human rights which occurs with the unbridled pursuit of economic rights. He argued that the unfettered pursuit of profits causes irrational production and distribution of 4 See chapters in Hahn (1999). 5 McCue (1997,20). 6 Phillips and Verhasselt (1994,148). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 resources, regardless of use value or human need.7 According to Marxist analysis, a socialist state will devote a greater share of its resources to collective needs, including health.8 This argument is supported by the data in Table 3.1 where poor socialist nations such as China and Cuba maintain health outcomes comparable to much wealthier countries such as Mexico and the United States. More tellingly, Summerfield's (1994) examination of post-Mao reforms in China revealed deteriorating health coverage, especially in rural areas, when market reforms were attached to their socialist system. Table 3.1: International Health Comparisons9 (Infant Mortality Ratios, Child Mortality Ratios, Life Expectancy, and Per capita Gross National Product) Country IMR CMR Life Expectancy Per capita GNP China 35 43 71 470 Mexico 27 32 70 3470 Cuba 10 9 76 1170 United States 10 9 76 23240 Critics of contemporary (neoliberal) capitalism maintain that an emphasis on state efficiency through budget reductions and the shift of costs to the private sector may contribute an aggravating factor to the deterioration of health.10 And the process may have an exaggerated effect in countries like Nicaragua which lack the 7 Marx (1977). 8 Caporaso and Levine (1992,63); Edwards, Reich, and Weisskopf (1986); Navarro (1976,1981); and Waitzkin (1978,264). 9 Werner and Sanders (1997,75) - citing UNICEF. 1995. State of the World's Children, pp.66-67. CMR is deaths (in 1993) per 1000 children under five years old. IMR is deaths (in 1993) per 1000 children under one year. Life expectancy is expectancy at birth in 1990. And GNP is measured in U.S. 1992 dollars. 10 McMurtry (1997); Mies et al. (1988); and Toussaint (1999). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 infrastructure of more developed nations and where private consumers have more disposable income (i.e. among Nicaragua's upper crust). On the other hand, mainstream (neoclassical/neoliberal) economic theorists place their trust in the economic authority of markets: "Since markets limit power, guarantee individual freedom, and reward people according to their contribution to the welfare of others, markets should be the primary means for organizing cooperative behavior."11 Advocates of free market capitalism see individual profit-seeking as profoundly moral since society as a whole benefits from each individual's search for self-improvement.1 2 For instance, according to von Hayek, families are epiphenomenal to individual's choices and it is sufficient to concentrate on individual preferences.13 With this premise, socialist investments in health are unnecessary. Furthermore, socialist budgets may be harmful to the poor due to their unsustainability - i.e. their insufficient attention to the bottom line.14 The perspective of the World Bank (1994, 16) is that efforts to reduce poverty without disciplining fiscal budgets only make the economy weaker in the long run, whereas there is "... a 1 1 As summarized by Waligorski (1990,7). 12 Such ideas as held by Marshall, Friedman, Von Hayek, and Becker are reviewed in Waligorski (1990). The classical roots of these ideas are noted in Carnoy (1984,27) and in Crane & Amawi (1991,66). 1 3 Hayek's capitalism comes close to the pure model of no state intervention, but even capitalism as practiced in general generates social inequity and upheaval, as documented in Weaver's (1994) history of Central America, where he noted that the capitalist successes of the 1960s and 70s generated a gap between the rich and poor which created significant political and social violence. 1 4 For more on the undisciplined and inefficient state, see Dornbusch and Edwards (1991). For the helpful economic effects of declining public spending, see Kahn (1990,217), as well as Bradshaw and Wahl (1991); Lele (1991); Nelson (1989); and O’Brien (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 strong linkage between growth and poverty reduction." Thus, structural adjustment programs are seen by some as the way to eliminate domestic disruptions to international finance, paving the way to a Pareto-optimal global general equilibrium, whose benefits will trickle down to the poor.1 5 The debate over capitalist and socialist benefits for health is weaved throughout this chapter's review of health care under the last four administrations in Nicaragua. But as with the discussion of education, there is a dominant theme of poverty which has been present throughout the regimes studied here. Lane's 1995 report on hospital conditions is gruesome: Because of funding cuts, hospitals cannot provide sufficient supplies. A patient is diagnosed, then given a list and told to go shopping. Patients must buy everything required for surgery, including sutures, gloves, scalpels, anesthetic and gauze, and their own sheets and bedding. Robert Fox, the Central American representative for Oxfam-Canada said, "Hospitals often lack electricity, there's no air conditioning, there may not be running water.... In the middle of an operation it would not be unusual for the lights to go out." Patients often wait up to two or three months for surgery and then usually have to share a bed. Similar reports of insufficient and unaffordable health care arose from my interviews, including this 50-year old woman from Los Robles:16 15 See Dasgupta (1998); Emeagwali et al. (1995); Onyeiwu et al. (1997); Pastor (1987); Tello and Tyler (1997); Walton and Ragin (1990,876); World Bank (1993,1994); and Zukevas (1997). 16 M5: "Antes habia solo remedios caseros. Ahora no tenemos para medicinas, pero alii hay... En plena guerra no faltaba la comida - aceite, carne, y no lo digo porque amo a esa gente (el FSLN]... [Con Chamorro] se puso mas trabajosa - solo con receta [que] daban en Jinotega." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 Before [under Somoza] there were only home remedies. Now we can't afford medicines, but they exist.... In the middle of the war, food was plentiful - oil, meat, and I don't say it because I love those people [the Sandinistas]... [With Chamorro] it became more difficult - [the only thing they gave was] a pres cription that you have to get filled in Jinotega [an hour away]. Overall, the analysis of these issues points to the hardship for most Nicaraguans, reaching tragic proportions for many. Questions addressed include the following: How did changing politico—economic systems affect the health of rural women? How do the women themselves rate the regimes in terms of health care? How does type of work, e.g. fieldwork vs. housework, affect one's health? II. SOMOZA PERIOD Health care under Somoza was severely underdeveloped - even compared to Central American neighbors.17 As with the educational system, health policy decisions at most levels needed executive approval prior to change or implementation. There were 23 different agencies, most importantly the INSS (Social Security Institute), the Ministry of Public Health (MPS) and the National Hospital System. The first received half the budget but served only 8.4 percent of the population. Some authors suggest that the competing health systems satisfied Somoza's desire to maintain vertical control of a system of political patronage.16 And in fact, in his discussion of Somoza's National Guard's control of the economy, Crawley (1979,96) noted that it ran the national health service. The only service to the poor was through the MPS, which received a mere 16 percent of the health budget (Donahue 1986). 17 Barrett (1992); Bossert (1985); Donahue (1986); Garfield and Williams (1992); and McCue (1997). 18 Donahue (1986, 13); and Stolp (1987, 130). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 Almost all the hospitals were private. The pharmaceutical industry was monopolized, with the Somoza clan owning SOLKA, the country's second largest provider. In 1974, the series of diphtheria, polio, and tetanus (DPT) injections covered less than six of every 100 children under four years of age. Donahue (1986) noted that from 1951 to 1978 Nicaraguans suffered polio outbreaks every other year or so. Polio, along with tetanus, killed and maimed many children during this period of low immunization. Navarro (1981), Barrett (1992), and others noted that the majority of Nicaraguans experienced a highly skewed distribution of health resources under Somoza, reflecting the more general maldistribution of economic resources. While real per capita income increased during the 1960s and 1970s in Nicaragua, so did the disparity between rich and poor. Life expectancy and mortality rates were among the worst in the Central American region.19 (See Appendix III). Yet life expectancy among the rich in the 1970s was nearly as high as in the U.S. and other MDCs.20 A study by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in 1975 concluded that the nutritional status of the population had worsened in the prior decade.’1 According to CIERA (1989b), the greatest problem for rural women under Somoza was malnutrition. Bossert (1985,350) noted that up to two-thirds of children under age five had some degree of malnutrition. In the countryside, only 20 percent of services were by traditional healers such as nurses or doctors (Donahue 1986,10). 19 Barrett (1992,104); Donahue (1986); and Garfield and Williams (1992) . 20 Garfield and Williams (1992,201). 21 Barrett (1992, 106). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88 Malaria control was the only rural health program prior to 1979 and it was funded primarily by international donors (providing pesticides). Eduardo Crawley (1979,138) doubtlessly referred to rural parts of Nicaragua when he wrote that, "Health care was almost non-existent in many parts of the country." The widespread despair produced by the paucity of peasant health care is expressed by a physician sent to a remote area by the Sandinistas, (W)hat made the biggest impression on me was the serenity with which the campesinos accepted the deaths of their children. Even the most destitute parents in Managua would cry if their child died. The campesinos didn't. Their faces showed stony acceptance. Their lives had never been anything more than misery, anyhow. It took the revolution to open their eyes to other possibilities.22 Among my interviews, many women reported that there were so few services during the Somoza years that their families did not even bother going to the health center. Typical comments included: "There was no clinic when my three children died," or "They did not vaccinate anybody," or “The health of the campesino was always ignored," or "There was treatment for those who had the dough."23 One 42-year old woman in San Juan de Oriente told how her mother had given birth to seven children, six of whom died. Her mother explained, "There wasn't anywhere to go for health care in the 1950s, just a curandero."24 Many others commented that they did not use 22 Garfield and Williams (1992,5). 23 E9: "No habia clinica cuando murieron mis tres hijos." D15: "No vacunaban nada." E17: "Siempre fue abandonada la salud del campesino." F6: "Habia tratamiento para los que tenian riales." These interviewees were from San Juan de Oriente (E9, E17), Huispante (D15), and San Carlos (F6). 24 E2: "No habia centro mas o menos en los anos 1950’s, sino habia curandero." The word curandero is left untranslated due to the fact that the closest equivalent, "witch doctor" implies quackery. As noted by Curto de Casas (1994), quackery involves a narrower range of (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 family planning because it simply was net available to anyone: "No habia." Besides dealing with their poverty, in the last years of the Somoza regime, Nicaraguans faced the praetorian National Guard and the war activities of the popular Insurrection. In the period of the State of Siege - from 1974 to 1977 - there were massive killings of campesinos and brutal repression by the National Guard in the cities.25 Bombing and artillery raids by the Guard destroyed four of the country's public hospitals and damaged five others.26 The cost of the Insurrection was tremendous: 35,000 dead, 110,000 wounded, 40,000 orphans, and 150,000 who had fled their homes. III. THE SANDINISTA PERIOD The FSLN's health activities were an integral part of their efforts to overthrow Somoza. Prior to 1979, they organized first aid classes in the barrios.21 From the beginning of their rise to power in July 1979, the Frente strongly favored universal health care. On August 31 of 1979, health was proclaimed to be a right of the entire population. 2A ( . . . continued) skills and knowledge than that held among these indigenous health promoters. 25 The Somoza brutality is documented in Black (1981,178); Christian (1985:33,117); Collins (1985,26); Crawley (1979:92,141-43,153,165); Diederich (1981:124,141,195-210); Elman (1981,88); Everett (1986:10,33,142); Hodges (1986); Lancaster (1992:70,147); Millett (1977:11,162); Murguialday (1990); and Sola and Trayner (1988:38- 41,126-137). See Meiselas (1981) for haunting photos of body-dumping grounds and of houses splintered by 500-pound bombs. 26 Garfield and Williams (1992,17). 27 Murguialday (1990,48). "Barrio" literally means "neighborhood," but especially when accompanied by the adjective "popular," it is used to denote poor urban areas. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 90 Already in early August 1979 the Sandinistas had begun the overhaul of health administration, establishing a unified health system (SNUS) by dividing INSS into MINSA and INSSBI. In contrast to the prior decades when no specific attention was paid to rural women, three groups working to improve conditions for the campesina after the Triumph were the health ministry (MINSA), the social security institute (INSSBI), and the agrarian reform ministry (MIDINRA). Stolp (1987) identified three major aspects to the Sandinistas' restructuring of health care: 1) centralization and rationalization of the twenty-three autonomous institutions of Somozan health care; 2) 'popular health councils' allowing for grassroots participation and 3) a series of popular health campaigns against polio, dengue, malaria, and unsanitary living conditions. A. Increased Health Infrastructure Ample literature can be found marking the dramatic improvements in health care.20 The number of health posts and centers tripled in the first two years of the revolution, and was a mostly rural phenomenon.29 According to Donahue (1986,43), the areas experiencing the increase were those most needy - Segovias, Atlantic Coast, Chontales, and Esteli, while Managua's share of health visits dropped from 64% to 38% of the total between 1977 and 1982. The greatest increase in hospital beds also occurred in the most under-served regions. Garfield and Williams (1992,100) asserted that, "Almost all communities of more than 5,000 residents in Nicaragua now have a health center or health post." 28 See Barrett (1992); Bossert (1985); CIERA (1989b); Donahue (1986); FLACSO (1997); McCue (1997); Sandiford et al. (1991); Vargas (1993); and Woznica (1986). 29 Murguialday (1990,87); Perez-Aleman (1990a). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 The Sandinistas increased investments in health at a time when the rest of the world was reversing that trend. Jacobson reported, "Real per-capita spending on health care fell in three-fourths of the nations of Africa and Latin America between 1980 and 1990. "30 The bittersweet improvements in health in a time of war are reflected in the analysis of a 37-year old recently transplanted campesina in San Carlos: "In the days of the military, as they say around here, there was more emphasis on [providing] medicines."31 Some of my interviewees simply raved about health care under the Sandinistas, such as a 68-year old teacher in Managua (H9): They took care of everything. We did not have to buy medicine. There was an embargo, but the Frente assured that no one died of hunger. The United States was against the Frente [but] nobody went hungry.... We suffered due to the war...[but] we did not have to pay [for health care] and that money could be used to buy food. B. Attention to the Poor In their first year, the Frente implemented widespread popular education aimed at immunization, sanitation, nutrition, and diarrheal diseases. They utilized socio-drama, role play, puppetry, and participatory theater. Using the same multiplier techniques employed in the literacy campaign, up to ten percent of the population was involved in health campaigns.32 30 Jacobson (1992,7), citing Barroso (1991) and Moser (1991). 31 F2: "En el tiempo del ejercito como lo dicen aqui, habia mejor atencion en los medicamentos." 32 Donahue (1986,105) described the multiplier strategy: ten National Health educators trained 12 Departmental counterparts who trained ten county-level Educators each for a total of 1200. These trained 20 "health brigadistas" each or 24,000 in all. Also see LaRamee and Polakoff (1997,166) and Olivera et al. (1990,47). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 Dramatic drops in diseases such as polio, measles, tetanus, pertussis, and diphtheria were all observed. (Also see Appendix Six: Vaccine Coverage.) Deaths from vaccine-preventible diseases dropped from 21 per 10,000 in 1975 to three per 10,000 in 1986. 33 By 1982, polio was effectively eliminated in Nicaragua, whooping cough cases had decreased by 97 percent, and measles by 95 percent.34 Child morbidity from infectious diseases decreased from 83 per 1000 in 1976 to 42 in 1989 . 35 Barrett (1992, 124) noted that the 90 percent vaccination coverage to the nation's children and the provision of malaria prophylaxis to 70% of the population were world records, like the 1980 Nicaraguan statistics in literacy. Barrett concluded (on p.128) that, "The Nicaraguan example reflects one of the most rapid decreases in immune-preventible illness in world history." Besides vaccination campaigns, there were popular health days [jornadas populares de salud] which worked on environmental and sanitation issues. The CDSs - neighborhood block committees - as well as a wide variety of grassroots organizations - worked with MINSA to organize public participation in health issues.3 6 Nutrition programs, integral to the hundreds of soup kitchens and childcare centers constructed in the 1980s, rapidly expanded, touching over 100, 000 children per year by 1981.31 The social service required of health care workers who received free education from the Sandinistas served as a social consciousness raiser, in the same way 33 Turner (1991). 34 Siu (1992, 24 ) . 35 FIDEG (1991a, 105) . 36 Bossert (1985); McCue (1997). 37 Bossert (1985, 353). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 that the national literacy campaign had. One physician (Leonel Arguello) sent to a remote part of the Atlantic Coast for 12 months said,38 I come from a family with a social conscience, who supported the Revolution. But until I worked in a really isolated area I didn't understand what the Revolution meant. I worked among people who had never heard of a doctor, had never tasted sugar, and had never seen ice. Prevost (1997,13) noted that only about 15% of the population received any health care under Somoza, but others report that nearly 70% of the population received health care for free under the FSLN.39 One 4 6-year old woman in San Juan de Oriente, reported that, There was a clinic provided by the Yankees, but from the age of 18 [in 1969], I would have fainting spells - and people would rob me. We were poor and my mom could not bring me in for treatment. When the Sandinistas came, they hospitalized me and gave me a pacemaker. They gave more medicines.''0 Sometimes the improvements in health access were (and are) a combination of proliferating services and of migration to more urban areas. Within thirty minutes of the city of San Carlos, Laurel Galan is a community of war refugees from isolated mountainous parts of Chontales and the southern Atlantic region known as the RAAS. For many of these migrants, access to health care improved greatly during the Sandinista administration. One woman in her 50s attested: "[Under Somoza] it would take us an hour to get from our neighborhood 38 Garfield and Williams (1992,5). 39 Cartwright (1993,93); Murguialday (1990,87). 40 E5: "Habia una clinica de los yanquis, pero desde la edad de 18 [en 1969] me caia - y la gente me robaba. firamos pobres y mi mama no pudo llevarme para curarme. Cuando vinieron los Sandinistas, me pusieron en el hospital y me dieron un marcapaso. Daban mas medicamento." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 to the hospital."41 Another 24-year old (C8) noted that in the 1970s, "It would mean a three-day trip for us to visit the doctor when we lived in Consuelo." But if these people had migrated to Laurel Galan before the Sandinistas invested in health care, road construction, piped water, and other projects, then the mere move to an area closer to the city would not have improved access, as related in a 40-year old native's tale of her youth: "Before the road was pure mud, up to thigh high, and a sick child had to be carried on one's back to get to the doctor. "42 C. Limits to the Gains in Health Garfield and Williams (1992,239) noted that health indicators continued to improve in Nicaragua throughout the Sandinista tenure in power, despite a deterioration in income. Nevertheless, they and others offer several criticisms. For one thing, despite a decrease in the urban-rural gap, the Nicaraguan health care system maintained its urban bias.43 Another area where the Sandinistas have received various critiques is the lack of emphasis on family planning. This will be discussed further in Chapter Four, but here brief note is made that feminists have bemoaned the lack of an organized, unified campaign about sex education and contraception.44 Other complaints revolved 41 C3: ” Saliamos al hospital una hora de la colonia." 42 CIO: "Antes era el camino puro lodo [hasta los muslos] y era a tuto con un chavalo enfermo para llegar al doctor." 43 Bossert (1985,73-74) and Garfield and Williams (1992,100). A decade later, Fiedler (1999) would document the same inequitable access. 44 Benjamin (1989, 100); Criquillon et al. (1985); FIDEG (1991a); Garfield and Williams (1992); and Wessel (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 around the struggle for the legalization of abortion. These efforts died early due to opposition in the government, including in the FSLN leadership. The largest constraint on advancements in health came from the contra war. In addition to the military build-up, Nicaragua was faced with an embargo by the United States. The embargo was erroneously blamed for shortages of essential drugs, medical supplies, and surgical eguipment, but it was only rarely the case. Medical and relief supplies were exempted from the embargo.45 However, the lack of foreign exchange did impact the lack of supplies. Garfield and Williams estimated that each dollar of value destroyed by the contras represented three dollars in lost funds for development. Medical personnel had to make do with limited paper and laboratory equipment. Even worse, "In Puerto Cabezas, Dr. Kevin Cahill reported a 'bizarre conversation with a German-born surgeon who firmly refused to '... operate any more without anesthesia: they move too much, I just can't do it.'"46 The effects of the war on health include direct targeting of health workers and clinics; redirected budget investments; increased morbidity and mortality rates, and high civilian casualty rates.47 Donahue (1986) suggested that the war caused more deaths than 45 Garfield and Williams (1992,79). However, the authors added (on p.186) that, "The embargo strongly affected equipment repair and access. It was estimated that up to 70% of the medical equipment originated in the United States. The four hospitals in the north of the country had to share surgical equipment, since there was usually only enough for two hospitals." 46 Idem. 47 Bossert (1985); Brody (1985); and Linsenmeyer (1989). Barrett (1992) pointed out that both Amnesty International (1986) and America's Watch investigations exculpated the Nicaraguan government of violations of neutrality while finding the contras to be guilty of persistent and widespread abuses. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 occurred from polio, tetanus, and measles under Somoza. Garfield (1989) noted that the cost over the years 1981-87 was nearly equal to two years of the entire health budget but that the Sandinista commitment to health remained strong. However, especially after 1987, MINSA's budget declined. The number of health sites increased from 172 in 1978 to 532 in 1983 (CIERA 1989b). But during the next seven years there was only a five percent a further increase to 559 sites (Perez-Aleman 1990a). By the end of 1985, almost ten percent of Nicaraguans (and some 25 percent in war zones) had lost access to health services because of the war. This included the health center in Cerro Colorado in Region VI, blown up for the fourth time by contra troops on 21 October 1987. The contras warned the residents, "As often as you rebuild this clinic, we will return to destroy it." It was not rebuilt.49 Given their status as particular targets of the contra army, the bravery of many health workers is daunting. One such example is Nestor Castilblanco, a health brigadista in Region VI. Garfield and Williams (1992,71) related his abduction from home in 1986: He had already been kidnaped by contras three times before, and was warned each time not to take part in vaccination campaigns. This time they took him and three other male relatives. As his wife tried to follow, he yelled back: 'I'm a dead man.' The next morning a search party found all four bodies, their eyes gouged out and testicles cut off. The psychological costs to the war are immeasurable and doubtlessly long-term. And the contra war was the second war in two decades. For example, Black (1981,131) describes being in Chinandega 48 Garfield and Williams (1992:69,85). Upon their return to Nicaragua after the war, the contra's own war-related health losses were revealed: " rampant skin diseases, tuberculosis, leishmaniasis, as well as the ever-present malaria." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 in 1978, "People are traumatised... You could see dogs gnawing at decomposing bodies in the streets; mass burials in the streets and courtyards; burning corpses in the streets." By the end of the Sandinista decade, an assessment team by CARE found that 40,000 to 50,000 Nicaraguan children exhibited signs of psychological trauma.49 One Nicaraguan doctor summarized the cost of war: It is so easy to forget the attrition factor when war is looked at from a distance. Every time the electricity went out, every time an extra shift of guard duty had to be done, every additional queue that wasted time, sapping people's energy and morale, made them less able to rebuild the country. For the civilians, it was the sense of impotence, of waiting to see where the contras would strike next, that was so demoralizing.50 Most striking among my interviewees were those who blamed the Sandinistas for lost family members, yet praised health care under their regime. For instance, A 75-year old in Mulukuku noted that in the Somoza years, "A person who was going to get sick was (just) going to die." She reluctantly praised the Sandinista health care, saying that they "... killed my 27 year old son, but people are not going to say that there are more services now."51 Her words imply that even anti-Sandinistas are forced to recognize the deterioration in health services under subsequent regimes. XV. THE NEOLIBERAL YEARS Grouped together due to their similarities in philosophy and practice, the administrations of Presidents Chamorro and Aleman are dominated by their reliance on structural adjustment policies. The 49 Garfield and Williams (1992,78). 50 Idem, citing Dr. Antonio Dajer. 51 K1: "En ese tiempo, el que se iba a enfermar, iba a morir.... Me mataron a mi hijo de 27 aflos, pero no va a decir la gente que hay mas servicios ahora." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 ideology behind neoliberal policies is that people will pay for what is important to them and that it is thus paternalistic for the state to intervene in decisions about (health) services.52 However, it may be that reduction of services by the state limits health care to the wealthy.53 Criticism of structural adjustment programs (SAPs) includes Turshen's (1994,88) remark that the World Bank recommends a two-tiered system with "good care for those who can afford it." As mentioned previously, the last two years of Sandinista policies involved cuts in the public sector and devaluation of the currency, two mainstays of structural adjustment policies. In turn, it has been argued that adjustment began in the first year of the Chamorro regime which eradicated state subsidies to workers and transportation, tightened credit, decentralized public services, and began privatization. But official affiliation with the international financial institutions (IFIs) did not occur until March of 1991 when the first IMF loan came through, one day after Nicaragua dropped its charges (in the international court at the Hague) against the U.S. (regarding mining the harbors and other illegal contra-based activities) .54 The neoliberal philosophy was transformed into practice with a decentralization of health services, shifting many of MINSA functions to local health agencies known as SILAIS. More than 23,000 workers took advantage of the occupational conversion plan (OCP) enticing public sector workers to retire in 1991 . 55 This depleted nursing and 52 Fiedler (1999); Tello and Tyler (1997). 53 Kolko (1999,56); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994:4,24). 54 Cartwright (1993, 60). 55 Stahler-Sholk (1997,89); Babb (1996). This plan offered a one- (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 physician ranks by one-quarter, including the loss of more than 500 doctors who had been working in isolated areas.56 Lane (1995) and Prevost (1997,26) noted that funding for health care dropped by more than 40% in the first five years of neoliberal rule. Table 3.2 (below) shows the dramatic decline in per capita public spending. Table 3.2: State Expend!tuxes on Health Care57 Administration Somoza Sandinista Chamorro Year Per capi 1975 18 1978 11 1980-83 40 1984 64 1986 65 1988 58 1990a 45 1990b 36 1991 18 1992a 16 1992b 26 1992c 11 1993 14 1995-96 15 And Table 3.3 (on the next page) shows that health spending as a percentage of the budget was higher in the Sandinista years compared to Somoza's epoch.50 Table 3.3's seemingly large share of neoliberal 55 ( . . . continued) time severance pay up to $2,000 to those who would voluntarily leave their jobs and promise not to seek public sector employment for at least five years. According to O'Kane (1995, 190), up to 70,000 workers lost their jobs in the first two years of Chamorro's rule. Later, O'Shaughnessy and Dodson (1999) observed that the OCP benefits were not provided at the levels promised. 56 O' Kane (1995, 201) . 57 Sources: Cartwright (1993,93) [for 1978,1986,1992c]; Kruckwitt (1993:7) [for 1984,1990a,1991,1993]; McCue (1997) [for 1992a]; and Observador Economico 62 (February) 1997 [for 1990b, 1992b, 1995-6]. 58 Sources for Table 3.3: Percent GDP to health from CEPAL (1997,58). Budget expenditures from: Espinoza (1987); Echenique and Gomariz (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 budgets to health can be explained by the declining overall size of the budget. Table 3.3: Spending as a Percentage of Budget Administration Somoza Sandinista Year % on Health % on Health & Education 1975 5.1 — 1980 15.9 38.9 1981 14 .7 34 .7 1982 13.1 31.8 1983 8.3 21. 9 1984 7 . 4 22.5 1985 8.5 21.0 1986a 7.5 21.0 1986b 10.7 — 1986c 14 .0 — 1987 10.4 23. 9 1988 9.2 24 .0 1989 13.1 1990 15. 6 ____ 1991 15. 5 — 1995 — 18 .0 1996 9.0 — Chamorro A. Literature Review: Health Effects of SAPs The effects of structural adjustment on health have been widely discussed in the literature. The pioneer analysis in this field arose in the notable study of Cornia, Jolly, and Stewart (1988), who found adjustment programs to be associated with deteriorating health of women and children in the Third World.59 Other findings follow: Declining services have been widely documented in the wake of SAPs.60 Lewis and Kieffer (1994,135) claim that post- 58 (. . . continued) (1997) [for 1986b]; McCue (1997,51) [for 1986c]. 59 Feldman (1992) criticizes these authors for eliding the differences between aiding the vulnerable and identifying the causes of their vulnerability. Also see Cornia and Sipos (1991) and Thompson (1993). 60 Elson (1992); Koblinsky et al. (1993,222); Loewenson (1993); Jacobson (1993); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994); and Sparr (1994). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 adjustment, women replace many health care services with home- based childcare, natural remedies, and nursing care in the home. • The implementation of fees discourages consumers. This process may be stronger in urban areas where clients suffer both diseases of underdevelopment (infectious diseases and high child mortality) and of modernization (industrial diseases, accidents, and neoplasms).61 Fees have been found to reduce hospital admissions, the use of clinics, the number of clinics, and the compliance of patients who are prescribed medicines which they can no longer afford.62 Medicines become unaffordable.63 Rosen (1994,26) reported that one of the effects of SAPs in Venezuela was to raise the average price of medicines by 513% from 1989 to 1991. • Nutrition deteriorates. Studies in the developing world have shown that money spent on medicines instead of food has exacerbated malnutrition and child morbidity.64 Werner and Sanders (1997,94) stress that, "Just because poor families are willing to pay for costly medicines does not mean they can afford these purchases." • Infectious diseases increase, especially in rural areas. Phillips and Verhasselt noted the loss of malaria eradication 61 Cornia et al. (1987,1991); Joekes (1988,22); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994,9); and Renfrew (1992,14). 62 Asthana (1994,60); Elson (1991); Fiedler (1999,1173); Jacobson (1993,24); Koblinsky et al. (1993,220); Mclvor (1993); and Renfrew (1992, 9) . 63 Loewenson (1993); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994); and Renfrew (1992). 64 Cornia and Sipos (1991); Emeagwali et al. (1995); Koblinsky et al. (1993); Loewenson (1993,717); Renfrew (1992); and Toussaint (1999). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 102 programs in rural zones. Epidemics related to the decrease in immunizations and to the deteriorating water and sewage services have been reported by Loewenson (1993,721) and Petras and Vieux (1992,613). The maternal mortality ratio has increased. Zimbabwe's MMR doubled in two years of a structural adjustment program which cut healthcare spending by 33 percent.65 Similar rises are seen in the infant mortality ratio. Documentation of this has been seen in Nigeria, in 19 Latin American adjusting countries, and in Mali where the IMR rose by 26.5 percent.66 • SAPs induce emotional distress and psychosocial problems.67 Elson correlated adjustment programs with increased incidence of gang activity and drug abuse.60 Nevertheless, the World Bank has argued that, "Since health is helped by economic recovery and faster long-term growth, adjustment lending, by facilitating economic progress, benefits health in the long run."69 But as the previous list reveals, even if the long-term benefits do occur, serious problems have arisen in the more immediate and medium- term stages. 65 Toussaint (1999:24,157) citing UNDP (1995,44). 66 Idem., on Mali; Elabor-Idemudia (1994,152) on Nigeria; and Asthana on Latin America(1994). Also see Onyeiwu et al. (1997). 67 Loewenson (1993,724); and Paltiel (1993,197)- citing Moser (1989). 60 Elson (1991,180) - citing Moser's 1989 study in Ecuador. 69 World Bank (1993,45). The IMF and/or World Bank emphasis on SAPs' short-term losses with long-term gains of is also discussed in Bradshaw and Wahl (1991); Kahn (1990:217); McMahon (1991); Nelson (1990); and O'Brien (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 103 B. Health effects of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua Most if not all of these effects have been seen in the Nicaraguan case. As detailed in the following pages, there have been reports of deteriorating services, access to medicines, nutrition, as well as infectious disease rates. In addition, Lopez (1994) and Acevedo (1995) examined the psychosocial sequelae of unemployment, finding the dominant symptom to be depression. Other studies in Nicaragua have shown that "psychosomatic illnesses like stress as well as feelings of guilt and anguish over not being able to give their children a decent life are frequent among women affected by unemployment or under-employment."70 Declining services and discouraged consumers Curtis (1998) found that adjustment programs are undoing many of the gains in health obtained during the 1980s, especially the equalization of access to services.71 Between 1990 and 1993 health personnel decreased by 21.12% - putting a “vast strain" on the health system.72 By the mid-1990s, rural clinics, especially those in the remote areas, tended to be open only about two to three days per month. According to Dr. Ned Smith, MINSA (the Health Ministry)'s representative for the RAAN (North Atlantic Autonomous Region), "That's how long the allotment of medicines and supplies lasts after the Health Ministry (MINSA) makes its monthly delivery." More generally, services previously provided for free, such as health consults and medicines, now entail fees.73 Florence Babb 70 Nord (1994, 13) . 71 Also see Belmar et al. (1990, 6). 72 Vargas (1993, 197). 73 Fiedler (1999,1173); Spalding (1992,16); and Werner and Sanders (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 104 (1996,44) found that reduced public services meant increased work for women in three ways - a) through longer shopping hours, b) decreased use of paid transportation - i.e. walking, and c) caring for sick at home. Recent non-governmental reports have indicated a strong decrease in demand for medical services due to rising costs.74 The constrained consumer choices of a peasant family were revealed-by a 36-year old mother of nine discussing her use of health services: "I take the kids to the clinic when I can afford it." Her budget barely allows for the five cordoba [50 cent] charge for an adult exam, or even for the one cordoba [10 cent] pediatric examination.7 5 Cartwright attested that urban communities are hit through lost subsidies, social services, and increased prices. This is revealed in the contrast between two of my interviewees in Teustepe (a semi- urban town). A 35-year old mother of one son (B22) commented on recently improved services in Teustepe: "Before we would go to Boaco, but there is a pediatrician here now." This woman was an outlier because of her 17 years of education, her wealthy home, as well as her praise for increased health services in recent years. For others who relied upon state-subsidized busing in the 1980s, SAP/ESAF-related increases in transportation costs provide a significant barrier to health care. In the same town, a 50-year old mother of nine children, three of whom had died (B20), was living in a house whose walls were part bamboo, part plastic. Unlike her neighbor, her access to health care had decreased in the 1990s 73 ( . . . continued) (1997, 103) . 74 Observador Economico 62 (February) 1997:35. 75 K12: "Traigo los chavalos a la clinica cuando hay los riales.... [Cobran] cinco cordobas para la consulta, y un cordoba para los ninos." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 because, "It costs 12 pesos [approximately $1.20] round trip to go to the doctor in Boaco." While anecdotal, this data supports the notion that neoliberalism works only for those wealthy enough to substitute state services from their own pocket. McCue (1997) reports that there were more than 800 health sites existing in 1996 (which meant a 43 percent increase over that reported by Perez-Aleman for 1990a), but that the quality of services offered within the sites has deteriorated, especially in regards to medicines. In the case of public health facilities, the inability of salaries to keep up with the cost of living spurred numerous strikes and absenteeism. Physicians receiving a salary from the state spend an equal amount of time or more in their private clinics. A 30-year old farmworker (G13) observed, "We go to the center when it is open - but it is almost always closed. It is only open on Mondays. And the doctor came more before. He almost never comes now." This parallels the case of education where the number of buildings increased, but where fees and declining parental income combine to decrease educational attendance. And access to health services is influenced by changes in health personnel attitudes. The explicit return to class divisions in health is reflected in a document published by a group of UNO Doctors calling for change in 1990: The field of medicine has been deformed and is no longer attractive. The son of a worker or campesino should not be forced to study medicine to change the class basis of the doctors.... The university has always been for the middle class.76 Garfield and Williams point to that letter as evidence that 76 The "Letter from Leon," cited by Garfield and Williams (1992,221). They also noted (on p.109) that there were 120 poor barrio doctors in 1989, a number which had dropped to 90 two years later. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 physicians returned to an elitist attitude which makes them less likely to donate their services to the poor. This contrasts with the ethic of charity which was part of health care worker training under the socialist regime. A number of women interviewed for this dissertation talked about the similarities of health care under Somoza and in the neoliberal years. One example comes from a Teotecacinte resident (G14) who said, "Yes there were private doctors, but they didn't help the poor - just like now." That is, not only does the government pay for fewer services but the private sector donates less as well. Unaffordable medicines One of the most dramatic effects in Nicaragua is the lack of affordable medicine, in part due to a widespread dependence on imported medicines. Under the Sandinistas, the government prioritized nearly 200 medicines which were purchased in bulk and in their cheaper generic form in order to equalize access.77 When the Sandinistas instituted their own adjustment in 1988-89, the price of medicines began to rise.78 With the change of government in 1990, the state withdrew its involvement in pharmaceutical production and distribution. According to McCue (1997,64), "All 380 of the country's registered independent pharmacies became private in 1990." This occurred in the context of liberalization, which precipitated a shift to a reliance on imported medicines. But these can carry exorbitant costs. For example, 77 Ibid, 181. 76 Ibid, 179. They noted that in 1986 prescriptions began to be charged, although subsidization maintained a significant gap in prices, such that between March 1982 and June 1987, the cost to patients was only about 25% of commercial value. Between 1987 and 1989, there was a five-fold increase in prices. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 107 Turshen (1994) reported that in Burkina Faso and Mali, the price of French brand-name drugs was 150-200 percent greater than the price in France. According to Garfield and Williams (1992), the per capita cost of medicines in Nicaragua in 1992 (about 20 dollars) was at least five times greater than in Bangladesh, a much poorer nation which had nevertheless committed itself to the provision of medicines. Among my interviews, the observation that there was no money for medicines became a refrain echoed in all nine regions. One 23- year old woman (C2) reports: "Here medicines are scarce - since Chamorro got in. Four years ago almost all the Panadol and aspirin disappeared." In a town eight hours away, a 51-year old (E18) said that "The situation deteriorated five years ago." How prohibitive is the price of medicine? One teacher explained that she earned 200 cordobas per month (but that the World Bank was encouraging "voluntary" contributions from parents to supplement that). When she visited the clinic in the next town, Ciudad Dario, "They prescribed some pills recently - but they wanted 250 cordobas for 28 pills."79 Another woman, a 32-year old who worked as a day laborer in the fields explained:80 I went to Jinotega (when I was sick last year). A Dr. Altamirano charged 130 cordobas for my kidney problem - and I did not have money for the medicine. I was picking (coffee) and I had a lot of pain. They paid us 250 cordobas for a half (quintal). That ends up being 10 cordobas per day with meals. 79 L7: "Me recetaron unas pastillas recientemente (Acyclovir), pero querian 250 cordobas [25 dollars] para 28 pastillas." 80 M13: "Visite a Jinotega [cuando se enfermo en el afio pasado] . Un Dr. Altamirano cobro 130 cordobas [13 dollars] por mi problema de los rinones - y no tuve dinero para la medicina. Yo estaba cortando y me dolia mucho. Nos pagaban 250 cordobas [25 dollars] por un medio. Sale a 10 cordobas [1 dollar] al dia y tres tiempos de comida." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 108 How important to health is this reduced access to pharmaceuticals? The following section examines the relationship between reported availability of medicines and health. Table 3.4 (on the next page) shows that women without access to medicines are likely to say they have no support (SUPPORT) , that access to child services are worse now (KIDCARE_NOW), and that their family is worse off than others in the community (FAMILY_RANK). However, there is no apparent relation between access to medicines and death of children under one year, five years, or at any age (INFANT_MORT, CHILD_MORT, ANYKID_MORT). There are two ways to look at the lack of influence on offspring mortality. One is the difference between contemporary access to medicines and lifetime morbidity and mortality. The second is the pervasiveness of the lack of medicines - i.e. that it affects even those whose health otherwise is better. Access to medicines is significantly influenced by the town where one resides (VILLAGE), by being poor (POVERTY), and by certain economic variables such as SAVINGS.01 Those who diversify their crops (CROP1) are better able to afford medicines. It is perhaps more notable that there is not a significant influence of education, age, rural status, or other economic variables (e.g. EDU_YEARS, AGE, URBAN). It does not increase one's access to medicines to have bought one's own clothing, or have made capital investments, bought furniture or other large items in the past year, to own at least one home, or a number of cattle, or land (OWN_GARB, CAPITAL, BUY_LARGE, OWN_HOME, NUM_C0W, LAND_ANY). Nor does the receipt of remittances or type of work alter the 81 It is noteworthy that only seven interviewees reported having savings, i.e. these are the wealthiest of the sample. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 availability of medicines (REMIT, W0RK_TYPE). These null relationships, along with the fact that 65.2 percent of 208 women reported not having access to medicines, tells of the widespread poverty currently affecting Nicaragua. Table 3.4: Availability of Medicines and Family Health62 (xVariable=MEDS) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Social SUPPORT .023 .000 169** KIDCARE NOW .018 .043 178* FAMILY_RANK .052 .048 186* Other FAMPLAN NOW .006 .300 182 ANYKID MORT . 042 .408 198 CHILD MORT .005 .456 184 INFANT_MORT .003 .768 201 (yVar±able=MEDS) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N CROP1 Economic .030 . 000 133** SAVINGS .030 .010 201** POVERTY . 048 . 047 201* VILLAGE Other . 126 . 014 201* TOTAL KID Other . 141 .058 201 EDO YEARS . 118 . 109 197 URBAN .012 . 509 201 AGE .275 .553 190 OWN GARB Economic . 027 .069 199 CAPITAL . 012 . 125 201 BUY LARGE .012 . 125 200 HOUSE DENS . 095 .210 201 OWN HOME .020 .268 201 NUM COW .072 .296 197 WORK TYPE . 027 .410 188 LAND ANY . 174 .447 187 REMIT .001 . 656 200 02 P=Pearson's R-square was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordinal variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 There are two ways to look at the lack of influence on offspring mortality. One is the difference between contemporary access to medicines and lifetime morbidity and mortality. The second is the pervasiveness of the lack of medicines - i.e. that it affects even those whose health otherwise is better. Access to medicines is significantly influenced by the town where one resides (VILLAGE), by being poor (POVERTY), and by certain economic variables such as SAVINGS.83 Those who diversify their crops (CROP1) are better able to afford medicines. It is perhaps more notable that there is not a significant influence of education, age, rural status, or other economic variables (e.g. EDCJ_YEARS, AGE, URBAN) . It does not increase one's access to medicines to have bought one's own clothing, or have made capital investments, bought furniture or other large items in the past year, to own at least one home, or a number of cattle, or land (OWN_GARB, CAPITAL, BUY_LARGE, OWN_HOME, NUM_COW, LAND_ANY). Nor does the receipt of remittances or type of work alter the availability of medicines (REMIT, WORK_TYPE). These null relationships, along with the fact that 65.2 percent of 208 women reported not having access to medicines, tells of the widespread poverty currently affecting Nicaragua. Especially in contrast to the Sandinista practice of controlling distribution of pharmaceuticals (in an effort to guarantee access to a minimum number of medicines), the general paucity of medicines available during the neoliberal years became a near universal complaint. Table 3.4 does not display other health effects of this phenomena. But anecdotal data showed the role of 83 It is noteworthy that only seven interviewees reported having savings, i.e. these are the wealthiest of the sample. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Ill opportunity costs - in terms of lost education and other services - and Table 3.6 does reflect this psychological outlook of consumers who feel that they have no support and that lack of access to medicines makes their families suffer relative to others in the community. Declining nutrition Multiple studies in Nicaragua have shown that one of the strategies used by households facing structural adjustment is the reduction of food consumption.04 FIDEG (1992) showed decreases in consumption of meat, milk and other dairy products, and shifting food intake towards the male members of the household. Fernandez (1996,54) reported: "A 1992 study of rural areas and medium-sized urban concentrations indicated that some 81.6% of Nicaraguan households had seen their standard of living decline." Of those interviewed a year after onset of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua, 78.1% had reduced their intake of food. More recently, a study by the Ministry of Agriculture and the Programa Alimentario Nacional showed that the lowest income levels do not obtain 33% of their necessary daily calories, nor do they consume 30% of the minimum necessary proteins.05 And in an NGO (Fumednic) study of 2,500 urban women in seven cities, anemia was found to be one of the most prevalent diseases among women.06 There is no direct measure of nutrition in my data, but among my cases, one of the health promoters in Los Robles reported that a recent survey showed 60 percent of the local children with malnutrition. 04 Babb (1996,44); Curtis (1998); McCue (1997,68); and Smith (1997, 103) . 85 El Nuevo Diario 2 January 1997. 06 La Tribuna 19 August 1998. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 A new wave of infectious diseases In 1990, the first national measles epidemic in a decade occurred. Garfield and Williams attribute this to the fact that the new government was not as efficient at organized massive health campaigns as the Sandinistas had been, but it may also have been partly attributable to the declining immunization coverage which began in 1988 and is further associated with the neoliberal governments.87 According to McCue (1997,69), cases of whooping cough, malaria, cholera and dengue all began to rise as early as 1991. Cholera, once considered a plague of the past, made a comeback in the 1990, with the first case being recorded in the end of 1991 . 08 The average Latin American mortality rate from cholera is 1.1 percent, but in Nicaragua it is 4.4 percent.09 Dr. Carlos Jarquin Gonzalez of Profamilia held that Aleman's government was responsible for increases in cholera and malaria relative to ten years previous, since in 1998 the had not invested the usual malaria control efforts such as cleaning ditches and spraying insecticide.90 Intestinal parasites are endemic. In one study, 47% of 1,267 individuals from the city of Leon were found to be carrying at least one parasite.91 Of the 595 parasite-infested cases, 81% were living in "poor" conditions. UNICEF reported that diarrhea, perinatal 07 Curtis (1998) and Werner and Sanders (1997). 00 Vargas (1993, 195). 89 El Nuevo Diario 1 December 1996, reporting WHO/PAHO figures on 21 countries. The next worst rate in Latin America is Colombia with 2.0%. 90 Ciberdiario 12 November 1998. rhtto://www.ciberdiario.com.nil. A similar critique was issued a year later in La Prensa 21 October 1999. 91 Tellez et al. (1997) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 infections, respiratory disease, and malnutrition are responsible for 81% of infant deaths, with diarrhea alone causing 40%.92 In comparison, the percentage of infant mortality due to diarrhea during the Somoza regime was said to be 50%, declining to 28% by the end of the Sandinista decade.93 The women interviewed for this study were not asked about intestinal parasites, but a variable, HEALTH, is composed of illness in the last year with infectious diseases such as cholera, malaria and dengue. Three similar variables cover illnesses in up to three family members. (See Figure I below.) Figure I: Reported Illnesses Illnesses last year Illnesses last year 92 Cited by Lane (1995). 93 Bossert (1985,350); Garfield and Williams (1992,137). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 Among these variables, FAMSICK, FAMSICK2, and FAMSICK3, 39.0% of reported illnesses were malaria. Next most frequent was cholera, affecting 9.4 percent of 191 families, while dengue was reported in 7.3 percent. Malaria led among the 207 women offering health information, affecting 32.1%, with dengue and cholera rates being 6.2% and 3.9%. High prevalence makes some interviewees nonchalant in their reports about malaria. Such is the case with a 36-year old woman from Asedades (A2) who had mentioned four episodes of malaria in the prior year, or with a 31-year old (Gil) who laughingly said, "La malaria es favorita" ["Malaria is a favorite (around here)."] A 49- year old from the same town (G12) dryly accepted that, "La malaria no falta" ["We don't go without malaria."] For others, malaria is seen as a serious obstacle. The extent of damage done both economically and physically by diseases such as malaria is tremendous. A mother in Teustepe commented on her son's nearly fatal malaria: "That fever incinerates you."94 A 24-year old woman (C8) saw her husband hospitalized for four days in the San Carlos hospital. A 36-year old mother of eight suffered a miscarriage in the prior year. She had suffered malaria during her pregnancy: "I took the pills. The baby died at seven months and I miscarried in the eight month."96 One of the poorest women interviewed, a 36-year old mother of ten, just in from her work in the fields, said: "Malaria is a punishment for us - all of my children and my husband were sick with it and we had to sell the chickens for the medicine." This data echoes the work of Liese 94 B14: "Se carboniza con esa fiebre." 96 C9: "Yo bebi las pastillas. Se murio en el vientre a siete meses y me aborte en el mes ocho." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115 (1998) who noted that malaria often causes significant losses in productivity, which in turn may induce parents to withdraw their children from school to work in the fields. Epidemics frequently occur during planting and harvesting seasons - when the opportunity cost of lost time at work is highest. As mentioned above, the variable, HEALTH, is composed of self- reported diseases in the past year. In particular, it is comprised of the infectious diseases malaria, cholera and dengue, as well as unidentified or unknown diseases and a category "No major illnesses". Table 3.5 looks at associations with this variable. Table 3.5: General Influences on HEALTH (yVariable=HEALTH) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N OWN HOME Economic .028 .005 207** NUM CHICK . 183 .000 199** LAND ANY . 177 . 000 193** NUM PIG . 106 .009 206** BATH H20 . 100 .026 203* HOSP_TIME .215 .029 122* AGE Other . 365 .000 196** EMPOWER PTS . 308 .000 207** AGE MAR . 154 . 001 189** EDU YEARS . 123 .037 203* TOTAL_KID . 135 .021 207* TIME_GRP Social . 366 . 000 67** DR TIME Economic .250 .063 57 NUM COW . 046 .131 203 CLINIC .074 .410 109 URBAN Other .075 . 155 207 ANYKID MORT .075 .364 207 CHILD MORT .033 .449 190 NUM_OLD .045 .560 207 CHANGE ECON Social .017 .768 178 This data supports the literature indicating improved family health outcomes with higher female education, delayed marriage, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 116 lower fertility (EDU_YEARS, AGE_MAR, and TOTAL_KID) . 96 As logic predicts, age is (negatively) associated with health. Older women are less likely to state that they had "No major illnesses" in the past year. Among my interviewees, economic variables such as OWN_HOME, NUM_CHICK, LAND_ANY, and NUM_PIG are significant predictors of good health - that is, home ownership or the quantity of chickens, land, or hogs. Curiously, the number of cattle does not appear to affect health. This may be because men are much more likely to be owners of cattle, so that earnings from their sale may not improve the status of female household members. The Aleman Administration Intensification of the SAP/ESAF reductions in public services, employment, and salaries all occurred after Aleman came into power. Several interviewees reported further deterioration under the most recent regime, compared with the earlier neoliberal years. A resident of Teotecacinte (G14) observed, "[With Chamorro] we had to pay for exams but not for medicines. Now you have to pay for everything." A 33-year old in Managua (H2) whose child was sick with parasitic diarrhea noted, "It is getting worse. Last time, there was absolutely nothing in the clinic." A 50-year old nurse with diabetes (H8) said, "This year everything costs more in the health center." Adding to this chorus is the voice of a 40-year old from Mulukuku (K6) : "[With Chamorro] you could buy things in the clinic, but with time there wasn't even any medicine there. You had to go to the pharmacy. Things have gotten worse this year." 96 This is consistent with CDC (1993), Zelaya et al. (1997), and others to be discussed more fully in Chapter Four. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 Social participation and health To conclude this section on the adjustment effects of health, the link between health and women's participation in social groups is examined. Under the Sandinistas, women constituted 75 percent of 78,000 health brigadistas in vaccine, health education and hygiene campaigns (Murguialday 1990). Concerning SAPs, several researchers hypothesized that in the scramble to provide for their families faced with declining social services, women organize soup kitchens and other collectives to replace the lost services.97 The liberating effects of participation have been discussed by a multitude of authors writing about Nicaragua.90 A corollary tenet of the sap- induced collective activities attributes new knowledge and feminist conscientization to this social participation.99 While it is true that many feminist collectives arose after 1990 (as discussed in Chapter Six), my data offer no evidence to suggest that campesinas increased their social or political activities after the Sandinistas left office. Table 3.6 (on the following page) examines the links between group activity and health outcomes among my interviewees. Little support is seen here for a connection between increased political awareness or activity and improved health indicators. In fact, belonging to a group (JOIN_GROUP) or being empowered in 97 Gladwin (1991,19); Jelin (1990); Lind (1992,135); Montecinos (1994); Nash (1990,34 3-345); Perez-Aleman (1992); and Stromquist (1999, 18) . 90 See Chavez Metoyer (1997); Criquillon (1995,212); Karl (1995); Kroeker (1995); Olivera et al. (1990); Sola and Trayner (1988,199); and Woznica (1986,227). 99 Lind (1992); and Safa (1990,361). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 118 political knowledge (CONSCIOUS) does not significantly affect reported health in the last year (HEALTH). Table 3.6: Political Awareness/Activity and Health xVariable yVariable P S G T L P- N JOIN_GROUP TOTAL_KID .008 .027 208* ANYKID MORT .000 .071 208 FAM HEALTH2 .011 .076 171 FAM HEALTH3 .008 .314 153 HEALTH .004 .506 207 CHILD MORT .003 .812 191 INFANT MORT .002 .888 208 FAM_HEALTH1 .002 . 919 191 CONSCIOUS FAM HEALTH1 .009 . 106 191 HEALTH .004 . 579 206 PARTICIPATE HEALTH .012 . 017 205* FAM_HEALTH1 .006 .288 190 T XME_GROUP ANYKID_MORT -.04 5 . 361 66 However, there was a significant difference between those who PARTICIPATE and those who do not. Women who have been active in a campaign, a protest of social injustice, and/or an action against domestic violence (PARTICIPATE) were much more likely to report having been ill with some "Other known but not listed" sickness. This may indicate a greater health knowledge on their part. On the other hand, participation in group (JOIN_GROUP) significantly correlates with having more children (TOTAL_KID) , rather than with the fewer offspring one would expect from feminist consciousness-raising. However, this is consistent with the idea of political mobilization motivated by maternal protection. In that case, the more children that one has, the more likely one is to be politically organized (p=.012). Under the well-known typology offered by Molyneux (1986), this is organizing around practical needs rather than strategic needs. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 V. RANKING OF FOUR GOVERNMENTS Up until this point, we have offered a chronology of the past four governments, focusing on the difference between socialist and capitalist regimes. Table 3.7 shows the interviewees' subjective rankings of access to health care under the various administrations. As with the topic of education, the greatest satisfaction was expressed with the Sandinista regime, which was the only government to have received a majority approval rating. Table 3.7: Comparing Health under Aleman to Prior Regimes Government Better Now Same Better Then N Somoza 54.4% 12.1 33.5 149 FSLN 19.7 17.6 62.6 182 Chamorro 5.9 75.7 18.4 185 Not surprisingly, most respondents found little alteration in the status of health care in the first year of the Aleman government, although those who did note change reported it as deterioration. For instance, without being able to recognize what the term "structural adjustment" meant, this 36-year old farmworker from Los Robles did notice that with the Aleman administration, "[Health care] is better for those who have money."100 VI. RURAL ISOLATION In this last section, special attention is paid to the ways that life outside the city affects health conditions. According to Cartwright (1993), these areas have a smaller margin for error due to the long-term poverty and lack of access to services. In a study reported by Fiedler (1999), 72% of 8,055 interviewees reporting an illness in the prior two weeks did not seek care. Some of those simply did not require care, but those in Managua were much more 100 M3: "Es mejor para los que tienen sus recursos." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 likely to seek care than those in rural areas. That is, only urban residents have sufficient income to demand health services. Rural life presents unique hazards, such as for the 51-year old woman in Huispante (D12) who lost a child as a result of a scorpion bite. Similarly, a woman in Asedades (A5) had suffered a miscarriage a few weeks prior to the interview, after a nighttime visit to the latrine where she was bitten by a scorpion. A Managuan resident worried about her mother back in Muy Muy: My mother got sick with malaria and [there] it tends to be very bad. You have to go look for a vehicle, because there is no local ambulance - although there was before, but the tire got damaged. And she has a kidney cyst but it costs 600 cordobas [60 dollars] for the medical consult.101 The rusticness of some rural health posts is revealed in the Huispante post - a single woman with a small bag erratically supplied by MINSA (D4) . Her kitchen walls are wire fencing. The summertime water supply for gardening is a hole she digs in the ground, and she explained that her family does not use the latrine built by the health ministry.102 In San Juan de Oriente, the local health base [casa de base] is managed by a 38-year old woman (E14) whose living room roof is semi-permeable. We dodged the rain during the interview in her house. As mentioned by Fiedler (1999), urban residents are much more likely to have access to health care. If one clinic is not 101 Hll: "Mi mama se enfermo de malaria y [alii] tiende a ser muy mal. Hay que buscar vehiculo, porque no hay organismo con ambulancia - antes habia, pero se frego la llanta. Y ella tiene un quiste de rinones pero son 600 pesos para la consulta." 102 Such conditions are also described by Garfield and Williams (1992), "In more remote rural areas, health volunteers provide basic care in make-shift clinics or out of a knapsack." The incomplete understanding of disease etiology is reflected in the Huispante healthworker's shunning of her latrine because she didn't like the way it smelled. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 available, or does not have medicines, the likelihood of finding another is much greater than in an isolated area such as Huispante where one woman complained, "Sometimes, there isn't anything in Las Pavas (the casa de base), nor in Huispante, nor in El Congo."103 In Los Robles, a 50-year old health promoter (M14) complained that visiting the nearest hospital an hour away actually involves a two- day trip: Now they changed the hours in the hospital and it makes it hard for us in the campo to get there. If they could change the hours to the morning for us, we could leave Jinotega in time to get home in the same day, but they don't listen when we explain that for us, it isn't possible to come in the afternoon. Another way to recognize the unique aspects of rural life is to note that rational health care in one setting may not be rational in another.104 During interviews in Tuapi, this researcher observed the local nurse distributing antibiotics which had been donated by an international NGO. While the North American donor saw the offering of one or two samples to each family as fostering inappropriate usage of antibiotics, the nurse's actions may be reasonable given local factors such as the likelihood of theft in the clinic (unattended at night), and the need to avoid the appearance of favoritism in a town of 90 huts. Possibly even more important may be the boost that the first dose of antibiotic can do for a severely ill person who needs to wait for transportation to a health facility. One 68-year old woman from Tuapi who had been sick twice with cholera in the previous 103 A casa de base is the home of someone who receives supplies such as anti-malarial medicine and oral rehydration salts from MINSA, the health ministry. The places mentioned by interviewee D19 can be reached 20, 30, or 40 minutes away, either by foot or by foot and bus. 104 For further elaboration on this theme, see especially the last two chapters of Barrett (1992) and Hahn (1999). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 year (II) reported that the time to arrive at hospital - factoring in the sporadic passing of public transportation - could be "hours to a full day." Table 3.8 (on the following page) looks at the hazards caused by distance to health facilities. The variables, HEALTH_POST, CLINIC, DR_TIME, and HOSP_TIME reflect travel time to increasingly more sophisticated health services, ranging from health post to a clinic to a doctor's office or hospital. (Many clinics do not have continual physician staffing.) PRENATAL services can occur in a variety of settings, but often are received at the most basic level, the rural health post. As intuition suggests, the increased time of delay to arrive at a clinic is associated with less access to medicines. But in general, travel time does not appear to have significant health effects - a very surprising finding, and one that contrasts with findings by Sandiford et al. (1991,14). They reported that access to health services (measured in travel time) significantly modified the effect of education on child and offspring mortality. In fact, signs contrary to the expected direction are seen with MEDS and HEALTH_POST, and between HOSP_TIME and all offspring mortality. These findings are not entirely explainable, but may be due to the loose estimation of travel time offered by interviewees. It is worth stressing the imprecise reporting of travel times. For one thing, each resident might choose a different level of care for similar illnesses - i.e. hospital, clinic with doctor, health center without doctor. Secondly, some factored in the time to wait for transportation, others merely reported the time once one had mounted the bus. For instance, one woman in Huispante (D20) elaborated that to get to the hospital, "It takes six hours to get to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 San Luis. It is a long trip. Although only two to three hours on the bus, it may well be three hours of waiting before the bus passes." But even such an approximate estimate shows the rough life that one leads out in the campo. Table 3.8: Travel Time and. Health xVariable yVariable P S G T L P- N HEALTH_PO S T HEALTH .236 . 011 109* CHILD MORT INFANT MORT ANYKID MORT MEDS . 110 .072 .042 . 104 .268 . 457 . 667 .204 103 110 110 106 PRENATAL INFANT MORT CHILD MORT ANYKID MORT MEDS HEALTH .167 . 126 .076 .206 . 304 . 297 .446 . 637 . 531 .078 41 39 41 40 41 CLINIC MEDS ■ * ■ + + + + + **•*■* + ** + + * + * + ** + **** + * ■ * • .255 .002 108* ANYKID MORT INFANT MORT CHILD MORT HEALTH .021 -.011 .000 . 074 . 832 . 906 . 999 .410 109 109 100 109 DR_TIME ANYKID_MORT .046 .023 56* * + + *■*■*■**★ + * + * + + + * + **■ + **** + + ★■*■*■*•**■*■ + + + ** *** + + * ■ - * ■ + ** + + CHILD MORT INFANT MORT MEDS HEALTH .251 . 130 .328 .250 . 073 . 336 . 302 . 063 52 57 57 57 HOSP TIME HEALTH .236 .029 122 INFANT MORT ANYKID MORT CHILD MORT MEDS -.037 -.035 -.034 . 149 . 685 .701 .717 .550 123 123 113 119 Several women reported encountering prejudice (as rural women) in the health centers. Caldwell (1993,128) noted that health professionals often limit their interactions with illiterate patients whom they do not expect to understand their symptoms or the physician instructions. A woman from Huispante in her 50s (D9) reported Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 avoiding the closest facility where "They look at you like you are nobody, just talking to the kids." One of the more isolated areas in this study was Mulukuku, nine bumpy hours away from Managua on public transports. It is a town where travel is often impossible either due to rained out roads, or to activities of armed dissidents. During the 1980s' contra war, it was customary in much of Nicaragua for the military to stop public buses, requiring all the male passengers to step out for a weapons search. In 1997, around Mulukuku the custom continued. The dangerous health effects of such isolation are exposed in the story of a 29-year old mother of five (K16): "[In 1990] we brought my six- year old son to the center here but it was full of kids sick with measles and they referred us to Rio Blanco, [and] by the next morning, he was already dead." It is worth noting that the most rural areas visited for this survey are far from representing the most isolated areas in Nicaragua. The latter sometimes involve treks so arduous that during the rainy season, mules are the only form of exit. In this sense, Mulukuku represents a step towards urbanity for many of its residents. One of these is a 28-year old mother who lost a six month old child (Kll). She attributed the death to her prior mountainous residence "...[which meant] we could not get to health care." Multiplying the penalties for the disadvantaged, rural settings were the ones most affected by the wars.105 Standing in a kitchen with an uneven dirt floor and bamboo walls, a 32-year old mother of five surviving children from nine deliveries (K12) solemnly recounted the war years: 105 Harvard, CIES, & UNAN (198 9) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 We were caught between the two bands. My seven- year old son died when an RPG rocket fell on the house in the comarca [rural county] Luku which is nine hours further away from here. We left there in 1986. Besides the differential access to health consultation, and quality of care, the conditions of a campesina home offer additional hazards to health. One problem comes from non-enclosed kitchens, such as that seen in an interview with a 23-year old mother of four children (D8). The interview was conducted outside, in her kitchen area, while she was cooking fish with a mountain of flies on the fish and on her clothing. Furthermore, non-enclosed walls mean greater vulnerability to mosquito-borne diseases. Even in Managua, a 25-year old woman (H10) who was interviewed next to her cardboard-walled shack by the lake commented that her entire family had been sick with malaria recently. While many of these rural disadvantages can be seen as perennial (e.g. exposure to scorpions, longer distances to reach facilities, prejudicial treatment by health personnel), others have been attributed to the impact of SAP/ESAF (e.g. declining disposable income causing fewer purchases of health commodities and fewer visits to facilities, as well as the social instability surrounding Mulukuku).106 Some rural disadvantages could be classified either way - such as the gap in health services and housing conditions relative to urban areas. In addition to direct effects on health access, SAP/ESAF has decreased rural credit,107 while trade liberalization has hurt Nicaraguan farmers more than their neighbors due to higher 106 Chapters Six and Eight will describe SAP/ESAF effects on rural producers in more detail. 107 Brunt (1991:12); and Spalding (1992, 33). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126 transportation costs.108 Both of these indirect effects decrease the disposable income available for health purchases. Garfield and Williams (1992,101) starkly conclude that, "The election of Violeta Chamorro in 1990 was a blow to rural health." VII. WORK ACTIVITIES AND HEALTH In terms of the health effects of work, patriarchal resistance to women's work in the fields protects most of them from the pesticide exposure common among male farmworkers.109 But the women who do work in the fields are as susceptible to poisoning as any other worker (Keifer et al. 1996) and to back and postural problems due to weeding and/or planting (Jacobson 1993). A 1985 study by the farmworker's union (ATC) confirms the thesis that women who work in the fields do so out of dire economic need.110 Of 430 women interviewed by INIM about their last pregnancy, 40 percent worked the whole nine months. Two-thirds (66 percent) of the 4 30 worked at least seven months; another 22 percent worked between four and six months; and only 12 percent worked less than three months of the pregnancy. Inside the household, women's work also entails health risks. These include scoliosis related to hauling heavy buckets of water and exposure to cooking smoke. In one study of four villages in rural Gujarat (India), this exposure was "estimated to be, on average, 100 times the level of suspended smoke particles deemed acceptable by the 108 Cartwright (1993). 109 See Chapter Eight for more on campesina work activities. 110 Asociacion de Trabajadores del Campo. 1985. Mujer y Agroexpoctacion. Cited in INIM (1988). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 WHO, six times higher than other household members, and 15 times higher than a resident of Delhi."111 Lamontagne and coworkers found in 1998 that children of employed mothers fared better in weight and height outcomes than those whose mothers were not employed, with and without controlling for socioeconomic status and maternal education, paternal financial support, child care adequacy, and sex and age of the child. Perez- Aleman et al. (1987) suggested a causal pathway: two-thirds of female workers gave all their salary to household expenses, while only 30% of their husbands do the same.112 VIII. CONCLUSIONS Did the Sandinistas cure the sick Nicaraguan health care system? No, they did not. First, there have been improvements which would likely have occurred independently of the Sandinistas. That is, global trends of modernization and urbanization in themselves have been associated with increased family planning, declining birth rates, declining infant and child mortality, and increased life expectancy. Some of these improvements can be credited to educational advances, not to health policies or infrastructure. Sometimes the mere move to an urban area implies greater access to health care. And subsequent governments have gone even further than the Sandinistas in the crucial area of family planning, which will be discussed in Chapter Four. 111 Jacobson (1993,15) - citing Chatterjee (1991). 112 The fact that women dedicate a greater share of their resources to the family than do their male partners has been noted by many other researchers as well: Asthana (1994); Babb (1996); Behrman and Wolfe (1991,116); Blumberg (1991); Elson (1991); Fuller and Liang (1999,209); Haider (1996); Jacobson (1993); Joekes (1988); Stromquist (1999,26); and Turshen (1994). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 Secondly, any advancements made by the FSLN can be seen as an incomplete cure due to the "banana split problem." That is, poverty existed both before and after the Sandinista regime. For instance, when Baxter (1998,21) described measly salaries and the paltry working conditions of physicians he could have been describing the Somoza or Sandinista epoch as well: "(S)upplies are such that doctors are frequently expected to provide their own medicine, and find themselves working without the most basic tools such as stethoscopes, scalpels, [or] drug reference books." While the Sandinistas did decrease the urban-rural gap, they did not eliminate it. Many rural women's daily lives are all too similar to those endured by their grandmothers - lack of running water, electricity, or any cooking fuel except firewood hauled from the neighborhood around them. (See in particular Appendices IV and V for persistent gaps in potable water and latrine services.) Besides enduring long treks to health facilities, campesinas still suffer from malaria, dengue, cholera, malnutrition, and other "poverty diseases." There are certain aspects of the urban-rural gap which are timeless - bites by scorpions in midnight journeys to the latrine, exposure to insects while sleeping in a thatch hut, and longer commutes to health care. The mean travel time to get to a hospital among my interviewees, 8 9 minutes, has probably improved since the Somoza decade but not since 1990. Nicaragua was underdeveloped in the 1970s and has remained so for two subsequent decades. There is individual versus institutional poverty. Both are widely reported in my interviews. The former is when medicines exist and one cannot afford them. A 51-year old Huispante midwife (D12), mother of 12 surviving children from 18 births noted that, "With a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 big family, you can not buy mosquito nets." A 4 9-year old resident of San Juan de Oriente (Ell) mentioned that, "They told me they needed to do a PAP smear, but I do not have the eight cordobas [80 cents]." Institutional poverty is identified when there are no services available. For instance, the local delegate for MINSA in the remote village Huispante (D4) noted that, Sometimes there is oral rehydration salt [ORS], and sometimes not. The medical kit is empty. Sometimes people from MINSA only come every other month. FISE brought us 20 gallons of chlorine, and spray for mosquitos, and a box of ORS for 36 families. Both institutional and individual poverty coincide in cases such as this 37-year old mother of a toddler who was preparing to return to Costa Rica to work (BIO), leaving her daughter in the care of the child's grandmother: I suffer from high blood pressure, but I don't have the money for the medicine that I need to take. Two tablets per day costs 60 pesos a month [six dollars]. When they have it, they give it, but they haven't had medicines. They say that when one has high blood pressure, you shouldn't stop taking the medicine, but what am I going to do? Nevertheless, relative to health care under the Somoza regime, the "platanos and rice" of the Sandinista health care can be considered stunning improvements, especially in rural areas. The early years of the Revolution brought peaks of health investment, with the highest being in 1986 (at 65.39 in real 1988 dollars), when per capita investments in health were about six times greater than in 1978 and 1992. These years also led to the near eradication of polio, measles, and tetanus, with the Sandinistas bringing about "...one of the most rapid decreases in immune-preventible illness in world history." Contrasted with a ten percent vaccine coverage under Somoza, polio coverage never dropped below 80 percent after 1983. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 Under the Sandinistas, many poor people who had no hope of access to care under the Somoza dynasty received significant health services. The number of rural facilities more than tripled. Whereas less than one in eight people had access to public health care under Somoza, two-thirds of the population received free health care during the 1980s. Factors complicating the evaluation of socialist vs. capitalist system include the war costs, both physical and mental. This war on the Sandinistas may be a side-issue, but it is not necessarily a minor one. Several interviewees blamed the Sandinistas for war-time insecurity, rationing, and the loss of relatives. And several of these same women also said that the FSLN offered the best health care. These voices offer strong support for the starting hypothesis that the socialist regime did the most to support the masses. In a subjective ranking of health care over the past four governments, the Sandinista regime was the only one to have gained a majority favorable rating. Did the replacement of the Sandinista system with SAP/ESAF harm the health of campesinas? Again, the reply is a qualified yes. On the one hand, some Sandinista-induced health improvements have persisted, such as (marginal) expansion of latrine and potable water services, vaccine coverage, and number of health sites.113 Family planning usage has actually improved and the community midwife- training program begun in 1986 has flourished. And a fair assessment 113 The latest figures provided by the neoliberal government claim 800 health sites (a vast improvement from the 175 sites under Somoza, and even from the 550 sites at the end of the Sandinista decade). But the quality of those sites is vulnerable to critique. For instance, the Huispante health promoter whose equipment consists of an often empty bag, and whose only infrastructure is her rustic kitchen likely represents one of those 800 health sites. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 of neoliberalism must recognize that some of the contemporary assaults on health are attributable to inherited poverty. But much of both institutional and individual poverty has been attributed to the budgetary constraints resulting from SAP/ESAF negotiations with international lenders. Lane (1995) cites UNICEF health officer Dr. Roberto Aldafia: "Per capita spending on health is the lowest in Latin America." Consumers are squeezed between lower disposable income and higher health costs. This parallels the case of education where the number of buildings increased, but where fees and declining parental income combine to decrease educational attendance. For one thing, unemployment is one of the hallmark features of Nicaraguan adjustment (as will be elaborated in Chapter Eight). This unemployment - in the context of wage freezes and lost subsidies (e.g. transportation, food) - decreases consumers' purchasing power. Tight budget constraints at the household level are seen in the 24- year old mother of three who sometimes chooses to make a two-hour walk each way from Laurel Galan to the hospital in San Carlos, rather than spend the eight to ten cordobas for the round trip bus fare. That is, four hours of her time are worth less than $1.50. Secondly, new fees for services and medicines further dampen the effective demand. A third effect of adjustment comes through public sector employment reductions, diminishing the ranks of personnel, especially in rural areas. And a fourth factor arises in the paltry public-sector salaries of health workers. This impedes both the quantity and quality of health service as doctors and nurses increase their work in the private sector, sometimes even while retaining their public salary. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 Subjective data offers a clear condemnation of neoliberal health policies. A study done by a Dutch development worker who interviewed peasant women in the Chontales region (Romeyn 1994,53) revealed health as the highest problem identified by the interviewees. In addition, the women interviewed for this dissertation provide a chorus of voices noting that things are getting worse under the neoliberal regimes - complaining of fewer services and medicines available in the public facilities, along with a greater number of fees which are ever rising. One such testimony comes from a widow in her 4 0s from the isolated town of Mulukuku (K9) who evaluated the four regimes by saying, "[Under Somoza], there was no clinic. [The Sandinistas] gave us medicines. Then, medicine became more expensive. And they are even more expensive now." Another such report comes from the semi- urban area of Teustepe. A 28-year old mother of four (B23) was conducting her business (selling from her venta), proud of overcoming an impoverished, alcoholic childhood, and evaluated the regimes thus: [Under Somoza] , we used more natural herbs and roots, because we were without money. But I remember little of that... [With the Sandinistas], we did not lack anything, we hardly ever had to pay for medicine... [During the neoliberal years], now sometimes they give a prescription that you cannot get here. Every year it is getting worse. The area of greatest deterioration has been in access to medicines. The Sandinistas controlled distribution of generic medicines, allowing for a more equitable access to medicines. But these have become the purview of the wealthy under the neoliberal regimes. Two-thirds of the interviewees said that they did not have access to medicines, and the poorest interviewees were even less likely to have reported access to medicines. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 Revisiting the debate between socialist and capitalist support for campesinas - including the hypothesis that structural adjustment has eroded the earlier gains - we find mixed results in regards to health. The analysis of health care delivery must recognize that ultimately it is Nicaragua's poverty which dominates these women's health. But we can conclude that the Sandinistas raised the bar higher than had any other government, and that the poor are indeed suffering worse health care under neoliberalism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 CHAPTER FOUR: FERTILITY AND CAMPESINA QUALITY OF LIFE I. MACHISMO AND FERTILITY The prior chapters have focused on economic debates concerning capitalism and socialism. But feminist economists argue against the so-called imperialist tendency of economic theories in the examination of social relations. They note that these theories often omit women, the infirm, and the family from the economic model.1 For instance, the "black box" of Gary Becker's households ignores the links between patriarchy and economic systems. The assumption that household resources are distributed either through a perfect dictator (i.e. "father") or perfect democracy (altruistic family relations) exposes the inability of this approach to capture nuances within much of the spectrum of human behavior. In contrast, unpacking the "black box" of the family reveals domination within the family. This chapter arises from the notions held by scholars such as Chandra Mohanty, Ann Russo, and Lourdes Torres (1991). They theorize that patriarchy, economic system, and socio-political factors such as race and ethnicity create interlocking systems which at times collude and at times collide.2 Thus, in this chapter we attempt to unpack the mysterious box of non-economic influences on women's health. A feminist vision of health conceives of a trio of health triggers: biological reproduction (fertility), production (paid and subsistence work), and social reproduction (child and homecare). In attempting to assess changes in patriarchy over the past few decades in Nicaragua, there are several vital health issues which 1 See Ferber and Nelson (1993); Kuiper and Sap (1995); Waring (1988); and Feminist Economics, multiple issues. 2 Others writing on this issue include Amott and Matthaei (1991) and the authors in Sargent (1981). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 must be addressed. Machismo directly affects health through domestic violence, limited mobility, control of a woman's fertility, and in the nature of diseases which affect her. Violence against women may take various forms, including rape, battery, homicide, incest, psychological abuse, forced prostitution, trafficking in women, sexual harassment, genital mutilation, and dowry-related murder. Limited mobility affects women's health when their partners prevent them from traveling to health care facilities.3 Excessive fertility, and unwanted pregnancies, are related to the machista drive to impregnate women and dominate contraceptive decisions.4 Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are a direct outcome of the male promiscuity which is part of Latin American machismo. For example, a promiscuous partner increases a woman's risk for cervical cancer. One STD in particular, the human papilloma virus, is a recognized precursor to cervical cancer.5 Cervical cancer in Nicaragua officially accounts for 40% of all cancer deaths. At 19.75 per 1,000 women, this is the highest prevalence in Latin America. And beginning at a very early age, the patriarchal practice of feeding men and boys first leaves females more susceptible to malnutrition.6 Foremost among these issues is fertility, which in the case of the peasant woman, can be described as 'excessive.' Among these 208 interviewees, there were 1,199 live births, a number which would have been even higher if miscarriages and aborted pregnancies had been included. 3 Turshen (1989,93). 4 Eschen and Whitaker (1993,105). 5 McCue (1997,92), citing Agarwal et al. (1993). 6 Jacobson (1993,19). Also see Behrman and Wolfe (1991,116); Merchant and Kurz (1993,76); and Sen (1992,122-125). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 This chapter examines the incentives and barriers affecting Nicaraguan women's fertility. How has the situation changed with political regimes? How has fertility affected the health of offspring? Chapter Five will elaborate upon the effects of virulent machismo (i.e. domestic violence) on campesina daily life, but here we focus on the way that fertility shapes the health of Nicaraguan women. The last part of the chapter is directed at investigating how these interviews compare with the well-known effects on women's fertility produced by increased education and economic control. II. INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS OF FERTILITY As with other chapters, there is great variability among secondary statistical sources. For instance, Barrett (1992) contended that there was no significant drop in fertility during the Somoza regime. But according to other sources, the rate began to decline in the 1970s, while remaining high even relative to other LDCs.7 As seen in Table 4.1 (on the next page), the latest reported fertility rates among Nicaraguan women are between 5.0 and 5.6 children, a range whose only success can be seen in its decline relative to prior periods of history. Despite the disparity with other Nicaraguan-based research, by assuming internal validity (i.e. uniform under-reporting), one can still consider CEPAL's projections useful for international comparisons. According to CEPAL's 1997 projections for the 1995-2000 period, only five of 29 Latin American and Caribbean countries have TFRs greater than Nicaragua's - Paraguay, Honduras, Bolivia, Haiti, and Guatemala. 7 McCue (1997); CEPAL (1997); and INIM (1988). The total fertility ratio (TFR) of 3.9 for the 1995-2000 period was only a projection, and it comes from CEPAL, whose reports during other years were consistently lower than other Nicaraguan sources (e.g. 1985-90a). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4.1: Central American Fertility Rates (TFR) (Average number of total children per woman)9 Years Nica ★ ★ ★ Guat Hond 1971 6.9 ★ * * 1970-75a 6.8 ★ ★ ★ 6.5 7.1 1970-75b 6.7 ★ ★ * 1975-80a 6.4 ★ ★ ★ 6.4 6.6 1975-80b 6.3 * + * 1983 6.0 k k k 1985 5.9 * * * 1980-85a 6.0 ★ ★ ★ 6.3 6.0 1980-85b 5.9 ★ ★ ★ 1985-90a 5.0 ★ ★ k 5.8 5.4 1985-90b 5.5 k k k 1985-90c 5.6 k k k 1992 4.6 k k k 5.6 5.2 1990-95a 4.4 k k k 5.4 4.9 1990-95b 5.0 k k k 1995 5.6 ★ ★ ★ 1995-2000* 3.9 ★ ★ ★ 4.9 4.3 Salv Panama CR Belize Cuba 6.1 4.9 4.3 6.3 3.6 5.7 4.1 3.9 6.2 2.1 4.4 3.5 3.5 5.4 1.8 4.0 3.2 3.4 4.7 1.8 3.5 2.9 3.1 4.2 1.6 3.1 2.6 3.0 3.7 1.6 0 Sources: CDC (1993) [for 1992); CEPAL (1997,11)[for all, unless otherwise specified); Eche- nique & Gomariz (1997,24) [for 1985-90c,1990-95b]; Garfield and Williams (1992,265) [for 1970- 85b,1985-90c]; INEC (1996,54) [for 1985,1990-95b]; INIM (1988) [for 1970-1990b); Lane (1995) [for 1995); McCue (1997,35) [for 1971); Olivera et al. (1990,26-7) [for 1983); Perez-Aleman (1990a) [for 1985-90b); and Siu (1992,10) [for 1970-90b]. * = Projection only. 9 CEPAL (1997,4) defined TFR as ”... the average number of children a member of a hypothetical cohort of fecund women would have if she had her children according to the age specific fert ility rate of the population in the study and was not exposed to the risk of death from birth to the end of their fertile period." 137 138 Nicaraguan rates are better than in Guatemala and Honduras, but worse than the Central American average of 4.8 births per woman, the Latin American average of 3.8, and the worldwide average of 3.3.10 In support of the notion that socialist investments have a greater impact on health, Cuban data highlights the potential for fertility decline even in a poor nation which actively struggles towards this goal.11 III. HISTORIC USAGE OF FAMILY PLANNING Before examining the health effects of fertility among the 208 women interviewed in this study, we will examine their choices concerning contraception. Under Somoza, the lack of family planning was part of an overall scarcity of health resources, particularly in rural areas. The Sandinista period was characterized by limited support for fertility control. The lack of enthusiasm for some forms of contraception originated in Sandinista fears of alienating their Christian supporters. Thus, they concentrated their most publicized contraceptive programs around breastfeeding campaigns, while avoiding the more controversial options, including abortion. During this period, women with fewer than five or six children were regularly refused the right to sterilization during the 1980s.12 Nevertheless, in the first four years of the Revolution, family planning increased six-fold through MINSA (Murguialday 1990) . 10 Vargas (1993,26) for 1990-95. 11 Caldwell (1993) cites other such examples of Sri Lanka, China, and Vietnam. 12 CIERA (1989); Criquillon et al. (1985); and McCue (1997,36). In 1989, the government stopped demanding spousal signature for sterilization, but due to budgetary constraints, only women over age 35 could be sterilized in public hospitals and only if they had more than six children [See Collinson (1990)]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 That is, without making systematic, widely publicized campaigns around the issue, the Sandinista government dramatically increased provision of contraception. Save the Children's head Elaine Henderson says that (public) access to family planning peaked during the Sandinista years (Lane 1995). And Perez-Aleman (1990a) found that 75% of those using family planning in 1989 got it from public sources. The increase in family planning under the Sandinistas is displayed in Table 4.2, whose source is Garfield and Williams (1992,250). Table 4.2: Visits for Birth Control (000s) 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 Total 24 81 142 137 201 264 292 278 290 325 Pills 15 60 106 104 161 222 234 220 225 241 IUDs 2 8 15 17 21 24 27 25 39 45 Other 6 13 22 16 20 19 25 33 36 39 The national family planning rates reported in Table 4.3 (on the next page) indicate a moderate increase during the FSLN years but that despite these increases, by the end of the decade, only a small percentage of women (approximately one-fourth) were using family planning. Other reports suggest the increases were even smaller than indicated here. For example, Barrett (1992) noted that in several studies done in the 1970s the rate of family planning ranged from six to 24 percent.12 McCue reported a range of 12 to 26 percent among women in the 1980s and 1990s.13 Relative to most previous rates, the range of family planning rates reported for 1993 suggests that a further increase has occurred in the 1990s. 12 Barrett (1992,11) - citing Hilty (1981,14); Luisier (1985,117); and USAID (1976,119). 13 McCue (1997,81) - summarizing studies by CISAS (1995); Collinson (1990); Morgan (1995); and Pizarro (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 Table 4.3: International Family Planning Usage15 (Percentage of Women Using Family Planning) Source 1 1 2 3 3 3 3 Year 1974 1978 1979 1982 1983 1984 1986 1987 1989 1987-91 1990 1991 1993a 1993b 1993c 1993d Nicaragua 6.0 9.5 27.0 26.0 23.0 26.0 49.0 27.0 54 .1 26. 0 48.7 26.0 12. 0 ★ 'it ★ ★ * + **•*- ★ ★ ★ * * ★ + + * ■fr Hr ★ * * ★ ★ ★ ★ * + * *• + * ★ * + ir ★ ★ * ■ ★ + ★ * + * * ■ * + ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ ★ * * * ■it * * * * + International rates 60.6 - Panama 68.0 - U.S. 4 8.0 - Mexico 26.0 - Bolivia 25.0 - Guatemala 7.0 - Haiti 59.0 - Panama 47.0 - El Salvador 68.0 - Costa Rica 4 6.0 - Peru 27.0 - Honduras 75.0 - Costa Rica 3.0 - Ivory Coast As usual, the Nicaraguan data do not exhibit tremendous internal consistency. Nevertheless we can make two conclusions: 1) that the rates appear to have increased over the years, and 2) that they still remain below the 50% which Bledsoe and colleagues (1999) reported as the median rate in LDCs. Compared with their cohorts in other developing areas, Nicaraguan women appear to have more contraceptive barriers than all but African women. By 1990 the percentage of women using some contraception in eastern Asia reached 79%; in Latin America, 58%; in 15 Sources: l=01ivera et al. (1990); 2=FIDEG (1991b); 3=Pizarro (1991); 4=INIM (1988); 5=CDC (1993); 6=Vargas (1993,221); 7=Fredersdorf (1993); 8= Observador Economico 65 (February) 1997:42. The 1993b CDC study involved 7,105 interviewees. 1993c comes from a study by the Centro Alternativo de Salud, in Managua, with 2806 subjects. 1993d is based on 500 women interviewed by the Gender Studies Department of the Jesuit University, UCA. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 the rest of Asia, 42%; and in Africa, it was only 18%. Pizarro (1991) noted that Nicaragua ranked among the five lowest in Latin America - along with Bolivia, Guatemala, Haiti, and Honduras. Naturally, given that the age range of my 208 interviewees was 15 to 90 years old, not all of them were in a fertile period at the time of the interview.15 Table 4.4 shows the connections between factors associated with use of family planning at any time - i.e. including all generations of the interviewees.16 Table 4.4: Influences on Lifetime Family Planning - (FAMPLN_EVER)17 Category xVariable P S G T Other AGE MARRIED TYPE_FAMILY EMPOWER_PTS VILLAGE EDU_YEARS Economic BUY_LARGE .041 LAND_SIZE NUM_PIG BUILDING H0SP_TIME NUM_CHICK DR_TIME Patriarchy DOMINATED .063 L P- N .568 .000 175** . 407 .000 186** .319 . 000 186** .374 .001 186** .220 .009 186** .275 .018 184* .006 186** .325 .005 110** . 144 .008 185** .264 .013 184* .224 .019 108* .209 .020 170* .440 .047 50* .001 179** 15 The range of 15-49 years is the standard used in the discussion of fertility. 16 The factors are organized according to patriarchal and other influences. However, many variables have both economic and patriarchal roots. For instance, TRAVEL_HEALTH and MOBILITY include a woman's ability to afford transportation to health facilities as well as her ability to travel alone. "Social" includes political participation and ideology. "Other" includes combination variables such as EMPOWERED, as well as demographic and health variables. 17 P=Pearson's R-square was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordinal variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4.4: Influences on Family Planning - Lifetime (FAMPLN_EVER) (cont.) Category Patriarchy Social Other Economic Social xVariable P S G T L P- N NO WORK . 043 . 006 178** ABUSE .036 .013 173* HOME WHO . 186 . 045 126* SPOUSE_ALCO . 188 .048 139* TIME_GROUP .333 .026 58* EMPOWERED .010 . 179 186 HEALTH . 143 . 166 186 URBAN .008 . 323 186 AGE MAR . 088 .424 174 TYPE_MAR . 024 .785 175 MEDS .018 . 071 182 TRAVEL HLTH .027 . 086 186 SAVINGS . 014 . 109 186 RENT TO .009 . 191 186 CHANGE ECON .008 .264 166 CAPITAL .005 . 339 186 OWN HOME .017 . 380 186 REMIT .002 .509 185 LATRINE .010 .760 185 WORK TYPE .005 . 969 175 FURNITURE . 030 . 061 186 CLINIC TIME . 104 .272 98 POVERTY .099 . 360 186 BUY_SMALL .011 . 916 186 TOOK ITEM . 014 . 115 182 NO VISIT .013 . 119 183 GENDER WORK .009 . 666 186 MOBILITY . 001 .726 186 DECISIONS .033 . 770 186 CHANGE REV . 020 . 072 160 CHANGE ECON .008 .264 166 PARTICIPATE . 006 .287 186 ISOLATION .003 .440 172 FAITH .054 . 571 159 MEETING .002 .813 186 4EVER WIFE . 000 .867 149 CONSCIOUS .000 .886 186 JOIN GROUP .020 .057 186 ROLE .233 .067 127 SUPPORT . 192 . 170 157 LEISURE . 139 .286 162 RATE WORK .013 .886 168 LEGAL_MAR .006 . 912 170 have traditionally been the blocks to women's usage of family planning? This data shows that some of the strongest Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 associations were with demographic variables, particularly age, marital status, years of schooling, and even one's place of residence (VILLAGE). Naturally, those who are partnered are more likely to have a family planning history than those who are single, separated, or widowed (MARRIED). One of the most encouraging statistics of this study is the increased usage of family planning seen with younger cohorts. In the past, economic factors have empowered wealthier women to take their fertility into their own hands. These economically advantaged women had shorter travel times to the hospital or doctor (HOSP_TIME and DR_TIME), and better housing conditions (BUILDING), purchasing power (BUY_LARGE), and control of capital (LAND_SIZE, NUM_PIG, NUM_CHICK). Several variables of patriarchy were significantly (and positively) associated with FAMPLN_EVER: being dominated by others (DOMINATED, ABUSE), being prevented from working outside the house (NO_WORK), having an alcoholic spouse (SPOUSE_ALCO), while having home title in the woman's name (HOME_WHO) was negatively associated. In the case of one's score on the empowerment scale (EMPOWER_PTS, women with both the fewest (<10) and the most (>20) empowerment points are more likely to have used contraception. This suggests that higher contraceptive rates occurred with two different experiences - economic empowerment and patriarchal disempowerment. For the most part, only the virulent (or violent) patriarchal relations created barriers to lifetime contraception. No relation is seen between family planning history and the division of productive and reproductive labor between the sexes (GENDER_WORK). Nor is there any significant effect on family planning by any of the ideological variables. These include religious FAITH, feelings of ISOLATION, one's most important ROLE or SUPPORT in life; whether men or women Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 work harder (RATE_WORK), what one considers LEISURE, whether women will always be responsible for household chores (4EVER_WIFE), and the importance one gives to civil marriage (LEGAL_MAR) . Nor did age at first marriage (AGE_MAR) or type of work (WORK_TYPE) correspond significantly. TV. CURRENT USAGE OF FAMILY PLANNING More pertinent to the issue of fertility is contemporary use of contraception among women in their child-bearing years. In the neoliberal era, public provision of family planning has been subject to the same adjustment-induced scarcity affecting other health services, particularly medicines. And since 1990, contraception is most consistently available through private facilities, rather than through public clinics. But this does not appear to be as big a penalty as it might seem. Table 4.5: Comparison of Contraception Usage (1992 & 1997) (Percentage of Women, Ages 15-49) Lifetime Current Study Year National Urban Rural CDC 1992 67.9 49 60-63 33 Havelin18 1997 67.9 58 58.7 58.8 Results in my study are consistent with a positive trend in fertility control. As seen in Appendix Seven (t-Tests), the first significant increase in contraception rates occurs at age 25 for contemporary family planning (FAMPLAN_NOW), while for FAMPLAN_EVER, the age was 27. Among all my interviewees (ages 14 to 90), 51.1 percent had ever used family planning. More encouragingly, among those 15-49 years of age, the figure was 67.9 percent, matching exactly that of the CDC's 1993 study of 7,150 women. That study 1 8 Urban here means "Small City + Managua"; Rural consists of "Most rural and Near Town." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 found that contraceptive usage was twice as likely in urban areas, and two and one-half times more likely in educated women relative to illiterate women. (See Table 4.5 on the previous page.) Although 208 interviewees constitute a relatively small group, these results suggest that usage of contraception is significantly greater in the 1990s than ever before. If these interviews are indicative of a national transition, the increased access for rural women is remarkable - and one of the few improvements in their health that can be said to have occurred after the Sandinistas left power. Table 4.6: Influences on Current Family Planning - (FAMPIiAN_NOW) (yVariable=FAMPLAN NOW) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N CHANGE_ECON Social .000 .885 166 DR TIME Economic .286 . 100 50 HOSP_TIME . 196 . 186 108 VILLAGE Other .061 .445 186 GENDER WORK Patriarchy .000 . 993 186 SPODSE ALCO .048 .765 139 Table 4.6 revisits the associations between patriarchal, social, and economic variables and usage of family planning. Other than when noted above, the associations were the same as with FAMPLN_EVER (shown in Table 4.4). That is, none of the ideological variables, nor work status, rural residence, nor age at first marriage influence contraceptive use. And consistent with lifetime contraceptive usage, some of the barriers to women's control of their fertility are machismo and economic barriers, such as lack of health services. Interestingly, lifetime usage was impeded by the time needed to travel to the doctor or hospital, whereas these are no longer obstacles to family planning. Similarly, village is no longer important. This may be due to the fact that contraception is Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 currently being delivered with little infrastructure. This occurs in numerous private homes in isolated areas which have a plaque on the door identifying it as a site for family planning - "PROFAMILIA pcomotor(a) aqui." V. FACTORS INFLUENCING FERTILITY DECISIONS A natural sequel to family planning rates is overall fertility. The literature on women's control over their reproduction offers several suggested influences. These include education, religious faith, personal economic resources, level and distribution of services (i.e. urban-rural bias), and last but not least, patriarchal attitudes. A. Education and Family Planning Sociological examinations of health universally recognize the positive effects of increased schooling on maternal and child health. Hypothesized pathways through which education affects health include: changes in maternal behavior - either improved usage of family resources19 or increased utilization of services,20 improved understanding of health instructions,21 delayed marriage and decreases in overall fertility,22 marriage to more educated spouses, whose ideologies are potentially less machista,23 19 Caldwell (1993); and Sandiford et al. (1995) . 20 Caldwell (1993); Gorter et al. (1991); Robles (1997); and Sandiford et al. (1991). 21 Ainsworth et al. (1996); Bledsoe et al. (1999); Caldwell (1993); Garfield and Williams (1992,183); and Robles (1997). 22 Bledsoe et al. (1999); Zelaya et al. (1997). 23 Basu (1999) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 • increased opportunity cost of mothers staying home to raise children, 24 • changed maternal values (i.e. through new rational cost-benefit calculations,25 or through a Gramscian socialization process which imprints new values through the educational system,26 and • increased autonomy and self-esteem.27 Given the well-established link between education and use of contraception it is only natural to see the same effect on fertility. Such results have been noted by CDC (1993), FLACSO (1997), Siu (1992), and Vargas (1993). Table 4.7 confirms their findings with my 1997 interviews. Table 4.7: Factors Influencing Fertility (yVariable=TOTAL_KID) (TOTAL_ KID) Category xVariable P S G T L P- N Other AGE EDO YEARS - URBAN .565 .516 . 155 . 000 .000 . 016 197** 203** 208* Economic MEDS .010 .005 201** Social SUPPORT ROLE .092 . 115 .005 .017 173** 137* Other EMPOWER_PTS .014 .845 208 Economic BUILDING LAND_SIZE - . 106 . 108 . 130 .228 206 126 24 Ainsworth et al. (1996). 25 Lloyd, C. and Blanc, A. 1996. Children's Schooling in Africa: the Role of Fathers, Mothers and Others. Population and Development Review 22(4)683-702, cited in Heward (1999); and Diamond, Newby and Varle (1999). 26 Carter (1999). For more on this. See Afshar, H. and Agarwal, B. 1989. Women, Poverty and Ideology in Asia: Contradictory Pressures, Uneasy Resolutions. London: Macmillan, and see Sticther, S. and Parpart, J.L., eds. 1990. Women, Employment and the Family in the International Division of Labor. Basingstoke, England: Macmillan. 27 Caldwell (1986); Garfield and Williams (1992). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 Table 4.7: Factors Influencing Fertility (TOTAIi_KID) , (cont.) (yVariable=TOTAIi_KID ) Category xVariable P S G T L P- N Economic DR TIME . 139 .302 57 NUM CHICK -.061 .343 200 NUM PIG -.032 . 643 207 HOSP TIME .037 . 685 123 WORK TYPE .049 .489 195 FIELDWORK . 145 .051 177 POVERTY . 106 . 917 208 BUY_LARGE .007 . 126 206 Social FAITH -.087 . 428 178 Patriarchy GENDER WORK . 123 .200 208 DOMINATED .006 .256 199 ABUSE HIST .003 . 947 162 The positive correlations between SUPPORT and ROLE and total offspring suggests a chicken and egg question. Do women who find their greatest role to be as "mother" choose to have children for this reason, or do their heavy maternal duties prevent them from naming any other role? The encouraging news to be gleaned from these interviews is that younger women are indeed having fewer children. In the CDC's 1993 study, the contrast between least and most educated women was an average of 6.9 vs 2.3 children. Likewise, my 1997 interview results reveal a sharp contrast between average fertility among those with no schooling and those with at least six years schooling. Table 4.8 addresses this issue of the fertility effects of any schooling. Among the subset of women ages 15-4 9, those without education had an average of 6.36 children (N=33) while those with at least ten years education (N=13) averaged 1.69 children. Figure I (also on the following page) shows that the greatest proportion of women having more than six children occurs among those with no schooling or with only lower primary preparation. The likelihood of having three to six children remains frequent through Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 the upper primary level. It is not until some high school is reached that having less than three children predominates. Table 4.8: Education and Fertility (Ages 14-90) Years of schooling Average # children None 8.21 1-3 (some lower primary) 6.17 4-6 (some upper primary) 4.13 ' k ' k ' k ' i r ' k ' k - k ' k i r i t i t ' k ' k l r - k ' k i c ' k ' k - k l e i r i e i e i e i e i c i e i e - i r - i r i t i e i t i e - k i c i e l c i c i r i e ' k i e l c i c >0 (some education) 4.69 0-3 (less than upper primary) 7.23 0-6 (less than h.s.) 6.48 - - (adult ed) 6.56 >3 (at least upper primary) 3.32 >6 (at least some h.s.) 2.00 All 5.89 Figure I: Schooling and Fertility Levels 50 40 Education Categories Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 Women in adult education are a good cohort to compare with those without any schooling since they are likely to share socio-economic status.29 As with the Sandiford (1995) study, adult education in my interviewees is seen to lower fertility equivalent to precipitate a drop in fertility equivalent to between one and three years of formal study. Unlike many studies showing that the greatest declines occur after reaching the threshold of secondary education,29 fertility dropped by half among those making it merely to upper primary (at least 4 years). B. Economic Influences on Family Planning Several reviews of the literature concluded that there is a certain threshold level of development below which the fertility effects of education are minimal.30 That is, that knowledge transmission in vastly undeveloped areas occurs as a part of cultural networks in which custom, traditional norms, and prestige of local leaders hold the greatest value. Caldwell (1993) and Funk and Mueller (1993) highlighted the cultural effect of health habits and status among varying ethnic groups within states. In Nicaragua, Barrett's (1992) work among four rural villages on the Atlantic coast revealed that biomedical knowledge was foreign to many rural residents until the Sandinista expansion of health care occurred. Garfield and Williams (1992) wrote that the early Sandinista immunization campaigns uncovered people's limited conceptions of health and disease. Some parents hid their children 28 Sandiford et al. (1995, 14). 29 For example, see Bledsoe et al. (1999) and Garfield and Williams (1992). 30 Ainsworth et al. (1996); Bledsoe et al. (1999); Jeffery and Basu (1996); and Jejeebhoy (1995). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 from the vaccination teams, fearing that the injections would make their kids sick. A study by CIPAF (1984,142) similarly recorded prevalent folk ideas about the alleged damaging health effects of birth control (e.g. vaginal sores, cancer). Years later, some of these ideas were reflected by a few interviewees who stated that they avoided family planning because they had heard that the pills cause cancer. In a way, this recalls the "banana split problem" whereby years of schooling (vanilla ice cream) by itself can not overcome the fact that one has a platano (loyalty to traditional norms) instead of a banana (rational cost- benefit calculations). Nevertheless, as the population becomes more educated, as has recently occurred in Nicaragua, these barriers are overcome. Most of the literature tying economic development to fertility currently centers upon the relative importance of access to services. Services vs. nutrition, potable water, etc. Within the academic community writing about health influences, a large debate reigns over the role of services. Physician Thomas McKeown claimed in his 1976 book The Role of Medicine: Dream, Mirage or Nemesis that nutrition, not medical care, was the single most important reason for longer lives. This argument has been echoed by more recent writers.32 Table 4.7 (Factors Influencing Fertility) showed that time spent traveling to services (e.g. DR_TIME, HOSP_TIME) were not significantly correlated with overall fertility or contemporary family planning, although this did hold true in the past. While the 32 Asthana (1994); Caldwell (1993); Link and Phelan (1996); Maier (1991,54); Navarro (1976,1981); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994); and Woznica (1986). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 effects of nutrition, access to safe drinking water, education, or overall economic development may indeed have a greater influence on general health outcomes, it is worth noting, however, that in this chapter a narrower focus is taken - economic status and fertility. Similarly, the CDC (1993) study contrasted highest and lowest socio-economic status (SES) and found differential fertility rates of 2.5 and 6.3 respectively. This difference in socio-economic status may explain how Sola and Trayner's (1988,179) interviews with 42 campesinas revealed an average of 9.4 children per woman - at a time where national fertility averages were estimated to be between 5.0 and 5.5. Among interviewees in this study who were between 15 and 4 9 years of age, the 50 women with the best housing conditions (a proxy for socio-economic status) had 4.48 children while the 31 women with the worst housing had 5.39 children - support for the effect of economic status on fertility. However, the gap is not as wide as that found by the CDC. And the report on other more general economic variables is mixed. As shown with Tables 4.4 (FAMPLN_EVER) and 4.6 (FAMPLAN_NOW), a variety of economic variables do seem to influence use of contraception (e.g. NUM_CHICK, NUM_PIG, LAND_SIZE, BUILDING, and BUY_LARGE) .32 The lack of correspondence with number of cows owned (NUM_COW) is logical. That is, selling chickens or pigs to get 32 These include the number of chickens and pigs, size of land holding, quality of one's home, and ability to make large purchases (such as cooking pots, clothing, or furniture). Other variables, however, do not show an effect. These variables represent the family's home ownership (OWN_HOME, HOME_TITLE); as well as more general control of capital (NUM_COW, CAPITAL, REMIT, RENT_T0, and REPAIRS); whether one has electricity (ELECTRIC) or access to medicines (MEDS); or even the poverty level relative to other interviewees (POVERTY). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 contraception is within a woman's means more so than selling one's home, or a long-term investment such as a cow. In 1997, sale of a cow could bring thousands of cordobas, whereas one chicken might net slightly more than the twenty cordobas necessary to pay for family planning at PROFAMILIA. But with regards to fertility, as a rule economic variables show no correlation (as shown in Table 4.7). The only exception lies in MEDS. But a current lack of access to medicines is much more likely to be a fertility effect than a preceding condition (unlike more long-term capital ownership such as cows, homes, and land). Table 4.9: Poverty and Fertility POVERTY33 TOTAL_KID N "Rich" 6.45 56 1 low score 5.29 42 2 low scores 5.29 49 3 low scores 6. 94 33 4 low scores 5.33 6 Total 5.93 186 Tellingly, Table 4.9 fails to demonstrate significant links between POVERTY and TOTAL_KID. While none of the 208 interviewees could accurately be described as wealthy, those who were the richest relative to the other interviewees had more children than the average. This may simply reflect the incomplete capture of income and economic opportunities by this poverty index which is heavily based on housing conditions. It may be, however, that economic factors are not as important as other influences on fertility. Fertility and rural residence Another sub-topic within economic issues is the urban-rural gradient. There is a mystifying difference between the effect of 33 Poverty index (POVERTY): based on lowest score in variables WATER, BLDG LEVEL, LATRINE, ELECTRIC, and OWN HOME. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 rural status on contraceptive usage and on total offspring. Women in the most rural areas are the only ones for whom the norm is to never have used family planning. That is, in the other three levels of urbanity, the majority of women have used family planning at some point in their history. These contraception trends are consistent with other studies' reported fertility trends. In 1992, the CDC study identified the difference between most rural and Managuan fertility rates as 6.4 vs 3.2 children per woman. Vargas (1993,26) noted an even higher contrast: 7.6 vs 4.6. INEC found that while urban fertility rates declined between 1971 and 1987, rural rates remained constant.34 In that same study, it was noted that the rates for educated women in the countryside were the same as for illiterate women in the city. Tables 4.10 and 4.11 show regional differences in fertility compared with prior national reports. (Counting only those 15-49 years old in this study, women in the most rural towns (N=55) averaged 5.27 children while those in Managua (N=13) had 4.92, showing that the geographic gap has persisted during overall declines in fertility rates.) Table 4.10: Rural Residence and Fertility (Ages 14-90) Level of Urbanization Mean (TOTAL_KID) N Most rural 6.70 66 Near town 6.20 56 Small city 4.69 49 Urban: Managua 5.60 15 Total 5.93 186 The smaller gap between Managuan and rural rates in this study can be explained by the fact that one of the poorest neighborhoods in 34 Cited in Siu (1992, 5). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 Managua (Las Torres) was the site of the interviews and that many women were recently transplanted campesinas. This factor may also have affected higher rates in other towns classified here as urban, e.g. Teustepe and San Carlos. Table 4.11: Comparisons of the Urban-Rural Gap35 Fertility 1977 1984 1987-92 1997 Total 6.5 5.8 4.6 5.9 Managua 3.6 3.8 3.2 5.6 CJrban 4.6 4.6 3.6 4.9 Rural 8.4 7.6 6.4 6.5 Changes in ideology induced by economic crisis In a 1993 visit to a feminist collective in Malpaisillo, the researcher was told by women there that higher rates of family planning could be attributed to the economic pressures felt by men who now recognized their inability to support a large family. Likewise, Caldwell (1993,132) hypothesized that increased cost of living, along with increased child enrolment rates, prompted more parents towards family planning.3 6 In the CDC's 1993 study, the majority of the subjects (54%) reported economic problems as their chief motivation to use family planning, while fewer (31%) said that it was because they already had enough children. According to Murguialday (1990,93), this economic crisis-induced change in ideology started half-way through the 1980s. Among my participants, one 27-year old mother of two (D6) who works alongside 35 Sources: CDC (1993) [for 1987-92]; Echenique & Gomariz (1997,24) [for 1977,1984]; Havelin (1997 interviews) "Urban" here is Managua + "Small city" while "Most rural" + "Near town" constitute the "rural" category. 36 Also see Brenes et al. (1991,143); Fernandez (1996,56); FIDEG (1991b,1992); and Madriz (1991,72). Outside Nicaragua, similar findings were reported by Safa (1993,26) and Knippers Black (1991,43) - citing Hojman's (1989) work on Chile. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 her husband in the fields proclaimed, "It is not possible to raise kids with all these economic problems."37 Nevertheless, the one variable meant to test these attitudes, CHANGE_ECON, showed no significant relationship with fertility or with family planning (current or lifetime).38 Still, the fact that family planning used to be influenced by spouse's alcohol usage, but is not currently, means that the idea of crisis-induced changes in male attitudes cannot be ruled out completely. C . Machismo and Family Planning Another hypothesis is that of machismo as a barrier to family planning. Impregnating a woman has been considered the highest expression of masculinity.39 Perez-Aleman (1990a) noted that there was a lot of male resistance to family planning during the 1980s. Clara Murguialday (1990,90) observed that abortion and family planning were two of the most difficult topics to broach publicly in Nicaragua. A twin to machismo is the maternal ideology of women, or patriarchy among women. (The internalization of patriarchal values, also mentioned by Brenes et al. (1991) and Summerfield (1994), will be further discussed in Chapters Five and Seven.) Research in the 1980s showed that many rural women rejected family planning out of 3' For more on this, see Chapter Eight (Table 8.12: CHANGE_ECON) for the discussion surrounding whether economic crisis changed family relations. 38 CHANGE_ECON involved the question, "Have family relations changed, either between husband and wife or between parents and children, due to the recent economic crisis?" 39 Olivera et al. (1990). Other Nicaraguan literature on machista barriers to fertility control includes Cartwright (1993); Sola and Trayer (1988); and Wessel (1991). Also see Eschen and Whittaker (1993,110). Caldwell's (1993,128) comparison of Indian and Sri Lankan usage of health services indicates this factor, without directly dealing with contraception. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 fear of machista backlash, or because of unstable unions, or because of the cultural expectation that a campesina had many children.'0 Especially among my older interviewees, opinions expressed reflected machista norms identifying women's main purpose in life as that of mother. One woman in her fifties (C3), with 16 pregnancies, 15 deliveries, and 12 living children at the time of the interview simply said that she never cared to use family planning: "Nunca quise." Some apparent internalization of patriarchal values may actually be disguised fear. McCue (1997,151) noted that spousal resistance to a woman's family planning sometimes escalate into domestic violence. According to Heller (1998), assaults against women are escalated during and after pregnancy or during arguments over family planning. Ellsberg et al. (1999) interviewed 488 women and concluded that wife abuse constitutes a major public health problem in Nicaragua. Certainly in past generations, this was prevalent. A 51-year old interviewee in Huispante explained her history of 24 pregnancies, six miscarriages, and six child deaths: "He was against it, and I was afraid." Younger women may be more likely to defy their partner's machismo, such as the 24-year old mother of three (C2) who said, There are some who don't want women to use family planning. But the woman who has children suffers. If he leaves for another, and I am going to fill myself with his children.... I took the pill, but I had problems with vomiting. And he was against it, so I had to do it on the sly - I got an IUD. Religion and family planning Many Western feminists have criticized the role of traditional religious values (e.g. the Catholic church's prohibition on <0 Olivera et al. (1990,29), citing a study by the ATC and CIERA in 1984 . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 contraception other than the Billings, or "rhythm," method). According to Paola Perez-Aleman (1990a), these norms reinforce restrictive stereotypes about woman as mother, subordinate to man, and that sex is only being for reproduction.41 Such cases can be found among my interviewees. A 51-year old mother of ten refused family planning, philosophizing that, "One has to obey the laws of the church. When we got married, I accepted that I would have the children God gave me."42 Another 40-year old mother of seven used "the (rhythm) method and that's how I ended up with all these (seven) kids."43 And in general, the interviewees reflected a deep religious impact on their daily lives (i.e. in mobility, dress, and leisure activities) . Furthermore, a few religious impacts on control of fertility can be seen in the relationship with TOTAL_KID. The variables SUPPORT and ROLE both reflect the traditional association with faith-spurred fertility. That is, those who state that their greatest support comes from God are more likely to have over six offspring, as are those who say that their most important role in life is as a child of God. But other Nicaraguan research contradicts the stereotypical expectations. Romeyn' s (1994) work in Nueva Guinea found that the Catholic church was not as strictly against family planning as was the local protestant church (the Profecia). Despite a more overtly 41 Also see Montenegro's recently published La Cultura Sexual en Nicaragua, reviewed in El Nuevo Diario 18 September 2000. 42 E18: ”Uno tiene que obedecer con las leyes de la iglesia. Cuando nos casamos yo acepte que iba a tener los que el Senor me diera." In a way, she is an incomplete fit to the stereotype for her religious affiliation is Evangelical. 43 G17: "Use el metodo de la iglesia catolica y asi me llene de hij os." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 sexist state, one that voiced strong support of the official Catholic prohibition of family planning, and that more strictly enforced penalties for abortion (McCue 1997,40), the necliberal years were characterized by increasing numbers of women who were adopting contraceptive measures. More to the point, other studies have shown that despite the fact that religiosity is strong in Nicaragua, these views do not provide significant obstacles to fertility control. For instance, PROFAMILIA did a survey in 1993 where only 1.2% of non users declared the non-use for religious reasons.'*4 Similarly, among my 1997 interviews, there is no significant relationship seen between contraceptive use and expressed faith - whether counted as any faith (FAITH_ANY) or by the type (FAITH) - i.e. atheist, agnostic, Catholic, or Evangelical (Protestant). And while Catholics do predominate among women who have never used family planning, the difference is not significant. Nor do Catholics tend to be more likely to currently avoid contraception or to have more children. Returning to results in Table 4.4 (FAMPLN_EVER) , Table 4.6 (FAMPLAN_NOW), and 4.7 (TOTAL_KID), patriarchy does not seem to offer the expected barriers to fertility or family planning among these cases. In fact, the data suggest that women have access to family planning even in situations of family domination. Both women with low and high empowerment scores are more likely to have used family planning than are those with scores in the middle (between 11 and 21). Significant association is noted between access to family planning and women who have a history of domestic violence (ABUSE), are prohibited from paid work (NO_WORK) , are not empowered in family 44 Cited in Observador Economico 65 (May) 1997:42. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 domination (DOMINATED) and concerning who owns title to the family home. It may be that women's attitudes have changed, giving them more courage to control fertility "on the sly," or it may be that PROFAMILIA and other state family planning programs have made it nearly universally accessible to women. VI. PATRIARCHY AND HEALTH Before continuing the discussion of fertility effects on family health, further attention is paid here to general effects of patriarchy on the health of the 208 interviewees. But surprisingly, there are absolutely no significant patriarchal effects on health. Table 4. xVariable 12: Patriarchy and yVariable P Health Outcomes S G T L P- N GENDER WORK SICK -.112 .354 207 EMPOWER PTS .043 .465 207 SPOUSE ALCO -.063 .520 147 DECISIONS . 007 .209 207 EMPOWERED . 006 .283 207 DOMINATE . 006 .370 198 ABUSE EVER .006 .422 161 ABUSE . 001 .961 190 EMPOWER PTS FAMSICK1 -.081 .210 191 GENDER WORK -.120 .331 191 SPOUSE ALCO .091 .376 139 ABUSE EVER . 013 .063 149 ABUSE .005 .538 174 DECISIONS . 004 .564 191 DOMINATE . 001 . 957 183 EMPOWERED . 193 .960 191 The null relationship holds not only for the health of the iterviewee in the past year, but also for members of her family. While Garfield and Williams (p.128) suggest that female empowerment is associated with better family health, there is no significant relation found between these patriarchy variables and FAMSICK1, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161 FAMSICK2, or FAMSICK3 (ordinal variables detailing the presence and severity of other family members' health in the past year).'1 5 That is not to say that patriarchy never affects women's health. Domestic violence has long been recognized as a health problem for women.'16 Several interviewees reported their husband's past or present violence, often associated with his drinking periods. The null relationship here can be attributed to the fact that SICK does not list psychological effects, bruising, fractures, lacerations - that is, the type of illnesses and injuries which are associated with domestic violence. And anecdotal evidence has been offered which supports the existence of patriarchal attitudes affecting both women and men, especially among the older generations. There is little doubt that machista attitudes have prevented women from using family planning - at least in the past. Yet this may have been an area where women were less likely to internalize the machismo. For a good number of older, uneducated women criticized the drive towards extreme maternity. Several made comments similar to this 64-year old veteran of 14 pregnancies, including two miscarriages, "If they had had (contraception) I would not have had this brood.'"17 In Los Robles, a vivacious 63-year old with no schooling and seven surviving children recounted her struggle over family planning:48 45 Information was obtained on illnesses of up to three other family members, but since none of the relationships are significant, only one family member's illnesses are noted above (FAMSICK1). 46 Heise (1993); and Jacobson (1993). 47 L5: "Si hubiera tenido eso no hubiera tenido ese chavalero." 40 M2: "Los curanderos no quisieron. Si sabia un esposo que daba planificacion a la esposa, tenian miedo de que le corten la cabeza. Y nos decian que no querian 'arrancar a tu esposo.' Estuve sin pastillas, y por eso tuve 10 hijos y dos perdidas." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 The curanderos wouldn't do it. If a husband knew that they were giving contraception to the wife, they were afraid of getting their heads cut off. And they would tell us that they didn't want to 'mess with your husband.' I was left without the pill, and that's why I had ten children and two miscarriages. In summary, although it may be impossible to disentangle the various effects on family planning, factors facilitating family planning include increased education and economic variables such as purchasing power and access to capital. Machismo continues to provide obstacles to family planning, but this data leads to the tentative suggestion that patriarchal influences on fertility are declining. The most radical result of these interviews concerns the apparent increased usage of and access to contraception. Both the analysis expressed by study participants as well as the statistical correlations suggest that widespread access to contraception has increased the likelihood of usage. This is striking given the context of declining public services due to SAP/ESAF and in its contradiction with studies reporting lower family planning rates elsewhere in Nicaragua, as well as with the literature suggesting that access to services has a relatively minor influence on health. VII. HEALTH EFFECTS OF FERTILITY While the prior sections of this chapter dealt with influences on family planning, one of the reasons that fertility is such a dominant factor in the daily life of the campesina is the strong link that exists between fertility and family health, including her own. Risks associated with heavy fertility include malnutrition, the woman's own mortality, as well as that of her offspring. Other more indirect risks include the pressures on a woman's time, energy, and psyche when she is responsible for care of a "chavalero" [brood]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 This study documented 231 offspring deaths among 208 women - more than one per mother. Of these deceased children, 176 (85%) were in children under five, while over half (121) occurred in children less than one year. The tragedy of these numbers defies expression in an academic paper such as this. Given that the campesina is solely responsible for cooking, cleaning, hauling water, supervision of children, as well as any paid work or subsistence agricultural activities, one would expect that the usage of family planning would increase her time and energies for these activities. Table 4.13 addresses this issue. Table 4.13: Outcomes of Family Planning' ( xVaxxable=FAMPLN_EVER) Category yVariable P S G T Economic BUY_LARGE .041 OWN_GARB KID_GARB Other TOTAL_KID ANYKID_MORT INFANT_MORT Economic SAVINGS .014 CAPITAL .005 BUILDING POVERTY NUM_COW Other EMPOWERED CHILD_MORT In contrast to much of the literature, having ever used contraception does not show a positive economic effect, as seen in the null relationship with CAPITAL, POVERTY, NUM_COW, BUILDING, and REPAIRS. That is, women who family plan are no more likely to have capital (including savings, investments, and equipment to rent out), or to be poor, own cows, live in a better building, or afford repairs on their home. The exception lies in the variable, BUY_LARGE, and L P- N .006 186** .025 .010 185** . 022 .018 184* . 149 .001 186** . 134 .009 186** . 104 .022 186** . 109 186 .339 186 .018 .365 185 .023 . 662 186 . 004 .666 183 .010 . 179 186 . 101 .064 175 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 three of its four constituted parts.'19 But this is just as likely to be a precipitating factor in fertility control as it is to be an outcome. Thus, we may conclude that while some purchases become possible for women who limit their fertility, the decision to use family planning does not have a tremendous impact on one's overall wealth. Considerable amounts of literature have indicated that family planning has a protective effect with regards to offspring mortality.50 As seen in Table 4.14 (on the next page), my data is consistent with these findings. Logically, as the number of children that a woman has increases, so does the likelihood that she will see some of them die, at any age. And women with fewer children were more likely to report "No major illness" in the past year (SICK). General to both the woman's own health and that of her family was the tendency for those with greater than six children to be the ones who became ill with cholera. Women with fewer children (i.e. younger women) were more likely to report an episode of malaria, consistent with the resistance which is known to occur with age. While it may seen paradoxical that the likelihood of family planning rises with increased offspring, this supports the studies showing that women do not begin family planning until their mid-twenties. (See Appendix Seven: t-Tests.) The association between fertility and HEAD_HOUSE is probably reflective of the greater tendency among older women to both 49 Women who use family planning are more likely to be able to buy clothing for themselves (OWN_GARB) and their children (KID_GARB) as well as to buy FURNITURE for the home, while they are no more likely than other women to have bought kitchen utensils (FRYPAN) in the past year. 50 Bledsoe et al. (1999); Caldwell (1993); Hahn (1999,257); Koblinsky et al. (1993:54); and Robles (1997,372). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. have more offspring and to identify themselves as head of one's household. Table 4.14: Fertility and Health Outcomes (xVariable=TOTAL KID) Category Other yVariable P S G T L p. N ANYKID MORT . 693 . 000 205** CHILD MORT . 625 .000 191** INFANT MORT . 533 . 000 208** SICK -.254 . 000 184** FAMSICK2 -.155 .032 171* FAMSICK3 -.167 .031 153* HEAD HOUSE .293 .005 197** FAM_PLAN .055 .037 186* SUPPORT . 159 . 011 173* FAMSICK1 -.097 . 172 191 MEDS . 141 .058 201 Social Other Economic A. Maternal Mortality Ratios Chapter Three identified one of Nicaragua's "banana split problems" as highly prevalent poverty diseases. Maternal mortality offers another such case of one of these "diseases of disorderly development." Ninety-nine percent of maternal mortality occurs in the developing world, and 89 percent in Africa and South Asia alone. In Nicaragua, Vargas (1993) attributed regional variations in 1991 MMR to the inequitable distribution of income and health services according to geographic region. Excessive maternity is a leading factor in maternal mortality. Kinnear (1997) found that one of five deaths among women in their childbearing years in Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, and Egypt were related to pregnancy. This compares with one of 200 deaths in the United States. Four of the major causes of maternal mortality are 51 Kinnear (1997,16) - citing Freedman and Maine (1993,153); and World Bank (1993,113). Merchant and Kurz (1993,80) report that maternal mortality is defined by WHO as "the death of a woman who is or has been pregnant during the previous 4 2 days." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 related to poor nutrition: hemorrhage, infection, obstructed labor, and eclampsia (Koblinsky, Timyan, and Gay 1993). CEPAL (1997) ranked Nicaragua's maternal mortality as seventh of 25 Latin American nations. (See Table 4.15 on the next page.) However, as stressed in the methods chapter, statistics in Nicaragua must be taken with a grain of salt. Mauldin (1994) suggests that maternal mortality statistics should incur more than the usual suspicion, especially given the large yet unexplained differences in 1993 maternal mortality ratios (MMRs) as reported in the World Bank's World Development Report 1993 and in the UNDP's Human Development Report. Likewise, the Observador Economico related in 1997 that the increase in 1996 merely reflected better reporting.52 In the last decade, while women in the developing world have risked their lives in less than 12 out of 100,000 deliveries, some women in Africa face risks one hundred times greater than that. Central American women's risk is relatively luckier - with less than 100 women dying for 100,000 live births in most of the isthmus. However, Nicaraguan women's risk is two to three times greater than their cohorts in Central America on average, and is much higher than Costa Rican women who face little more danger than women in MDCs. One area where the neoliberal regimes have shown a good record is in their support for lay midwife education. This formal training began in the mid-1980s but has continued in the neoliberal years. Several midwives noted with appreciation that the change in government in 1990 did not interrrupt their regular invitations to inservice programs with members of MINSA. 52 Perez-Aleman (1990a,20) notes that many researchers consider statistics reported by INEC/CELADE as capturing only half the mortality (and thus they were not reported here). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 Table 4 .15 : Maternal Mortality Rates (MMR)53 (Deaths per 100,000 live births) Source Year Nicaragua ★ Other nations 1 1970 137 2 1975 280 * 19 - U.S. 3 1983a 47--80 ★ 4 1983b 47 ★ 10 1984 47 ★ 2 1987 280 5 1988 ★ 700 - SubSaharan Af] 5 •dr 120 - Eastern Asia 5 ★ 26 - MDCs 2 1989a 339 ★ 6 1989b 308 7 1990a 300 ★ 137 - Honduras 8, 10 1990b 80 ★ 77 - Panama, rural 9 1990c 150 29 - Panama, urban 6 1990d 239 ★ 6-30 - MDCs 10 1990e 333 (Region V) 11 1991a 159 ★ 11 1991b 384 (RAAN) ■4 e 11 1991c 302 (Region VI) ★ 11 1991d 285 (Region V) ★ 11 1991e 175 (Region I) 12, 13 1992 365 * 2, 000 - Mali 13 ★ 1, 100 - Somalia 13 ★ 12 - MDCs 14 1993a 200 480 - Bolivia 14 1993b 300 ★ 160 - Paraguay 4 ★ 26 - Costa Rica 15 1994 >365 ★ 597 - Ivory Coast 2 1995a ISO-■160 + 3 1995b 175 * 12 1995c 159 5 - Canada 12 1995d >600 (Region V) ★ 12 1996 200 * 16 1998 250 ★ Attention by trained personnel is a key element to reducing MMRs. But unfortunately, MMR statistics are some of the most unreliable available in regards to Nicaraguan health. It is hard to 53 Sources: l=Donahue (1986,10); 2=McCue (1997:40,79) [citing MINSA (1996) and UNICEF (1996) for 1995a, and CISAS "unofficial" report (1995) for 1995b]; 3=Lane (1995); 4=Perez-Aleman (1990a,20); 5=Kinnear (1997,115); 6=Siu (1992,25); 7=FIDEG (1991b); 8=Fredersdorf (1993); 9=CEPAL (1997,56); 10=Garfield and Williams (1992,119); ll=Vargas (1993,237); 12^Observador Economico 62 (February) 1997 [1995d is from Chontales, part of Region V]; 13= Turshen (1994:82,93); 14=Mauldin (1994) [citing Human Development Report for 1993a, and World Development Report for 1993b]; 15=Wilson et al. (1999); 16=La Tribuna 19 July 1999. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 168 determine the effect of SAP/ESAF on Nicaraguan maternal mortality, but the great disparity among regional rates indicates the role for a centralized (i.e. governmental) response to the problem. That is, in contrast to areas with concentrated resources (e.g. Managua), those in disadvantaged areas such as the Atlantic Coast may have no self-propelled way to reduce their mortality. B. Offspring Mortality Directly linked to fertility is the health of one's children. The literature notes the relationship between short spacing of deliveries and poorer health outcomes for both mother and child.54 The following sections examine the mortality of offspring of all ages (ANYKID_MORT); those under five years (CHILD_MORT);5S and infant mortality (INFANT_MORT) deaths occurring from birth up to one year. Table 4.16: Predictors of Offspring Mortality (yVariable=ANYKID_MORT) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N TOTAL KID Other . 693 .000 205** AGE .514 . 000 194** EDU YEARS -.357 .000 201** DR TIME Economic . 046 . 023 56* CITY LIFE Social .311 . 003 188** VILLAGE .063 .002 205** FAMPLN_EVER . 134 .009 186** URBAN Other -.133 . 114 208 HEALTH .050 . 320 207 OWN HOME Economic . 148 . 062 208 COOK FUEL -.174 .081 208 FLOOR -.197 . 052 206 ROOF -.136 . Ill 207 WATER -.121 . 125 206 APPLIANCE -.119 . 252 206 5 , 1 Jacobson (1993; Price (1994); Robles (1997, 368); and Vargas (1993). 55 This is often referred to as under five mortality ratio (U5MR), and "child mortality" is also occasionally considered death from ages one to four. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 The mother's HEALTH status in the past year shows no significant correlation - unsurprisingly since the variable ANYKID_MORT covers a much longer span of time than one year. The lack of association between younger age at marriage and child mortality is inconsistent with the literature review. But the strong relationship with total offspring and age, along with the inverse relationship with education supports the mass of literature on fertility and reproduction. Note that while most housing indicators do not predict offspring mortality, FLOOR nearly does. As will be seen below, the association remains significant (or nearly so in the case of CHILD_MORT-FLOOR whose p=.064) throughout all age groups. While this is an exception to the lack of influence on health of other economic indicators, intuition supports it, given the risks to children crawling on parasite-laden dirt floors. Garfield and Williams (1992,128) contrast educational and economic factors for their effect on child mortality and family health. In this study, the education effect (EDU_YEARS) is much greater in terms of offspring mortality (ANYKID_MORT)56 compared with the effect of ownership of luxuries or a large home (APPLIANCE) on ANYKI D_MORT . 57 Surprisingly, there was no significant link between number of deceased children and rural residence, although the expected negative sign exists. Nevertheless, the significant relation between offspring mortality and a more favorable rating given to urban living (CITY_LIFE) may reflect a prior residence in a rural area at the time of the death of a child. 56 Pearson's = -.357; p=.000**; N=201. 57 Gamma = -.082; p=.202; N=203. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 There was, however, a significant relationship between current area of residence (VILLAGE) and ANYKID_MORT. The highest mean mortality was 1.59 per woman in Mulukuku, an area that has suffered more than two decades of war-like conditions. This is consistent with the 1989 study by Harvard, CIES, and CJNAN which reported that health outcomes (vaccine coverage, nutritional indices, and familial disruption) were worse in the war zones. Next highest offspring mortality rates were in Huispante, Teustepe, and Laurel Galan, with the lowest mortalities being found in Tuapi, Managua, and Teotecacinte. The differences in these mortalities are not explained by this study, but support the existence of regional variations in maternal mortality documented by Garfield and Williams (1992), Vargas (1993), and in the Observador Econdmico (1997). C. Child Mortality Ratio The variable ANYKID_MORT includes deaths among adults who perished from injuries in the war, or of causes unrelated to maternal characteristics (e.g. heart attack, unsuccessful gallbladder surgery, infected injection site). A more meaningful variable than deaths among offspring of all ages is that of child mortality. The following section examines deaths in children under five years old (CHILD_MORT) . Child mortality declined sharply in the Sandinista years from 121 in 1977 to 69 in 1986 (Perez-Aleman 1990a). Ten years later deaths in children under five would be reported as between 67 and 72. Despite general decreases, in 1993 Nicaragua had the highest child mortality in Central America - 81 per 1000 births.58 In that same 50 Perez-Aleman (1990a) [for 1977,1986] - who noted that comparable rates for Costa Rica and Guatemala in 1986 were 18 and 71. El Nuevo Diario 2 January 1997 [for 1996 as 72] and Observador Economico 65 (June) 1997:42 [for 1996 as 67]. Vargas (1993,192) [for 1993]. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 year, the more developed countries averaged 11, while considerably higher rates than those in Nicaragua were reported in Africa - e.g. 225 in Mali and 211 in Somalia.59 By the end of the 1990s Nicaraguan health surveys found child mortality (before age 5 in 1000 live births) to be 32 percent higher in the countryside than in city - 64 vs 4 9 deaths.60 Educational differences were even greater: among women with no schooling, CMR was 98 compared to 41 per 1000 among women with at least some secondary (CEPAL 1997,56). Caldwell (1993,128) reports that a 1985 U.N. study of fifteen nations found a drop in child mortality of 6.8 percent per each year of maternal schooling. Controlling for other (economic) variables, the drop still was 3.4 percent. The strongest relationships in Table 4.17 support the theories that educating the mother (EDU_YEARS), thus delaying and decreasing her fertility (AGE_MAR, TOTAL_KID) , which naturally would decrease household density (HOUSE_DENS) , and has a negative effect on child (morbidity and) mortality.61 Interestingly enough, economic indicators such as latrine or ownership of pigs, land, chickens, or cows do not correlate with child mortality. Nevertheless, the expected negative relation between building conditions and child mortality is supported. The expectation that the amount of time necessary to get to the doctor would positively correlate with CHILD_MORT is upheld here. But child mortality is apparently unaffected by the amount of time spent gathering water or fuel. 59 Turshen (1994:82, 93). 60 ENDESA98, reported in La Prensa 26 April 1999. 61 See Desai and Alva (1998); Garfield and Williams (1992); and Zelaya et al. (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 Table 4.17: Predictors of Child Mortality (yVariable=CHXLD_MORT — Deaths in offspring up to age five) xVariable Category P S G T L p. N TOTAL KID Other . 625 .000 191*. AGE .391 .000 181** EDU YEARS -.353 .000 186** HOUSE DENS .215 . 003 191** AGE MAR -.161 . 029 184* VILLAGE .045 .010 191** SICK Other -.155 . 102 190 WATER -.027 .781 191 FAMPLN_EVER .101 .064 175 TIME_GRP Social -.032 . 806 62 BUILDING Economic -. 134 . 066 189 DR TIME .251 .073 52 TIME FUEL . 087 . 391 100 NUM PIG -.053 .446 190 PRENATAL . 126 .446 39 LANDXCT -.059 . 528 116 NUM COW -.036 . 624 187 NUM CHICK .033 . 654 183 H20 TIME -.019 . 805 173 COOK FUEL -.184 .070 191 LATRINE -.040 . 564 188 FLOOR -.214 . 064 189 The following regression shows the strongest influences on child mortality to be age, age at first marriage, and years of education.62 CHILD_MORT = 1.031 + 2 . 961E-°2AGE - 7 . 832E'02AGEMAR - 4 . 733E-°2EDUYR (.377) (.006) (.024) (.025) adj R.square = .231 s.e. = .98 Anova F = 17.825, p=.000** Several authors have hypothesized that the declines in child mortality associated with education are due to changes in the mother's behavior (Sandiford et al. 1997,1995). This is echoed by a 37-year old with two years of adult education (D4) who commented, "Things are really different now. [During Somoza's rule] we didn't 62 The linear regression was run stepwise, with P-entry=.10, and P- removal=.15, including a constant, and excluding cases listwise. The standard error is seen in parenthesis below each coefficient. EDU_YEARS p=.062. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 know how to prevent diseases - we had a lot of kids with diarrhea, coughs, colds, vaginal infections. Before, child deaths were abundant." This testimony coincides with the voices cited in Chapter Three in praise of the community education programs implemented by the FSLN. But the mechanism of learning did not necessarily come through the hypothesized increased social participation of women during the 1980s. That is, there is no relationship seen between group membership (JOIN_GROUP, TIME_GRO(JP) and death in children under five. D . Fertility and Infant Mortality Much of the literature on maternal influences on child morbidity and mortality has centered upon deaths in children up to one year (INFANT_MORT). Table 4.18 exhibits the changes in infant mortality over the years in Central America. As with any statistical reporting, much variability is found.63 Among all Latin American nations, Haiti's situation is the worst, followed by nations with large indigenous populations - Bolivia, Peru, and Guatemala. After these, Nicaragua consistently demonstrated the worst IMRs according to CEPAL data. Within Central America, Nicaragua and Guatemalan figures have been very similar. 63 Sources for Table 4.18 are as follows: 1= Barrett (1992); 2=McCue (1997,41); 3=Diederich (1981,115); 4=CIIR (1989,8); 5=Siu (1992,28); 6=Woznica (1986); 7=Donahue (1986); 8=CELADE (1997,32); 9=INIM (1988); 10=Vargas (1993,162); ll=Garfield and Williams (1992,130); 12=INEC (1996); 13=Stuhrenberg and Venturini (1986); 14=CDC (1993); 15= Prevost (1997,27); 16=CIERA (1989b,136-138); 17=Curtis (1998); 18=Kruckewitt (1993,6); 19=BCN (1997); 20=Fernandez (1996,55); 21=La Prensa 26 April 1999; 22=Nicanet 14 June 1999 [cited in www.americas.oral; 23=La Tribuna 19 July 1999. Excluded from these tables were obvious outliers such as Somoza government reports of IMRs of 30 or 40 per 1000 (Barrett 1992), or Elizabeth Maier's (1985,16) observation that as many as 190 per 1000 die in the first year. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4.18: Central American IMRs (deaths before age 1 of 1000 live births) Sources* Years Nicaragua ★ ★ ★ Guat Hond Salv Panama CosRic Belize 1 1969 146 * * * 2,3 1975 123-130 * ★ * 4,5 1978 121.6 + ★ ★ 4,5,6,7 1979 113-149 * it k 8,9 1975-80 90-93 ★ ★ ★ 90.8 80.8 87.1 35.3 30.3 45.0 5,6,10 1980 98.2 * * * 5,6 1981 88.2 * * * 5, 6 1982 80.2 ★ ★ ★ 6,11,5 1983 70-75 * k k 5 1984 71.5 * * * 8,12 1980-85 76-80 ★ ★ ★ 78.7 64.8 76.8 30.4 19.2 39.0 4,13 1985 66-75 * * * 10,4,5 1986 61-69 kkk 14 1982-87 63.0 k k k 73.0 4,15 1987 62-65 k k k 16,5 1989 64 k k k 8,12 1985-90 62-65 k k k 64.9 52.8 54.0 28.4 16.0 36.0 17,10 1990 61-73 k k k 14 1987-91 58 k k k 18,10 1991 71-72 k k k 19,20 1992 50-91 k k k 19,18,17 1993 50-83 kkk 19,2,15 1994 50-107 k k k 8 1990-95 52.1 kk k 51.0 42.9 44.0 25.1 13.7 33.0 19 1995 49.9 kk k 21 1993-98 40 kk k 22,23 1998 42-44 kkk 8 1995-2000** 43.9 kkk 45.9 34.9 38.8 21.4 12.1 30.0 * Multiple sources in same year are named from lowest to highest IMR. ** Projection only 174 175 Other nations fare much worse: Nepal's IMR has been estimated as high as 260.64 In Nicaragua, the IMR began to drop in the 1950s, when it was 140 per 1000, and it declined to 100 or 120 per 1000 by the end of the 197 0s. A more precipitous decline ensued in the Sandinista decade to 64, almost half of the rate ten years earlier. An unusual increase in IMR was reported in the early years of the Chamorro administration, but overall the rate dropped by another third relative to the Sandinistas. As with child mortality, sociologically-oriented literature contends that high infant mortality rates result from a combination of high fertility, poor nutrition, and sanitation, and from inadequate preventive and primary health care services.65 The following conclusions about this declining child mortality were made by a team of authors led by Sandiford (1991): Trends in several different factors which might have led to this breakthrough were examined including: income, nutrition, breastfeeding practices, maternal education, immunizations, access to health services, provision of water supplies and sanitation, and anti-malarial programs. Of these, improved access to health services appears to have been the most important factor. Sandiford and co-authors suggest that declining IMR in the late 1970s could be attributed to USAID loans establishing more rural health centers, but other authors found this construction to be negligible.66 Nor did Sandiford's team find a more rapid decline in rural than in urban areas, a fact which suggests a less important 64 Justice (1999) . 65 Barrett (1992); Donahue (1986); FAO (1995); and Sandiford et al. (1991). 66 Donahue (1986,14); and Garfield and Williams (1992,57). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 role for increased services (as these were most dramatic in rural areas under the Sandinistas). Onyeiwu et al. (1997) suggest that increasing per capita GDP reduces infant mortality at an accelerating pace. While this may hold true for Africa (their area of study) , IMR and GDP have not shown similar trends in recent years in Nicaragua. Despite the fact that both Nicaragua's per capita GDP and infant mortality ratios remain among the worst in Latin America, between 1990 and 1996 per capita GDP decreased by approximately seven percent, while IMR decreased by approximately one-third.67 A more individualistic body of literature emphasizes maternal characteristics, particularly education.68 In 1992 the respective IMRs of children whose mothers had either no schooling, some adult education, or more than six years education were 91, 73, and 46.69 Garfield and Williams (1992) estimated one-third of the declines in infant mortality during the 1980s to be attributable to adult education in this cohort of women. Contradicting researchers who hypothesize that the mechanism of increased education is through increased use of services, Desai and Alva (1998,72) found a greater effect in rural rather than urban areas. The duo found that in general, the effect of maternal education on child immunization rates held with all intervening 67 GDP figures from BCN (1997) . Despite the fact that multiple IMRs are suggested for these years, no matter which figures one uses, the decrease is certainly greater than 7%. 60 Caldwell (1993); FAO (1995); Masoy and Pridmore (1997); and Sandiford et al. (1995). 69 Siu (1992). These are nearly identical to differences identified by Garfield and Williams (1992,150) between women with no schooling and those with some adult education - IMRs of 95 vs 75. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 variables, but that the educational effect on IMR was lessened by variables such as water, rural-urban status, and spouse's education. Table 4.19 shows the infant mortality for this study. Unlike what we have seen thus far, a number of economic variables, as well as patriarchal and social influences, affect infant mortality. But as has been seen throughout this paper, demographic factors such as age, education, and overall fertility are most influential. Table 4.19: Predictors of Infant Mortality (yVariab 1 e= INFANT_MORT - Deaths in children less than one year) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N TOTAL KID AGE EDU YEARS AGE MAR HOUSE DENS FAMPLN EVER VILLAGE HEAD_HOUSE Other . 533 .341 -.326 -.183 . 161 . 104 .035 . 174 .000 .000 . 000 .012 .020 . 022 .027 .031 208* 197* 203* 190* 208* 186* 208* 197* FAITH Social -.221 .041 178* FURNITURE FLOOR Economic -. 173 -.242 . 045 .038 205* 206* SICK URBAN Other -. 190 . 090 .051 . 387 207 208 JOIN_GROUP Social .014 . 155 208 BUILDING NUM PIG NUM COW LATRINE FIELDWORK Economic -. 125 -.094 -.004 -.011 .206 .075 . 526 . 952 .869 .057 206 207 204 205 177 ROOF Economic POVERTY WATER FUEL SAME CAPITAL BUY_LARGE -.179 . 043 -.024 .010 .005 .004 .062 . 660 .815 .066 .406 .598 207 208 208 207 208 206 GENDER WORK Patriarchy ABUSE HIST .208 . 002 . 154 . 921 208 162 Not surprisingly, having ever used family planning (FAMPLN_EVER) has a protective effect on mortality of children at any age. Equally Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 logical is the fact that there was less infant mortality among those who had no major illness last year (SICK), although the relationship is barely beyond significance (p=.051). Those mothers reporting an episode of cholera in the past year were more likely to have seen greater numbers of their children die. But there is no effect on child mortality of the mother's malaria history - as is consistent with the fact that fatal forms of malaria are rarely seen in Nicaragua. Women who have joined a social group (JOIN_GROUP) are not more likely to suffer infant mortality but those who have participated in a protest of some injustice are much less likely to have reported any infant deaths. Evangelical women (FAITH) are more likely to have no infant deaths, and this relationship holds through all three offspring levels.70 Neither an abuse history (ABUSE_HIST) nor whether one's partner shares household labor(GENDER_WORK) appear to affect infant mortality. Wealth variables including capital ownership (CAPITAL), POVERTY level, ownership of cows or pigs (NUM_COW, NCJM_PIG) , purchasing power (BUY_LARGE), as well as most housing conditions (BUILDING, LATRINE, ROOF, WATER) do not affect infant mortality. There is a strong exception, however, in the case of FLOOR. The logical conclusion is that these children are exposed to diarrheal infections crawling on the dirt floors. Another exception occurs among women who have bought FURNITURE in the past year. Fewer infant deaths are seen among these women, especially among those who made purchased with their own money. 70 These Protestant women are also wealthier than others, for reasons which are not immediately apparent. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 Most surprising is the lack of relationship with WATER which holds throughout all three offspring mortality variables. Not only is this counterintuitive, but it contradicts that body of literature pioneered by Dr. Thomas McKeown. The fact that having a tap in one's house does not offer as much protection against infant death as does drinking from a well or tubing in the yard suggests that the quality of the water is not necessarily indicated by the type of delivery. For instance, in those places with frequent interruptions in tap water service, micro-organisms have a chance to grow during the cessation periods, and are then flushed through the tubing once service resumes. In contrast, there is not as much variability in quality of dirt flooring. There is not a significant relationship with rural status, but a closer examination of the data shows that the worst off are clustered in most rural and urban areas. The highest infant mortality were in Mulukuku (1.59 per woman) and Huispante (1.52) with the lowest Managua (0.81), not counting Tuapi (0.44) where there were a mere nine interviewees. Supporting the hypotheses that the war zones were the most precarious for health, significant relations are found between VILLAGE and infant mortality.71 With the exception of the presence of dirt flooring, it appears that these variables support the literature which emphasizes maternal characteristics over economic factors in the determination of infant mortality. Replicating results with child mortality, the following regression shows that heaviest influences on infant mortality are 71 Between VILLAGE and ANYKID_MORT, (cases selected if MORTAGE1<=12 months), the Lambda (symmetric) is .125 (p=.014*), N=55. Similar figures result when selecting ANYKID_MORT cases for second and third child deaths in the first year. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 age, age at first marriage, and education:72 INFANT_MORT = 0.996 + 2 . 4 72E'o:AGE - 7 . 27 0E‘o2AGEMAR - 3 . 516E'02EDU_YEARS (.304) (.005) (.019) (.012) adj R.square = .213 s.e. = .86 Anova F = 16.684, p=.000** In summary, education's influence on child mortality can not be overemphasized, given its association with age and delayed marriage. Table 4.20 reviews the direct effects of education on offspring deaths. Table 4.20: Education and Mortality of Children xVariable yVariable P P N EDU_YEARS ANYKID MORT -.357 .000 201 CHILD MORT -.353 .000 186 INFANT MORT -.326 .000 203 VIII. CAUSES OF OFFSPRING MORTALITY As previously noted, there were 231 offspring deaths among 208 women - that is, more than one per woman. Information was gathered on the ages and cause of death for up to five deceased children per woman (MORT_WHY). Of these 209 deaths, one-fifth died of unknown causes. The preponderance of unknown causes can be seen as a signal of poverty. It is tragic to not even be able to afford to seek health care for a dying child. Slightly less than one third died of causes other than those listed. Preventible or poverty-related diseases among those recorded for this study were diarrhea, undiagnosed fevers, meningitis, pneumonia, and measles. Among the 164 known reported causes of all offspring mortality (ANYKID_MORT), 4 7.6 percent were preventible, with 19.5 percent dying near delivery, and 7.9 percent killed in the wars 72 Step-wise regression led to exclusion of EDU_YEARS. Backwards exclusion with EDU_YEARS shows the latter with a p=.110. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 (either the Insurrection, the contra war, or the re-armed activities of the 1990s). Looking at only the child mortality rates (deaths up to age five, CHILD_MORT), there were 175 deaths. These constitute more than three-fourths of total offspring mortality. Leading causes here were again "Other" (27.3%), childbirth (21.7%), and diarrhea (17.5%). The preventable diseases named above account for 37.4 percent of deaths up to age five. As seen in Table 4.20, infant mortality (during the first year) comprises over half of all offspring mortality. There were 1,199 total children born to the 208 women, so that the infant mortality ratio (IMR) for this sample calculates to 100 per 1000 live births.73 Of those dying in the first year, the leading cause other than unknown (17.2% of 122), was childbirth (31% of 100), followed by "Other" (24%). Among 97 reported causes of infant death (INFANT_MORT), 56.7 percent (55) were preventible. This is consistent with reports by Vargas (1993,191) and recalls our conclusions from Chapter Three that no matter which policies have been instituted in the past, Nicaragua continues to face the trademark misery of underdeveloped countries. IX. CONCLUSIONS In the past, rural status has entailed not only more difficult access to contraception, but a more conservative attitude towards family planning. But one of the most encouraging statistics of this study is the increased usage of family planning seen with younger cohorts. 73 However, it is worth noting that these women do not represent any single generation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced w ith permission o f th e copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 4.21: Causes of Offspring Mortality Cause of Death % of deaths (all kids) (ANYKID_MORT) (N) % of deaths (under 5) (CHILD_MORT) (N) % of deaths (by age 1) (INFANT_MORT) (N) Other, not listed 28.7 (47) 27.3 (39) 24.0 (24) Childbirth 19.5 (32) 21.7 (31) 31.0 (31) Diarrh/dehy/paras. 15.2 (25) 18.0 (25) 17.0 (17) Fever, unk origin 11.0 (18) 11.2 (16) 11.0 (11) Pneum/mening. 10.4 (17) 10.5 (15) 12.0 (12) War 7.9 (13) 4.9 ( 7) 1.0 ( 1) Measles 4.9 ( 8) 4.2 ( 6) 3.0 ( 3) Cancer 2.4 ( 4) 2.8 ( 4) 0.0 ( 0) Total (less unk) 100.0 (164) 100.0 (143) 100.0 (100) All but unk 78.5 (164) 81.7 (143) 82.6 (100) Unknown cause 21.5 (45) 18.3 (32) 17.4 (21) Total 100.0 (209) 100.0 (175) 100.0 (121) "Preventible diseases" are highlighted in bold. 182 183 That is, access seems to have reached a new peak in the 1990s - despite the overall erosion in access to health care under structural adjustment policies. Of all age groups, 51.1% had ever used family planning, and 44.1% currently do so. Using the more standard 15-4 9 year old range, 58.8% are currently using family planning. This is striking given the context of declining public services due to SAP/ESAF and due to the contradiction with other Nicaraguan studies (reporting lower family planning rates). Among these women, there was no difference between rural and urban areas. Again, if these interviews are indicative of a national transition towards greater control over fertility, the increased access for rural women is remarkable - and one of the few improvements in their health that can be said to have occurred after the Sandinistas left power. Suggested influences on fertility decisions have included education, religious faith, economic status (including accessibility of services), and patriarchal ideology and praxis. In my data, systematic relationships did emerge between education and contraception/fertility, as well as between fertility and offspring mortality. These findings substantiate widely held notions of the decreased fertility among younger, more educated, more urban women. Chapter Two of this dissertation confirmed some of the standard hypotheses concerning effects of education - such as delayed marriage and decreased total fertility, as well as changes in maternal ideology (increased cultural expectations for children to at least complete primary). The data gathered for this thesis is insufficient to test whether education affects maternal behavior inside the house (especially in regards to child illnesses) , or maternal understanding of health instructions, marriage to a more educated spouse, or Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 increased self-esteem. However, it may be that education has increased rational calculation decisions among more educated mothers, such as the woman from Laurel Galan (C16) who said she uses family planning "... because if I don't, my family goes hungry. People in the countryside like my mother (who received no schooling), don't have that custom, and that's why I have almost two dozen siblings." Another part of the increased use of contraception may be attributable to the increased awareness of disease etiology. One woman who received three years of adult education under the Sandinistas (E18), a 51-year old mother of ten, none of whom had died explained, I had nine brothers in all, but three died. I lost a sister at age 15 because of measles. We had little understanding of vaccines and health... . Nobody had explained that to me. Now the mother receives attention and education. While education remains the key link in fertility and offspring mortality reduction, extra availability of contraception in the 1990s may also afford contemporary Nicaraguan women greater ability to overcome machista attitudes towards fertility. The data in support of this are manifold. These include age at first marriage, geographic parity, non-substantial influences of wealth and patriarchy on fertility, as well as the return of USAID after the Sandinistas were voted out of power in 1990. The elaborated list follows: 1) The lack of relationship between age at first marriage and contraceptive rates suggests that some factor other than education has influenced family planning. There is an alternative hypothesis - that in nations with strongly machista cultures, age at first marriage is not delayed as much by years of schooling (Jejeebhoy Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 1995), but my interview data lead to the tentative suggestion that patriarchal influences on fertility are declining. 2) While equal rates of family planning among rural and urban women could be attributable to declines in the rural-urban education gap, education has not nearly reached the parity that contraception rates have. And lifetime access to family planning use did vary according to VILLAGE, but this variable drops off the level of significance with contemporary use. Similarly, travel time to facilities is no longer an obstacle. 3) While several economic variables such as ownership of pigs and chickens do remain a facilitating factor for those desiring fewer children, there are many others which show no substantial influence. Nor did these interviews suggest that recent economic pressures have changed family decisions regarding fertility. 4) Anecdotal data supports the idea that younger women are more likely to control their fertility "on the sly" - regardless of patriarchal opposition. More generally, this holds at both the personal and the institutional level. That is, family planning increased despite open government support for traditional Catholic bans on contraception. At the micro-level, a paradoxical higher rate in family planning rates is seen among women experiencing virulent machismo. This has been true both for lifetime and current contraception, suggesting that women whose husbands beat them or who drank had both motivation and resources. But the fact that fertility control is no longer significantly influenced by spouse's alcohol usage indicates that either resources have increased or that the idea of crisis-induced changes in male attitudes cannot be ruled out completely. Increased resources appears the more likely of the two explanations when one Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 looks at the CHANGE_ECON variable. While 34.6% of 17 9 women said that the economic crisis had affected family relations, there was no significant relationship seen between CHANGE_ECON and FAMPLAN_NOW. Thus, we are led to conclude that increased access to services is the most likely due to the proliferation of PROFAMILIA services, a non-governmental organization which sprouted throughout Nicaragua after the return of USAID in the 1990s. The timing of this institution's presence in Nicaragua offers a reasonable explanation for our increased contraception rates and the erosion of the rural- urban gap, relative to results as recent as the CDC's 1993 survey of over 7 000 women. There are "PROFAMILIA promotora aqui" signs that can be seen on doors throughout rural Nicaragua. But the CDC reported that more than half of rural women had to travel over one- half hour to their source of contraception. Furthermore, PROFAMILIA's (subsidized) prices have not gone up along with general consumer products. As recently as my last follow-up visit in August of 2000, the 20 cordoba [$1.75] price for a Depoprovera shot was the same as in 1997 (when it would have been worth more than two dollars), one of the few stable prices over that period. For less than the cost of a chicken, women can either visit a PROFAMILIA clinic or one of these private homes and obtain three months of reproductive protection. It may be that extra availability of contraception in the 1990s affords contemporary Nicaraguan women the ability to overcome machista attitudes towards fertility. As with education, life expectancy, and access to potable water or latrines, there are some positive trends that can be seen across the political regimes of the last decades. In particular, infant mortality has shown consistent and somewhat dramatic improvement, from the 121 per 1000 live births Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 in the late Somoza period, to half of that by the end of the Sandinista years, and a further drop by a third in the 1990s. Child mortality experienced similar drops since the Somoza era. These statistics uphold the thesis that the Sandinistas dramatically improved life for the campesina. In this chapter, we find no evidence that SAP/ESAF has worsened the health of Nicaraguan women - other than the slower rate of change in mortality ratios compared with the socialist decade. But while subsidized PROFAMILIA services have become ubiquitous, these are still not as favorable to the poorest of the poor as is publically provided contraception. And as encouraging as these family planning rates are, it may be that they are the equivalent of distributing a healthy serving of "platanos and rice" or of a "banana sundae," while the desire for a banana split remains unfulfilled. Starting conditions in the 1970s were so dismal that the fertility-related burdens endured by many campesinas is still strong. The seriousness of this burden is reflected in the fact that abortion remained the major cause of maternal death in Nicaragua throughout the 1980s and 90s.75 And the lack of publicly provided contraception continues to be a penalty for some of the poorest of the poor. In Los Robles, a 21-year old mother of three (M3), married nine years previously, stressed her desire for contraception, but said that there was no contraception available when her 14-month old child was born. And although patriarchy does not interfere with most Nicaraguan women's fertility, there still are young women such as the 28-year old mother of four in San Juanillo (L16) who said she had not used family planning because her husband refused. 75 Chuchryk (1991,153); and Montenegro (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 Historically, rates do not drop from double digits down to two children per family in one or two generations. The current average of five children per child can still be seen as excessive maternity, a leading factor in maternal mortality. And among 208 women, there were 231 offspring deaths - that is, more than one per woman. Relative to other nations, even those in the developing world, Nicaraguan women suffer higher maternal, infant, and child mortality - all related to lower contraception usage (and higher fertility). Thus, these five to six children per woman can also be considered excessive fertility given the context of erratic national annual growth rates and under/unemployment affecting three-quarters of the population. There are simply too many mouths to feed on too little income. Malnutrition affects three-fourths of children under five - a rate that parallels that of the 1970s. The last two chapters have shown that the campesina's health is largely determined by the misfortune of birth in a poor developing nation and a global system characterized by a highly inequitable distribution of resources. Meanwhile, the Nicaraguan campesina can expect to lose at least one child to a death against which she may not be able to seek treatment, or even know the cause. The title to Roger Lancaster's (1992) book of interviews with Nicaraguan women appears achingly accurate: Life is Hard. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 CHAPTER FIVE: PATRIARCHY AND THE NICARAGUAN CAMPESINA Women of the developing world often are locked in a world with little to no autonomy. According to Czech sociologist, Libuse Hakova, "No progress in the emancipation of woman as a human being can be achieved without changes in the structure and function of the family."1 Thus, the themes of this chapter center around household relations. CIERA's 198 9 study on Nicaraguan campesinas reflected the bleakness of the subjects' lives: The isolation in which they live in their family cells; the household chores and burden of caring for many children; a patriarchal ideology with its cultural, social, and family restrictions on the space permitted to women; and the lack of self-esteem are elements which feed on each other and together constitute a wall which locks a woman in her house.2 The chapter begins by examining the definitions of machismo and empowerment. Then three areas of patriarchal rule are identified: domestic violence, the gender division of labor, and the ideological formation that underlies them both. The last is elaborated as part of a dialectical process where material and philosophical experiences sometimes collide and sometimes collude within the empowerment- patriarchy dichotomy. The final section analyzes the strongest influences on the accumulated points attached to eight empowerment variables (EMPOWER_PTS) . Aims include the identification of how empowerment is either impeded or aided by factors which are demographic (i.e. age, education, rural status), social (political participation and awareness), economic (purchasing power, control of capital) and ideological (religious attitudes, gender conscientization). Based on these findings, Chapters Six through 1 Scott (1974,213). 2 CIERA (1989,178). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 Eight resume the examination of dialectical material and ideological influences, focusing respectively on state policies, social, and economic activities. I. PATRIARCHY, DEFINED What is patriarchy? According to Kinnear (1997,5), patriarchy is defined as "the principle of male dominance that forms both a structural and ideological system of domination in which men control women."3 Patriarchy is prevalent in most societies but in different guises. Kinnear stresses the role of local institutions (such as the family, politics, religion, and economic systems) in the determination of women's social roles. Most important among these may be at the household level where "(i)n the patriarchal family, men have the power to determine the status, privileges, and roles of women and children within the family.'"1 Roger Lancaster argued that a patriarchal system of gender domination is its own economy, in the Marxian sense that production creates the world. Patriarchal practices beget machista ideologies which in turn beget more sexist praxis.5 Domination by men is notoriously strong in Nicaragua, even by Latin American standards.6 Maternity and an ethic of care are the essence of women's socially prescribed behaviors. Men are prescribed 3 She cites Chow and Berheide (1994,14); Also see Cartwright (1993, 73) . 4 Kinnear (1997,7). 5 Also see Ingoldsby (1991) and Kulig (1999). 6 See Black (1981, 323); Brenes et al. (1991, 47); and Lancaster (1992,93). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 aggressiveness, alcohol consumption, and promiscuity.7 In the Nicaraguan exchange of patriarchal commodities, men receive liberty from household responsibilities - including domestic chores, faithfulness to one's partner, and to a more limited extent, freedom from financial support of the family.0 And men are prescribed decision-making responsibility, with its inherent control over others. Men and women are socialized to accept that the male makes all family decisions - which crops to sow, when and where to sell them, whether to use birth control, how many children to have, what kind of education the children will have, ad. infinitum. How important is this machismo in the daily life of the campesina? The social structures of patriarchy were consistently evident among the eight stories published by CIERA in 1989. Male dominance permeated society in the following: • childhood - when boys play and girls work (p.174), in the attitudes of men towards women's work (both inside and outside the home) (p.171), • in inheritance laws (p.177), and 7 For more on the social construction of gender in Nicaragua, see Lancaster (1992), Montenegro (1997); Randall (1994,1992), Olivera et al. (1992,1990), and Whisnant (1995). For the historic roots of Latin American patriarchy and subsequent feminist resistance, see Cartwright (1993); Jaquette (1989); Jelin (1990); Safa (1995); Stoner (1989); Stromquist (1996); and Vargas (1992). For more general works, see Grant (1995) and Lancaster and di Leonardo (1997), especially Ross and Rapp (1997,154), who review the classic literature on the social construction of motherhood under conditions of male dominance: Simone de Beauvoir, Gayle Rubin, Nancy Chodorow, Dorothy Dinnerstein, Juliet Mitchell, and Jane Flax. 8 Men are expected to provide for their families. This is one of the "purchases" that a woman makes with her humility, obedience, and suppressed sexuality (designated purely for procreation). But physical, emotional, and financial abandonment by a male parent (or spouse) minimally decreases his social status, while similar behavior would eradicate a woman's prestige. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 in the exclusion of women from the educational system (pp.17,101,126,202). And as mentioned in the previous chapter, even women who wanted to surgically limit their fertility could not do so if they had less than six children or were under age 35. As a consequence of this pervasive machismo, almost all of the CIERA (1989) interviewees joined their first mate or husband in order to flee their fathers' homes.9 The authors note that so complete is this domination that in the case of "Zeneyda," she paradoxically encountered a decrease in psychological well-being upon leaving her parents' home for an oppressive marriage which nevertheless represented an economic advance (p.177). These stories bring to mind Murguialday's (1990,86) pithy assessment of the situation of women from the developing world: "The social role of a person serving her family's needs follows women from when they learn to walk all the way to the grave." II. EMPOWERMENT, DEFINED, AND MEASURED The antithesis to patriarchy is empowerment. Marilee Karl (1995) defines empowerment as women gaining control over their lives, involving decision-making and participation. She stresses that this is a process, which can not be given to someone and that empowerment often entails a continuum of mutually reinforcing aspects such as consciousness raising, capacity or skills to carry out activities, and strategies towards greater equality in the genders.10 Woznica (1986,52) offers a similar definition of empowerment based on 9 Many even used the word "huyendo" [fleeing] in describing their "marriages." Although the word "marriage" does not elsewhere appear in quotations in this dissertation, it should be noted that the term is used for both civil unions and to the common law partnership which is the norm in rural Nicaraguan society. 10 The emphasis on process is echoed in Kabeer (1994). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 knowledge and the capacity to transform.1 1 And Hall's definition rests upon bargaining power.1- Carolyn Kroeker (1995) observes that, "(d)espite the rising interest in empowerment, there is still a lack of knowledge about the processes through which empowerment is achieved, and factors that enhance or impede it."1 3 A. EMPOWERMENT (Scale) With the aim of illuminating these processes among Nicaraguan women, this study employs an eight-level empowerment scale adapted from Schuler and Hashemi (1994 ) . Appendix Two details the constituent parts and exact points entailed. A woman was empowered overall (EMPOWERED) by scoring positively in five of eight categories. This metavariable was comprised of four pairs of factors affecting empowerment: Purchasing power - BUY_LARGEl4 and BUY_SMALLl i Capital - ownership (CAPITAL)16 and control/ability to transfer (DECISIONS;17 1 1 She cites Gloria Joseph (1984) for this definition. 1 3 Hall (1992,121) defines empowerment as the "individual and collective strengthening of negotiating positions in relation to the negotiating position of other people." 13 She cites Florin & Wandersman (1990); Perkins & Zimmerman (1995); and Price (1990). 1 4 Large purchases are considered cooking pans, clothes for either one's children or oneself, or furniture for the home (FRYPAN, KID_GARB, OWN_GARB, FURNITURE). 15 Small purchases include the ability to buy toiletry items, cooking oil, or candy for the children (SOAP, KEROSENE, SWEETS). 16 Ownership of capital could be through SAVINGS, home and/or land (ASSETS), investment in a business (INVEST), or having rented out capital equipment (RENT_TO). 1 7 Control over capital involved transfers for home repairs (REPAIR), buying fowl or goats to raise (CHICKS), purchases such as a (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 Political - consciousness (CONSCIOUS)19 and participation (PARTICIPATE) 19 and • Patriarchy - DOMINATED?0 and MOBILITY 21 A word of caution should be issued about the labels applied to variables such as DECISIONS where economic and machista oppression are not as clearly delineated as may be implied. It is possible, although unlikely, for a woman to have decided to make repairs on her home, buy chickens, and rent land, or even buy a refrigerator for a corner store - without using any money that was her own. In this case she would be considered empowered in terms of family decisions, while remaining quite dependent economically. By design, the scale incorporates both economic and patriarchal liberties (or lack thereof) and is supplemented by a set of variables 17 (. . . continued) refrigerator for a corner store (BUY_EQUIP) , or renting land to graze cattle or sow crops (LAND_RENT). Extra points were gained if these purchases were made from the woman's own money and/or without consulting her spouse. 18 Points for political awareness were earned by identifying the local mayor or deputy in the national assembly (MAYOR, DEPUTY), or for knowing about and/or expressing an opinion on the benefits of legal marriage (LEGAL_MAR), structural adjustment (SAP/ESAF), agrarian reform laws (LAND_LAWS) , and a 1996 domestic violence law (LAW230), as well as for participation in a CAMPAIGN or the previous year's voting (VOTE96). 19 This was composed by participation in a CAMPAIGN, public protest (INJUST), or efforts to prevent domestic violence (NO_ABUSE). One of three points was required for PARTICIPATE to equal "Yes." 20 Empowerment in the family domination variable occurred if zero points were scored, of a possible minus 12 points. The items included abuse in the past year, having lost cash or another item to a family member, and being prohibited from travel or work outside the house. 21 These items identified women who had sold in the market, traveled to a clinic, or out of town, or to a meeting (MARKET, TRAVEL_HLTH, LEFT_TOWN, MEETING). Extra points were accumulated for traveling alone. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 concerning the gender division of labor variables and another set of variables which can loosely be considered ideological and/or social. Separation of the philosophical and division of labor variables facilitates the analysis of patriarchy's constituent parts. In addition, the fluidity with which ideological status flows toward and away from the material makes this much harder to concretize. Assigning points would be heroic. For instance, ISOLATION is reflected in a comment such as "Yo no salgo" ["I don't go out."] It is difficult to interpret whether this corresponds mainly to heavy housework, husband's attitude, scant economic resources, or the woman's own internalized belief that a "good woman" stays in the home. Nevertheless the tone with which this line (and others similar to it) were often uttered suggested a declaration of one's allegiance to patriarchal expectations of women. Table 5.1 (on the next page) shows the number (N) and percentage of the interviewees who were empowered in these eight categories as well as in the metavariable EMPOWERED. Overall, less than one-third of the interviewees reached empowerment in a majority of settings (EMPOWERED) . Most women were able to travel to meetings, clinics, and out of town {MOBILITY) , and were not currently suffering abuse in their homes (DOMINATED) . But the levels of political awareness and participation, as well as economic empowerment were very low. Before addressing the factors affecting EMPOWERED and accumulated points (EMPOWER_PTS) we turn to particular themes within the patriarchal-feminist dichotomy, beginning with family domination. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 Table 5.1: Empowerment: Scale (Yes = Empowered) VARIABLE NO (N) NO % YES(N) YES % TOTAL (N) DOMINATED 48 24.1 151 75.9 199 MOBILITY 61 29.5 146 70.5 207 DECISIONS 91 43.8 117 56.3 208 BUY_SMALL 105 50.5 103 49.5 208 BUY_LARGE 135 65.5 71 34.5 206 PARTICIPATE 172 83.5 34 16. 5 206 CAPITAL 179 86.1 29 13. 9 208 CONSCIOUS 186 89.9 21 10. 1 207 EMPOWERED 151 72.6 57 27.4 208 III. Sexual Oppression and Family Domination As noted by Henrietta Moore's (1988) review of feminist literature, radical feminists argue that the main area of dominance by men is in sexual oppression and family violence. Whisnant (1995,397) emphasizes the patriarchal prescription of compulsive heterosexuality and a double standard of sexual activity.22 This includes male freedom and philandering, and female fidelity, restriction, submission, passivity, and virginity, then maternity. Recent data has revealed that men's compulsive philandering continues in Nicaragua, negatively affecting women's health through their exposure to sexually transmitted diseases (morbidity) , which in turn, increase the risk of cervical cancer (and mortality).23 22 Also see Kulig (1999); Montenegro (1997); and Olivera et al. (1990, 28) . 23 Maria Elena Velasquez, director of IXCHEN, Masaya, interviewed in El Nuevo Diario 29 November 1996. Also see McCue (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 The women interviewed for this study were not directly queried about their sexuality, but several women spontaneously offered comments about their husband's philandering, and there was no evidence that any great change has occurred in this respect. In many interviews, the economic cost of the patriarchal custom of irresponsible parenting became clear, such as with one woman from Teustepe (B13) who noted that, "My mother (the mistress of the interviewee's married father) was very poor. And I would go help her sow in the fields. That is why I never finished even a year of schooling." Women throughout the globe experience rape, and in the one case reported among these interviewees, it was the woman's economic dependence that put her at risk. Her fisherman husband had drowned in 1996’s tropical storm Cesar. As a poor widow, she took a live-in maid position and was raped by the husband of the house. She was subsequently fired when his wife learned of the crime. This woman, interviewed in the ninth month of a pregnancy resulting from the rape, while the man refused to take any responsibility for the child, was relying on the kindness of neighbors to help her through the pregnancy. Several women interviewed for this dissertation related histories of sexual, economic, and physical domination by a philandering husband, including this 31-year old in Teustepe (B19): My first husband left me when my son was three months old. I've been with this [current] husband for two years. Before, he was married and had a daughter, but the mother left her with the grand mother saying 'He treats me bad and I can't take care of her.' And he married again, had two chil dren with [the next wife] and she cheated on him. He had one more daughter with a [different] woman and this one [due in a few weeks] and now he tells me that I bore him.... I think he has another woman, and he is spending all his money on her. He does Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 not give me anything.... [Before, I was involved with groups], but now he doesn't want me to even visit with the lady next door.... I bought some clothes for the baby with 50 cordobas from a friend that I knew when I was in school. I had to hide it from [the husband]. When asked if she expected household chores to always be the domain of the wife, she simply replied, "There is too much machismo in this country." The most unusual part of this woman's story is that one of the women in the story broke the standard taboo on women's sexuality. While many single women enter into dalliances with attached men, it is rare that an attached woman defies the social stigma applied to her philandering. It is also remarkable that the interviewee was an eloquent, educated woman with political experience, but one who was experiencing considerable patriarchal and economic oppression. (She lived in a partition of a house shared with two of her brothers and their families.) Despite recognizing that these other more difficult to document forms of family domination exist, the latter is measured in this study through variables indicating current and past domestic violence, as well as economic subordination (involuntary relinquishing of cash or other items) and prohibitions on travel or work outside the home. While the figures in Table 5.2 on the next page may appear low, it should be remembered that the majority of these cover only the most recent year. Lifetime history is consistent with other reports of violent patriarchy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 Table 5.2: Family Domination24 ___________ (Percentage)________ Period Variable Yes No/Never Yes, not now Yes/separated Current NO_WORK 16. 6 83.4 -- --- NO_VISIT 6.9 93.1 --- -- ABUSE 6.8 93.2 --- -- TOOK_ITEM 3.0 97.5 --- -- TOOK_CASH 2.0 98.0 -- --- DOMINATED 24 . 1 75. 9 --- --- Lifetime ABUSE_EVER 35.8 64 .2 --- --- ABUSE_HIST 27.2 64 .2 --- 8 . 6 SPOUSE_ALCO 39.2 34.5 16.2 10. 1 A. Domestic Violence Closely related to the sexual oppression of women is the area of domestic violence.25 The physical force underlying machismo is revealed in the roots of the word. Hodges (1986,114) observed that the word "Macho" in Mexican usage refers to any agent which overpowers or invades another. Its roots are in the words machar and machacar - to pound, break, crush, hammer, beat, bruise, or screw. This machismo occurs at all levels of education and income.26 Three of the study variables assess the history of domestic violence. ABUSE asked if the woman had experienced violence on the 24 A woman was considered empowered if zero out of ten possible points were accumulated from recent ABUSE, having involuntarily relinquished cash or jewelry to a family member in the past year (TOOK_CASH, TOOK_ITEM), being prohibited from travel or from work outside of the home (NO_VISIT, NO_WORK) . For the purposes of this table, the usual interpretation of "Yes=empowered" is reversed, i.e. "No=empowered." 25 See Heise (1993, 171) . 26 Brenes et al. (1991); Heise (1993); Montenegro (1997, 31); and Saenz (1997). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 part of her husband in the past year, and ABUSE_HIST and ABUSE_EVER covered the woman's lifetime exposure to domestic violence. Recent Abuse Of 18 6 women, only 13 reported having been physically abused by their husband in the past year. The strongest indicator of this violence was the spouse's use of alcohol. The high correlation between experiencing abuse in the past year and being prohibited from visiting family out of town (NO_VISIT), or working outside the house (NO_WORK), or having cash or items such as jewelry forcibly removed by a family member (TOOK_CASH, TOOK_ITEM) paints a picture of thorough family domination (DOMINATED) . And the association with the variable (LAW230) indicates that those who most need to know about the newly passed domestic violence law (LAW230) were not likely to know about it. On the other hand, there is no significant relationship between abuse in the past year and the gender division of labor (GENDER_WORK) nor with three variables indicating women's acceptance of patriarchal ideology - RATE_WORK, ISOLATION, or 4EVER_WIFE. Nor does economic well-being affect the likelihood of abuse. ABUSE had no significant association with the presence of electricity in the home (ELECTRIC), having a large home and/or appliances (APPLIANCE), the overall housing conditions (POVERTY), the ability to make capital purchases {BUY_LARGE), nor the number of pigs, chickens or cows owned (NUM_PIG, NUM_CHICK, NUM_COW). Here we see some patriarchal forces functioning independently of each other (domestic violence, gender division of labor) as well as of other social conditions (economic status). But the social isolation entailed in not knowing about recent domestic violence laws serves to reinforce the virulent (violent) forms of patriarchy. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 Lifetime history Much of the literature on domestic violence reports lifetime history of abuse. Lori Heise's meta-analysis of 2,000 domestic violence studies in at least 20 countries found that one of every three women worldwide has been beaten, raped, or somehow mistreated.27 Past studies in Nicaragua have varied as much as with any other statistical reporting. Some rated the domestic violence incidence at fifty percent,’8 others as high as 75% of interviewees.28 Ellsberg and colleagues (1999) interviewed approximately four hundred women and reported the rate of domestic violence to be 52 percent.30 The ENDESA98 survey revealed the following:31 Three out of ten women (30%) who have ever lived with a partner have been victim of some type of physical or sexual violence at the hands of their mate. • Thirty percent of women who reported abuse say that it occurred during pregnancy. 27 "Ending Violence Against Women," reported in the Los Angeles Times 22 January 2000. 28 Whisnant (1995,421) on a 1985 study by the Women's Legal Office (OLM) for women between the ages of 25 and 44. Also, McCue (1997,76) - citing Red de Mujeres Contra la Violencia (1995); Envio (1991); Cuadra and Mendoza (1996); Vukelich and Gist (1996); and Ellsberg et al. (1996). 28 Fernandez (1996,59), citing an AMNLAE (1991) poll of women in two popular-sector neighborhoods in Managua. The size of the sample may have skewed the rate upward. 30 The women were between 15 and 49 years of age. If violence has decreased in recent years, their 52% is an underestimate of the overall population's abuse rate! 31 ENDESA98 was la Encuesta Nicaraguense de Demografia y Salud, the first official survey to address family violence - jointly administered by INEC (Instituto de Estadisticas y Censos) and MINSA (Ministerio de Salud), reported in Delgado (1998). One in five women reported abuse in the past year (p.80). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 One of every ten women report having lived through some sexual abuse. • Six of every ten women who reported a history of domestic violence say that their children witnessed the attacks. Research in the United States has shown that male alcohol abuse triples domestic violence rates.32 However, other causes have been emphasized by those researching Nicaraguan abuse. According to Babb (1996,29), it is unequal economic power which causes domestic violence. Ellsberg et al.'s (1999) work identified a history of spouse abuse with poverty, total fertility, and rural status. Not significantly associated with domestic violence were age, schooling, marital dependency, or type of work. According to these scenarios, women's bargaining position to men is weakened by an economic "no exit" option. This is exacerbated by her social constraints - little time and energy - attributable to excessive reproductive work. The origins of the work are high maternity, compounded by another form of patriarchy, the inequitable division of labor. Here, patriarchal factors dominate the incidence of abuse, not economic or social (education, legal vs. common union) with the one exception of rural residence. The latter implies varying degrees of geographic and social isolation which can exacerbate the woman's weakened negotiating position in the family. In this study, ABUSE_HIST is a five-category variable with responses to the question, "Did you ever have to defend yourself from an attack by your husband?" Some women answered in the negative (without further specification). Others said that this had not 32 Alcohol, Job Woes Cited in Domestic Violence. Los Angeles Times 16 December 1999. The article reviewed nationwide research recently published in the New England Journal of Medicine. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 occurred even once. Others left their husband for that reason, and some suffered an attack without defending themselves. ABCJSE_EVER divides the women into the 35.8% who report some history of abuse and the 64.2% who denied such history. This is considerably less than most Nicaraguan studies, but is consistent with Heise's global findings. Whether discussing recent or remote domestic violence, the strongest predictor of violence remains the spouse's alcohol habit. There were no significant ties to economic variables, to political consciousness, nor to many of the other empowerment variables.33 Replicating the Ellsberg findings, there is no meaningful influence of age, type of work (WORK_TYPE), or type of marriage (TYPE_MAR) on abuse history.3 4 No matter a woman's age, she will have approximately a one in three chance of being abused by her partner during her lifetime. However, the lack of significance with economic status (CAPITAL, POVERTY), fertility (TOTAL_KID) , or with rural status all differ from Ellsberg and co-authors' work. This suggests that ideological orientations may play a considerable role in domestic violence rates. Spouse's Alcohol History Given the role played by spouse's alcohol intake in the history of domestic violence, it is worth examining this variable further. Writing about Nicaragua twenty years ago, Eduardo Crawley (1979,166) observed that, "There are more chronic alcoholics there than anywhere 33 Due to the prevalence of null relationships, the table of correlations to ABUSE and ABUSE_HIST is omitted, but summarized in the text. 34 Civil marriage increases women's negotiating power, at least potentially, due to the ability to pursue to legal recourse in the case of abandonment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 else in Central America." Brentlinger (1995,125) reported that alcohol was a big problem in the countryside. Research on women in developing areas has shown that alcohol abuse diverts income away from a family's needs such as adequate food intake.35 But little of the literature stresses the role of alcoholism in Nicaraguan patriarchy. Lancaster (1992) provides one exception, noting that women are proscribed from imbibing while men are seen as performing their normal virile function.36 The women interviewed for this dissertation were asked about alcohol use in the wife's family either by the spouse (SPOUSE_ALCO), other men (ETOHMALE) , or women (ETOHOTHE) . The only significant predictor of abuse among the three alcohol variables was the husband's alcohol usage (SPOUSE_ALCO). Among these interviewees, two-thirds (65.5%) reported either current or past alcohol abuse among their husbands.37 Only 34.5% said there was no current or past alcohol abuse by their husband (SPOUSE_ALCO), 31.8% said that no other men in the family drank (ETOHMALE), while 83.2% said that none of the women in the family drank (ETOH_OTHER). The following figure and table expose the links between spouse's alcohol use and other empowerment variables. Only 52.9% of those whose husbands had never hit them reported a spousal alcohol history. Among those with some history of abuse, 86.2% also report a spousal history of alcohol abuse. 35 Jacobson (1993,20); and Momsen (1993). 36 Also see Perez-Aleman et al. (1987,82). 37 The high rate of alcoholism did not surprise this researcher who witnessed several spouses or other men who were inebriated - even to the point of lying unconscious in the yard - during the daytime interviews. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 Figure I: Alcohol and Abuse Histories 50 ------------------------------------ 40 No Yes/separated Not anymore Yes Spousal alcohol, ordinal Table 5.3: Alcohol and Violence in the Family (xVariable=SPOUSE ALCO) Category yVariable P S G T L p. N Patriarchy ABUSE HIST .332 .002 134** ABUS E_EVER .124 . 001 134** DOMINATED .113 . 001 147** ABUSE .103 . 002 143** NO_WORK . 057 . 042 146* Social FUTURE .277 .037 86* FAMILY_RANK - . 192 . 050 138* Other HEAD HOUSE .058 . 043 141* ★ft************************************************* Economic POVERTY . 034 .718 148 Social S POUSE_GRP .018 .609 102 Other HEALTH .065 .080 147 Family domination is strongly correlated with spousal alcohol use. As logic would predict, one hundred percent of the (15) women who had separated from their imbibing spouse, were free of family Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 206 domination. The lowest percentage (56.1%) within this empowerment variable (DOMINATED) was noted among women still living with a drinking spouse. The fact that there is no relationship between housing quality (POVERTY) and spouse's alcohol illuminates the pervasiveness of alcohol abuse throughout income levels. In fact, many economic variables were omitted from the above table because they did not even approach significance. (These include appliances and size of one's home, the total points accumulated in rating the home, whether one had legal documents for the house, whether a woman considered herself owner of the home, as well as the number of cows or pigs owned.) Families in which the husband avoids alcohol are better off in several regards. The likelihood of reporting no major illness in the past year (HEALTH) is slightly higher among those whose spouses avoid alcohol. Those whose husbands never drank, or who have stopped, are more likely to rate their families as better off within their communities (FAMILY_RANK) and to expect a better FUTURE. Alcohol usage does not decrease the likelihood that one's spouse will be active in political or community groups (SPOUSE_GRP). Nor does a spouse's social participation change his alcohol usage. This points to the minimal social attention paid to the role of alcoholism in production and family relations - in contrast to the Sandinista regime where publicity campaigns dissuaded men from their alcohol consumption.38 Given the relation between spousal alcohol use, the domestic violence variables, and the woman's outlook for the FUTURE, one of the greatest potential investments in the future of 38 That production is, affected is seen in ETOH-CROP1. Actively drinking spouses are the most likely to rely on the traditional corn crop (CROP1), rather than to diversify. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 women might be anti-alcohol campaigns such as those which were instituted by the Sandinistas early in Revolutionary period. IV. GENDER DIVISION OF LABOR Returning to Henrietta Moore's typology of the radicals and the Marxists, we now examine the gender division of labor. While the former emphasize family violence, the latter note that the heart of feminist subordination lies in unequal workloads.39 The Nicaraguan women's group AMNLAE expressed this philosophy in a January 1980 document: We believe that the basis of the problem of women lies in the enslaving subjection of women to domes tic labor. Domestic labor must be recognized as the material obstacle which limits the full integration of women into society.40 The literature on the household division of labor, in particular time-use studies, has documented the worldwide gap between male and female workloads.'11 Whereas the private=female and public=male equation allows men to reap rewards of monetary reimbursement and social recognition for their work, women's housework is immediately consumed, cyclical from day to day, (and even from generation to generation), and is generally taken for granted. As noted by the CIERA authors, women’s work is unlike men’s in that it cannot wait until tomorrow. One study participant, "Maria Isidora" commented, 39 While in this chapter, the focus is on male-female relations in the household, the Marxist feminist analysis of household labor makes note of the ways that unpaid female labor subsidizes capital [Feldman (1992,10) - citing Seccombe (1974); Gardiner (1975); Dallacosta and James (1975); and Himmelweit and Mohun (1977)]. 40 Cited in Black (1981,328). 41 Agarwal (1988); Beneria (1992); Gladwin (1991); Elson (1991); Floro (1995); Jacobson (1993,11); Knippers Black (1991,114); Lewis and Kiefer (1994,129); Moser (1993); and UNDP (1995,88). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 208 Our work isn’t noticed - because we make meals and they get eaten, we wash dishes and they get reused, we sweep the patio and it gets dirty again; work gets done and then it vanishes; about us working more than men, ... we work more.42 In Nicaragua, one study showed that men contributed only five percent of total housework. Montenegro (1991,100) documented that Nicaraguan women worked 19 hours per day while men's work totaled nine hours. Another study measured men's daily household work at 50 minutes, women's at nine hours and 38 minutes, plus the work of two daughters averaging six hours and 39 minutes.43 Thus, women's work totaled 17 hours, including child care. This same study found no difference in household work according to one's socioeconomic status.44 While ironing, and especially the hand-washing of clothes are more tiresome activities, cooking takes up most of a woman's hours (simultaneously with child care). Without refrigeration, each day's food is made from scratch. Tortilla-making is a particularly time- consuming and often arduous task. As described by Romeyn (1994,61), the steps involve removing the husks, cutting the corn off the cob, cooking the corn, grinding it, mixing the cornmeal with water, grinding a second time, beating the dough into a fine tortilla shape and cooking it over the fire. During my research, I observed that some women have access to a town mill which allows them to escape 42 CIERA (1989,172). When re-interviewed during 1997, "Maria Isidora" worked a 19-hour day, making and selling baked goods while doing the household chores. The husband, a farmer idled by dry season, did little work. At one point, he called for her to bring him coffee: "Hey, kid!" ["Chavala!"] 43 FIDEG (1991, 110) . 44 Ibid., 47. Olivera et al. (1990,13) also claimed that regional, class, or educational variations in patriarchal household relations were minimal in terms of the gender division of labor. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 209 several hours of work. Others either cannot afford the one to two cordobas [10-20 cents] per day or they live in an area without electricity. These women pass the corn through a hand-cranked metal grinder. (It is even harder to grind by stone, and yet I saw this custom maintained by some of the older women.) The entire process takes several hours and considerable effort. The variations in tortilla-making highlight the fact that for rural women, the amount of work is usually greater than among urban counterparts, and it almost always exceeds that done by men.45 Under such a division of labor, the cost to a woman's leisure and sleep is tremendous. As noted by the UNDP (1995,91), "Conventional measures of well-being, which focus on the production of goods and services, neglect this debilitating aspect of intense work." But the consequences are more than mere physical fatigue. As long as women remain the unique providers of all childcare and household work, they will be locked out of social, economic, and political advances.46 Interviews in 1997 offered much evidence to support the persistence of this patriarchal division of labor. One woman (Ell) commented that, "[The woman] has to wash, iron, and earn money besides, and she gets to the house and he complains, 'Why didn't you cook me this? What were you doing? Why did you buy that?' It is like being a maid." The variable asking women about how they spend their leisure time also brought to light their tremendous work loads. When asked about her recreation, one woman in her 50’s (D9) responded, "I wash the clothes." Over one-third of the women (35.8% 45 Brunt (1991,8); and CIERA (1989,168). 46 Behrman and Wolfe (1991,115); CIERA (1990,212); and Deere (1985). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 of 17 6) reported having zero recreation time or activities. (See Figure II.) Figure II: Recreational Activities Recreation 40 ---------------- Recreation Although the previous information documents the onerous amount of women's reproductive responsibilities, the role of patriarchy becomes clearer in the comparison with men's labor. Table 5.4 (on the following page) exposes the traditional division of housework between men and women. Women reported near sole responsibility for washing dishes (WASH_DISH), the supervision of children (CHILD_CARE), as well as for LAUNDRY and COOKING. In addition, women are primarily responsible for hauling water from the river or well (HAULH20). And one in five interviewees participated in the traditional male activity of bringing firewood to the home (HAUL_WOOD). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 211 While it may appear that washing dishes and childcare are the heaviest burdens for women, both hauling water and laundry (which often entails toting clothes thirty minutes each way to the river) are much more physically tasking, as is cooking. The one outlying case of a household where the men and offspring (all sons) do the cooking was "Margarita" in Los Robles whose community leadership is also outstanding, as discussed in Chapter Six. Table 5.4: Division of Reproductive Labor47 ( Percentage) Tradition Variable Women Men Shared Kids only Employ/ buy Female WASH DISH 98.0 0.0 2.0 0.0 0.0 CHILD_CARE 90. 9 0.0 7.4 1.1 0.6 LAUNDRY 86.5 0.0 1.0 8.7 3.8 COOKING 84 .1 0.5 5.8 5.8 8.2 HAUL_H20 70.3 0 . 0 12. 6 11.7 5.4 Male HAUL_WOOD 6.9 39. 7 14.7 10. 3 28 . 4 Both an abuse history and the gender division of labor are part of patriarchal systems, but here we see that while only one-third of Nicaraguan women experience the former, almost all experience the latter. Men receive much more help with their sole reproductive responsibility and they offer little aid of their own. In only 14 of 208 (6.8%) households do men participate in any of the traditional female activities - cooking (6.3%), washing clothes (1.5%), child care (6.8%), or washing dishes (1.9%). Those figures include 47 Categories marked as "Women," "Men," and "Shared" are abbreviated from, for example, "Women alone, or with kids." In this table, child labor is only identified when they assume sole responsibility for a task. The column "Employ/Buy" covers women hired to do laundry or babysitting, as well as men (mozos) hired to haul water. Employees hired to haul wood were assumed to be universally male. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 households where the woman is also engaged in non-traditional work (i.e. has less time for household activities). The bargaining position between men and women is affected by the division of productive and reproductive chores. The variable (GENDER_WORK) compares male and female reproductive labor with non- traditional farm labor.48 A woman's participation in typically male chores such as hauling firewood (HAUL_WOOD), or fieldwork activities such as PLANTING, WEEDING, or HARVEST does not increase the likelihood that she will receive male help with household chores. Where women are involved in traditional activities, the percentage of men involved in housework drops considerably in all categories - cooking (0.5%), washing clothes (0.5%), child care (0.5%) and washing dishes (0.0%). Figure III (on the following page) shows that even among women engaged in non-traditional (paid) labor, that a good majority are self-employed. In the age of structural adjustment, this is a precarious position usually characterized by competition with scores of other vendors in the markets or on the street. The relative advantage of having enough capital to employ another person is as rare as having a husband who assumes full control of a household chore. Women are primarily responsible for household chores, regardless of rural status, years of schooling, type of union, age at first marriage, or the number of offspring one has borne. The list of non-significant associations continues with type of work (WORK_TYPE), one's position - i.e. boss, self-employed, employee, 48 Women's participation in other paid labor is excluded from this variable due to the small number of cases, as well as to the traditional nature of many such activities (e.g. production and sale of food). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 213 etc. (WORK_ROLE) - and the use of public soup kitchens in the past year (SOCJP_KITCH) , or membership in a social group (JOIN_GROUP) . The help that a woman receives with her workload is not significantly affected by whether she hauls water and/or wood (HAUL_H20, HAUL_WOOD), nor by rhe time spent hauling water (H20_TIME). The degree of patriarchal oppression in terms of an abuse history (ABUSE_HIST) or age at first marriage (AGE_MAR) do not affect the likelihood that one's spouse will relieve some of the household burdens. Figure III: Work Position (WORK ROLE) c 0) u M Q> O i Factors which do significantly predict a more equitable gender division of labor are sparse and do not paint a cohesive picture. Feminist ideology and praxis coincide in that women who expect a change in domestic labor are more likely to have non-traditional Work position Employer Employee Self-employed Unpaid family member Work position Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 214 spouses (i.e. who participate in productive labor). Conversely, material and ideological oppression coincide in the 91 households where the woman is solely responsible for child care. Of these, 41.8% expect a better future, less than the 46.7% of the overall group who are optimistic. And overall, there is little link between political consciousness and a strategic gender division of labor. Action to prevent domestic violence (NO_ABCJSE) is the only variable of political consciousness or participation correlated with GENDER_WORK. V. IDEOLOGY - ETHEREAL AND MATERIAL BASES The fact that women, as well as men, maintain patriarchal ideologies has important consequences. Brentlinger (1995, 148ff), Olivera et al. (1992), Cartwright (1993), Stromquist (1995,428), and Whisnant (1995) all describe women's own internalized machismo and its role in replicating the system. Past material and philosophical experiences both affect a person's values and opinions, and in this section, I identify various ways in which the practical and strategic confront each other in the formation of either feminist or patriarchal ideology and praxis. A. Ideological Variables As mentioned, traditional machista thinking on the part of Nicaraguan men or women tends to undervalue women's work,49 to restrict women to an exclusively private domain (i.e. without public participation),50 to accept the male as leader of the household,51 and 1 , 9 Angel and Macintosh (1987, 35-36); Brenes et al. (1991, 60); CIERA (1990,208); CIPRES 1996; Fredersdorf (1993,12); and Whisnant (1995). 50 Bruce (1989,135); Criquillon et al. (1985,21); Deere (1985,1049); and Kulig (1999). 51 Cartwright (1993); Kinnear (1997,8); Olivera et al. 1992); and (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 215 to identify women primarily as mothers.52 Variables meant to capture these processes include RATE_WORK, ISOLATION, HEAD_HOUSE, and ROLE. 4EVER_WIFE is meant to capture the woman's attitudes toward the gender division of labor - specifically her expectations of change in this work distribution, but ideology can be a very slippery substance and difficult to concretely seize. While it is difficult at times to separate out the economic and patriarchal influences on empowerment, it is even more difficult to identify the etiologies of ideas. For one thing, influences on ideology are multiple: Church, media, state policies, family, neighbors, and community at large. But particularly difficult is the separation of material and ethereal influences on expressed opinion. For instance, when 70% of women who are asked about their participation in social protest, political parties, or lobbying activities do not even respond, and when 74.6% of those who do overtly say that they are not interested in participating in politics,53 is this internalized patriarchy or the recognition of widespread corruption? Among my variables, the question arises of whether women who denigrate the importance of civil marriage (LEGAL_MAR) do so because they fail to recognize their strategic right to equal legal protection, or because they consider the current protection to be mere "paper laws?" With that word of caution, we turn to the results of these five variables of female patriarchy/conscientization: 51 (. . . continued) Whisnant (1995). 52 FIDEG (1992,71); McCue (1997,30); and Sola and Trayner (1988). 53 This was the case among 800 urban women interviewed in March 1996 (Montenegro 1997,111-112). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 216 Only 12.5% of the women affirmed their social ISOLATION,54 as many as 82.3% expected no change in household responsibilities (4EVER_WIFE), * while approximately one-third rated women's work as harder than men's (RATE_WORK) ,55 and as many as 4 6.7% declared themselves head of household (HEAD_HOUSE) ,56 Four out of ten named "mother" as their most important ROLE; Another two out of ten said "Child of God;" One of ten said they have no particularly important role; Only 4% said "housewife;" and 1.5%, "wife;" and 13.1% named productive social and/or economic roles. Other more tangential variables also may capture ideology. One variable which reflects Nicaraguans' deep religiosity is SUPPORT, where the largest percentage of women (27.2%) said that their greatest support came from God. Examples of what might be called "false consciousness" can be identified above. For instance, given the consistent conclusions from time studies in Nicaragua that women's work exceeds that of men, the 33% rating in GENDER_WORK (i.e the proportion of women who see women's work as more demanding) can be interpreted as an under assessment of the true gender division of labor. 54 Women reporting proudly that "I don't leave the house" announce their willing acceptance of the isolation (ISOLATION) prescribed for "good women" in the patriarchal system. 55 An additional third found the work to be even, and one-third rated men's work as more arduous. 56 Head of household, HEAD_HOUSE, is more an ideological than a demographic term, in that many women living with their partners called themselves head of household and some single parents did not. Female single heads of household (revealed in the TYPE_FAMILY variable) were 32.7% of the cases. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 217 Another variable, denoting one's identification as head of the house, exposed a bimodal path to at this outcome. One occurs through male abandonment of the family, where the woman is thrust into public roles from which she had been prohibited. Often the economic responsibilities, coupled with her deficient human capital preparation, sink the woman and her family into poverty. Here, being head of household involves extra responsibilities and few liberties. On the other hand, women who have aged out of some of their reproductive responsibilities, relying on their daughters and sons' wives for these, are freer to roam the public realm. In addition, increased life experiences may have allowed the woman to recognize her own strategic interests, especially if her economic woes have not overwhelmingly distracted her. Thus, HEAD_HOUSE shows the various ways that material and ethereal influences may create distinct ideological responses. The next section looks at institutions which are involved in the production of these ideologies. B. Institutional Formation of Ideas Institutions which potentially shape ideology include schools, the media, the church, and one's family. In isolated, undeveloped areas of rural Nicaragua the role of the latter may be supreme. Certainly few of the women interviewed here read a newspaper. Some have televisions (mostly 13-inch black and white sets), but these are far from the information superhighway which is supposedly transforming daily life around the planet. (And it is probably accurate to say that campesina television-viewing consists mainly of soap operas with little public information or news programs.) It is not unusual for rural women to listen to the radio daily, for this is an exercise which is consistent with household cooking, ironing, and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 218 childcare responsibilities. But there is little evidence to suggest that this is a path to ideological transformation. Familial production of values One way that patriarchy replicates itself, including "machismo de mujer" or sexist philosophies in women, is through the family. Data that suggest the importance of this institution comes from Montenegro (1997,130) where the two most important factors influencing a woman's voting decisions were reported as "what the candidate says" (41.9%) and "my family's opinion" (41.7%). Given women's responsibilities in childcare, the most crucial transfer of values in the home may occur through women's treatment of their offspring. For instance, from an early age, children are trained in the private=female and public=male, through the oft-heard phrase, "A woman's place is in the home, a man's in the street."57 Lancaster (1992,42) noted that as early as age two, males are allowed to wander, and are even given short errands to run, while girls are expected to remain in the home. In this commodity chain, through the passage of machista values onto offspring, the woman exchanges her own strategic interest (in recognizing and potentially overthrowing the patriarchal system). In return, the patriarchal system delivers her the social prestige of being a "good woman" and a protective mother. The woman who, for example, tries to train her sons to participate in laundry is likely to not only encounter her husband's resistance and the son's refusal, but also the condemnation of family and neighbors who criticize her 57 FIDEG (1991,98): "La mujer es de la casa, el hombre es de la calle." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 219 for making the son into a "cochon," (a derogatory term for a male homosexual) .58 Such a fear-based transmission of values and acceptance of the sexual double standard was expressed by a 38-year old interviewee from Teustepe. Speaking of a woman who had become her brother's mistress, she said: There are women who are very loose. I cried over the situation with my sister-in-law. She has six children - they are all in school [ranging from 18 to 8 years old]. Now she goes to Managua because [my brother] abandoned her. He spends all his money on that loose woman. They should put those loose women in jail. Those kids are going to be alone, abandoned."59 Note that she doesn't blame her brother, rather the mistress. Religious production of values As a rule, Nicaraguan women are deeply religious, often in a way that permeates daily life.60 According to Salguerra and Fermin (1996), women's recreation is religion, whereas men's is "(cheap) rum and machetes."61 Renzi and Agurto's (1996) study of rural Nicaraguan 58 This process is described in Field (1999,151); Lancaster (1992); and multiple issues of La Boletina. And it was also explained thus to me by at least one of my informants (B12). 59 B17: "Hay mujeres muy vagas. Llore de la situacion de mi cunada. Ella tiene 6 hijos - todos estudian [Tienen de 18 a 8 anos] . Ahora ella va a Managua a buscar trabajo porque el [su hermano] le dejo abandonada. (£l) gasta todo su dinero en esa mujer vaga. Deben poner esas mujeres vagas en la ca'rcel. Esos nihos van a estar solos, abandonados." 60 There is a difference, of course, between religious faith and formal religion, but for the sake of simplicity, that separation is elided in the following discussion. For more on the deep impact of religion on Nicaraguan women's lives, see Christian (1985,203); Dodson and O'Shaughnessy (1990); Everett (1986,22); Sola and Trayner (1988); and Wells (1990). 61 The latter remark probably refers to men's capacity to enjoy the fruits of their paid labor by purchasing commodities. But it may also refer to the alcohol-related violence which is often reported in (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 women contrasted the men and women's rates of participation in religious groups. These respective rates are 64 and 88% of all who reported social participation. That is, religious participation provides the dominant social activity for both sexes, but more so among women. Since the Spanish colonization of Nicaragua in the 16th century, Catholicism has been the dominant religion, although in the past two decades, Protestant (Evangelica) churches have gained support. In 1995, 73% of women identified themselves as Catholic, and 8.4% declared themselves as pertaining to "no religion."62 This leaves approximately one in five women affiliated in Protestant sects. Religious conservatism has been said to uphold patriarchal ideology and practice. The Catholic Church has long been known for its support of Nicaragua's patriarchal social agenda.63 FIDEG (1991,108) listed the Church's resistance to many feminist efforts during the 1980’s - education reforms, changes in the family, weekend work (e.g. government-sponsored voluntary work programs), and military participation by women. Through Archbishop (now Cardinal) Obando y Bravo, the Church pushed vigorously for traditional family 61 ( . . . continued) the daily newspapers. It is in this latter sense that we see a rare instance where patriarchal prohibitions protect women, for while alcohol creates a leisure activity prohibited to women, the physical, social, and financial side effects make it a risky pursuit. 62 El Observador Economico 65:42. 63 Jesuit liberation theorist, Juan Luis Segundo, offers the sobering view that, "Reading the bible from the perspective of the poor is easier than reading it from a women's perspective [cited in Whisnant (1995,501)]." Also see Cartwright (1993); Lancaster (1992); and Wessel (1991). For contrary examples of the Liberation theology wing of the Catholic church and its support for new relations between men and women, see Brentlinger (1995,45-51); Dodson and O'Shaughnessy (1990,71-235); Everett (1986); Lancaster (1988,84-99); Nelson- Pallmeyer (1989); Randall (1983); Sola and Trayner (1988), and Sinclair (1995,76). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 life, rejected divorce law, and lobbied for obedience of the papal encyclical against family planning. More recently, Managua's Auxiliary Bishop Monsenor Jorge Solorzano accused feminists as being atheists who want to take away woman's most precious function and role, positing that the church is actually in solidarity with women through its opposition to abortion: Women can not take the same roles as men.... Women have to educate their children. . . . Woman gets her dignity as a mother. Wanting to be equal to men only confuses things. Women have a unique beauty, they are mothers, and that comes from God... (and motherhood)is the most wonderful thing that can happen to a woman.64 But the Catholic church is not the only conservative religion in Nicaragua. McCue also noted that the Moravian and other evangelical churches are rigidly patriarchal and authoritarian.65 The evangelical church has more overt proscriptions on women than does society in general - strict adherence to head coverings in church, no pants worn by women, no short hair for women, and no makeup or jewelry.66 Both men and women are pushed to avoid social and political activities which are seen as a distraction from God's work. Nevertheless, despite the historically important and clearly patriarchal role of Church institutions, women's obedience to church 64 The full quotation comes from an interview with Sofia Montenegro in El Nuevo Diario 18 September 2000: "La mujer no puede tener los mismos papeles que los hombres. Nosotros promovemos a la mujer, pero lo que no queremos es que se les niegue la maternidad. Las mujeres tienen que educar a sus hijos.... La mujer tiene su dignidad de madre. Querer ser igual a los hombres es una confusion. Las mujeres tienen belleza unica, son madres y la maternidad es de Dios... (y) es lo mas lindo que le puede pasar a una mujer..." 65 Also see FIDEG (1991) . 66 Romeyn (1994,51) notes these stricter limitations to a woman's appearance and (on p.76) notes that Evangelica women devote much more time to church-related activities than the women in the Catholic church. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 norms may have lessened in recent years. Collinson (1990,22) mused that, "The fact that most couples never officially marry shows that Nicaraguan Catholicism is less restrictive over people's personal lives than its reputation might suggest." A study by PROFAMILIA (1993) found that only 1.2% of non-users attribute their abstention from contraception to religious reasons.67 Even in a FIDEG (1992) study, only three of forty women agreed that "God sends us children and we have to receive them with joy."68 And in interviews with 800 (urban) women in 1996, only 17.8% say that they give any weight to the priest or pastor's opinion when they enter a voting booth.69 Among the women interviewed in 1997, 87.6% are (self-declared) theists. Slightly less than half (47.8%) are Catholic, with approximately one-third (30.9%) being Protestant, or Evangelica. Older women tend to be Catholic, and only one of 20 who reported "no faith" were over 60 years old. As a whole, these interviews do not show a tendency towards more gender oppression among the Protestant sects. As previously mentioned, faith was not correlated with total offspring among these interviewees. In fact, this researcher was surprised by one woman's direct confrontation of patriarchal relations during a religious service attended in Asedades. A young woman (considered by the town to be quite devout) took advantage of the pastor's invitation for questions, and asked about the justice in men taking Sunday as a day of rest, while women were still expected to clean, cook, etc.70 67 Cited in El Observador Economico 65:42. 60 "Dios envia a los hijos y hay que recibirlos con alegria." 69 Montenegro (1997,130). 70 The pastor answered that these were activities vital to life and (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 There is no relationship between religious faith and a feminist awareness of work inequities (RATE_WORK) or reticence to join social group (WHY_NO_GRP). Nor is there a significant link between faith and being prohibited from out of town visits (NO_VISIT) or from work outside the house (NO_WORK). No religious oppression is seen in terms of the gender division of labor. And other than MOBILITY, faith is not significantly related to the other seven empowerment categories nor to the aggregate (EMPOWERED). On the other hand, although the Protestant sects are known to foster patriarchal thinking, a paradoxical improvement in family relations was reported by several women whose husbands had also become Evangelico. This is due to the strict prohibition against drinking and domestic violence. (Given the strong encouragement that the evangelical churches have made to curb alcohol consumption, the lack of significance between FAITH and SPOUSE_ALCO appears surprising, until one again considers the higher female participation in religious activity.) The greatest percentage within the category of former drinkers does belong to Evangelicas - whose spouses constitute approximately half of the 21 former drinkers. Other paradoxical effects are seen in LEGAL_MAR, MOBILITY, and JOIN_GRO(JP. Evangelicas are most likely to express some opinion about the benefits of legal marriage.71 Probably as a reflection of the Protestant tendency to celebrate culto in neighboring towns, these women were significantly more likely to be empowered in MOBILITY. And lending credence to the assertion that Protestant 70 ( . . . continued) thus could not include a rest. 71 Legal marriage is a prerequisite to the religious ceremony which is emphasized by pastors as being essential to moral living. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 faith has a deeper impact on daily life, Evangelicas were seen as more likely to report social participation (mostly indicating their church activities).72 These may be examples of a "paper feminism," (akin to "paper laws" passed during the 1980s designed to equalize household labor) or situations of "false consciousness" where the motivation is to comply with church requirements rather than to attain strategic gender rights. But the combination of more mobility, getting into the "public sphere" in a socially sanctioned manner, and less domestic violence create a movement towards change. Local culture and community production of values Various influences on ideology which are discussed in other chapters include education, state, and community groups. (Chapters Six and Seven will cover the latter two topics.) Briefly, we note here the lack of evidence to indicate that education in Nicaragua has impacted gender consciousness. For instance, there is no significance between years of schooling (EDU_YEARS) and RATE_WORK. This suggests that some of education's liberating effects may rely on intermediate economic empowerment factors, rather than a direct effect upon a woman's ideology. Years of schooling may well enhance a woman's practical situation, but they do not necessarily fuel feminist awareness. Some of the literature on developing areas notes the tendency for rural residents to be more conservative in their ideology and/or 12 This is a proudly asserted comparison often made by the Protestants relative to their Catholic counterparts. JOIN_GROUP may indicate this philosophical difference in that the Evangelicas were more likely to consider their religious activity as formal social participation. And the dominance of their religion in daily life was occasionally an obstacle in this research. In multiple interviews, I nudged the conversation back to the questionnaire by remarking, "I agree that the spiritual is the most important aspect of our lives, but my advisors are waiting for me to come back with this information on your economic situation." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 practice, for instance in terms of valuing female education or employment.73 According to the UNDP, the disparity between women's and men's workloads reaches "startling proportions" in the rural areas, with women squeezing out some 20% extra effort (compared with about six percent longer hours in urban areas).74 Alluding to this rural backwardness, Brenes et al. (1991,56-61) related that it had been traditionally very difficult to organize poorer women in gender consciousness, and that after the Revolution, Nicaraguan campesinas were more politically aware than they traditionally had been. Labor activist and Congressional representative, Benigna Mendiola, noted that campesinas solidly accept the gender division of labor,"...If I tell them to make their husbands cook and wash dishes, they'll chase me away with their brooms."75 In contrast, Magaly Quintana claimed, "We were told that the campesinas did not want to talk about their situation because they were too conservative, but our years of practice show that they desperately want to talk, and need to."76 My data do show a few variations according to region. Rural residence is associated with younger age at first marriage, and with certain religious affiliation (more agnostics).77 Women from the most URBAN areas are most likely to hold a feminist view of the division of labor (See Appendix Seven: t-Tests), but there was no difference 73 Carter (1999,58); Justice (1999,333); and Summerfield (1994,125). Nicaraguan research includes Kruckewitt (1993); and LaRamee and Polokoff (1997,185). 74 UNDP (1995,92), on the 13 surveys done in 9 developing countries. 75 Quoted in Hoyt (1997, 71). 76 In Brenes et al. (1991, 122) . 77 This may likely be a simple reflection of the lack of church buildings and personnel in the most rural areas. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 226 among the other three groups. Rural women were significantly less likely to report changes in family relations due to the Sandinista revolution (CHANGE_REV) .70 At a nearly significant level, rural women have a greater likelihood of having an alcohol-abusing spouse. But in general, rural women are not more likely to score poorly on empowerment indicators. The gender division of labor in the household (GENDER_WORK) does not vary according to level of urbanity; nor do empowerment indicators such as total points (EMPOWER_PTS), abuse history (ABUSE, ABUSE_HIST) , or any of the eight empowerment variables of the empowerment scale. Rural status does not significantly affect the expectation that men will share household duties (4EVER_WIFE). Nor did rural women differ from urban women in their assessment of the effect of economic crisis on family relations (CHANGE_ECON). The lack of evidence of a rural gradient to patriarchy is remarkable in its deviance from the bulk of literature on developing areas. But it is actually consistent with Nicaraguan research which has found patriarchy to be consistent across socio economic and regional borders.79 We can conclude from this data that there are differences in institutions in rural areas, but not necessarily in patriarchy. C. Dialectical Production of Patriarchy and Empowerment In stable patriarchy, praxis and ideology collude in the production of more machista norms and gender inequity.80 The 7e See the following chapter. 79 Fideg (1991) noted that the gender division of labor was the same regardless of socio-economic status; Olivera et al. (1990,13) extended the observation to region and educational levels; and Montenegro (1997,31) more generally noted patriarchal consistency across ethnicity, age, religion, and region. 00 The following section extrapolates from Marx (1964,1977), as well (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227 opportunity for change comes when one of the material restrictions on women's prescribed behaviors is broken, or when a philosophical change occurs in the minds of men and/or women. The old synthesis (patriarchy) Patriarchal practice (PP) often breeds patriarchal philosophies or ideologies (PI) - in the minds of both men and women. Two such examples come from Langford (1999) who discusses a 'battered woman's syndrome' in which abused women feel they have no one to turn to other than their abuser, and from Floro (1994) who concluded from her work in the Philippines that the household division of labor reinforces women's lack of access to critical thinking and decision making procedures (PP^PI).91 Conversely, but still supportive of a stable patriarchy are examples of ideology driving patriarchal behaviors (PI<-*, PP). Sen (1985, 82) addressed the way that undervaluing female work (and lives) led to underutilization of health services among women and girls in India, and Wessel (1995) posits that institutionalized beliefs about female inferiority are precursors to violence against women. The 208 women interviewed for this study reveal a number of ways in which a woman's opinions directly reflect material misery and domination by men (PP*-*PI): One-third of women who are prohibited from working out of town (NO_WORK) claim their husband as their greatest support (SUPPORT), with slightly less than that claiming no support (and the remaining third claiming other family members). 80 ( . . . continued) as from Bottomore (1983), although neither of these applies the theory of dialectics to feminist transformation. 01 Langford (1999,128) cites Walker (1988) and Barnette and LaViolette (1993). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228 Several of the women in the study cavalierly accepted their domestic violence histories, with comments such as, "Every woman goes through that," or "Of course," or "He makes me suffer. "a: • Those who say that they have no SUPPORT, also say that they experience ISOLATION. In other instances, machismo de mujer leads to patriarchal practice (PI«-»PP): One trilingual 60-year old (who lacked formal schooling) proudly announced, "My husband who is very educated told me how to vote." Her acceptance of his superior social knowledge motivated her to relinquish her own decision-making powers. Other variables show the stability involved with a coherent set of patriarchal ideologies (PI«-*’ PI) : One 25-year old mother of two (E10) reported that her support system included her husband, father, and "...my little brother, even though he is younger - because he is a male." The over valuation of men may have prevented her from identifying any feminine support. • Those who identify their chief role in life (ROLE) as "Mother" are the least likely to find women's work greater than men (RATE_WORK) . Similarly, these unliberated views of the division of labor are associated with a preference for educating male children (GENDER_EDU). • Women who accept social ISOLATION as their assigned gender responsibility also tend to value men's work over women's 82 B15: "Cada mujer vive eso." A2, D13, K3: "Claro que si." G7: "Me sufro con el." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 229 (RATE_WORK) and to say that their greatest ROLE in life is to serve God. Overall ISOLATION is strongly associated with patriarchal domination. The expected negative sign is seen with all of the nine empowerment indicators. Five of these are highly significant: EMPOWERED, BUY_LARGE, BUY_SMALL, DECISIONS, and MOBILITY. RATE_WORK significantly correlates with other indicators of "machismo de mujer"/conscientization, such as ISOLATION, HEAD_HOLJSE, ROLE, as well as with GENDER_EDU. Dialectic confrontation (thesis-antithesis) In the context of generalized patriarchal practice, a woman who sees the inequity in virulent patriarchy or in the gender division of labor enters into a destabilizing situation (FI/PP). If she pursues the new feminist impulses to participate in proscribed behaviors, she may incur significant patriarchal wrath and resistance. The authors of Tiger's Milk offered the example of a single mother in her early twenties, working in a tobacco factory, and active in the farmworkers' union (ATC). She complained of residual machismo even among (supposedly liberated) Sandinistas, saying "[Try] going to a party alone and not getting a beating when you get home!"83 Similarly, my data show (at a level just beyond significance), that women who have participated in a political campaign are more likely to have been abused. Such a situation of feminist ideology (which precipitated a feminist practice), but whose conflict with patriarchal praxis results in more of the same could be symbolized thus: FI/PP - * • FI/PP. 03 Angel and Macintosh (1987,119-20). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 230 If (fears of) machista backlash would provoke a retreat into false consciousness where her own interests are hidden from herself and a return to the old synthesis, the change might be symbolized as a return to stable patriarchy (PI«-»-PP) . The lack of statistical correlation between 4EVER_WIFE and other ideological variables reflects the near universal nature of the sexist division of labor. This patriarchal practice occurs as the background experience for a variety of other experiences. 4EVER_WIFE is the one variable of female patriarchy which does not correlate with ISOLATION or RATE_WORK. Those who rate women as working more are no more or less likely to expect change in the household division of labor. This outcome suggests that some of the women answering 4EVER_WIFE positively were, in Whisnant's terms, ambivalently cooperating in the system which oppresses them. That is, they may have acknowledged and tried to change that division of labor, but without succeeding, they subsequently gave up hope of men's participation in household chores. Another option is to break into previously blocked social or economic arenas. This could be either a situation of false consciousness where a woman enters social life, but in a manner fully consistent with her motherly ethic of care (i.e. health and education groups) , or it might be the ghettoized position of an abandoned woman who enters the paid workforce, but with little liberating aspects about it. Poor salary and working conditions are not necessarily liberating. Such a default survival position for single mothers might be captured by FP/PI - * ■ PP/PI, (or more optimistically by FP/PI - * • FP/FI) . Thus, it is not surprising that there is no significant link to RATE_W0RK with the gender division of labor variable which rates Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 231 whether one or both partners engage in nontraditional work (GENDER_WORK). Participation in non-traditional farm chores (WEEDING) is not as liberating as making capital purchases is (BUY_EQUIP, FURNITURE, INVEST). As previously mentioned, there is no significant link between years of schooling (EDU_YEARS) and RATE_WORK. This suggests that some of education's liberating effects may rely on intermediate economic empowerment factors, rather than a direct effect upon a woman's ideology. Years of schooling may well enhance a woman's practical situation, but it does not necessarily fuel feminist awareness. But another option is the creation of a stable feminism. The new synthesis (feminism) While more a utopia than a reality, there are instances of mutually consistent feminist ideology and practice that can be observed in these interviews: The link between 4EVER_WIFE and LEISURE, one's chief mode of recreation, supports the idea that 4EVER_WIFE does capture a feminist awareness. For, those whose recreation is to lie in the hammock, visit, or "other" are more likely to see change (4EVER_WIFE). While this may seem minor, recognizing a woman's right to leisure confronts the ideology that her greatest role is to "sacrifice oneself for the family."64 Participation in a political CAMPAIGN is associated with a more feminist view of the gender division of labor, as is overall political consciousness (CONSCIOUS) . 64 Montenegro (1997,111) reported that 90.3% of 800 women inter viewed in March 1996 identified this self-sacrifice as woman's greatest role. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 232 Women who are aware of the domestic violence (LAW230) laws are more likely to adopt a feminist view of the division of labor. A slim minority of spouses (20.8%) belong to a group, but the spouse's group membership rises considerably among those who say that women work more than men (34.5%), indicating that possibly some feminist conscientization occurs in the husband's participation (and that his ideology thus affects the wife's). VI. INFLUENCES ON EMPOWER_PTS Having completed an examination of three strands within patriarchy, we turn to the empowerment scale to examine influences on empowerment. The range of empowerment points among these interviewees was between zero and 51 (out of a possible 62). One- fifth (19.2%) scored below 11 points. The largest category was from 11-20 points where 37% of the interviewees scored. The next greatest cluster (28.4%) scored between 21 and 30 points. Approximately one- tenth scored between 31 and 40 points, and only 3.8% of the women accumulated more than 4 0 empowerment points. These relationships are displayed in Figure IV (on the next page). The distribution is normal, except for a group of outliers at the top. We might infer that patriarchy does indeed persist across ethnic, urban, and economic frontiers, as maintained by Montenegro (1997,31) - with the few exceptions of women who escape into a strategic and material liberation. Reviewing correlations with EMPOWER_PTS, empowerment is seen to increase among older women.85 Women who are unpaid family members are much less empowered than are those who are employers or self-employed (WORK_ROLE). The use of family planning does significantly add to 85 See Table 5.5 on the following pages and Appendix Ten - Significant Influences on Empowerment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 empowerment points. Calling oneself head of household does not automatically make one empowered, but if one does score high on the scale, then there is a greater tendency to identify oneself as head of household. Figure IV: The Empowerment: Curve Empowerment points 0 3 6 9 L2 15 18 21 24 27 30 33 37 40 44 Empowerment points The fact that one's village (but not the variable URBAN) significantly affects empowerment scores suggests that local culture may play a role in empowerment. This idea holds when one unpacks the effect of education on empowerment points by examining the weaker effects of village on education (Lambda=.090, p=.073) and of education on gender division of labor (Tau=.104, p=.069). Education improves economics, and also occasionally affects gender Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 consciousness.96 Nevertheless, other forces besides the positive economic effects of education operate to liberate women. Wealth is much more empowering (according to this scale) than is political awareness or participation (CAMPAIGN, DEPUTY). But those with more empowerment points are more likely to be politically active (CAMPAIGN) and aware (DEPUTY). The variable ranking participation, from none to the most feminist (TYPE_GROUP), is a strong predictor of empowerment points. Those whose families engage in some non-traditional labor (COOKING) do not necessarily accumulate more empowerment points but those whose overall tendency is towards a non-traditional division of chores (GENDER_WORK) do score higher. While the expected negative sign is seen between spousal alcohol use and empowerment, the relationship falls short of significance.97 Table 5.5: EMPOWER_PTS: Influences and Outcomes08 (yVariable=EMPOWER_PTS) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N NUM COW Economic .235 . 001 204** BUILDING . 204 .003 206** NUM PIG . 139 .046 207* BUY EQUIP . 693 .000 208** WORK ROLE -.558 . 000 194** WORK TYPE .438 .000 195** OWN HOME .403 . 000 208** APPLIANCE .254 .001 206** POVERTY -.194 .001 208** HOME TITLE -.203 . 002 190** 66 For instance the EDUYR-4EVER_WIFE relationship is significant, Tau=.18 6, p=.020*, N=160. 07 This is probably due to the deliberately pluralistic design of the empowerment scale. Without political, economic, and patriarchal empowerment, the transition is only partial. But spouse's alcohol abuse affects the latter and not the socio-economic factors. 90 Given that this table compares the point total to its constituent parts, auto-correlation makes this statistically dubious. But it allows us to approximate the relative impact of social, economic, and other forces which we will explore more carefully. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 235 Table 5.5: EMPOWER PTS: Influences and Outcomes, (cont.) (yVariable=EMPOWER_PTS ) ^Variable Category P S G T L p. N CHICKS WATER EDU_YEARS FAM_PLAN VILLAGE Economic Other . 195 .014 . 115 .004 207** .044 208* .005 203** .280 .002 186** .086 .002 208** TYPE_GROCJP Social LAW230 . 375 . 327 .000 208** .000 203** GENDER_WORK Patriarchy .285 .003 208** NUM_CHICK LAND_SIZE HOUSE_DENS COOK_FUEL ELECTRIC ASSETS Economic . 106 . 105 . 077 .074 .045 . 006 . 135 .244 . 272 . 607 . 571 . 080 200 126 208 208 208 208 AGE INFANT_MORT AGE_MAR TOTAL_KID DEPUTY CAMPAIGN VOTE96 ABUSE_HIST COOKING S POUSE_ALCO 4EVER_WIFE HEAD HOUSE Category Economic Social Other Social Other -.076 .274 208 -.067 .351 197 .020 . 774 208 -.014 .844 190 . 014 .845 208 Social .006 . 160 198 .006 . 197 206 .010 . 683 207 Patriarchy -.111 .206 162 .089 .457 208 -.124 . 127 148 . 008 . 057 164 .011 . 527 208 (xVaxiable=EMPOWER_PTS) yVariable P S G T L P- N NUM COW .235 . 001 204** BUILDING .204 .003 206** NUM_PIG . 139 . 046 207* ISOLATION . 074 . 003 191** 4EVER WIFE . 395 .015 164* CAMPAIGN . 306 .033 206* HEAD_HOUSE . 359 .000 208** TOTAL_KID . 014 .845 208 FUTURE -.043 . 633 122 DEPUTY .306 . 052 198 FAM PLAN .011 . 683 186 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 236 This empowerment scale could be accused of having an economistic bias, in that those with more wealth accumulate more empowerment points,89 but it is not deterministic. Buying large items (B(JY_EQUIP) is not more likely to accumulate more empowerment points. The size of one's holdings (LAND_SIZE) does not affect empowerment scoring, nor does having electricity (ELECTRIC) or ownership of more chickens (NUM_CHICK). Rather than seeing the scale as biased, one might say that it is very hard to be empowered while poor, suggesting that attending to practical needs may be as important as strategic gender needs. The lack of significance between empowerment points and FUTURE suggests that an emphasis on practical needs might rightfully precede that of a strict strategical campaign for improved gender rights. Another way of saying this is that those who have high scores on the gender empowerment scale do not necessarily foresee a positive future, especially within the context of an extended period of economic stagnation. VII. CONCLUSIONS Nicaraguan women are better off than some of their peers in the developing world. They do not suffer female mutilation, arranged marriages, marriage entailing brideswealth, or widespread kidnapping of women into prostitution - all of which occur elsewhere in the world.90 Nevertheless this is equivalent to being dealt an extra serving of platano while the sweet banana remains out of reach, for this 09 Not shown here, for the sake of brevity: APPLIANCE, BUILDING, BATHH20, BUY_EQUIP, CHICKS, HOME_TITLE, ASSETS, NUM_COW, NUM_PIG. Refer to Appendix Ten: Significant Predictors of Empowerment. 90 Kinnear (1997); and Devereux and Hoddinott (1993,154). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 237 chapter demonstrates that machismo is strong in Nicaragua. Only one- quarter of these interviewees were empowered according to the eight category empowerment variable. While Nicaraguan women are not subject to the Islamic practice of purdah, a Persian word meaning 'curtain,' many do indeed experience a social isolation that could be seen as an 'invisible purdah.' The Islamic purdah physically isolates women within their own living space. They are socially segregated from all but their immediate kinship circle; and they must cover their bodies and faces whenever in public. A Nicaraguan woman is free to ride in a public vehicle, including sharing the front seat of the car, and may leave her family's property for schooling or economic endeavors. Yet many still proudly announce their compliance with the social expectations that a woman will indeed remain inside her home and speak to no male strangers. This code is a silent enforcer of patriarchal rule, not as virulent as domestic violence, but probably equally effective. Alcohol abuse by one's husband is dangerous for women as it is the strongest predictor of spouse abuse. Protection against this problem comes from delayed marriage and greater education - both of which probably increase the bargaining power of women within their relationships. What is it like to be a dominated spouse? One third of all women in Nicaragua experience abuse at the hands of their spouse at some point in their lifetime. This statistic, reported in other studies, is confirmed among the 208 women interviewed here. The typical picture is of a husband who drinks, and discourages his wife from work outside the house, or from visiting relatives out of town, and in fact, from any kind of freedom of mobility. The role of alcohol in family domination is clearly exposed by these women's histories. This calls for increased public attention Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 238 to the connection between alcohol and violence and for greater public support for sobriety as a measure to lessen patriarchal burdens on women. While domestic violence only affects one-third of Nicaraguan women, inequity in the gender division of labor is nearly universal. According to John Brentlinger (1995,136), "As Marx, said, all social domination is, in essence, freedom from labor and disposal over another person's labor." Since women are responsible for all household chores and often participate in the (paid) labor force as well, women in developing nations routinely work 14 to 16 hours per day. This translates into a lack of free time which entraps a woman in her home, too exhausted to take advantage of the rare opportunity for advancement which might be available to her. Which factors help predict empowerment? One of these is freedom from machismo de mujer. Zillah Eisenstein noted that, "The more [that] feminists study patriarchy the more we understand that much of its power lies in the ability to mystify the reality of women's oppression."91 That is, a necessary step to empowerment is recognition of the ways that women experience gender discrimination. Past literature has contended that education, rural status, religious persuasion, age at first marriage, and type of marriage all influence patriarchal oppression. But in this study, their effects are minimal and irregular. Education appears to enhance women's economic relations more than it does their social roles. As noted by Stromquist, an explicitly feminist curriculum is necessary to catalyze gender liberation, but such curricula were minimal during the Sandinista years and openly resisted in other regimes. 91 Eisenstein (1981,201). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 239 Rural women are no more likely to suffer abuse at the hands of their husbands, nor is the gender division of labor strikingly different according to degrees of urbanity. There are several possible explanations. One is that patriarchy was never as severe in the countryside as it had commonly been reported. Another is that rural men and/or women have undergone a feminist transition. A third is that these interviews do not capture the existing patriarchy. But the most likely is that male irresponsible paternity, promiscuity, violence, and avoidance of household chores are uniformly present across Nicaragua's regions. What conclusions can be drawn from this data on family domination, inequitable labor, and "machismo de mujer?" These results do not suggest a unique path towards female empowerment, but they do show that a woman's own patriarchal views are strongly linked to the concrete expressions of male dominance within her life. Most likely, women's liberation can be achieved through multiple pathways, some affecting ideology and others affecting praxis. Practical advances including greater female education, decreased fertility, and greater economic or social opportunities may increase a woman's self esteem and bargaining power within the family. Both practical and ideological changes are probably necessary to thwart the widespread male alcohol habit and inequitable workloads in Nicaraguan households. In the last chapter we identified one situation where advances are made in feminist practice, not necessarily involving a change in patriarchal ideology (FP/PI). Declining fertility creates instability in the patriarchal system and opens up women's time, energy, and attention to other experiences which may conscienticize Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. her. In the next three chapters we will examine three more of these opportunities for dialectical transformation: State interventions - (i.e. in education, provision of practical needs, and strategic attitudes) and their connection with community influences, (such as the women's groups pushing for new laws and feminist ideology), Social and/or political participation, (breaking the private=female and public=male equation), and Economic roles and status (for instance, breaking through the glass floor preventing women from joining the paid workforce). Each of these has the potential to reinforce the old synthesis or to create conflict within it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 241 CHAPTER SIX: STATE INTERVENTIONS - PRACTICAL & STRATEGIC The purpose of this chapter is to evaluate state support for women under the last four governments. The chapter begins with an examination of the various roles which the state can and has played in enhancing women's daily practice. Questions addressed include how women's lives, and the women's movement, have been changed by the succession of regimes, and whether these women see the Revolution as having affected family relations. The chapter ends by inquiring into the ways that women's lives have been affected by the civil war and a decade of social decay involving widespread theft, kidnapping, and murder. I. THEORIES ON THE STATE'S ROLE IN EMPOWERMENT In examining the state's role, we revisit Maxine Molyneux's (1986,280) typology of strategic and practical gender interests. She wrote that, Women's oppression... [is] multi-causal in origin and mediated through... different structures, mech anisms, and levels. Strategic interests are those related to structural change. Practical interests do not challenge prevailing forms of gender subordination. Practical gains are ones which increase autonomy of women - i.e. by improving material conditions, or by facilitating their participation in public processes, paid work, or both, but without direct recognition or confrontation of the machista ideology that keeps women subordinate to men. Some authors elaborate on the ways that the state can foster practical interests. Karremans et al. (1993,224) stress that the lack of water, plumbing, roads, and sewage affect women through their reproductive roles.1 It is the woman of the house who is responsible 1 Also see FIDEG (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 242 for carrying water and food to the home, for bringing children to health centers, and for cleaning the home and patio (including latrines). Others mention the importance of state support for women's (paid) employment. Various effects of employment have been suggested: greater self-esteem, increases in women's bargaining power within the family, and a greater dedication of household income to the family's needs (rather than to luxury items).2 Strategic gains are those which facilitate women openly acknowledging and confronting their disadvantaged place in a patriarchal system. An example would be incorporation in a women's group struggling for equal pay for equal work, increased decision making power for women in the family, and the freedom to choose their own reproductive futures. Another analysis of state involvement comes from the editors of Women, the State, and Development. They claim that the links between states and gender exist at three levels: The first level is that of the elites who occupy the official positions of the state. The second is that of state action and the intended and unintended con sequences of state policies for strategic and practical gender interests. The third and most com plex level, yet perhaps ultimately the most critical for women, is the collectivity of norms, laws, ideologies, and patterns of action that shape the meaning of politics and the nature of political dis course. It is at this fundamental level that gender ideologies operate in their most powerful form.3 This last point is shared by Collier et al. (1997,76) who stress the importance of state ideological forces (and laws) in shaping the family. Similarly, Kinnear (1997,31) notes how "(p)atriarchal 2 Ferguson (1991); Haider (1996); Lancaster and di Leonardo (1997) and Taylor (1994). Chapter Eight addresses the issue of economic effects of empowerment. 3 Charlton et al. (1989,12). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 243 policies are often promoted by governments; these policies reinforce gender inequality."4 Some see the state's most important role as directly confronting gender inequities. Moser (1993) and Sparr (1994,183) find that policy approaches can be categorized as either welfare/equity, anti-poverty/efficiency, or empowerment, with the latter being the one that most helps women. However, crediting state policies with the ability to reform socially-embedded patriarchy may be optimistic. For as Carmen Deere notes, "My own work in rural Peru revealed that male peasant community leaders on occasion subverted the attempts of the central government at gender equity."5 Others stress the varying importance of strategic and practical needs given a woman's class. Many feminists have pointed out that feminist development is a function of disparate factors - not simply power differentials between men and women, but also racial, ethnic and class differences which impact women's status.6 Elson (1991,17) maintained that women's access to resources is affected by her (and her spouse's) class: "Wives of wealthy and well-connected husbands can acquire resources easily and exercise what is expressively known as 'bottom power,' and is derivative of their husband's power." Kroeker's (1995) research in Nicaragua led her to emphasize the importance of practical needs among poor women in the LDCs:7 4 Also see Afshar (1991); Fuller and Liang (1999,185); Glewwe (1999); and Stromquist (1995). 5 Deere (1990,23). 6 Mohanty (1991) pioneered this discussion, emphasizing the effects of colonialism. Also see Brenes et al. (1991,127); Lancaster (1992,282); and Olivera et al. (1990). 7 She cites Albee et al. (1988); Alinsky (1946); Fals Borda (1968) and Freire (1970). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 244 A goal of empowerment among the poor is to begin to meet immediate and concrete needs, to increase resources, and to eradicate the symptoms of poverty (e.g., obtaining housing, health, education, and employment). The rest of this chapter aims at an evaluation of the three regimes in terms of their practical and strategic support of women, and focuses on one particular practical need not covered by previous chapters - public security. II. THE NICARAGUAN RECORD OVER THE PAST FOUR ADMINISTRATIONS A. The Somoza Regime How were these practical and strategic interests served under the Somoza administration? On the level of elite participation in government, it can safely be said that the Somoza administration was almost exclusively male.9 The Somoza record on practical interests has widely been condemned for its lack of attention to basic services such as running water, literacy, and health care, especially in the countryside.9 On the other hand, many Nicaraguans still remember the regime as one in which work was abundant.10 Thus, although there were large gaps in practical interests, the years of economic glory, associated with favorable global prices for Nicaragua's exports in the 1960s, may have indirectly contributed to women's practical interests in this important area. 8 Cartwright (1993,78); Isbester (1996); and Montenegro (1997). 9 For instance, McCue (1997,39) noted that there were only six child care centers in the country in 1974. Also see prior chapters in this dissertation. 10 This point emerges in Chapter Eight, and is remarkable given the literature which details the inequity involved with the Somoza period of capitalist boom. See for instance, Brockett (1998); Bulmer-Thomas (1987); Diederich (1981); and Millett (1977). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 245 However, it is generally accepted that there was little in the way of a feminist movement and no state effort made towards strategic change under Anastasio Somoza Debayle.11 During his father's tenure in the early 1950s, Nicaragua was one of only five Latin American countries where women still lacked the vote. Then under the son's rule, abortion was declared illegal in 1974.12 The 1904 Family Code, intact throughout the era, left women vulnerable to the whims of men. Men dominated the family, and easily obtained divorce, something a woman could rarely obtain.13 Only marriages with civil or religious ceremonies were recognized, leaving many women with no legal recourse after being abandoned by their partners. And as noted by Benigna Mendiola, labor rights for women were non-existent.1 4 Women were regularly paid less than men, and in agricultural jobs, their wages often went to the husbands. Thus, although gender ineguity made conditions ripe for a feminist movement, most authors note that there was little feminist activity other than AMPRONAC, which formed in 1977 in opposition to the increasing brutality of the Somoza regime.15 In fact, as pointed out by Close (1999,16), the overall level of civic participation under the Somoza regime was very low. An alternative analysis is offered by Gonzalez (1995,1997) and Whisnant (1995,393). The latter claims that beginning in the early 11 Angel and Macintosh (1987); CIERA (1989c); Collinson (1990); Criguillon (1995); Isbester (1996); Kampwirth (1996b); Lancaster (1992); Maier (1985); Molyneux (1985); Montenegro (1997); Ramirez- Horton (1982); Randall (1981,1992,1994); and Sola and Trayner (1988). 12 FIDEG (1991, 102). 13 Brenes et al. (1991); Lancaster (1992); and Olivera et al. (1992). 14 Fideg (1991,101). Also McCue (1997,37). 15 Collinson (1990,139); Hoyt (1997,63-77); Isbester (1996,56); and Murguialday (1990,40). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 246 1920s, there was "a movement for change in the gender order."16 Both authors offer as evidence Somoza-era poets, women's groups, and the regime's support of some female activists, but these authors elide the difference between feminine and feminist organizing. Only the latter strategically confronts women's socially disadvantaged position.1 7 Even among those credited as early feminists, their willingness to challenge the gender order was extremely limited. Early twentieth century activist, Josefa Toledo, advocated a "constructive" or "opportunistic" feminism that was "moderate, conservative, practical," and which allowed women "to act with the femininity that is inherent in them."1 0 As noted by Whisnant, the ideal would be a feminism which would at once strengthen women and make their love for men more intense. In addition, the argument made by Gonzalez and Whisnant relies heavily on the initiative and leadership of a market woman named Nicolasa Sevilla. She was a pro-Somoza activist who used intimidation to help suppress other women's criticisms of the regime. This included aggression against other market vendors trying to fight for fewer taxes, better access to credit, and the right to protest without being attacked by water bombs.19 This antagonism to her peers makes her a doubtful advocate for women's advancement, and in fact 16 Also see Alvarez and Miranda (1990,7) for women's groups in the 1960s. 17 Kampwirth (1998) asserts that there are two strategies, not two kinds of activists, but concludes that the women organizing before 197 9 relied almost entirely on the feminine strategy. 10 Cited in Whisnant (1995, 411). 19 FIDEG (1991,102) cites market vendor, Rita Fletes's criticism of Sevilla. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 247 her behavior can be identified as the fearful false consciousness described in the previous chapter. At its worst, Somoza's National Guard used torture techniques in order to teach a lesson to women challenging the gender order.20 Thus, whereas Whisnant (1995,416) concludes that by the early 1960s there had been "six decades or so of active, organized struggle that Nicaraguan women had maintained," this doesn't equate to meaningful participation. Black. American soldiers serving in the U.S. military during the Civil War, Korean War, and both World Wars often thought that this service would bring them racial equality, but that doesn't mean that they were civil rights activists. Neither they, nor Nicaragua's pre-1979 women's movement directly attacked the roots of their oppression. B. The Sandinista Regime At the level of elite participation in government, the Sandinista regime improved upon its predecessor's record, with its female combatants, legislators, ambassadors, and grassroots activists. Female participation in all roles during the Sandinista decade was unprecedented in the history of Latin America.21 For instance, under Somoza, it would have been impossible for a woman to head the police force, as did Doris Tijerino during the 1980s. The Somoza administration had been antagonistic to the women's group, 20 Heyck (1990); Isbester [1996, citing Vicki McVey. 1995. "My Beloved Revolution." unpublished manuscript]; and Randall (1981). 21 Brenes et al. (1991); Brentlinger (1995); Carnoy and Torres (1990); Cartwright (1993); Chinchilla (1993); Chuchryk (1991); Criquillon (1995); Isbester (1996,1); Kampwirth (1998); Miller (1992,208); Olivera et al. (1990); Prevost (1997); Ramirez-Horton (1982,154); Randall (1981,1994); Stead (1991); and Wessel (1991). Literature on the grassroots movement in general includes Black (1981); Conroy (1987); Enriquez (1997); LaRamee and Polakoff (1997); Quandt (1995); Ruchwarger (1987,1989); Serra (1982); and Sinclair (1995). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 248 AMPRONAC, while the Sandinista government was largely supportive of AMPRONAC's successor AMNLAE. In a parallel vein, the Sandinista regime made dramatic advances in practical interests such as education, health care, and daycare services.22 Other improvements included increases in salaries and employment for women, as well as maternity protection (e.g. guaranteed employment around pregnancy and maternal subsidies). In rural areas, the government installed latrines and public wells and established collective stores providing subsidized commodities. Specific to women's work, mills (for grinding corn) and public wash areas (with running water) were installed in many rural communities. In urban areas, transportation costs were minimized. During the war, a rationing system aimed at guaranteed basic items such as soap, sugar, and oil to all families. Thus, with the exception of the war time rationing, which was heavily critiqued (even ten years later), the Sandinista record on practical interests was superb.23 This was especially true in the first five years, before the war budgeting funneled funds for social services towards military expenses. More importantly, the Frente made the first official steps towards a strategic confrontation of the machista order. The Sandinista ideology insisted that the 'new man' would treat all as his equals, including women. There were consciousness-raising slogans such as "Equal pay for equal work."24 A former supreme court 22 Brenes et al. (1991); FIDEG (1991); Perez-Aleman (1988,49) and Siu (1992). 23 Although not one of the interview variables, complaints about rationing were recorded among ten percent of the interviewees. 24 Perez-Aleman et al. (1987,72). For other authors listing similar changes, see Brenes et al. (1991); Brentlinger (1995); Cartwright (1993); Chavez Metoyer (1997); Chinchilla (1983,10); CIERA (1990); (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 249 judge described the law of relations between mother, father, and child, passed in 1982, and the nurturing law passed in 1983 as the greatest achievements of the Revolution because they created, at least in principle, a horizontal power structure in the family.25 After five years of Sandinista rule, there were ten women's secretariats in unions, 23 research and educational centers with a focus on women, as well as various collectives, foundations, and associations focusing on women.26 Many of the studies carried out during this period, such as CIERA's 1989 life histories of campesinas, evolved from think tanks affiliated either with unions or governmental ministries. This budding public feminism was symbolized in the twenty-fifth anniversary celebration of the Frente, on November 8, 1986. President Daniel Ortega's speech to thousands of listeners included the first official recognition of sexism by any Nicaraguan president: "The FSLN commits itself to guaranteeing women's rights and to struggle energetically against the residual machismo inherited from our past." Thus, under the Sandinistas there was an undeniable break in the private=female and public=male equation prescribed by tradition, but it was an incomplete transition to empowerment. One frequent observation is that the increase in public participation associated with the Sandinista years made no strategic change in the gender 24 ( . . . continued) Collinson (1990); Criquillon (1995); Hoyt (1997); Kampwirth (1998); Lancaster (1992); Maier (1985,69); Olivera et al. (1990,59); Prevost (1997); Ramirez-Horton (1982,152); Randall (1994); and Vargas (1993,233). 25 Brenes et al. (1991,38). For more on Sandinista feminist laws, see Chavez Metoyer (1997,133); Lancaster (1992,18); Olivera et al. (1990,63); Perez-Aleman (1987,72); and Whisnant (1995,420). 26 Siu (1992, 9-10) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 250 division of labor.27 Nor did it change the standard of male promiscuity29 or the tendency towards domestic violence.29 As noted by Close (1999), the Revolution changed politics much more than it did social or economic structures. Furthermore, despite praise for women's massively increased public participation, the FSLN has also been criticized for the limited inclusion of women at leadership levels.30 The only woman Minister worked in the traditionally female domain of health care. While the Sandinista years began with several prominent women in high profile positions, and remained remarkable through the presence of its female police chief (whose tenure persisted into the next decade), this was not generalizable. That is, women disappeared from the second tier level of leadership positions during the 1980s (Isbester 1996). And even in the 1990s, the Frente blocked efforts to include a woman in its highest ranks, the National Directorate (Hoyt 1997,188). One reason for this was the residual machismo among Sandinista social organizations.31 The glass ceiling in leadership positions has already been noted. Plus, contradictions were noted between public 27 Brenes et al. (1991,133); Cartwright (1993,106); Chavez Metoyer (1997,122); Hart (1990,192); Hoyt (1997,68); Lancaster (1992); Luciak (1995,170); Molyneux (1986:289); Olivera et al. (1990,54); Wessel (1991); Whisnant (1995,385); and Wiegersma (1994). 20 Lancaster (1992); and Olivera et al. (1990). 29 Brenes et al. (1991); Chuchryk (1991,153); and Hoyt (1997,69). 30 Criquillon (1995); Isbester (1996,231); Montenegro (1997); and Randall (1994). 31 Collinson (1990,143); Criquillon et al. (1985,21-23); Criquillon (1995); Lancaster (1992); Molyneux (1986,288); Ramirez-Horton (1982,154); Randall (1992,1994); and Whisnant (1995,415-25). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 251 feminism and private patriarchy, described by Montenegro as "acting like Gandhi in the street and Mussolini at home."32 The Frente was also critiqued for its hierarchical handling of social policy, which was aggravated by the war, and affected relations with the official women's group, AMNLAE. In turn, AMNLAE, and the women's movement in general during the 1980s, have subsequently been criticized for their limited feminism.33 During a time of war, and under pressure from the Party, the push to legalize abortion was set aside, as was inclusion of women in the draft, and even the campaign for family planning was muted in deference to the Catholic Church. In other words, some first important steps towards feminism occurred during the 1980s, but as a whole, the machista culture remained intact. Maxine Molyneux called the Nicaraguan case "a particularly severe constellation of negative circumstances" for women working against patriarchy. Practical needs were stymied by severe economic problems and pervasive destabilizing efforts by the United States. Strategic needs were limited by the influential Catholic Church and its norms, a wealthy private sector able to skirt much legislation, and a labor surplus that denied Nicaraguan women most of the bargaining power they might have held. Babb (1996) summarized these years as characterized both by enormous hope and deep disappointment. C. Opinions on Revolutionary Changes (CHANGE_REV) The variable CHANGE_REV asked women whether the Revolution had changed family relations - either between spouses or between parents 32 Interviewed in El Nuevo Diario 18 September 2000. 33 Benjamin (1989,100); Collinson (1990); Lancaster (1992); Molyneux (1985:238); Olivera et al. (1990); Randall (1992); and Wessel (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 252 and children. Approximately one-quarter of the interviewees (24.3% of 177 who responded) responded affirmatively. (See Table 6.1.) Table 6.1: Revolutionary Changes in Family Relations34 (yVariable=CHANGE_REV) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N TYPE GROUP Social .038 .000 177** INJUST .048 .004 175** VILLAGE Other . 181 .001 177** URBAN . 074 .005 177** BUILDING Economic .224 .027 175* CAMPAIGN Social . 022 .051 176 SPOUSE_GRP .020 . 127 120 EDU YEARS Other . 101 .363 172 EMPOWER PTS . 006 .655 177 AGE .263 .797 166 SPOUSE_ALCO Patriarchy . 013 . 642 128 (xVariable=CHANGE REV) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Social TYPE GROUP . 113 .000 177** PARTICIPATE . 077 .000 176** LAW230 . 072 .000 173** JOIN GRP . 054 . 002 177** INJUST . 048 .004 175** CONSCIOUS .037 .011 176* NO ABUSE . 032 . 019 176* LAND_LAWS .031 .021 172* Economic NUM COW .015 .002 173** BUILDING .224 .027 175* LAND_SIZE .014 .028 114* Patriarchy HOME_WHO . 020 .026 119* Social CAMPAIGN . 022 .051 176 Economic SAVINGS . 020 .060 177 34 P=Pearson's R-square was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordir variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 253 Table 6.1: Revolutionary Changes in Family Relations, (cont.) ( xVariable=CHANGE REV) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Economic CAPITAL DECISIONS NUM_PIG NUM CHICK .015 . 001 . 002 .003 .106 177 .666 177 .962 176 .963 169 Other EMPOWERED TYPE_MAR EMPOWER PTS .020 . 007 .005 .064 177 .311 162 .531 177 Patriarchy ABUSE RATE_WORK WORK TYPE .012 .008 .005 . 004 . 006 .001 .003 .003 .159 165 .289 163 .595 155 .448 149 .457 177 .681 172 .756 128 .784 145 4EVER_WIFE GENDER_WORK DOMINATE SPOUSE_ALCO ABUSE HIST What can be said about these women who claim Revolutionary influences on the family? They are more likely to participate in non-traditional groups (TYPE_GROUP) and in political activities (JOIN_GRP, PARTICIPATE) - especially in public protest over prices or corruption (INJUST), or about domestic violence (NO_ABUSE) .35 This cohort is more likely to have knowledge of the recent domestic violence laws (LAW230) and of the land decrees passed under the Sandinistas (LAND_LAWS). Correspondingly, these women showed a higher overall political consciousness (.CONSCIOUS) . This suggests the existence of a new synthesis (FI/FP) responsible for the transfer of some of men's public liberties to women. The women who claim to see changes in the family due to the Revolution are not however, more likely to be experiencing a more 35 Seeing CHANGE_REV as the independent variable preceding social participation could be captured by the symbols: FI~»FP, that is ideological change provoking feminist practice. This is consistent with the idea that social participation in the Revolutionary years made a lasting change in the public-private gender equation, although the direction of this process cannot be ascertained from these interviews. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254 equitable division of household labor (GENDER_WORK). Nor do their increased public liberties (inferred above) necessarily lead to a more feminist awareness - i.e. of the heavier workload of women or expectations of changes in the division of household labor (RATE_WORK, 4EVER_WIFE). Responses to CHANGE_REV were not altered by spouse's alcohol use (SPOUSE_ALCO) or his social participation (SPOUSE_GRP) , nor by an exposure to virulent patriarchy (ABCJSE_HIST) , indicating that the Revolutionary-led changes in the family were not due to campaigns concerning sobriety or domestic violence, nor to feminist conscientization in men's social groups. Further evidence supporting this comes from the fact that those responding affirmatively to CHANGE_REV do not find themselves in the more secure legal or religious marriages (TYPE_MAR). In other words, these cases support the idea that the Revolution made more advances along practical gains for women than along strategic assaults on patriarchal ideology and praxis. Overall, this implies that overall the changes in family relations could by symbolized as the "false consciousness" FP/PI - where women increased their public participation but with a stagnant private realm. The second half of Table 6.1 identifies the factors most likely to be different among women who say that the Revolution changed the family. Two variables hint at the effects of agrarian reform. That is, women who see the Revolution as having transformed the family also tend to have (a greater number of) cows and land. But the numbers of women in cooperatives (the only agrarian-reform associated source of cows) never exceeded six percent at the national level, and interviewees in this study who claimed to have received land through a cooperative were only 5.1% (with a further 16.9% naming the more general "agrarian reform"). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 255 A hypothesis that often arises in the literature around Sandinista social programs is that of a concentration of resources in the war zones. The following figure of CHANGE_REV results examines that suggested relationship.36 Figure X: Rural-Urban Gradient in Reported Revolutionary Changes37 (Percentage, N=177) Revolution-led chang I No I Yes Level of Urbanization 36 The relative percentages within the urban/rural category of those reporting Revolutionary changes were respectively 13.2, 40.4, 19.0 and 33.3 (from least to most urban). The highest incidence of change was reported among those living "Near town," followed by Managua, "Small city," and lastly, "Most rural." 37 Donahue (1986,100); Garfield and Williams (1992,141); and Pendall and Conroy (1987). This was also suggested to me in an interview on February 7, 1997 with UNAG's Ruiz Alberto Blandino, as well as with a woman in Teotecacinte (G5), both of whom said that the FSLN had paid them throughout the 198 0s to do assessment of needs and follow-up interventions in the war zones. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 256 Those reporting revolutionary changes in family relations were most likely to be found in Teotecacinte, and San Carlos, followed by Laurel Galan, Los Robles, San Juanillo, and Managua. Most of these villages fall within the "Near town" category, and only San Juanillo is among the most rural. More notably, all but San Juanillo and Managua were heavily affected by the war. For instance, Teotecacinte, less than three miles from the Honduran border, was shelled continuously for approximately six months in 1983, and several residents expressed deep gratitude in 1997 for the personnel sent by the FSLN to their town during those difficult days. While the responses to CHANGE_REV offer some evidence that this relation between geographical appreciation for the FSLN has persisted into the 1990s, these interviews did not specifically delve into the question of how the reported changes in family relations occurred. That is, this study offers no evidence that the Frente made explicit attempts to alter gender relations when they sent resources to the war zones. D . The Neoliberal Regime With the exception of its avowedly non-feminist President, Violeta Chamorro,36 the neoliberal years have maintained the custom of nearly exclusive male public leadership. Marginal progress was made in the middle of the decade when the Sandinista Party set a minimal quota of female candidates for its electoral slates, precipitating other parties to follow suit.39 But the highest levels of government remain exclusively male. 30 During her 1990 campaign, Violeta told a reporter, "I am not a feminist nor do I wish to be one. I am a woman dedicated to my home, like Pedro taught me." Cited in Kampwirth (1998). 39 Isbester (1996,234); and Montenegro (1997,24). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 As for practical gains, the budget crisis eroded many gains in social services such as free education, low-cost medicines, and day care. Perez-Aleman (1992), Fernandez (1996), Babb (1996), and Isbester (1996) coincide in their assessment of the increased household burdens for women during the years of structural adjustment. Either through higher bus fares or through time lost in walking to and from the market, elimination of state-provided transportation subsidies means higher costs for women who are responsible for the family's consumption. Similarly, women, not men, replace state health care services (i.e. by nursing children at home or using herbal remedies) and who may replace formerly subsidized commodities by searching for cheaper sources or by increasing their food production in the backyard. Both Presidents Chamorro and Aleman have been adamant about retaining traditional family values (e.g. submissive wives, compulsive heterosexuality, limited contraception, and a prohibition on abortion). Early legislation followed this lead. Article 208 passed in 1991 denied women the right to an abortion even in the case of rape, and instead legislated the right to collect child support from the rapists. The right to determine one's own sexuality was overruled by Article 240 passed under Chamorro's administration. Kampwirth (1996,78) noted that this was even stricter than a 1974 law targeting homosexual activity, for the 1990 version penalized both conduct and speech which might be construed as promoting such conduct. In 1995, at the Cairo conference on population and development, the Nicaraguan government, over the protests of its own delegation, refused to sign a clause that posited women's rights over cultural Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 rights.40 At the heart of this refusal was the government's desire to continue denying women their reproductive right to abortion. Aleman's emphasis on family unity over the individual needs of women was symbolized in his replacement of the women's ministry (INIM) with the Ministry of the Family.41 Aleman presented the family ministry as supportive of a higher morality (keeping parents and children in nuclear families), and criticized INIM for its "divisive emphasis" on single mothers (who nevertheless, in the majority, had been abandoned by their husbands). Paradoxically, it was during the neoliberal years that feminism bloomed in Nicaraguan society. Many authors have written about the flourishing of women's groups during the early 1990s.42 Some existing groups such as AMNLAE, continued their work and started women's clinics in several cities. Unions such as UNAG (farmer and rancher's union) and the ATC (farmworkers' union), as well as NGOs such as CIPRES (a rural development group) and CRIES (an economic think tank) all maintained (or opened) women's sections. Other new groups emerged, and a more radical discussion of sexuality, incest, and domestic violence ensued. A number of feminist newspapers and magazines arose between 1992 and 1994, including La Boletina (PunCos de Encuentco), La Feminista (CNF), and 40 Montenegro (1997,96) explains that an international identification of gender as a social construct could potentially override the right of a nation to claim that in its culture, men and women have different rights and abilities (i.e. concerning participation in leadership, legal statutes, economic development, and protection from violence). 41 INIM (Instituto Nicaraguense de la Mujer) had proposed that gender is a social construct, not an immutable human or biological condition. 42 Cartwright (1993,103); Chinchilla (1993); Criquillon (1995); Hoyt (1997); Isbester (1996); Kampwirth (1996,1998); Montenegro (1997); and Wessel (1991). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 259 Afuera del Closet (Xochiquetzal). The latter provided a radical break from tradition - an open forum for Nicaraguan homosexuals. In addition, the 1990s saw the creation of a women's radio station, a tv show [La Media Naranja) and radio programs in smaller communities.’3 This strong feminist movement was able to push through Law 230 against domestic violence (which in 1998 led to the creation of the nation's first Women's Commissariats), and this loose feminist network has also been instrumental in getting legislation to decriminalize abortion onto the legislative agenda in the year 2000. The tension between the government's expressed patriarchy and the expansion of women's legal rights indicates a dialectics where feminist ideology amid civic groups can push toward a new synthesis: FI/PP -» FI/FP. One explanation for this feminist bloom is that civic groups had been suppressed by a hierarchical Sandinista state which overly meddled in the groups' affairs.'’ ' ' Another is that the neoliberal governments' conservatism acted as a focused target for the women's movement. Isbester (1996,199-204) highlighted the way that the evaporation of publically provided contraception catalyzed the feminist movement in the first few years of the Chamorro regime. It seems logical that at least part of this autonomous bloom can attributed to the seed created by Sandinista ideological and practical interventions on behalf of women. The Revolutionary experience in Nicaragua suggests that state- supported feminism may not be sufficient to induce strategic change, but the subsequent neoliberal years show that neither does state 43 Isbester (1996,221). 44 Montenegro (1997); and Randall (1994). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 260 support appear to be necessary. Nevertheless, in the context of severe economic crisis, the role of the state in providing practical needs becomes even more important for improving campesina welfare. As expressed by this 48-year old from Mulukuku (K14), "Materially, (support) has to come from the government. If the government doesn't provide it, who will?" Thus far, this dissertation has addressed several material needs such as running water, latrines, education, and health care, but another strong issue is that of public safety. XII. TESTIMONIES OF WAR LOSSES In order to make the argument that public safety may be one of the most vital investments for the Nicaraguan government to make in support of its women, the following sections briefly review the nation's bellicose history. The relevance of this history is reflected in the opening to Sylvia Saborio's (1990,279) article on the Central American adjustment process: "In assessing the extent of economic adjustment that has taken place in Central America in the 1980s, it is important to bear in mind that issues of war and peace, not economic reform, have dominated the agenda in much of the region.” A. The Insurrection and Contra Wars In general, the costs of war on a nation's physical and human capital are well-known.45 But the case can be made that Nicaragua's losses are severe. According to Seligson and McElhinny (1997,60), Nicaragua lost one out of every 38 people during the Insurrection and contra war periods. To put this in perspective, they note that the 45 See for example, Stewart (1993,358) whose list of war-related outcomes includes, but is not limited to, the disintegration of housing, decreases in health and education due to relatively greater proportions of public funds slotted to the military, disruption of marketing and transportation networks. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 261 United States lost 362,561 soldiers during WWII, a fatality ratio of one per 387 people.46 Prior chapters have covered the effects of the war on the budget, especially with regards to social spending. Left unaddressed by this discussion were the long-term social, economic, and psychological effects. Part of the trauma comes from having been displaced from one's ancestral land and homes (Brentlinger 1995,39). Another is the ongoing insecurity related to some 90,000 landmines.47 Frequent news reports during the late 1990s covered injuries to those trying to remove mines or who merely inadvertently activated them. Many effects of the Insurrection and contra war were related by my subjects: oppression under Somoza, the unpopular draft, missed education, forced moves, abandoned homes, and psychological losses. (One 76-year old living near Jalapa (G19) even mentioned losing property in "the first war," meaning the 1930s struggle between the National Guard and Sandino’s men!) Consistent with other studies, almost one-third (28.2%) had lost a family member in the contra war. Interestingly, my interviews do not replicate Seligson and McElhinny's findings about combat deaths during the war. They interviewed 1,200 people from the six Pacific and Interior regions and found that families who had lost members in combat had lower mean education levels. But there were no significant EDU_YEARS-WAR links among the 208 women interviewed in 1997. 46 They added that the U.S.'s Civil War losses were 1:55. WWII's figures for Poland and the Soviet Union were 1:5 and 1:10 respectively, and the worst reported figures are those for Cambodia from 1979-91, 1:2.5. 47 McCue (1997,62). While I was doing interviews in Teotecacinte in 1997, a local farmer was nearly killed when his tractor ignited a long-buried mine. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 262 Speaking of the oppression of Somoza, a 36-year old from Asedades stated that her father was kidnapped by the Guardla in 1978: "He spent fifteen days with the contra [sic] and I asked God to let him go, and with that faith they released him and we came here, abandoning our house."48 Another woman in Teotecacinte (G8) said that her 23-year old son had been killed by the Guard. In Teustepe, a 37- year old talked of the lack of finality surrounding her husband, whose body was never found. She explained, "The father of my first daughter died in June of 1979. That is, that I heard nothing more from him since that time. He was with the Guard in Rivas - and they said that the Sandinistas killed him."49 Among the eight women interviewed in 1987, all had survived a decade of war. They faced widowhood, life in a resettlement camp, and suspiciousness of each other - for as "Marina" claimed, "You never can tell who your friends are. Some are Sandinista by day, contra by night."50 When re-interviewed in 1997, “Elia" wept inconsolably as she reported the events of the morning in May of 1987 when the contras attacked her village. A bullet penetrated the wooden walls of their bedroom, and entered 11-year old Jose Luis's 48 A2: "Paso 15 dias con la contra [sic] y yo pedi al Senor y con la fe le soltaron y venimos por aca (del Empalme donde tuvo un puesto como chequeador) y dejamos abandonada la casa." This mixing of the words for the contra and the National Guard was noted among a number of interviewees and can be attributed to the fact the original contra soldiers were almost exclusively ex-Guardsmen. 49 BIO: ”E1 papa de mi primera hija murio en junio de 1979, es decir, que yo no oi nada de el despues de ese tiempo. Estaba en la Guardia en Rivas - y dijeron que los Sandinistas lo mataron." 50 CIERA (1989, 61-91,195). The authors point out that the close proximity of so many women and the relative scarcity of men in some cases exacerbated the problems of polygamy and of rivalry between women. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 263 head, ending his life. His mother reported that each May, she feels anxious and depressed as this anniversary approaches. The terror of the contra war was evident in many interviews. A 36-year old with five surviving children (of eight births) moved to Laurel Galan because of the war: We lost everything because of the war - at first we were just squatters here. Then we bought this house [where they have been for three years].... There during the war the contra nabbed my husband and son. They let them loose after eight days and since then we have never gone back. [Even after the war?] (Yes, my husband) said it would be too dangerous. The phrase "caught between two bands" was uttered by a number of interviewees speaking of the contra war. And in Laurel Galan, a 60-year old widow said, The Sandinistas burned it all - the house, the farm. Including one night, one came in with a weapon and I thought he was going to kill me and my children, but I talked to him for a long time and he didn't do it. And the contra passed as well and they would take a chicken, some bananas, coconuts - What's a person to do?51 These interviews also illustrated the Sandinistas' dedication of resources to the war zones. The after-effect is the extreme loyalty which some who lived in the war zones still maintain toward the FSLN. Speaking from the former resettlement camp Laurel Galan one woman said the following:52 51 C5: "Los Sandinistas se me quemaron todo - la casa, la finca (en Consuelo). Incluso entro uno una noche con una arma y pense que me iba a matar a mi y mis hijos, pero le hable de largo y no lo hizo. Y tambien los contra pasaban y les sacaban una gallina, unos platanos, cocos - iQue va a hacer?" 52 C16: "Si, apoyo a los Sandinistas. No se de los Somozas porque no naci entonces. Por eso mis pensamientos son del Frente Sandinista. Daniel Ortega hizo muy bien, tal vez no con los ricos, pero con los pobres. No tenia tierra, no tenia casa en Musuaca, la familia de mi esposo. Empezo a meterse la gente armada, la Guardia [sic] y fueron a Esperanza. Entraron en una cooperativa, y le llevaron del pueblo a una colectiva - con tierra y leche. Le repartieron la cabeza, (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 Yes, I support the Sandinistas. I don't remember the Somozas because I wasn't born then. But my thoughts are Sandinista. Daniel Ortega did very well, maybe not for the rich, but for the poor. My husband's family didn't have land, nor a house in Musuaca. The insurgents, the Guardia [sic], began to come around and [his family] went to Esperanza. They joined a cooperative and they took them to a village, to a collective - with land and milk. [The coop] divided the cattle and land and when we came here everybody had some. They got a lot of help from the military, I don't know if from the Red Cross too, and UNAG [the farmer and rancher's union] helped too. Several interviewees complained of the draft, and freely said that they moved around, including sleeping in the bushes at night, to hide their sons from the military. This was reported even among some of those who supported the Frente, such as a woman from Teustepe (B15) who said she kept her sons out of school for this reason. Also in Teustepe, a 56-year old who generally praised the FSLN (B4) answered a question about their critics by saying, "What the Sandinistas did wrong was grab the young [men] and put them in the war." Others stressed the economic effects of the war. A 59-year old in Laurel Galan (C15) said, "The war wiped us out. I have a lot of charity (from my children in Costa Rica and the United States)... but it bothers me not to be able to offer even a cup of coffee."53 The political polarization of the war was reflected among these interviewees - even ten years later. In Laurel Galan, many reported the presence of contra during the 1980s, including "Mercedes" whose husband saw 75 of his cooperative's 100 manzanas of cacao burn 52 ( . . . continued) tierra y cuando venimos aqui todos tuvieron. Recibieron ayuda del ejercito, no se si fue tambien de la Cruz Roja, le ayudaron con ropa, y UNAG a yudo." 5 3 C15: ”La guerra nos dejo terminada. Tengo mucha caridad (de hijos en Costa Rica y EEUU)...pero me molesta no ofrecer ni un cafe." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 265 overnight.54 But according to one ardent Conservative and anti- Sandinista (C15), there was no contra activity in Laurel Galan. This contradiction recalls Close's (1999,85) remark that, "Since 1979, Nicaragua's two 'parties' have been the Sandinistas and the anti- Sandinistas." The psychological effects of the war surfaced in an interview in Teustepe (B2) where one young interviewee's brother was on total disability, taking anti-psychotic medicines, and periodically traveling to Managua for treatment. The son of a woman in Huispante killed himself in 1991, which his mother attributed partly to the fact that he had spent a decade in the military. After his death, "Maria Isidora" herself suffered a prolonged depression, including a period of psychosis which reguired hospitalization. Likewise, in Los Robles, a 4 6-year old woman attributed the recent crime wave to post war psychosis: "There are more killings, robberies and violence since 1990 - there are people (with PTSD)."55 B. Social Upheaval During The Neoliberal Years (WAR97) This crime wave of the 1990s is serious enough to merit special attention. It is distinct from the civil war in that Nicaragua's military is now the smallest in Central America, smaller even than Costa Rica's Civil Guard.56 But while the state and its opposing contra army have demilitarized, society has seen an increase in crime.57 Close (1999,94) reported that crimes against persons almost 54 One hundred manzanas equals 172 acres. 55 M6: "Hay mas matanzas, robos y violencia desde 1990 - hay gente psicoseada por la guerra." 56 Connection to the Americas 15(2) 1998:13. 57 The 1985 crime rate was 49 per 10,000 people. The 1991 and 1995 rates were, respectively, 84 and 118 per 10,000 Close (1999,94); and (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 266 doubled between 1991 and 1995. By mid-decade, Brentlinger (1995:300,325) observed that the population seemed more scared than they were during the war.58 Contrasting his fieldwork of the mid- 1980s and mid-1990s, Les Field (1999,253) noted a new rash of chicken thefts by the neighbors. More generally, he was struck by the inability of his informants to ever leave their homes unattended. Someone, even a child who could serve as a witness, remained on the premises at all times. The delincuency problem has increased each year since the Sandinistas relinquished power.59 As mentioned above, part of the problem may be attributed to post-war psychosis, which in turn is exacerbated by extreme unemployment. During her 1996 research, Smith interviewed a man who claimed that, "The effect of neoliberalism is worse because we just came from a war. Kids went to war at fifteen; now they are 30 and do not know how to produce." O'Shaughnessy and Dodson (1999) lay most of the blame for social unrest on the Chamorro administration's broken promises to returning veterans (i.e. for land, jobs, and credit) . In the early part of the decade, most of the re-armed men were from either the Sandinista or contra armies. For one thing, after leading a militarized life for a decade, assimilation to civil society requires more opportunities for employment than existed in much of Nicaragua in the 1990s. But after 1994, ex-combatants made up only one-third of the rural bands (O'Shaughnessy and Dodson 1999). 57 (. . . continued) Granero and Cuarezma (1997,24). 58 Also see Baumeister (1995); Cartwright (1993,7); and Central American Report 26(2). 59 Fernandez (1996,59); and Smith (1997,9). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 267 This suggests that a combination of PTSD, bitterness over unfulfilled pacts with the state, and generalized economic crisis have all played a role in the unrest which I label WAR97. SAP/ESAF can be held responsible through the restrictions on the public budget. These limit the amount of employment that the state creates and limit the ability to provide social services to the population at large - and in particular, to the "development poles" (essentially, barren land) granted to ex-contras. Another factor in the crime wave which is worsened by SAP- reduced budgets is the size of the police force and army (Close 1999,103). According to the U.N., for each 10,000 inhabitants there should be 100 police. In Nicaragua, the number is 13 - four of whom are involved in activities not directly related to the control of delincuency.6 0 Much of the current kidnapping occurs in the isolated regions for cattle grazing and production of Nicaragua's most lucrative agro export - coffee. Farmers cut back their investments and ranchers decapitalize out of fear that they will be kidnapped and/or have their cattle stolen. Here, the political instability furthers an already existing economic depression which exacerbates the political atmosphere in a vicious circle of despair. But the phenomenon is not limited to the rich ranchers and coffee-growers who are the most publicized targets. In a mid-1999 poll covering 98 of 112 districts [municipios] with a police presence, 48.6% of those surveyed said that gangs [pandillas] were their greatest security threat, so much so that they would agree to 60 La Tribuna 24 May 1999. Not related to the budget limitations is the changing political nature of the police force: Prevost and Vanden (1997,32) noted that the police were used more and more as strike breakers . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 extra taxes on liquor and cigarettes to pay for more security.61 In the last two years, 49.2% of the respondents or their family members have been victims of some crime. Again, political and economic instability coincide: 56.4% of those polled were unemployed. Among my interviewees, only 2.9% reported the death of a family member due to the violence of the 1990s. Nevertheless this variable WAR97 elicited the most tragic stories. These were the people who suffered deeply during the contra war, only to be victims during the 1990s as well - such as the woman in Mulukuku whose seven-year old son died when a rocket-propelled grenade fell on their house. They moved nine hours closer to civilization and lost 85 head of cattle in one day last year.62 Another woman, a somber 45-year old Managua resident, reported that gangs had killed her sixteen-year old son in the previous year. Less tragic, but still serious, were the tales of economic woes - involving lost crops or animals. Theft of chickens is nearly universal. One 44-year old from Laurel Galan commented, "Your neighbors simply won't let you [raise chickens] - it is useless to have them. Saturdays and Sundays, the drunks pass and they steal them."63 A woman from San Juan de Oriente (E8) complained that, "A little while ago, they stole our last chicken." A resident of Teotecacinte (G17) wryly observed that she hadn't had chickens for over a year because of "too much help from the neighbor." Another 61 Pantoja (1999) . 62 This was a 32-year old with no schooling, mother to nine, only five of whom had survived (K12). And her move closer to civilization had brought her to the town of Mulukuku, still a day-long, bumpy dusty/muddy trip away from Managua. 63 CIO: "No le dejan los vecinos - es de balde tener [las gallinas]. Los sabados y los domingos, los borrachos pasan y le roban." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 269 Teotecacinte resident analyzed the situation: despite her obviously sturdy fence, she said that, ... [looters] take apart my fence. They took ten chickens last year, and on Saturday I lost two chicks. With the poverty that we are living, people begin to think that it isn't bad to just take a little. In [her husband's] cooperative, they spend two weeks taking turns sleeping in the field, and they found several people trying to haul off sacks [of harvest]. We lost our bean crop to the rains, and the corn went to people who don't plant.64 A more serious disruption occurs with theft of cattle and other large animals.65 A woman in Teotecacinte (G14) lost two pigs to theft in the prior year. In the first instance, she knew the culprits, but remained mute to maintain harmony with them, her neighbors. In the second instance, "We lost a pig worth 700 cordobas when armed men terrorized the village one night." A 51-year old artisan from San Juan de Oriente (E10) said that she and her husband had sold their oxen four years previously to avoid losing them to thieves. Another woman (G10) left war-like conditions near Wiwili in 1995, abandoning her family's farm, and transferred to Teotecacinte where their horse was promptly stolen. The economic impact of that loss is better understood by her claim that she and her husband subsequently took their children out of school (to earn income) because there was no money for medicines when several family members became ill. 64 G16: "La gente atraviesa me sacan las varas [del cerco]. Me sacaron diez gallinas en el ano pasado, y el sabado perdi dos pollitos; con la pobreza que hay, la gente empieza a pensar que no es malo llevarsele un poquito. En la cooperativa pasan 15 dias en que hacen turno de noche en la milpa y hallaron a varios llevando saco [de la cosecha]. Perdimos el frijol por la lluvia, pero el maiz fue robado por gente que no siembran)." 65 During 1997, a typical price for a chicken would be 30 cordobas [approximately $3], compared with at least 400 cordobas [$40] for a pig or possibly 4000 cordobas [$400] for a milk cow. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 These are not just isolated occurrences of theft, but rather systematic assaults on a family's livelihood. A 47-year old from San Juanillo lamented: When my son was sick (he was in Matagalpa eight days with measles), they stole 17 of my chickens. They stole a calf worth 2,000 cordobas from my mom. And they steal the fruit from the orchard. (My mother- in-law) sells clothes. They assaulted her in Managua and at the entrance to [a rural county].66 The economic costs of the recent political instability (WAR97) were revealed in what was probably the poorest house I visited. Living in the utmost poverty, a family with ten children shared a one-room, bamboo-walled, plastic-roofed shack on the outskirts of Teustepe. They had recently abandoned 20 acres in Rio Blanco where they sowed corn, beans, yucca, and sugarcane among other crops. The elderly-appearing, toothless, and thin 37-year old woman (B21) commented, "There in San Pedro el Norte there are four or five deaths every week." The constant threat of property theft creates an atmosphere of fear and intimidation. One of the original eight CIERA interviewees, "Zeneyda," abandoned her home and land in Sacal, the site of the 1987 interview. One Monday morning in 1995, a group of armed men arrived shortly after the family had gone to town. The marauders told the caretaker that if they didn't get the (money) they wanted out of "Marlon," her husband, they knew where her son went to school. As of August 2000, "Zeneyda" and the children never once went back and "Marlon" has rarely been back to their family's home.67 Elsewhere, 66 L13: "Cuando se enfermo mi hijo (estuvo 8 dias en Matagalpa con sarampion), me robaron 17 gallinas. A mi mama le robaron un ternero de 2,000 cordobas [200 dollars]. Eran gente de afuera. Tambien les roban las frutas de las hortalizas.... La mama de el vende ropa - le han golpeado en Managua y en la entrada a una comarca." 67 The entrance to Sacal is about one half-hour into the five-hour (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 the matriarch of a family in Laurel Galan (C3) explained their move there in 1996: "One night at 6:30, a thief came to our farm in Muan in Guinea. He ran off with our tape player." When asked who the thieves were, she replied, "Who knows? Those people always come wearing masks and hoods." In Managua, one wife said that they never visited her husband's family two hours away in Matagalpa,68 We don't make the trip because of the robbery and the situation. It would be nice to take them things that they don't have there. But we can't leave the house. A neighbor left her house unguarded and when she came back all that she had was the lot. One night they took the house away. As mentioned, some of the 1990s violence involves particular targets - especially rich cattlemen and farmers and those in the Army or police. A forty-four year old whose son-in-law and daughter had been living with her in Teustepe for the past year because of the kidnappings in the Rio Blanco area said that. One of his family is in the Army, and [the criminals] hunt them down. [The son-in-law] went back last week, but he couldn't get to his land because they told him that there was another kidnapping. "69 In Mulukuku, one interviewee (K10) bluntly said, "They kidnap the rich . " But more so than individual targets, certain areas are greatly affected. In fact, there are distinct geographical patterns to 67 ( . . . continued) ride from Boaco to Rio Blanco, the latter being a major hub of WAR97 activities. 68 H7: "No hacemos el viaje [a la familia de el] a Matagalpa - por el robo y por la situacion. Seria bonito llevar cosas que no tienen alii para ellos. Pero no podemos dejar la casa. Una vecina dejo sola la casa y cuando regreso solo habia terreno. Una noche se le llevaron la casa." 69 B12: "Uno de su familia es militar, y le cazan a ellos. El regreso en la semana pasada, pero ni llego a su tierra porque le dijeron de otro secuestro." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 Nicaragua's war history.70 For most Nicaraguans, the civil war ended in 1989. But in the most remote areas of the country, the mountainous areas around and beyond towns such as Wiwili and Quilali in Region VI, Rio Blanco in Region V, and the interior parts of the Atlantic Coast, life continues to be a daily siege. It is in these same areas, all of which were centers of contra war activity, that the political basis of the violence is most clear. A woman from Mulukuku (K6) said that, "The rearmados got disillusioned because (the government) promised them land and they don't have it." Some targets in the current crime wave reflect ongoing polarization along party lines. This same 40-year old woman in Mulukuku reported that,71 The rearmados held my brother for 25 days in the woods. Despite that, we remain ready to support the Frente Sandinista.... Not one step back, ever. I am Sandinista for ever and ever. People look at you with disdain (when they know you are Sandinista). They whistle at you because you're with the Frente. We support each other and we go on working that way. Who among these 208 women have been most affected by the 1990s crime wave? Table 6.2 (on the next page) examines associations with WAR97. Those most likely to report some loss were from the most urban area (URBAN), with less than seven years of schooling (EDU_YEARS), and at least 32 years of age (AGE). The VILLAGE(s) most affected 70 The Insurrection battles of the 1970s were mostly urban (Managua, Matagalpa, Leon, Masaya, Chinandega, Esteli), and the contra battles were mostly rural (Zelaya, Chontales, Boaco, Matagalpa, Jinotega, and especially Nueva Segovia). 71 K6: "Los rearmados tuvieron a mi hermano 25 dias en el monte. A pesar de eso seguimos dispuestos a apoyar el Frente Sandinista... Ni un paso atras jamas. Siempre soy Sandinista. La gente le miran con desprecio (cuando saben que uno es del FSLN). Chiflean porque son del Frente. Nos mantenemos entre si y asi trabajamos." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 273 were, respectively, Mulukuku, Managua, Teustepe, and Los Robles (near Jinotega) . Those with property were less affected (LAND_ACCESS) , but this may reflect families such as "Zeneyda's" who abandoned their home and land in Sacal, leaving them landless. Tragically, those most likely to report losses under the civil WAR were also most affected by WAR97. Table 6.2: Associations with the 1990s Crime Wave (WAR97) (yVariable=WAR97) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N WAR Social . 148 .012 206* EDU YEARS Other -.104 .034 202* URBAN .027 . 038 207* AGE .058 .040 196* VILLAGE .118 . 008 207** REMIT Economic .016 .009 207** LAND_ACCESS .013 . 034 207* NUM PIG Economic -.050 .073 206 NUM CHICK -.058 .080 199 POOR .064 . 082 207 NUM_COW -.086 . 171 203 (xVariable=WAR97) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Economic REMIT . 052 .030 207* Economic NUM CHICK -.163 .080 199 NUM COW -.082 . 171 203 NUM PIG -.073 .327 206 While newspaper reports and anecdotal data claim that the very rich are targets for kidnapping and bribery, my data shows no variation according to wealth - with one exception (REMIT).72 It is worth repeating, however, that none of those interviewed for this study included Nicaragua's elite or upper classes. (These are not the folks eating the "banana sundae.") Many variables of economic status showed no significant relationship with WAR97, and thus were 72 Those receiving remissions were more likely to complain of losses during the 1990s, and vice-versa. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 not listed above. Political activities such as protest against injustice (INJUST), participation in a CAMPAIGN or social group membership (JOIN_GRP) were likewise without an important link to WAR97. The lack of significance with these variables may be due to the fact that WAR97 captures distinct sectors. One group comes from the isolated rural areas such as Mulukuku where former contra-Sandinista rivalries fuel the fire, complicated by a series of broken promises between the government and retired veterans. Another is the more diffuse economically-based thievery, ranging from minor losses of animals to major losses of cattle and crops.73 But economic crimes should not be underestimated, for both kinds of crime involve the loss of life, as seen in the case of the Managua mother whose 16-year old son was killed by urban bandits in 1996. One area of distinction among my results is the link between education and the current crime wave.74 The t-test of ED(J_YEARS with WAR97 is highly significant. That is, those who lost family and/or property in the current kidnappings and theft were much more likely to have a lower education.75 It is said that one of the fastest growing areas of employment in Nicaragua is in private security. That is, the wealthy hire bodyguards to protect them, while those of lower socio-economic (and educational) status - the "platano and rice" people - face the risks. 73 While the loss of chickens was included in the narrative portion of this discussion, the variable WAR97 was based on larger losses including pigs, cattle, horses, crops, and land. 74 Seligson and McElhinny (1997) reported this link among those affected by the contra war, but the association between EDU_YEARS and WAR was not corroborated among these 208 women. 75 The t-test=-2.982, 200df, p=.003*+. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 XV. CONCLUSIONS Many feminists have pointed out that feminist development is a function of disparate factors - not simply power differentials between men and women, but also racial, ethnic, and class differences which impact women's status. An emphasis on the latter informs the assertion that state investment in practical needs should not be underestimated. The state's work on practical interests may allow women to participate in other social endeavors, such as schooling, social groups, and paid work - all of which may in turn facilitate a change in gender relations (FP/PI - * ■ FP/FI). In particular, education is a fundamental input in effective political participation. A 60- year old interviewee from Teustepe, a woman with no formal schooling, told of her expectations of the Aleman government. She said, When Aleman came here (to campaign), I spoke with his bodyguard and I told him that I needed help with my house because the roof isn't good and I want to repair it.... They sent me a letter saying they were going to help me, but I haven't seen anything yet. She showed me the letter, which she could not read, and it read, "We lack the funds to comply with your request, but I am going to keep it in mind when I become President."76 Arguably the most important practical need in Nicaragua is for public safety. Both the duration and intensity of the war history is formidable. The social, economic, and psychological losses are immeasurable, but undeniably huge and ongoing. Nicaragua's fatality ratio during the wars of liberation and the civil war was ten times worse than U.S. losses in the Second World War. Consistent with 76 B6: "Cuando vino Aleman aqui [campaigning], yo hable con su guardaespalda y le dije que necesitaba ayuda con mi casa porque el techo no esta bueno y quiero repararlo. . . . Me mando una carta diciendo que me iba a ayudar, pero no hemos visto nada." The letter said, "Carecemos de los recursos a cumplir con lo que solicito, pero lo voy a tomar en cuenta cuando sea Presidente." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276 other studies, almost one-third of these women (28.2%) had lost a family member in the war. The terror of the contra war emerged in many of these women's testimonies. Even worse, some women lost family and/or property in the war during the 1980’s, and subsequently suffered similar losses during the crime wave of the 1990’s. Especially for those living in the isolated mountainous regions by Mulukuku and Wilili, the war has never ended. Returning from my interviews in Mulukuku, the military stopped the public bus, and forced all the men to exit for a weapons search, just as had occurred in many parts of the country during the contra war. In addition, in Managua and other urban areas, delincuency, gangs, and reports of random violence have surged throughout the post-war decade. But the neoliberal governments' efforts to control the violence has been limited. Whereas extreme loyalty to the Sandinistas was expressed among interviewees in former war zones such as Teotecacinte and Laurel Galan, subsequent administrations have not dedicated equivalent resources to areas affected by the current kidnappings, theft, and murder. The oft-repeated phrase, ”,;Que va a hacer?" ["What's a person to do?"] reveals a fatalism which fuels the political apathy seen among many interviewees. In a vicious circle of despair, political instability breeds economic stagnation which in turn exacerbates the political atmosphere. In the mid-1990s, Baumeister (1995,262) warned that "The fragmentation of political and state power could ’feudalize’ rural Nicaragua and lead to scenes of violence similar to what has occurred in Colombia." These interviews, as well as newspaper reports from the late 1990s, highlight a vital practical interest which has been unmet by recent Nicaraguan governments. It may be that the most Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 important service which the state can provide women is not its support for strategic gender interests, but rather the meeting of basic security needs. This assertion is based both on the assumption of the "banana split problem" of severely constrained resources and of a vital feminist movement in civil society. The scant starting resources can be seen as primarily economic, but also noteworthy is the fact that state support for strategic gender interests has been nearly non-existent in all but the Sandinista regime. Ideally, Nicaragua's women would be supported by state interventions that were consistent with practical and strategic gender interests, but as shown (and as reviewed below), that utopia is not likely in the immediate future. Table 6.3 (on the next page) reviews the past four governments' support of practical and strategic interests. The usage of " + " symbols and ideology "equations" is inevitably approximate and "subjective," but is informed by the prior research, and based on the practical and strategic gains enumerated below. The Somoza regime had almost zero practical benefits for women, with the exception of generally favorable employment rates. But these were usually only an indirect benefit to women whose male family members constituted most of the economically active population. This was accompanied by a generalized lack of women's rights or public discussion of these. For example, the few activist women who did receive support from the Somozas were regularly greeted by President Luis Somoza as his little doves ["mis pechugas"], and none of the women's groups from this era directly confronted the gender order. But this is minor compared with the torture inflicted by the praetorian Guard on women who engaged in public protest of Somoza's rule, even on fairly minor issues of wages and prices. This Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 regime can be characterized as "the old synthesis" of patriarchal praxis and ideology: PP«-*PI. Table 6.3: Regime Comparison - State Support for Women Regime Elites State Action: Practical State Action: Strategic Ideology Somoza 0 0 0 PP«-*-PI FSLN +++/++ + + + + + FP/FI - * • FP/PI Neolib. 0 + 0 FP/PI Somoza Practical Gains: Losses: Work. Public safety (National Guard) - general Strategic Loss: National Guard oppression of feminists FSLN Practical Gains: Education/Health/Daycare/Infrastructure (Clinics, Schools, Latrines, Water)/ Subsidized basic consumer basket/ Rural Credit/Land reform Losses: Public safety (contra War) Strategic Gains: Legal/Public discourse (Equal rights)/ Social participation Losses: Participation in Leadership (relative to 1979)/minimal female land/title and credit Neoliberal Pract. Gains Losses Infrastructure (Schools/Latrines/Clinics/ some Water and Road) Public safety, Unemployment/Fees for services (Health, Education)/Daycare Strategic Gains: Domestic Violence Laws Losses: Public discourse (Woman=Mother) The evaluation of the Sandinista regime raises one of the study's starting queries: Did the Revolution achieve transformation in the power relations between men and women? Many practical and some strategic advances were made by the Sandinistas, but these changes were largely incomplete. Women's public participation increased, but private lives remained largely unchanged. In a few anomalous cases, the transformation brought about by the Revolution was dramatic. These are the women who remain leaders in their communities, highly dedicated to the Sandinista party, and with a strong sense of feminism. Among my interviewees, such Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 279 outliers were found in Teotecacinte, Mulukuku, Los Robles, and Managua. All had worked for the Frente in the 1980's and each was still involved in at least three groups in 1997. For example, one woman in Los Robles was hoping to start a women's brick-making project. She had experiences as a community health worker, cooperative member, and on projects as various as housing, electricity, a women's bakery, and a soup kitchen. With sound entrepreneurial analysis, she reasoned that bakeries were overabundant, but that there was a local need for bricks, and she noted confidently that, "They say that women cannot do many things, but we already did them." Her house was the first and last among my interviews where I saw the men routinely, spontaneously, and expertly cook.77 This is the "new synthesis" brought to life. In Teotecacinte, a 31-year old mother of two credited her unique feminist consciousness to the decade-long work she had done with the Frente and AMNLAE: "I traveled all over the country, trying to raise women's consciousness. I would get really frustrated trying to convince other women - like my sister for example - not to have a bunch of kids, especially when we are all so poor."79 A 40-year old mother of two in Mulukuku observed:79 77 Ml4: "Dicen que la mujer no puede hacer muchas cosas y ya lo hicimos." During my week-long stay, both her husband and eldest son prepared the family's meals without any consultation with the women of the house. 78 Gil: "Estuve en Jalapa, Esteli, Limon, El Aranjuez, Santa Cruz, trabajando en la concientizacion de mujeres. Me frustraba mucho tratando de convencer a otras mujeres - como por ejemplo mi hermana - de no llenarse con hijos, sobretodo cuando todos estamos tan pobres." 79 K6: ”E1 trabajo de la mujer esta mas pesado porque nosotras nos levantamos a prender el fuego, o lavar trastes, ropa, mandar los hijos a la escuela, prepararle la ropa del esposo, ir a las ventecitas, preparar la cena despues de trabajar, y darle pacha a los ninos y de noche no cambia. El hombre trabaja, viene a descansar y (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 280 Woman's work is heavier because we get up and start the fire, or wash dishes or clothes, send the kids to school, get our husbands' clothes ready, go to the store, cook dinner after coming home from work, give the kids their bottle, and at night it is no different. The man works, comes home to rest, and says from his chair, 'Bring me...' Yet these women have an outlook which makes each of them truly a rara avis, and not reflective of the overall interviewees among whom only one-fourth responded positively to the variable CHANGE_REV. So, while there are cases of women who express a highly evolved feminist consciousness (in regards to the gender division of labor, political events, domestic violence, and to a lesser degree in household labor), one which they attribute to the Revolution - these women form the skewed upper tail in an otherwise normally distributed curve of empowerment (See Table 5.5: EMPOWER_PTS.) Furthermore, among those who reported that private lives were altered by the Revolution, their differences from other women were largely political and ideological, rather than specific to the gender division of labor, or to the husband's alcohol usage and tendency towards violence. Another way of looking at these same facts is to conclude that changes brought about by the Revolution were more persistent than extensive. Those few who responded positively to the CHANGE_REV question were much more likely to be involved in acts of social participation or protest ten years later. These women represent "the new synthesis": FP*-*FI. Despite the fact that only a fraction of women can claim to be part of the new feminism, the period of governmental support for strategic interests during the 1980s was radical and anomalous relative to all other regimes. And this support can be seen as a 79 (. . . continued) dice, ’traeme,’ sentado." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 281 necessary seed for the autonomous bloom of feminist groups in the 1990s. The strategic score of zero assigned in Table 6.3 to the neoliberal regime state action reflects Presidents Chamorro and Aleman's pursuit of public policies consistent with their conservative Catholic tradition. Whereas in 1986 Daniel Ortega was heard to say, "The FSLN commits itself to guarantee the rights of women and to struggle with determination against the vestiges of machismo left us by the past," it is highly unlikely that such words will ever leave the mouth of Arnoldo Aleman. Both of the neoliberal regimes have, in fact, countered this state support for feminism with regressive policies meant to return women to their former domestic roles. In spite of this, or maybe because of this opportunity for dialectic opposition, the women's movement has flourished during the 1990s and has succeeded in pushing through ground-breaking legislation against domestic violence and has provided for contraception and other services through a series of non-governmental women's clinics. These advances might be used to argue that a score of zero underestimates the neoliberal strategic interventions since the state did respond to pressure from women's groups. But the extremely sexist public discourse argues against such a categorization. In terms of practical interests, the neoliberal regime has continued to expand (capital) infrastructure (i.e. schools, clinics, latrines, and a few water and road projects), but at a less accelerated pace than during the 1980s. Human capital is largely ignored in the context of widespread unemployment, discouraged consumers who have exited education and health care systems, and a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 crucial lack of public safety. This combination of practical and strategic services could by symbolized by FP/PI, a sort of "false consciousness," but one with some potentially transformative contradictions. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 CHAPTER SEVEN: POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE AND PARTICIPATION The purpose of this chapter is to elucidate the relationships of social participation and political knowledge with empowerment.1 Does awareness of political variables - such as laws, candidates, and policies - correlate with increased power within the family? How does participation in political processes or social groups affect a woman's ideology and daily practice? Does type of social participation have a differential effect on empowerment? I. POLITICAL AWARENESS Much has been written about the blossoming of political participation and awareness during the decade of the Revolution. Some even mention a revolutionary legacy whereby the vitality of the grassroots movement outlived the dominance of the Sandinista Party in power.2 More recent researchers have been surprised by low levels of politicization.3 Smith (1997,121) approached her interviews with worries about her ties to the farmer and rancher's union, (JNAG, The terms "political awareness" and "political knowledge" are used interchangeably here, as are "social" and "political" participation. One can know the name of the local mayor without knowledge of that person's goals, strategies, or programs. But it is assumed that knowledge of a set of political facts does indicate a broader understanding. Thus the term "political consciousness" is reserved for the metavariable (CONSCIOUS) . Strict political participation - understood to be involvement with political parties - was almost non existent in these interviews. Nevertheless, involvement in social organization is considered political in that many of the health, producers', women's, and other groups precipitate actions by their members which have the expressed goal of changing government and/or social relations among their fellow citizens. 2 Lancaster (1992,297); LaRamee and Polakoff (1997,165); 0'Kane (1995,183); Vilas (1993); and Wright (1995,30). Former Foreign Affairs Minister, Father Miguel d'Escoto calls this "the third wave" of the Revolution. 3 Medina (1993,22); and Stahler-Sholk (1997,83). While the bulk of their argument is to the contrary, LaRamee and Polakoff (1997) do make note of some peasants who had become disillusioned by the backsliding of gains in social services and by having to scramble so hard to make a living. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 noting that many saw the union as being in favor of the Sandinistas. However, she was surprised to find that, It turned out that very few people were staunch supporters of the Sandinistas. Most people were in fact surprisingly apolitical. There was very little evidence of a Revolutionary project as relatively few people even mentioned the Revolution, or the Sandinistas at all. As a whole, the women in this study reflected much of the political apathy revealed in Smith's research. The leading reason among those with no group participation was lack of interest.'1 As noted in a previous chapter, political consciousness was the least prevalent among the eight empowerment variables. Only one in ten women were thus empowered (CONSCIOUS) Despite a generally low level of political awareness, the great majority of these interviewees did vote in the October 1996 elections in which Arnoldo Aleman's Liberal Alliance party came into power. Approximately half had some opinion about the benefits of legal marriage (LEGAL_MAR). More than half could name the MAYOR of their town, but less than one third knew who represented them in the National Assembly (DEPUTY). (See Table 7.1 on the next page.) 4 Of 129 answering WHY_NO_GRP, 37.2% (48) said they were not interested, 24.0% (31) said there was no available group, 23.3% (30) said there was no time, and only 3.1% (4) said their spouse forbade them. Similar results were recorded by FIDEG (1996) and Montenegro (1997) . 5 CONSCIOUS was constituted by MAYOR, DEPUTY, LEGAL_MAR, SAP/ESAF, LAND_LAWS, LAW230, CAMPAIGN, and VOTE96. A woman was considered empowered by accumulating seven of 12 points for knowing the local mayor or deputy in the national assembly (MAYOR, DEPUTY), for knowing about and/or expressing an opinion on the benefits of legal marriage (LEGAL_MAR), structural adjustment (SAP/ESAF), agrarian reform laws (LAND LAWS), and a 1996 domestic violence law (LAW230), as well as for having participated in a CAMPAIGN, or voted in the previous year (VOTE96). While VOTE96 could putatively be classified as participation, in this study it is seen as requiring little intent or commitment and is thus classified as knowledge variable. CAMPAIGN is addressed below under the section on political participation. Meta empowerment variables are italicized. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 285 Table 7.1: Political Knowledge Variables VARIABLE % No (N) % Yes (N) % Yes + opinion(N) VOTE96 23.7 (49) 76.3 (158) N. A. MAYOR 41.1 (72) 58 . 9 (103) N. A. LEGAL_MAR 48 . 9 (91) 51.1 (95) N. A. LAW230 64 .5 (131) 24 . 1 (49) 11.3 (23) DEPUTY 70 . 3 (140) 29.3 (58) N. A. LAND_LAWS 72.0 (144) 28.0 (56) N. A. SAP/ESAF6 91.2 (187) 7 . 8 (16) 1.0 (2) CONSCIOUS 89. 9 (186) 10.2 (21) N. A. Structural adjustment policies were introduced to Nicaragua in a mild form in 1985. In 1988, the Sandinistas instituted what Daniel Ortega called "adjustment without the IMF," and since that period, the nation has had a nearly continuous period of SAP/ESAF.7 Nevertheless, only two women (1.0% of 208) knew of these policies by title and content. Another 16 women (7.7%) could either name or describe "ajuste estructural," or ESAF. The women were asked, “Do you know something about (the thing they call) structural adjustment?"8 Those credited with knowledge of SAP/ESAF included some who responded to the question by describing the impact of currency devaluations or "compactacion," the government-labor accords associated with widespread layoffs. The term "neoliberal" is rarely 6 In the case of SAP/ESAF, the middle column includes those who knew the programs by name or content. The third column applies to those who could label and describe SAP/ESAF. 7 The IMF formally began structural adjustment in March of 1991. But upon ascending to power in April of 1990, the Chamorro administration signaled its commitment to future SAP/ESAF by deepening the Sandinista cutbacks in public sector spending, as well as the devaluation, tight credit, privatization, etc. 8 "^Sabe usted algo sobre lo que llaman 'ajuste estructural?'" Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 heard in rural conversations - at least among the women. Given the fact that ESAF is regularly reported in the national media and has been responsible for substantial restructuring, it is remarkable that nine out of ten women are not aware of these programs. The low level of political knowledge is also highlighted by the variables LAW230 and LAND_LAWS. Less than one quarter of the women knew of Law 230, the domestic violence law passed in 1996.9 Several interviewees (including two of the original CIERA subjects) whose families had received land through agrarian reform were not aware of Laws 85/86 which had legally entitled those lands. On several occasions, a woman either denied knowledge or stated that the laws had not affected her family, after which a male member of the family corrected her. Consistent with a patriarchal ideology which maintains the woman's role as private and the man's as public, this low level of political awareness may be a significant impediment to strategic feminist transformation. The following sections examine the ways that a woman's political knowledge, or lack thereof, affects other aspects of her world. A. Knowledge of Land Laws In its contradiction to patriarchal prescriptions, women's involvement in public discourse (exchange of ideas in a realm which is independent of economic and household relations) could be seen as a feminist practice. But does awareness of political facts create a space for empowerment all by itself? 9 This law established local women's commissariats to improve police handling of abuse. In addition, the law acknowledged the psychological damages incurred through such cases. As part of my interviews, I distributed a pamphlet about Law 230. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 Among my data, LAND_LAWS best represents a purely "political" variable.10 One-fourth of the interviewees as a whole were aware of laws passed under agrarian reform. Knowledge of land laws may be biased by particular interests (i.e. the desire and/or ownership of land may increase one's knowledge of land statutes), but the ignorance of Laws 85 and 86 among several women who had received land through agrarian reform suggests otherwise. Figure X: Knowledge of Land Laws and Empowerment (EMPOWERED) 120 100 JJ c 3 0 u Empowered I No |Yes (at least 5 cate gories) No Yes Knowledge of landlaws (85/86) Figure I shows that this particular political knowledge does significantly increase the likelihood of being empowered.11 This is 10 Knowledge of one's deputy or mayor (and V0TE96) could involve much less political content and the overall number of women who are familiar with SAP/ESAF is very small. LEGAL_MAR and LAW230 represent a more specific (i.e. feminist) political knowledge. 11 Tau= . 022 , p= . 037* , N=200. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 suggestive that feminist practice - even in the absence of feminist ideology - may be transformative: FP/PI - * • FP/FI. B. Knowledge of Domestic Violence Laws (LAW230) This next section examines a particular type of awareness - women's rights. Given that one in three women will be attacked by her partner during her lifetime, knowledge of Law 230 could dramatically impact a woman's life. Since this legislation was passed a few months before my arrival, it was too early to gauge the full effect that it might have, but at the time of my interviews, approximately one-quarter had some knowledge of Law 230. Table 7.2 (on the next page) addresses the question of which factors are antecedents to feminist awareness. Other political knowledge variables are in bold type. The majority of interviewees did not know about the domestic violence law. Those who did tended to have at least three years of schooling, be under age 59, and to be socially active, but not necessarily in non-traditional group. Paid employment, of the lack thereof, did not influence a woman's knowledge of LAW230. No direct interest, in the form of a past or present abuse history or spouse's alcohol usage, informed these women's opinions. There is a striking coherence among all the political awareness variables, with the exception of voting, and between LAW230 and some of the feminist ideology variables. Traditional visions of one's ROLE in life and seeing someone else as head of house, as well as rating men's work as harder are all associated with lack of knowledge of a woman's right to non-violent household relations. Those who see the Revolution (CHANGE_REV), or the recent economic crisis (CHANGE_ECON), as having changed family relations were more likely to know about the law and possibly have some opinion about it. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 289 Table 7.2: Knowledge of Domestic Violence Laws12 (yVax-iable=LAW230) xVariable Category P S G T L p. N EDO YEARS Other .206 .000 199** EMPOWER PTS . 173 .000 203** AGE -.115 .006 192** ANYKID_MORT -.125 .024 203* PARTICIPATE Social .466 .000 202** SAP/ESAF .446 . 001 201** RATE WORK -.124 .033 182* CHANGE REV .072 . 000 173** LAND_LAWS .050 .000 195** CAMPAIGN .039 .000 202** CHANGE ECON .039 .001 176** DEPUTY .031 . 002 195** MAYOR .032 . 004 172** HEAD HOUSE .021 .017 192* INJUST .019 . 021 202* *** + ***** + + + + + *** + + * + + ** + + + ■ * • + + * + * + • * • + • * • * ■ * • ■ * ■ ■ * • ■ * + + + + + + + + + + + AGEMAR Other -.037 .401 185 TYPE GROUP Social . 121 .066 203 VOTE96 .009 . 154 203 LEGAL MAR . 006 .333 182 4EVER_WIFE .005 .426 159 BUILDING Economic .054 . 181 201 WORK_TYPE .067 .286 191 ABUSE HIST Patriarchy -.078 .234 159 SPOUSE ALCO -.011 .864 146 ABUSE .002 .700 188 The 35.4% of women who do know about the law are not more or less likely to report feelings of ISOLATION or expected changes in the gender division of labor (4EVER_WIFE). Nor are leisure or support variables affected. Not shown above is the link between those who know about the laws and engage in social protest against domestic violence 12 P=Pearson's R-sguare was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordinal variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 290 (NO_ABUSE), but this relationship is also significant. While these associations tend to be encouraging for the few women who are already- empowered, better educated, and active around other political issues, they do not indicate a clear unique path to empowerment. Women who are informed about domestic violence laws may publicly act to help other women in that situation, and may have a feminist vision of household labor, while still accepting an inequitable division of labor or marriage without the benefit of legal status. This analysis of knowledge of one issue revealed only a partial empowerment. The following section looks at the few who were empowered in the overall consciousness variable (CONSCIOUS) . C . Consciousness Political apathy is something that affects women throughout the nation (URBAN) and of all generations (AGE). The general antipathy to social issues among many Nicaraguan women was expressed by one 28- year old, who proudly runs a business from her home. When asked about the FSLN sign up on the house, she said, "My husband is the one who knows about that... I don't like to get mixed up in political things."13 When asked her opinion of the current government, one 83- year old commented that she carefully cultivated an apolitical stance: "I'm neither cider nor lemonade. Ever since I was young, I haven't wanted to have problems or battle with my neighbors, and despite that fact, my daughter lost her husband. The Sandinistas killed him.''1* This woman's testimony suggests that the desire to suppress one's opinion could be seen as a survival mechanism in a 13 B23: "Mi esposo es el que sabe mas de eso... meterme en cosas politicas no me gusta." 1 4 C4: "No soy ni chicha ni limonada. Desde que yo era joven, nunca he querido tener problemas o guerra con los vecinos y a pesar de eso mi hija perdio su esposo - los Sandinistas lo mataron." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. turbulent nation. That is, the appearance of widespread apathy ma stem from the fact that Nicaragua has never had an extended period peace, and even less so in the last three decades. Table 7.3: Political Consciousness (CONSCIOUS) 15 (yVariable=CONSCXOUS; xVariable Category P S G T L P- N TYPE GROUP Social .047 .000 207** RATE_WORK .035 .002 184** EDU YEARS Other .200 .001 203** AGE_LEVEL .040 .020 196* TIME_GRP Social .012 .766 66 URBAN Other .010 .556 207 HEAD HOUSE .002 . 502 196 AGE .217 . 912 196 WORK_TYPE Economic . 022 . 400 184 ABUSE_HIST Patriarchy . 005 . 942 162 ( xVar iat>L&=CONSCIOUSJ Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Social PARTICIPATE .342 (s) .000 207** NO ABUSE .165(s) .000 205** ROLE .205 .001 137** RATE_WORK .069 .002 184** Other EMPOWERED .138 (s) .000 207** Economic SAVINGS .015 (s) .000 207** RENT_TO .024(s) .026 207* CAPITAL .022(s) .034 207* Social LEGAL MAR . 017 . 074 186 ISOLATION .011(s) . 155 190 LEISURE . 008 . 181 176 4EVER WIFE . 008 (s) .263 163 SUPPORT .039 .463 173 Economic DECISIONS .011 (s) . 135 207 BUY SMALL .007(s) .223 207 BUY LARGE .004 (s) .375 205 15 Political participation variables are highlighted in bold. Symmetrical associations (between two dichotomous variables) are indicated with an (s). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 292 Table 7.3: Political Consciousness (CONSCIOUS), (cont.) (xVariable=CONSCXOC7S) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Patriarchy MOBILITY .013(s) . 105 206 DOMINATED .002(s) .558 198 GENDER WORK .003 . 603 207 ABUSE .001(s) . 690 190 ABUSE HIST .002 .898 162 A woman's direct material interests - either through exposure to patriarchy or through work status (WORK_TYPE) does not affect the likelihood of her being politically aware. That is, women who are thrust into being head of household and into the paid labor force do not necessarily alter their knowledge or philosophies. This lays the suggestion that work is a semi-strategic intervention, a point we will see again in Chapter Eight. And unlike in the case of domestic violence, TYPE_GROUP does strongly (and positively) associate with political consciousness. This may be explained by the diffuse publicity of the network of women against violence and their connections to education, social, and religious groups who may not otherwise have been as receptive to standard "political" information. That is, talking about a woman's right to a non-violent household is not as polarizing a topic as is party affiliation or land tenure, but these suppositions can not be directly confirmed through my data. While age as a whole does not affect political apathy or consciousness, one group in particular is more likely to be aware: those between 30 and 50 years of age (AGE_LEVEL) .16 Women with more schooling are also more conscious. This, along with the age-specific empowerment, may be a reflection of the more politicized 16 None of the 41 women over age 51 were politically empowered. The rates for those under age 30 (N=54) and for those between 30 and 50 (N=101) were 9.3 and 15.8% respectively. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 293 Revolutionary years where political discussion was institutionalized, for example, in educational texts. As one would logically expect, Table 7.3 (on the previous pages) reveals that knowledge is positively associated with greater political activity (NO_ABUSE, PARTICIPATE). These interviews did not directly address participation under the prior regimes, but there is no correlation between length of time spent in group (TIME_GRP) and one's political awareness. The lack of association with VOTE96 reveals the relatively high voting ratio in Nicaragua. That is, many voted, but few did so with substantial political knowledge. Given the low overall consciousness, this data lends credence to those who argue for a conception of democracy which does not strictly rely upon electoral data.1 7 With the exceptions of ROLE and RATE_WORK, political consciousness does not affect gender ideology (4EVER_WIFE, ISOLATION, LEGAL_MAR, LEISURE). These women are not more likely to have legally recognized marriages (TYPE_MAR). Nor does it lead to changes in family domination (DOMINATED, DECISIONS). But with the slight economic effect and strong association with participation (.PARTICIPATE) , CONSCIOUS does correlate with the overall empowerment variable, EMPOWERED. Again, we are left with a partial correlation with empowerment. Politically aware women are more likely to break taboos on female public participation and to have some awareness of inequities in private labor, but maintain lifestyles consistent with the traditional family relations (GENDER_WORK, ABUSE, ABUSE_HIST). 17 See Hoyt (1997); Kampwirth (1998); and 0'Shaughnessy and Dodson (1999). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 II. SOCIAL PARTICIPATION A. Practical vs. Strategic Benefits There are those who believe that participation in social groups is the key to loosening patriarchal ties.1 8 Particular to Nicaragua, the same hypothesis has been offered by a number of authors.19 One argument is that organization around a particular issue such as collective consumption - e.g. community soup kitchens - creates a consciousness-raising process whereby women experience greater self esteem and then deal with their gender oppression.-0 Kroeker (1995) discusses possible pathways of empowerment - women talking among themselves, strategizing struggles, and directly changing institutions. Safa (1995) identified mechanisms of mutually reinforcing participation and declining fertility. Woznica (1986,227) claims that participation leads to the increased belief in one's ability and in the community's ability to affect change, as well as to increased technical and administrative skills, self- confidence, and consolidation of local organizations. Another body of literature notes that involvement in practical endeavors does not necessarily induce any feminist conscientization.21 Joining organizations in large numbers does not necessarily mean that women who participate will impact social progress. This is 1 8 Asthana (1994,185); Kabeer (1994); Karl (1995); Lind (1992,137); Lindio-McGovern (1999,274); and Saenz (1997,xiv). 19 Chuchryk (1991,168); Criguillon (1995,212); Isbester (1996,18); Kroeker (1996); Monterrey, Pineda and Bolanos (1985); Olivera et al. (1990,10); Perez-Aleman (1988,31-33); Randall (1981,14); and Sola and Trayner (1988,199). 20 See Safa (1990); and Lind (1992). 21 See Hartmann in Sargent (1981); Rahnema (1992:122-3); and Turshen (1994, 88) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 295 documented by Parpart and Staudt (1989) who noted African women's participation and lack of political clout. Likewise, Lindio- McGovern's (1999) study of Filipina activists led her to conclude that social movements require persistence over time to bring about fundamental social charge. Writing about Latin American women's social participation, Susan Bourque notes that. There is an ample record to suggest that women have sought their ends in the political system through the extension of the image of an exalted self- sacrificing mother from the privacy of the home to the public arena.... This appeal to sexual and gender difference as the basis for political part icipation suggests that other strategies are either unavailable or deemed to be less effective.22 As mentioned previously, Nicaraguan women's historic social participation has occurred along traditional gender lines. FIDEG (1991,102) found that the greatest motivation for women to participate in the Insurrection was maternal - seeing their children killed by the Guardia Nacional. Even during the widespread grassroots participation of the Sandinista Revolution, most of this female activity took place in neighborhood groups and mother's associations, or in health and education brigades - all of which supported women's traditional roles. As with the literature on other developing areas, the Nicaraguan experience shows that mere participation often occurs without a change in consciousness or empowerment. Discussing the increased social activity during the Sandinista decade, LaRamee and Polakoff (1997) noted that rates of formal membership were substantially higher than the willingness to lead or to take responsibility within social groups. And Woznica (1986,40) found distinct types of 2 Bourque (1979,126). Also see Alvarez (1992) and Kampwirth (1998). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 296 participation - 'system-maintaining' participation which fears rocking the boat, vs 'emancipating participation.' Recognizing this tendency towards traditional organizing, Garfield and Williams (1992,47) found it an open question whether participation in education and health projects leads to empowerment.23 Perez Aleman (1988) argued that it is unreasonable to expect women to automatically question their gender subordination. And in Chavez- Metoyer's (1997,132) interviews with members of fourteen cooperatives, she found an unquestioning acceptance of the inequitable division of labor: "In my interaction with campesinas, .. . they did not appear to have a gender consciousness." Which factors do motivate women to break with the traditional proscription on public activity? Montecinos (1994,167) noted that increased literacy, such as that during the early Sandinista years, often precipitates greater social participation by women. Medrano et al. (1991,37) note how cultural views of the woman as 'de la casa' ['in the home'] impede their social organization, but Medrano's team sees three things which can override this: family structure, peasant organizations, and the politico-economic development in the campo. That is, semi-strategic change can occur through a woman being head of house (even in the "default position" provoked by a partner's abandonment where one loses economic security but gains control of family decisions), or through the non-polarized nature of certain peasant groups (i.e. not seen as affiliated with political parties), or through economic opportunities for women to break the private=female and public=male equation. 3 Also see Carnoy and Samoff (1990). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 297 In the 1990s, Sinclair found that Nicaraguan women organized primarily along practical needs.24 That is, this participation is far from the type that aims at directly confronting inequitable gender relations. He found that, Campesinos, widows, Christian base community members, returned refugees and others do not pursue justice or political participation out of an idealistic or ideological commitment.... (Rather...) in order to defend themselves and to assert their rights in the face of a desperate struggle for survival. B. General Participation Rates The following table and text examine factors which are linked with greater social participation among this study's interviewees.25 Table 7.4: Social Participation Variables VARIABLE % No (N) % Yes (N) % Yes & alone (N) JOIN_GROUP 64.4 (134) 35.6 (74) N. A. MEETING 67.3 (138) 24.4 (50) 7.3 (15) SPOUSE_GRP 69.3 (97) 30.7 (43) N. A. NO_ABUSE 90.8 (187) 9.2 (19) N. A. CAMPAIGN 91.7 (189) 8.3 (17) N. A. INJUST 93.7 (192) 6.3 (13) N. A. PARTICIPATE 83.5 (172) 16.5 (34) N. A. 24 Sinclair (1995,20) makes the more general assertion that people's motivation to organize arises from direct physical needs. 25 JOIN_GRO(JP and SPOUSE_GRP reflect any membership in social group by oneself or one's partner. MEETING represented having ever traveled out of town for any educational, health, political (but not religious) service. A woman was empowered in the variable PARTICIPATE if she scored at least one point among a possible three (INJUST, CAMPAIGN, and NO_ABUSE). INJUST showed if a woman had ever participated in a social act against injustice (i.e. a rally against price increases, corruption, privatization) . NO_AB(JSE asked if a woman had ever joined with others to stop domestic violence. Talking to a friend or family member about the issue was not sufficient, but if the interviewee and others in the family confronted the abuser, this was counted as a public intervention. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 298 Two-thirds of all these women, as well as their husbands (SPOUSE_GRP), belonged to no social, political, or producers' group (JOIN_GROUP). Less than one in ten had participated in social protest (INJUST), or in a CAMPAIGN or collective action against domestic violence (NO_ABUSE). The variables, JOIN_GROUP and MEETING cover any social membership, including traditional church affiliation, which explains the difference between these scores and the more explicitly political actions (NO_ABUSE, INJUST, CAMPAIGN) which constitute empowerment in the social participation mmetavariable PARTICIPATE. Table 7.5 (on the subsequent page) identifies factors facilitating women's entrance into the public sphere of social organizations. There is little evidence of direct economic motivation behind social participation. On the one hand, the majority of organized women live in homes of the best, or second best quality (JOIN_GROUP-POVERTY), while less than half of unorganized women reach this level. The fact that those with better homes are more likely to organize (POVERTY-JOIN_GROUP) is consistent with Maslow's hierarchy of needs, where one can turn to social issues after basic needs are met.26 But this contradicts Sinclair's (1995) hypothesis that physical needs are the motivators for mass participation. These women are no different in their land ownership (LAND_ANY), tendency to have their name on the land title (LAND_WHO) , nor in ability to make large purchases (BUY_LARGE) . 26 Classic scholar Abraham Maslow posited that humans have universal basic needs which range from physiological, safety, love, esteem, to self-actualization. His developmental theory claims that elemental needs must be met in order to advance to higher stages. See Fitzgerald (1977). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table 7.5: Social participation (JOIN_GROUP) (yVariable=JOIN_GROUP) xVariable Category P S G T L p. N AGE LEVEL Other .063 .002 197 EMPOWER PTS .299 .038 208 EDU_YEARS . 130 . 049 203 POVERTY Economic .062 .012 208 RATE_WORK Social .041 .024 184 ******+************+***++*********+*+++**++*+**** URBAN Other .023 . 185 208 AGE .259 . 673 197 WORK_TYPE Economic .032 .203 185 SAP/ESAF Social .001 .885 205 ABUSE_HIST Patriarchy .014 .066 162 (xVariable=JOIN GROUP) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Patriarchy HOME WHO .057 .000 136 DOMINATED .023(s) .035 199 Social SUPPORT .031 .000 173 ROLE .028 .000 137 CONSCIOUS .049(s) .002 207 LEGAL MAR .030 .018 186 DEPUTY .028(s) .019 198 RATE WORK .020 .025 184 MAYOR .027(s) .031 175 VOTE96 .022(s) .032 207 LEISURE .011 .043 176 Economic DECISIONS .053(s) .001 208 CAPITAL .027(s) .018 208 Other EMPOWERED . 039 .005 208 HEAD_HOUSE .028(s) .020 197 Patriarchy HOME TITLE .011 .068 180 LAND WHO .019 . 117 93 ABUSE .005(s) .330 191 GENDER_WORK .001 . 928 208 Social NO ABUSE .018 .058 205 4EVER WIFE .019 .075 164 LAW230 .006 .277 203 INJUST .004(s) .390 205 SAP/ESAF . 000 .913 205 Economic BUY LARGE .007 .248 206 LAND_ANY .005 .460 194 Other TYPE MAR .008 .490 190 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 300 Social participation (JOIN_GROUP) does lead to higher empowerment (EMPOWER_PTS), but a greater effect is seen on the tendency of those who are already empowered (EMPOWER_PTS) to find their way into some group. Those who already have a feminist awareness about the gender division of labor (RATE_WORK), who consider themselves head of household (HEAD_HOUSE), and who are more educated (EDU_YEARS) are more likely to belong to a group. Those under age thirty (AGE_LEVEL) are much less likely to be organized. However, social participation is not affected by one's URBAN status. Some consciousness raising is seen to result from group participation. Those who claim some group membership are only half as likely to say that their greatest ROLE is as a mother. And 4EVER_WIFE is almost significant. In terms of LEISURE, active women are twice as likely to visit neighbors or family, and less likely to say that their recreation is "none," "play with kids,"27 or "sleep." Those with no group affiliation are almost twice as likely to say that they have no SUPPORT, while those in group are three times more likely to name God as their main support. This may represent the additional material support which potentially accompanies group membership, or it may reflect the relatively large proportion of membership that is religious. One-sixth (16.8%) of the interviewees overall and half of active women (47.3%) reported religious group affiliation. In the case of RATE_WORK, organized women are more likely to be sensitive to women's greater workload. But this may be a result of their triple-day (household reproduction, economic production, and 27 Although playing with one's children can be a truly delightful experience, this response is categorized as a less privileged and possibly less enlightened one, given the similarity to the chore of child care. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 301 social reproduction). That is, they may feel extra tired, recognize that they are working hard, and still not see it as a fundamental injustice. Another example of potentially increased feminist thinking among activist women lies in LEGAL_MAR, where those seeing a benefit to formal marriage tend to be more socially organized. Similarly, DECISIONS and DOMINATED both significantly correlate to JOIN_GROUP, as does EMPOWERED. Women in group(s) are much more likely to share title to their home with their husband or to have it in the woman's name (HOME_WHO) but land titles are not affected (LAND_WHO). Group members are more likely to say that the Revolution changed family relations (CHANGE_REV) - supporting the notion that one of the crucial changes was in public participation. How does being in group affect one's political knowledge and behavior? There is a significant correlation with MAYOR, DEPUTY, LAND_LAWS, VOTE96, AND CAMPAIGN, but not with LAW230 or SAP/ESAF. That is, knowing one's local mayor and representative in the National Assembly, familiarity with agrarian reform laws, plus having voted in the 1996 elections or participated in a campaign are all more likely among women in some social group. But these women are not more likely to know about Law 230 or to recognize ESAF, suggesting the need for more social analysis to occur in groups. C. Participation in Non-Traditional Group Given the heterogeneous nature of the participation covered by JOIN_GROUP, it is worth examining TYPE_GROUP, an ordinal variable ranging from "no participation" to the most non-patriarchal. The three types of groups were a) religious, b) health and/or educational, and c) political or productive or women's groups. (This is a very disparate category, but when separated, the numbers are too Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 302 small for any realistic analysis - as revealed in the following figure. ) Figure II: Type of Group Membership (TYPE GROUP) 4J c O ) 0 u Q) 01 Table 7.6 (on the next page) offers the opportunity of gauging the effects of participation according to their relative non traditionalism. (Variables of feminist ideology are highlighted in bold.) Not surprisingly, the majority of women's participation aligned with patriarchal mores. Almost half (N=35) of the 74 who report any social participation belong to a religious group, and 12 women were in traditionally female education or health groups. Only 27 women are involved in a group which is either political, production-related, or a women's group. Org, most to least trad None Edu/hlth Religious Women■s/polit/produc Org, most to least trad Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 303 Table 7.6: Membership in Non-Traditional Group (TYPE_GROUP) (yVariable=TYPE_GROUP) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N EMPOWER PTS AGE HEAD_HOUSE Other .203 . 113 .017 .000 .003 .017 208** 197** 197* POVERTY Economic -.130 .007 208** ABUSE_EVER Patriarchy .021 .017 162* RATE_WORK Social .025 .030 164* URBAN EDU_YEARS Other .084 .039 .097 .413 208 203 WORK_TYPE Economic . 132 .058 185 (xVariable=TYPE_GROUP) Category- yVariable P S G T L P- N Other EMPOWER_PTS .367 .000 208** Economic POVERTY LAND ANY LAND WHO DECISIONS CAPITAL -.182 .030 .083 .072 .069 . 007 .000 .001 . 002 . 003 208** 194** 93** 208** 208** Social CAMPAIGN CONSCIOUS ROLE SUPPORT PARTICIPATE DEPUTY LEISURE VOTE96 4EVER WIFE LEGAL_MAR ISOLATION INJUST .145 . 144 .066 .047 .071 .060 .030 .043 .054 .047 .045 .040 . 000 . 000 .000 . 000 . 002 .008 . 011 .031 .032 . 034 .036 .041 206** 207** 137** 173** 206** 198** 176* 207* 164* 186* 191* 205* Patriarchy HOME_WHO .069 . 000 136** Economic BUY_LARGE .021 .224 206 Social MAYOR RATE WORK NO_ABUSE .040 .022 .019 . 071 .228 .264 175 184 205 Patriarchy GENDER WORK DOMINATED ABUSE .034 .025 .008 .538 . 178 . 682 208 199 191 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 Women who were at neither extreme of youth or age were much more likely to be in non-traditional groups, with a significant threshold being seen above age 28 . 20 Religious participation increases linearly with age, and those over 50-years old are twice as likely as younger women to be involved in other traditional (education/health) groups. Almost all of the members in more feminist groups are between 30 and 50 years of age (AGE_LEVEL). This is consistent with both the idea that younger women are preoccupied with household reproduction - at its heaviest when children (and the mother) are younger - and with the idea of Revolutionary-led consciousness. That is, it may be that the feminist discourse and new public participation which some women found during the 1980s launched them into lifestyles which persisted in the "new synthesis" of feminist ideology and practice. As with any group membership (JOIN_GROUP), women who are better off - economically, ideologically, and otherwise - lead the way into even more non-traditional practices (POVERTY, RATE_WORK, HEAD_HOUSE, and EMPOWER_PTS). Although just beyond the level of significance, those most likely to be in group are in sales or agricultural work (WORK_TYPE). Any paid work can be seen as traditionally male, but this is especially true in the case of farmwork. One exception to the trend of the more empowered women being the ones with greater social activism comes from lifetime abuse history (ABUSE_EVER-TYPE_GROUP). While still being consistent with Maslow's hierarchy that physical needs take immediate precedence, the mixture of physical and psychological needs represented in domestic violence may explain this rare instance confirming Sinclair's hypothesis (that participation is prompted by a direct physical need). The prevalence The t-test of equal variances, was 3.090, with 195 df, p=.002**. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 of an abuse history is lowest among women with no group affiliation (29.4%). It is highest among women in religious group (53.6%), followed by those in a women's or political/productive group (43.5%), and then in education or health (33.3%). Here the role of dialectics comes into play - where the confrontation between patriarchy and the woman's need to be safe breaks through the walls of denial and "false consciousness" - prompting the woman to seek security or support from somewhere outside her traumatic home. The case of joining an evangelical church where domestic violence is soundly criticized offers a way to semi-strategically confront patriarchy while still retaining one's patriarchal prestige as "a good woman." Effects of non-traditional participation As expected, the more feminist groups are associated strongly with other political awareness and action variables such as having been active in a CAMPAIGN, being able to name one's DEPUTY, having voted in 1996, as well as overall political empowerment - CONSCIOUS, and PARTICIPATE. And unlike with general membership (JOIN_GROUP), TYPE_GROUP does correlate significantly with action against injustice (INJUST). There is also some evidence that participation in non- traditional groups is economically empowering. Those who are organized in non-traditional groups are more likely to have their name on the title of one's home or land (HOME_WHO, LAND_WHO) , and more likely to own at least two manzanas of land (LAND_ANY).29 In comparison with the more global participation, TYPE_GROUP shows a stronger consciousness-raising process occurring in the non- 29 A manzana is equivalent to 1.7 acres. The t-test of equal variances = 3.033, d.f. 192, p=.003**. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 306 traditional groups. All but one of the ideology variables show a solid correlation with TYPE_GROUP (ROLE, SUPPORT, LEISURE, 4EVER_WIFE, LEGAL_MAR, and ISOLATION). In the case of RATE_WORK, the expected response is seen, albeit not at a significant level. Thus, involvement in non-traditional groups emerges as the biggest influence on feminist ideology among all variables examined in this study. Consistent with this conscientization, non-traditional group membership increases overall empowerment (EMPOWER_PTS, EMPOWERED). Three out of four women in the most non-traditional groups scored at least 40 points of the potential maximum 62 points.30 Of those with no group, only 20.9% were empowered {EMPOWERED) . Of those in the most non-traditional groups, 63.0% were empowered. However, on two of the most important feminist variables, there is no significant effect of TYPE_GROUP. Regardless of one's social affiliation, the gender division of labor (GENDER_WORK) remains unchanged. Over half (51.9%) of 208 women belong to no group and live in completely traditional households (in terms of the gender division of labor). The following table supports the contention that participation in education and health groups is fully consistent with traditional ideology. Table 7.7: Type of Social Group and Gender DOL (Percentage, N=208) Both traditional Woman on farm Male in home No group 51.9 9.0 3.8 Religious 13.0 2.9 1.0 Educ/hlth 5.3 0.0 0.5 Women's/polit 9.0 2.4 1.4 Total 78.8 14.4 6.7 30 The maximum within this study was "Elia's" 51 points. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 307 The second major area unaffected by type of social activity is family domination. Past domestic violence rates have already been reported as higher among women in religious group, but abuse in the past year (ABUSE) is not altered by TYPE_GROUP. Nor is more progressive affiliation more likely to cause empowerment in terms of family domination (DOMINATED) . Women may break social norms by entering group(s), but this entrance into the public sphere is not strong enough to break social norms inside the home. Interestingly, the effect of education is lost when one goes from JOIN_GROUP to TYPE_GROUP - that is, the lack of education does not create a barrier for participation in political, productive, or women's groups. Although there is no rural bias to membership in overall group, nor in type of group, this may still be encouraging for rural women who are less likely to have access to higher education. In such cases, social participation may provide a crucial dialectical contradiction between patriarchal ideology and feminist enlightenment. The examination of type of social participation illuminated the important empowering effects of non-traditional social groups. As with overall social participation, women in these groups are more likely to be empowered in political processes (CONSCIOUS). But more importantly, women in political, productive, or women's associations were much more likely to have a feminist ideology and to have the woman's name on the title to their properties. Sadly, participation in more non-traditional groups does not change the gender order inside the household in terms of violence or in workload. The dialectical contradiction continues: FP/FI - * ■ FI/PP. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 308 D. Political Protest of Patriarchy (NO_ABUSE) There are 19 anomalous women who participated in social protest against domestic violence. These are women living in the upper tail of the empowerment curve where they enjoy a good amount of political, economic, and feminist advantages. Women who intervened on this issue are otherwise politically active and aware (INJUST, CAMPAIGN, MAYOR, DEPUTY, LAND_LAWS, CONSCIOUS). The strong correlation with political knowledge variables suggests that knowledge is empowering. Years of schooling does not affect women's actions on this issue. Nor does URBAN status. Other significant economic predictors of social protest against domestic violence (N0_ABUSE) include having investments (INVEST), the number of cows owned (NUM_COW), and the ability to make small purchases (BUY_SMALL). None of the activists had less than 15 empowerment points, and most scored between 31 and 51 points (EMPOWER_PTS). These women are among the remarkable few to enjoy a non-traditional division of labor (COOKING, GENDER_WORK). While describing their most important role in life (ROLE), activists were more likely to mention their work, such as farmer, midwife, or "other," contrasted with non-activists who were more likely to name traditional female roles of wife, daughter, mother, and child of God. Similarly, women who acted on this issue were more likely to have relied on DAY_CARE in the past year (while the traditional mores for "good mothers" would prohibit them from turning their children's care over to others). Non activists are most likely to work within the home (WORK_WHERE) . While not significant, it is noted that women with no group membership and those with religious membership are less likely than those with any other participation (TYPE_GROUP) to have acted against abuse. The lack of correlation with DOMINATED suggests that these Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 309 women are not directly prompted by their own domestic situation. Slightly more than half of those who intervened had a prior history of abuse, and the difference is not significant. That is, contrary to the hypothesis that direct needs motivate social organization, a woman's own domestic violence history does not impact her actions on this issue. The examination of these anomalous women supports the idea that empowerment is a process with mutually enforcing characteristics. Economic, political, and ideological factors may lead to women's partial empowerment while operating separately, but it appears that in order to break the most tenacious barriers of household labor and domestic violence, that a confluence of factors is necessary. E. Influences of Spouse's Social Participation The fact that spouse's social participation (SPOLJSE_GRP, HIS_GROUP) significantly affects NO_ABUSE leads us to more closely examine these variables.31 Without interviewing the male partners, we have already seen that differentials in male alcohol use greatly alter the level of machismo experienced. This section raises the question of whether social participation affects the husband's gender ideology. One example of feminist transformation that occurred through this path was offered in CIERA'S La Vida Cotidiana. "Marina's" husband "Larry" received feminist conscientization through his association with Sandinista farmers' groups and he encouraged "Marina" to start co-managing their farm. As with female social participation, the largest group of men (one-third) are in a religious group, while the next most important 31 HIS_GRO(JP pertains to type of social group, while SPOUSE_GRP is a bivariate indicator of any participation. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. are producers groups and cooperatives, each with about one-fifth total membership (HIS_GROUP). Table 7.8: Spouse's Social Participation and Empowerment (xVariable=SPOUSE GRP) Category yVariable Social Economic JOIN_GROUP TYPE_GROUP ROLE CONSCIOUS RATE_WORK MEETING DEPUTY CAMPAIGN PARTICIPATE INJUST NO_ABUSE WORK_TYPE BUY_SMALL DECISIONS Patriarchy LAND WHO Other Other Economic Social EMPOWERED EMPOWER PTS HEAD_HOUSE TYPE_MAR BUY_LARGE POVERTY CAPITAL LAND_ANY ISOLATION LAW230 LEISURE SUPPORT 4 EVE R_WI FE SAP/ESAF Patriarchy ABUSE ABUSE_HIST DOMINATED SPOUSE_ALCO GENDER WORK T L P- N .133(s) .000 140* . 076 .000 140* . 037 .000 98* .075 .001 140* . 047 .003 125* .043 .003 137* .048 .011 133* . 035 .027 137* .033(s) .033 139* .033 .034 139* . 031(s) .040 139* . 052 .000 133* . 053(s) .007 140* .033 (s) .031 140* .062 .001 66* .038 (s) .021 140* .070 .036 140* .024 (s) . 078 129 . 002 .791 137 .022 (s) .085 138 .005 . 120 140 .007 (s) .340 140 . 008 .466 130 .018 (s) . 132 126 .010 .270 138 . 009 . 382 117 .009 .454 112 .002 . 669 113 .001 .866 139 .010 (s) .262 126 .012 .292 108 .006(s) .388 134 .006 .596 102 .002 .844 140 (yVariable=SPOUSE GRP) URBAN FAITH Other Social .027 . 004 ,097 , 933 140 115 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 311 The correlations with several variables suggest that a feminist socialization among men occurs through their group participation. For instance, in contrast to traditional machista attitudes that man is for work, and woman for the home, SPOUSE_GRP-WORK_TYPE shows a significant relation. (Here the wife's work outside the home is seen as implying a certain willingness on the husband's part.) Among women with activist spouses, 46.3% are housewives vs. 76.1% of those whose husbands do not belong to group(s). Gender empowerment variables favorably affected by the husband's socialization include overall empowerment (EMPOWERED, EMPOWER_PTS), assessment of labor (RATE_WORK), one's most important ROLE, ability to make financial DECISIONS, and considering oneself head of household. As with the women, the majority of spouses (79.2%) belong to no group. But looking more closely at RATE_WORK, we see that this figure drops considerably among those who say that women work more than men (65.5%), indicating that possibly some feminist conscientization occurs in the husband's participation (and thus affects the wife's ideology). Variables indicating changes in the wife's political knowledge include DEPUTY and CONSCIOUS. One exception is in the case of SAP/ESAF. The lack of knowledge about ESAF among women whose husbands are organized suggests either that men are also in need of educational campaigns about these programs, or that if they receive that information, there is no trickle down effect within the household. In general, a woman's political activities are spurred by her husband's group membership. (See NO_ABUSE, INJUST, MEETING, CAMPAIGN, JOIN GROUP, TYPE_GROUP, and PARTICIPATE). Women whose Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 312 husbands are in some type of group are more likely to have intervened to prevent domestic violence. Some economic benefits to male social participation trickle down as well. These include the family having legal title to their house (HOME_TITLE), the woman's name being on the land title (LAND_WHO), and at a near significant level, the ability to make large purchases (BUY_LARGE) . Yet, other variables do not display this trickle down effect of female consciousness-raising due to the husband's activity. The SP0USE_GRP-4EVER_WIFE association clearly indicates no effect of spousal organization. Other unaffected ideological factors include LEGAL_MAR, LEISURE, and ISOLATION. As seen elsewhere, the most durable of gender inequities are the division of labor (GENDER_WORK), and violence in the family (DOMINATED, ABUSE, ABUSE_EVER) which show no correlation with spousal organization. Type of spousal group association matters as it does with female membership and the effect on political awareness. Political consciousness was greater among women whose spouses are involved in groups other than religious, education/health, or cooperatives. Similarly, political participation in women (PARTICIPATE) increases among those whose spouses are not in religious group or, surprisingly, in cooperatives. None of the women whose partner's group membership was religious knew of the recent domestic violence laws (LAW230) or made a strategic confrontation of gender injustice (NO_ABUSE). The relationship between the spouse's type of membership and his alcohol use (HIS_GROUP-SPOUSE_ALCO) is not significant, but men in cooperatives tend to have a higher rate of drinking. And as mentioned, husbands in cooperatives tend to have wives who are less Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 313 informed and less likely to engage in social participation. This contradicts the notion that Sandinista participation led to changes in family relations, partly through direct persuasion of men. Overall, this examination of spouse's group membership suggests that efforts to improve women's empowerment would benefit from direct attention to the spouse's activities and ideology. But in order to overthrow the patriarchal violence and workloads among Nicaraguan women, more global strategies of socio-economic development, along with ideological factors, must be taken into consideration. Ill. CONCLUSIONS It is most notable that the general trend among these 208 women is that of a lack of political knowledge. After a decade of structural adjustment programs, only two women of 208 could identify these policies by title and content. Another 16 women (7.7%) could either name or describe SAP/ESAF. And the leading reason offered for those not in any social group was simple lack of interest. Thus, the strongest assumption is that the lack of political knowledge is a reflection of apathy, but given the seemingly endless political violence, another consideration is that of a deliberate strategy to be "ni chicha ni limonada" ["neither cider nor lemonade."] Does awareness of political variables such as laws, candidates, and policies correlate with increased power within the family? Women involved in some social group do exhibit several advantages in terms of political knowledge, feminist ideology, freedom from family domination, and they have more say in family decisions.32 32 While no less likely to experience physical ABUSE, organized women are less apt to have their cash or jewelry taken from them (TOOKCASH, TOOKITEM). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. However, among those women with a fairly good level of political knowledge, little effect is seen on gender ideology, domestic violence, or the gender division of labor. Overall, politically aware women are more likely to break taboos on female public participation and to have some awareness of inequities in private labor, but they maintain lifestyles consistent with traditional family relations. As for social participation, there is little evidence to support Sinclair's hypothesis that campesinas or other women join groups from a direct material need. This is true for almost all the economic variables, but an exception lies in the higher participation rates - in either religious or feminist groups - among women with some history of abuse. Nor does knowledge of structural adjustment increase social membership. Those who are more educated, consider themselves head of household, and who already have a feminist awareness about the gender division of labor are more likely to belong to a group. Those under age thirty are much less likely to be organized. However, rural status does not affect women's social participation, even among the more feminist groups. Those with more education are more likely to be involved in some social group, but the empowering effect of education is lost when one compares the feminist to the general type of association. That is, membership in a political, women's, or productive group is not affected by years of schooling. This may be encouraging for rural women who are less likely to have access to higher education, but who are able to find political, productive, or women's groups in their areas. In such cases, social participation may provide a crucial avenue to feminist enlightenment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 315 Involvement in non-traditional groups has a substantial effect on empowerment - political, economic, and ideological. As with overall social participation, these women are more likely to be empowered in political processes. But more importantly, those involved in political, productive, or women's groups were much more likely to have a feminist ideology and to have legal title to their properties. While only one-fourth (27.4%) of all women are empowered overall, and two-fifths (39.1%) of those in some social group are empowered, involvement in the more feminist groups increases the likelihood of empowerment to two-thirds (63.0%). And yet, two of the least malleable gender issues, domestic violence and the household division of labor, remain untouched by a woman's social participation. The examination of the anomalous women who acted out against domestic violence confirms the idea that empowerment is a process with mutually enforcing characteristics. Economic, political, and ideological factors may lead to women's partial empowerment while operating separately, but it appears that in order to break the most tenacious barriers of household labor and domestic violence, that a confluence of factors - including the spouse's ideology - is necessary. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 316 CHAPTER EIGHT: (PIS) EMPOWERMENT THROUGH WEALTH. WORK, AND AD.TTTfiTMF.MT Women's poverty is not just secondary to household distribution of resources, but also about poverty gaps within nations and across national borders. The scope of these interviews limits my analysis, however, mostly to women and their families. One goal of this chapter is to identify their current economic well-being - in terms of purchasing power, control of capital, and housing conditions - and its relation to factors such as the gender division of labor and domestic violence. That is, what are the (dis)empowering effects of wealth and poverty - i.e. do capitalism and patriarchy collude to oppress women? A second goal is to identify the effects of structural adjustment on the three groups constituted in the campesina - the rural poor, small producers, and women. A third goal is to elaborate on the (dis)empowering effects of paid work - which has been suggested as having a semi-strategic effect on gender relations. I. ECONOMIC STATUS AND EMPOWERMENT A. Overview - Women and Their Families Members of the wealthy class in Nicaragua regularly fly to Miami on shopping sprees. The cost of the airfare for one such trip equals nearly a year's income for many of those interviewed in this dissertation. No one in this study belongs to the Nicaraguan elite. In terms of the poverty index used by Aznar et al. (1997,36), almost all of my interviewees are very poor. Thus, "Rich" is a relative term. Many women who appeared poor to the researcher expressed their sympathy for those less well-off. One 36-year old woman with an obviously ragged shirt (C13) - an unusual sight even among rural poor women - commented that, "There are people who live in houses put Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 317 together with leaves." A resident of Huispante (D4) observed, "If we are eating only twice a day, well there are those who only eat once." Several researchers have commented that patriarchy is expressed differently according to social sector, region, and class.1 Discussing Nicaraguan history, Dore (1997) and Whisnant (1995) have described the dual disadvantage of lower class women in a society where the "...elite males operated in a discursive universe where sexual conquest symbolized class power and where the latter was experienced passionately."2 And according to Madriz (1991,23), class and gender synergistically oppress the poorest women who cannot relieve themselves of the household chores by hiring a maid. B . Purchasing Power The general poverty of the interviewees is reflected in the percentage (50.5%) of those unable to make small purchases such as sweets, toiletry items, or cooking oil or the 65.5% unable to make large purchases such as pots and pans, clothes for their children or themselves, or furniture for the house. Within the variable BUY_LARGE, the greatest percentage of purchases was of clothes for one's children (57.6%). And the most frequent purchase of more productive capital was in small animals - mostly chickens. These findings are consistent with traditional patriarchal prescriptions. (See Table 8.1 on the next page.) C . Capital Ownership The generalized lack of economic power is further reflected in this set of variables. Ownership of one's home is the norm in Nicaragua: 80.3% of these families have at least one home. In nine 1 Brenes et al. (1991); Lancaster (1992); Mohanty et al. (1991); and Olivera et al. (1992). 2 Whisnant (1995,399) - citing Gould (1990,231-32). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 318 cases (4.3%), the family owned two homes, and two families (1.0%) owned more than two. Table 8.1: Purchasing Power - (Women and their Families) Variable % Yes % Yes, own money % Total BUY_SMALL -- -- 49.5 Cooking oil 38.0 46.6 84 .6 BUY_LARGE -- --- 34 . 4 Children's clothes 26.1 31.5 57.6 Own clothes 25. 9 23.4 49.3 Cooking pots/pans 14 .1 18.5 32. 6 Furniture 4 . 4 7.3 11.7 DECISIONS -- --- 56.3 Chickens/ducks/goats 19.3 30 . 0 49.3 Home Repairs 18.8 19.7 38 .5 Bought equipment 6.7 8.7 15 . 4 Land (rented from...) -- -- 11.8 But Table 8.2 (on the following page) reveals that the quality of those homes leaves much to be desired. Only a few have improved their economic circumstances enough to cook with either liquid gas (10.2%) or electricity (1.4%). And only 27.4% had ever received credit, while 19.8% received remittances last year. A truer revelation of the interviewees' wealth is in CAPITAL (composed by savings, investments, rental of capital to others, and ownership of home and/or land). Among the eight empowerment variables, this economic empowerment was second lowest (after political consciousness). Only one-tenth had any investments, and fewer than four of 100 had savings. Even fewer (2.4%) had recently rented out capital such as land, a tractor, refrigerator, or sewing machine. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 319 Table 8.2: Control of Capital Variable % Yes Mean Mode Max Liquid capital Capital 13. 9 --- --- ---- Investment 12.5 --- -- ---- Savings 3.4 --- -- ---- Rent capital to 2.4 --- --- ---- Credit, ever 27.4 --- -- ---- Remittances last year 19.8 --- --- ---- Cows/horses/mules (cows only) 41.3 (37.0) (5.47) (0) (25) Pigs 25.1 2.79 1 11 Chickens/ducks (chicks only) 59.6 (49.5) (10.81) (4) (60) Housing Own home (secure title) 80.3 (20.2) 0. 87 1 3 Title: woman + man/(woman) 2.4 (26.0) --- -- ---- Building points ---- 13.58 12 25 Any dirt floor 65.9 --- -- ---- Plastic or thatch roof 43.3 --- -- ---- Electricity 56.3 --- -- ---- Drink H20 from river 4 .1 --- -- ---- Wash with H20 from river 35.1 --- -- ---- No latrine 20.5 --- -- ---- Flush toilet 5.4 --- -- ---- Household density ---- 6.42 4 16 Cook with firewood 88.4 --- -- ---- Land --- -- ---- Any access (N=208) 65.9 7.78 0 150 (Own land) Amount cultivated (45.3) 11.98 0 150 Rent from others 11.8 --- -- ---- Public deed/official title 22.1 --- -- ---- Title: woman + man/(woman) 2.9 (7.2) --- -- ---- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 320 Who are the seven anomalous women with savings? How did they arrive at such alternative histories, at life in the upper tail? Not surprisingly, they include the San Carlos teacher whose 18 years of schooling was the maximum among all interviewees (F3). Through the Sandinistas, she got her university education, then she taught for a decade, and in 1997 she was working on a degree in agricultural engineering. Another woman's 17 years of education was the second- highest recorded (B22). The FSLN had sent her for studies in the Soviet Union for schooling during most of the 1980s as was the case of another woman with 13 years of education (E17). In Laurel Galan there was an example of someone lifted out of poverty both through the Revolution and her own initiative (CIO). She had joined a cooperative which endowed her with 4 0 acres and 15 cows when she withdrew in the 1990s. One of the original CIERA interviewees, "Marina" (Jl), finished her life in the small city of Jinotega, but had continued to regularly travel to the farm which they had abandoned in 1985 after her husband was “disappeared" by the contras. Her hard work, training in farm management,3 and UNAG's support in legalizing ownership of that farm, allowed "Marina" to accumulate savings. Unique among the women with savings, a 47-year old woman in San Juanillo (L13) openly expressed anti-Sandinista sentiments. Her savings came from having inherited land from her mother, and from her own work raising pigs and chickens. (At the time of the interview, she had sold all but one pig but owned 30 chickens.) The last of the seven women with SAVINGS, a woman in Los Robles (M8), attributed it to her husband's work on the land. She had given up her business (running a venta) and was currently a full- 3 See CIERA (1989) for Larry's prescient attitude about the need for his wife to know how to run their business. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 321 time home-maker and mother of two children. In all but the last case, the women generated savings through their own income in projects (and usually with support of the Sandinistas). Animal husbandry Beasts of burden are capital investments to small farmers. Approximately one-third of 208 families own some cattle, hogs, or oxen. Of these, only 17.6% own cattle. But cattle are the most significant of farm animals. As noted by Smith (1997,60), "In Spanish the word for cattle, ganado, is also the past participle for the verb To win, thus one peasant leader noted that, 'The word says it: ganado'. If he'd had it he could have won." Even a pig can be a substantial source of income. For instance, one woman in Teotecacinte (Gil) earned nearly 100 dollars from the sale of a litter of eight hogs. One-quarter (25.1%) of the interviewees own at least one pig. While many of the interviewees (59.6%) own chickens, most own less than ten. And as mentioned in another chapter, the dominant disposition of chickens was loss to theft (27.7%), followed by loss to predators or nature (18.4%). Decapitalization among small producers - a criticized side effect of neoliberalism - is evident here. The proportion who raised cattle, consuming only the milk (23.9%), almost equaled those who sold all of their cattle last year (22.5%). When asked about the disposition of last year's animals, nearly two-thirds (63.4%) either sold, consumed, or lost the majority of their cows and pigs. Many mentioned health costs as the reason for the sale. Land Two-thirds (65.9%) of the interviewees have access to some land. But those who do not cultivate land - along with the 11.7% who only have access to rented land and those who cultivate in exchange Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 322 for clearing a cattle rancher's pasture (4.4%) - represent 48.8% of the interviewees. This half of the sample, unlike the 8.1% who have land loaned from family members, have little likelihood of getting it soon. What is life like for rural residents with no access to land? One 21-year old mother of two whose husband works for a landowner (The latter provides them with a house to live in as well) complained of their situation, "We have no land. He works as a day laborer. We don't have a place to drop dead.'"1 Figure I (on the following page) displays the size of these holdings. The majority sow 2.0 manzanas (approximately 3.4 acres). There is a stark contrast between this figure and the criteria used in most of the Nicaraguan literature to categorize farmsize. A small holding has less than 50 manzanas, medium holdings are those between 51 and 200, and large landowners have more than 200 .5 Those in this study who own such amounts are 92.9%, 6.3%, and 0.8% - further evidence that all of the study interviewees are relatively poor Nicaraguans. Within the study, slightly under one-half (44.4%) work between 0.25 and 2.0 manzanas; one-third (33.4%) work 2.25 to 10.0 manzanas; and another quarter (22.2%) manage between 10.25 and 150.0 manzanas.6 4 D3: "No tenemos tierra. £l trabaja como mozo. No tenemos de donde caer muerto." 5 See for example Jonakin (1997) and Massey (1987) - citing Baumeister (1982). One exception comes from Smith (1997) who noted that in her interviews with 108 families, most had 5-10 manzanas. Collins (1985,51) noted that those using less than 20 manzanas controlled 14 percent of the land. 6 The equivalent in acres would be 0.43-3.44, between 3.87 and 17.29, and from 17.63 to 258.0. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 323 Figuxe I:LAND SIZE Exact landsize 30 20 10 4 -1 C < 1 1 o 1-4 < 1 ) Q, .25 1.50 3.00 6.00 12.0 25.0 40.0 80.0 1.00 2.25 4.00 8.00 17.0 32.0 60.0 100 Exact landsize Nationally, the lack of secure land title is said to be one of the leading causes of political instability.7 This was not frequently mentioned by my interviewees, but less than one-quarter (22.1%) have the most desirable types (public deed or official title). Approximately another third have some kind of paperwork, of varying degrees of legality. One of the interviewees in Huispante had recently been evicted from their land when the agrarian reform transfer was successfully contested by the previous owners. Studies have shown a weak connection between 'objective' measures of well-being and 'subjective' satisfaction levels (O'Hara 1999, 85) . In the case of land, the two coincide. When asked to rate 7 Envio (1993:47); LaRamee and Polokoff (1997,174); and Tello and Tyler (1997) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 324 the various governments in terms of their family's access to land, the interviewees overwhelmingly named the Sandinista regime. (See Figure II.) Figure IX: Regime Rating - TOP LAND Top land ratings 70 -------------------------------- 4-> c 0 ) o 5 - l CL) CL Smz FSLN Cham Top land ratings This is consistent with the literature noting that the Sandinistas' land reform was so sweeping that it was second only to Cuba's.8 Land distribution under the Somoza family had favored large agro-exporters.9 According to Jonakin (1997), economic growth in the 9 Sinclair (1995,8). Baumeister (1995) noted that 43% of campesinos gained land through agrarian reform, with the figure reaching 60% counting those who had gained legal title to lands which they had already been using. Jonakin (1997) reported that 37% of the rural landless population were able to start working their own land full time . 9 See Baumeister (1995); Black (1981,210); Christian (1985); Collins (1985); Crawley (1979,4); Diederich (1981); Frenkel (1987); Lethander (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 Somoza years had been accompanied by "...dispossession, expulsion, and farm consolidation as thousands of rural peasants lost all or much of their access to farmland." The relatively fewer numbers who received land under Chamorro were mainly demobilized contra combatants and their families.10 Table 8.3 indicates that ownership of land has little economic value to these women.11 Two factors may underlie this: the predominance of men as landowners (while EMPOWER_PTS, ASSETS, and HEALTH apply to women in particular) or it may be due to the difficulties which small producers face under neoliberalism which favors large agro-export. Table 8.3: Effects of Land Access12 yVariable P S G T L P- N ELECTRIC .015 .047 208 BUILDING .007 . 114 206 CAPITAL .007 .222 208 EMPOWER PTS . 005 .528 208 POVERTY . 002 .760 208 ASSETS . 000 .851 208 MEDS .000 . 922 207 HEALTH .001 . 980 207 9(...continued) (1968); Millett (1977); and Walker (1982) for the inequitable distribution of land under Somoza. 10 Chavez Metoyer (1997,117). Approximately 5,000 families were affected. 11 Other correlations (not displayed) found a similarly weak economic effect of ownership of chickens, pigs, or even cows. 12 P=Pearson's R-square was used to measure associations between serial variables. S=Somer's D and G=Gamma and were used for ordinal variables, the former in cases of skewedness (i.e. at least two- thirds of responses in one category). T=Tau and L=Lambda were used to measure associations with at least one nominal variable (the former in cases of skewedness). The markings, ** and *, respectively indicate significance with two-tailed probability no greater than .01 or .05. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 326 Overall, this examination of land tenure offers more evidence identifying these interviewees with the poorer social strata. It also supports the literature on agricultural holdings being primarily male. Ownership of land does not appear to offer great economic advancement, especially in the absence of access to credit. Remittances An examination of money sent from abroad to the interviewees relates to several broader phenomena: chronic war conditions, longstanding unemployment, consumer vs. productive economies, and the development of infrastructure.13 Nicaragua's war history is apparent in the onset of large-scale emigration - in the early 1980s with the contra war. Lancaster (1992,161) reported that up to 15% of Nicaraguans had emigrated during the 1980s. However, economic decay and unemployment have been seen as the chief causes of exit since the mid-1980s. According to the Miami Herald, there were 20,000 Nicaraguans in Miami in 1980. By 1990, their numbers were 50, 000 and by 1999, 125, 000.14 In addition, some 600,000 Nicaraguans were estimated to live in Costa Rica in 1999.15 With chronic under- and unemployment rates between 50 and 70 percent, few can earn a decent standard of living. And as noted by Nobel Prize winner, Irishman John Hume,1 6 13 At the start of the study, there was not a specific question concerning remissions. However, enough women had spontaneously mentioned this phenomenon that an ad hoc variable was compiled based on the fieldwork. 14 Yves Colon. Los Nicaraguenses de Miami dejan su sello en el sur de la Florida. The Miami Herald, reprinted in La Prensa 19 July 1999. 15 El Nuevo Diario 28 March 1999. 16 Los Angeles Times 1 November 1998. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 327 My father once told me you can't eat a flag. If you cannot earn a living in the land of your birth, and you have to go elsewhere to do so, then the land of your birth is not worth much to you. So the import ant thing for people is that they have a decent standard of living... In recent years, income in the form of remittances competes with all other income sources in Nicaragua and is said to affect at least one-third of the population.17 In 1980, remesas accounted for 1.5% of exports, and had risen to 10.6% in 1989, but at the time of these interviews, remissions were estimated to exceed any export crop earnings.10 Estimates have varied from 100 million to 800 million dollars annually to their families in Nicaragua, with the latter figure being more frequently reported.19 But only a few Nicaraguans can claim a decent standard of living. One in five of those interviewed here mentioned receipt of income from family members abroad. (But this figure can be considered an underestimate since only those women who spontaneously mentioned economic support from abroad were marked positively in this variable.) Especially among families near the Costa Rican border (in Laurel Galan and San Carlos), but also among villages in the Interior (such as Asedades and Teustepe), family members had gone abroad to Costa Rica to earn seasonal or long-term money. Near the Honduran border in Teotecacinte, reports of remissions were less frequent. 17 N.Castillo (1998,77), citing Fonseca, Roberto L. 1997. Mas del 30% de los hogares dependen de remesas familiares. El Observador Economico FIDEG 63 (March). 18 Jimenez (1992,59) for 1980, 1989; Envio December 1997, on-line for 1997. According to El Nuevo Diario 9 August 1999, CEPAL estimated 1998 remissions to be $820 million while exports were $640 million. 19 The lower figure is from La Prensa 19 July 1999; the higher figure from La Tribuna 20 March 2000 and from El Nuevo Diario 14 October 1999. In the latter, Reinaldo Antonio Tefel noted that there also were moderate estimates around $300-400 million per year. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 328 This is understandable given the relative poverty of Honduras compared to Costa Rica. Table 8.4 examines items linked to remesas. Table 8.4: Remittances - Influences and Effects (xVariable=EEMIT) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Economic FLOOR .023 .001 205** ELECTRIC .031 .002 207** WALLS .012 .009 205** Other AGE MAR .010 .015 189* EDU_YEARS .008 . 042 202* Economic BUY LARGE .013(s) . 107 205 H20 NOW .010 . 131 193 LATRINE . 008 . 147 204 NUM COW .007 . 171 203 BUILDING .006 . 175 205 SAVINGS .009 . 182 207 FUEL SAME . 007 .228 206 LATRINE NOW .006 .296 201 BUY SMALL .005 .330 207 ROOF .005 .352 206 NUM PIG .005 .455 206 LAND ACCESS .002 .478 207 MEDS . 001 . 656 200 WORK TYPE .003 .796 194 CAPITAL .000 .781 207 NUM CHICK .003 . 921 199 H20_TIME .004 . 965 186 Social FUTURE . 006 .476 122 FAMILY_RANK . 003 . 655 191 Other MARRIED . 002 .822 207 EMPOWER PTS .004 .839 207 HEALTH .001 . 996 206 (yVariable=REMIT) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N WAR Other . 107 .000 206** VILLAGE . 149 .002 207** URBAN .046 .024 207* EDU YEARS . 143 .026 202* WAR 9 7 .052 .030 207* OWN HOME Economic .050 .017 207* ELECTRIC .039 .019 207* HEAD HOUSE Other .018(s) .062 196 HOUSE DENS Economic . 117 .063 207 WORK TYPE .021 .536 194 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 329 Further confirmation of the displacement by the contra war comes from the positive association with REMIT. Correspondingly, there is significance between those affected by the current war-like activities (WAR97) and remittances. Nevertheless, among these 19.8% of the interviewees receiving money from abroad, economic motivations were the most cited cause of their family member's emigration.20 In Miskitu-speaking Tuapi, migration for work was explained with the phrase, "Wark apu" ["(There is) no work."] CEPAL's Diana Pritchard surmises that in Nicaragua the dominant effect of remittances is to increase domestic consumption, with a much smaller effect on housing improvements or savings rates.21 These interviews correspond with her conclusions. There is no evidence that remesas are used as investment in work activities (WORK_TYPE), nor do they lead to significant capital purchases (CAPITAL, BUY_EQUIP, DECISIONS) - including land (LAND_ACCESS) - nor to home improvements (REPAIRS, LATRINE_NOW, H20_N0W). Remittances were noted to lead to some housing improvements: specifically, better FLOOR and WALLS, but not to ROOF, REPAIRS, or overall BUILDING points. The lack of association between remesas and latrine or water (current status or improvements relative to past) is consistent with the researcher's observation that state latrine projects and private NGO projects were more prevalent than individual improvements in these two services. The results of Table 8.4, including those which indicate that more educated and wealthier women (OWN HOME, ELECTRIC) are more 20 As was the case with Smith's 1997 interviews. 21 El Nuevo Diario 9 August 1999. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 330 likely to receive remesas, suggest that economic and capitalist systems operate independently. There is not a single empowerment variable which is significantly altered by the household's receipt of remittances. Nor are the ideological variables affected (RATE_WORK, ISOLATION, ROLE, or 4EVER_WIFE) . D . Colluding Systems: Patriarchy and Poverty Examples of colluding economic and patriarchal systems can, however, be found among my cases. MOBILITY correlates strongly with POVERTY and EMPOWER_PTS, indicating that both systems immobilize women in their homes.22 Table 8.1 revealed that the interviewees' purchases are consistent with a standard patriarchal distribution of resources. Most women were able to buy small items such as soap and cooking oil (13.5% and 15.4% respectively). But those who could not make small purchases were also less likely to have feminist outcomes in the gender division of labor (GENDER_WORK), overall empowerment points (EMPOWER_PTS), family domination (DOMINATED, ABUSE), and ideological assessment of the division of labor (RATE_WORK). Overall, there is some indication that both economic and patriarchal variables prevent women from making even small purchases. Patriarchy and capitalism collide in the case of the lumpenproletariat (poorest of the poor). Conversely, feminist empowerment and economic advancement coincide in the correlation between overall empowerment (EMPOWERED) and women's names on the title of home or land (HOME_WHO, LAND_WHO). On the other hand, POVERTY, the index assessing services in the home, is not correlated with most variables of machista ideology. 22 The sign is negative with POVERTY-EMPOWER_PTS and positive with MOBILITY-EMPOWER PTS. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 331 family domination, or division of work and assets.23 And there are mixed results from two 'subjective' variables used to assess the patriarchal-poverty connection: FAMILY_RANK and FUTURE. Economic factors dominated women's ranking of their families relative to others in the community - with the exception of spouse's alcohol usage. In contrast, most of the economic indicators did not affect women's expectations of the future.24 These results underscore the need to recognize both economic and patriarchal barriers to women's development. One can not assume that gender development will ensue in the case of economic development. The fact that the number of pigs and cows owned, and one's work position or type, do NOT correlate significantly with the poverty index, while they do correlate with the empowerment points shows that these are two separate issues. The two systems occasionally collide but more freguently operate separately. II. STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT PROGRAMS (SAP/ESAF) In the wake of the 1970s petro-dollar flooding of world financial markets, and the subsequent wave of easy credit, much of the developing world found itself with unpayable debts in the 1980s and 1990s. Negotiations with international financial institutions (IFIs), namely the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank 23 The list for family domination variables includes DOMINATED, NO_ABUSE, ABUSE_EVER, NO_WORK, NO_VISIT, DECISIONS, and even SPOUSE_ALCO); for ideology, 4EVER_WIFE, ISOLATION, RATE_WORK, CONSCIOUS, and ROLE; and for division of work and assets, LAUNDRY, GENDER_WORK, and LAND_WHO. 24 Factors not influencing one's expectations of the future included POVERTY, ASSETS, CAPITAL, FAMILY_RANK, BUILDING, and URBAN. More influential were education, paid work, spouse's alcohol usage, a history of abuse, and responsibility for childcare. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 332 (WB) took place on a wide scale and usually led to structural adjustment programs (SAPS).25 These programs have become so pervasive throughout the developing world that the literature on them has exceeded all other development topics.26 The designers of these programs laud their fiscal responsibility, in contrast to that of governments such as the Sandinistas whose social programs, easy credit, protected currency, and other policies inflated budget deficits. Critics of SAP/ESAF note that the emphasis on macroeconomic indicators such as inflation, money supply, and GDP growth are the equivalent of giving a healthy diagnosis to a dying patient. That is, they ignore the costs of unemployment and of increasingly large segments of the population who are unable to access health, education, transportation, and other services.27 Such a commentary was evoked in mid-1998 when the Central Bank President lauded Nicaragua's recent progress in economic indicators (e.g. inflation), school enrolments, numbers of latrines built, and new potable water systems, as well as a decline in the cost of the basic basket. The editors of La Prensa responded that, "It seems that according to the BCN president, the majority of Nicaraguans are doing very well, even though we don't know it and we believe the opposite."20 In contrast 25 For more on the spread of these programs throughout the Third World, see Bello et al. (1994); Cornia, Jolly, and Stewart (1987); Dasgupta (1998,66-137); Emeagwali (1995); Walton and Ragin (1990); and Toussaint (1999). 26 Heward (1999). 27 Hanlon (1996); Illich (1992,93); Kolko (1999); Phillips and Verhasselt (1994,4); and Turshen (1994). Particular to Nicaragua, see Babb (1996); Close (1999); Evans (1995); Quandt (1995,264); Sinclair (1995); and Wiegersma (1994). 28 La Prensa 17 August 1998. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 333 to the Bank's consumer price index report, La Prensa described a 50% increase from January of 1997 to mid-1998, with a 24% decrease in per student education spending relative to 1994, and a concomitant 11% decrease in public health spending. The La Prensa editors added that many of the achievements had occurred through multilateral funding, particularly from Japan, and that while state salaries had soared, consumers and residents were paying the highest taxes of all Central America, all the while suffering the lowest public services. A. The History of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua To review, the first structural adjustment programs in Nicaragua actually occurred without the IMF or World Bank. The Sandinistas cut back somewhat on state spending in 1985, and in 1988 launched a drastic reduction in public employment and spending, as well as a drastic devaluation of the currency, which even Daniel Ortega called "adjustment without the IMF." Some credit the 1990 electoral loss at least in part to this austerity program. Nevertheless, formal SAP/ESAF began in 1991 after the Chamorro regime had instituted its own austerity measures in 1990, proving to the IMF that they were serious candidates for further negotiations. (During the 1980s, the multilateral lenders had participated in the U.S.-led embargo of the Sandinista regime.) Many have noted the disappearance of businesses that ensue in the wake of implementation of SAPs.29 For instance. Close (1999,141) wrote that of the 40,000 small businesses that existed in 1984, only 6,000 were still operating in 1994. By the end of the first year of IMF-led adjustment, almost 16,000 working women had lost their jobs: 29 For example, Toussaint (1999,xxvii) noted: "For the 400 million inhabitants of the former Asian 'dragons' and 'tigers,' IMF has come to mean 'I'M Fired.'" Also see Babb (1996,40). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 334 9,000 agricultural laborers, 3,000 industrial workers, and 3,800 civil servants - including 2,000 in health, 800 in education, and 1, 000 in administration.30 An integral part of much political debate in Nicaragua centers around the evolution of Nicaraguan poverty. Those loyal to the ousted dictator Somoza stress that the Sandinistas' poor management skills and undisciplined budgeting brought about economic deterioration.31 Others blame the nation's poverty on neoliberal belt-tightening and fiscal austerity.32 Numerous sources noted that the gap between rich and poor decreased under the Sandinistas,33 and then increased during the 1990s.34 The richest ten percent of Nicaraguans went from controlling 34.7 percent of income in 1992 to 39.8 percent in 1996 . 35 30 Fernandez (1996,51). 31 See Christian (1985,131); Colburn (1986); Saulniers (1987,116); Spoor (1994,525); and Tello and Tyler (1997). Evidence of increased poverty during the 1980s is even offered by authors more likely to stress the constraints faced by the Sandinistas - such as declining terms of trade, war, and a trade embargo. See Garfield and Williams (1992,215); Ramirez (1997); Stahler-Sholk (1997,83); and Vargas (1993, 137) . 32 For those stating that poverty has deepened in the 1990s, see Aznar et al.{1997,77); Fernandez (1996); Stahler-Sholk (1997,98) and Vargas (1993,47-55). This recalls the original "banana split problem" of starting constraints, but is consistent with those claiming that adjustment favors both the MDCs relative to the LDCs and the capitalists inside a country relative to the poor. See Acevedo (1993); Bello (1994); Berry (1998); McAfee (1991); Payer (1991); Toussaint (1999); Vilas (1993); and the website for the Left Business Observer [www.panix.com/~dhenwood/LoM.html], 33 See Barrett (1992); Frenkel (1987); and Vargas (1993). 34 See Evans (1995,218); McCue (1997); Smith (1997); Stahler-Sholk (1997,95); and Vargas (1993,152). 35 Vargas (1993) for 1992 and N. Castillo (1998,332) for 1996. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 335 One thing is clear. The country was poor in 1979, 1990, and 19 9 7 . 36 Berry (1997) noted that per capita income in 1995 was still 10 percent lower than in 1980. In 1997, per capita debt was $1,296 but income was only $4 3 6 . 37 That figure only covered 80 percent of a single basic basket.36 In order to get past this "banana split problem" where starting poverty levels impede the determination of current progress or poverty, the next sections will rely on the interviewees themselves to rate social capital in the age of adj ustment. B. SAP/ESAF Effects on 208 Families Among my interviewees, few could identify SA.P/ESAF, but two of the women with savings were critical of structural adjustment. The teacher in San Carlos who was working on an agricultural engineering degree (F3) attributed this to her disillusionment with teachers' salaries. The agricultural engineer in Teustepe whose seventeen years of education was second among all others in this study (B22) had lost her job due to downsizing of the public sector. Employment One of the most undeniable effects of SAP/ESAF in Nicaragua has been massive under- and unemployment, which have reached historic highs during the 1990s.36 McCue (1997,66) reported that in 1997 over 40% of Managua's unemployed had been out of work for between one to 36 Close (i999) said that the poverty in 1990 equaled that of 1979. McCue (1997,66) reported that per capita income had fallen below the 1960 level. 37 La Tribuna 13 April 1998. 38 El Nuevo Diario 16 April 1998. 39 Aznar et al. (1997); Babb (1996). Smith (1997,12) noted that the combined under- and unemployment rate in 1996 was approximately 60%, twice the 1989 rate. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 336 three years. Throughout the 1990s combined under- and unemployment has been nearly double the 1989 rate of 32.1 percent. Female unemployment has exceeded male unemployment: affecting 19.4 percent of the female economically active population (EAP) and 11.3 percent of the male EAP in 1994 . 40 As follows under basic economic principles of supply and demand, unemployment and insufficient wages are seen together. Less than one in five (19.4%) of all who were employed in 1994 made enough to buy at least two basic baskets of consumer items.41 In 1997, three-fourths of all Nicaraguan families were living in extreme poverty (McCue 1997,66). Many women whom I interviewed - regardless of their political persuasion - complained about the lack of work during the neoliberal years. One woman from Teustepe related: If there is no work, there is no change. If the government doesn't give jobs, then the situation won't get better.... My husband had work as a day- laborer, then in the mayor's office, and finally in a restaurant. But in '90 they fired him and he hasn't returned to work (with a regular job). Some times there is some work washing ginger - on that farm they returned to the (original) owner. I go when I can. And now with Aleman, there is even more scarcity. There isn't any work at all. We are all just sitting around. Not even [my son] who is an en gineer is working, even though he has an education.42 40 World Development 27(3) March 1999. Special Section on "Women Workers in A Globalizing Economy." These figures are much lower than the usually quoted combined under- and unemployment. 41 Vargas (1993,154). Also see Solorzano (1999). Poverty wages are often defined as being less than the price of two basic baskets. 42 B15: "Si no hay trabajo, no hay ningun cambio. Si el gobierno no da fuentes de trabajo, no se compone Mi esposo tuvo trabajo como mozo, despues en el alcaldia y finalmente en restaurante. Pero en ' 90 le sacaron y no volvio a trabajar (en trabajo fijo). A veces hay trabajo lavando gengible - en esa finca que devolvieron al dueno. Yo voy cuando puedo. Y ahora con Aleman, hay mas escasez. No hay nada de trabajo. Todos estamos sentados. Ni el que es ingeniero esta (continued...) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 337 When asked to rate each regime in terms of availability of work, my interviewees reported a decline after the Somoza years, a trend which has been particularly aggravated during the neoliberal governments (See Figure III below). Figure III: Regime Rating - TOP_WORK Top work ratings 50------------------------------------------------------------------------- 40 30 20 4 _) 10 c <D o >-l n 0- i 0 Somoza FSLN Chamorro Aleman Top work ratings Infrastructure In contrast to the poor rating in terms of work, the neoliberal regimes fare relatively well in the interviewees' assessment of infrastructure over the years - as revealed in Figure IV on the following page. 42 (. . . continued) trabajando aunque es educado." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 338 Figure XV: Infrastructure - Relative to the Past Infrastructure, relative to past 40----------------------------------------------------------------- 30 20 10 j - i c < 1 ) O Infrastructure, relative to past The factor most influencing one's estimation of current infrastructure (INFRA_NOW) was whether one had to haul water. But as will be made clear, social capital can be quite distinct from buildings. For instance, citizens who cannot afford medicines, or school expenses, or fertilizer for their land are questionably benefitted by the presence of this capital. C. Gender Effects of Adjustment Particular to the gender effects of adjustment, there is debate over the strategic influence of paid work, especially relative to the conditions of that work and the potentially increased household responsibilities. Feldman (1992,23) summarized findings from several Latin American cases where changes in men’s behavior created greater acceptance of women’s control of their own wages, but decreased their Much worse Better Much better Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 339 willingness to share household labor. That is, that SAP programs open up employment to women, but create a double day for them when the woman remains responsible for household chores.43 Several authors note that fewer jobs,44 or ones with worse working conditions,45 are open to women relative to men. Most of the new jobs in Nicaragua during the 1990s have been in free trade zones (FTZ) with notoriously bad working conditions.46 Aslanbeigui and Summerfield (1994) contend that the bargaining power of women in the household tends to decrease as economic crisis deepens. They reported that the transition to market planning was coincidental with men participating less in domestic chores (housework and child care). Safa (1995) concluded that domestic violence had decreased with women's increased bargaining power, but that the gender division of labor remained unchanged by women's access to paid labor. Particular to Nicaragua, Perez-Aleman (1992), Fernandez (1996), Babb (1996), and Isbester (1996) coincide in their assessment of the increased household burdens for women during the years of structural adjustment. SAP/ESAF's negative effects on women have been noted to 43 See FIDEG (1991b); Madriz (1991,78); OECD, MAS, and INIM (1992,21); and Perez-Aleman et al. (1987,81). 44 Elson (1991); Funk and Mueller (1993) - on post-socialist countries; and Montecinos (on Chile) and Hatem (on Egypt) in Sparr (1994) . Fewer jobs for Nicaraguan women are noted by Cartwright (1993,90); Fernandez (1996); FIDEG (1992); Chavez Metoyer (1997); Stahler-Sholk (1997,197); Stead (1991,54); and Wiegersma (1994,200). Particular to declining employment for rural women, see Fernandez (1996,63); Gladwin (1991); and Stromquist (1999). 45 Elson (1991,20); FIDEG (1992); Nash (1990,343); Sparr (1994); Tiano (1990); and UNICEF (1987). 46 For literature on the poor pay, work conditions, and labor rights in the FTZ, see Acevedo (1995); Chavez Metoyer (1997); Hosteteler (1995,16); La Boletina 1999 (39:44-46); McCue (1997,75); Reyes (1995); Stahler-Sholk (1997,42); Wiegersma (1994,202); and Zuniga (1997a) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 340 include the shifting of household work to young women (with the subsequent disruption of these women's schooling).'1 7 Research in Nicaragua has associated the years of structural adjustment in Nicaragua with an increase in family violence.48 Anna Fernandez (1996,56) reported that economic frustration increased men's alcohol consumption. Fredersdorf (1993,156) interviewed couples who had separated due to tensions related to the inability to meet their family's consumption needs. Another study by FIDEG (1991b) reported that in some cases, economic crisis had exacerbated irresponsible paternity. In order to assess these changes, the women in my study were asked, "Has the economic crisis changed family relations - either between parents and children, or between husband and wife?" Almost half (40.2%) of 179 women responded affirmatively. Table 8.5: CHANGE_ECON (yVariable=CHANGE ECON) xVariable Category P S G T L P- N AGE EMPOWER_PTS Other .394 .067 . 000 .012 169** 179* LAND_SIZE Economic .227 .016 114* LAW230 EVER WIFE NO ABUSE CONSCIOUS PARTICIPATE Social .040 .001 176** .066(s) .002 151** .042(s) .006 179** .026 (s) .032 179* .022 (s) .047 179* + ★ + + ★ + + + + + + + + + + ★ + * + + * + + * + + + URBAN EDU_YEARS Other .039 .070 .055 .093 179 176 INJUST CAMPAIGN Social .015(s) .006(s) .107 .300 178 179 WORK TYPE WORK ROLE Economic .031 .015 .402 .485 167 167 47 See Aprendiendo a Ser Hermanas. La Boletina (1999, 41:30+); Babb (1996); and Cartwright (1993,67). For similar results outside Nicaragua, see Beneria (1992a); Floro (1995); and Moser (1993). 40 La Tribuna 6 March 2000; Fernandez (1996,59); and McCue (1997,62). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 Table 8.5: CHANGE ECON, (cont.) (yVaxiable=CHANGE ECON) xVariable Category P S G “t l P- N BUILDING Economic .030 . 129 177 POVERTY .024 . 362 179 SPOUSE_ALCO Patriarchy .003 . 934 132 (xVaxiable=CHANGE_ ECON) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Economic BUILDING .222 .003 177 Social LAND LAWS .016 . 177 176 BEST ALEMAN .006 . 536 130 JOIN GROUP .002(s) .597 179 TYPE GROUP .002 .757 179 FUTURE .001 .864 111 FAMILY PLAN .006 .376 166 LEGAL_MAR .049 . 617 163 Economic CAPITAL .007 (s) .273 179 WORK TYPE .007 .317 167 DECISIONS . 001 (s) . 618 179 Other TYPE MAR .018 . 057 163 MARRIED .042 .563 179 EMPOWER_PTS .004 . 915 179 Patriarchy LAUNDRY .013 .069 179 MOBILITY .006 (s) .292 179 NO WORK .004 (s) .400 173 COOKING . 005 .4 92 179 DOMINATED .002(s) . 546 174 GENDER WORK .003 . 720 179 ABUSE HIST . 002 .836 148 NO VISIT .000 .852 176 ABUSE . 000 .878 168 RATE WORK .000 . 939 168 SPOUSE ALCO . 001 . 970 132 The picture painted by the significant associations with CHANGE_ECON is mixed, but it is largely contradictory to the literature on the gender effects of adjustment: • There is no indication that the tendency to be an unpaid housewife or family member underwent any change during the 1990's (WORK TYPE). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 342 Those who reported changes in the family due to economic crisis were no more likely to be involved in social group (JOIN_GROUP, TYPE_GROUP). Nor is there evidence that economic crisis is associated with increases in family violence (ABUSE, NO_WORK, DOMINATED) .49 • Unfortunately, spousal alcohol use is not less likely in these families (SPOUSE_ALCO), but neither is it more likely among those reporting crisis-led changes. • In contrast to earlier (1993) interviews in Malpaisillo, women reporting economic-induced changes in the family, were not more likely to be using contraception (FAMILY_PLAN). It appears that women who are already conscienticized (through political awareness and participation) are those who say that the economic crisis has changed family relations.50 Two-thirds of those who say that women will no longer be responsible for household chores (EVER_WIFE) also say that the recent economic crisis has changed household relations, but the reverse causality is minimal: only 30% of those who report crisis-led changes expect a change in household division of labor. That is, for most women, the economic crisis has brought about a change other than a shift in the gender division of labor. Here my findings coincide with the literature on structural adj ustment. 49 This holds true even if SAP/ESAF have made overall economic status more precarious. As seen with numerous variables (ELECTRIC, APPLIANCE, BUILDING, NUM_PIG, NUM_CHICK, NUM_COW, BUY_LARGE, POVERTY), economic well-being does not affect the likelihood of abuse). 50 Since the links are statistically significant in both directions, it is impossible to decipher the chicken from the egg - purely mathematically. But logic would weigh prior participation more heavily than economic crisis as a factor in consciousness-raising. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 343 As mentioned above, one way to understand the impact of SAP/ESAF on the daily life of campesinas is to examine the nature of their agricultural production. The following section addresses this issue. D . SAP/ESAF and Agricultural Production Much of structural adjustment theory is based on the claim that over-valued exchange rates, such as those under the Sandinistas, favor urban residents and harm rural producers.51 Evans (1995,15) terms this the "The Myth of Improved Producer Prices," noting that in Central America this has not been the case, especially not in 'real' producer prices which factor in the input costs.52 Other theorists echo this risk to small producers in adjusting countries.53 Even the IMF's Kahn and Knight (1985,16) admitted that, "devaluation can also increase the domestic currency price of imported inputs, and if the demand for them is inelastic, total production would decline." It appears that this has been the case in Nicaragua.54 Fernandez (1996,63) reported that due to SAP/ESAF, 13,000 female agricultural laborers, along with 25,000 male workers, had lost their 51 See, for example, Zuvekas' (1997) review article. 52 For more on price elasticities which vary from the hypothesized reactions, see Cartwright (1993); Fiedler (1999); Palmer (1991); Smith (1997); and Stromquist (1999). 53 See Asthana (1994,58); Carnoy (1998); Fuess and Lee (1994,158); Floro (1994,124); Gladwin (1991); Reimers and Tiburcio (1993); Sparr (1994); Toussaint (1999,16) and Zuvekas (1997). Particular to Nicaraguan small producers, see Baumeister (1995,258); Cartwright (1993); Evans (1995,15); FIDEG (1992); Jonakin (1997); La Prensa 19 March 2000; and Smith (1997,30). 54 Gitli (1997,92) noted that exports reached their historic maximum in 1978, at 64 6 million dollars and that "The decline from that point was nearly permanent." Also see Smith (1997). Evans (1995,39) noted declining food production in the 1990s. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 344 jobs. And Cartwright (1993) delineated several ways in which the campesinos have been the most affected in Nicaragua: • declines in potable water, latrine, and health services, trade liberalization leading to stiff competition from other Central American foods whose inputs - fuel, transport costs - are lower than in Nicaragua, a higher percentage of withdrawal of children to earn income among female headed households and rural families, credit cut off to small (and medium) producers. Credit for small producers all but evaporated in the 1990's. In 1990, state banks funded 150,000 manzanas of corn. This had dropped down to close to 20,000 manzanas two years later, and to 0.2 in 1996.55 In general, SAPs revolve around a transition to large agroexportation (Kolko 1999). And in Nicaragua, by the end of the decade, the majority of small and medium producers had little access to loans.56 Of the women interviewed for this study, two-thirds (68.3%) had never received any credit. Part of this can be attributed to machismo. For instance, in Latin America and the Caribbean as a whole, female recipients of credit are only seven to 11 percent of the total (UNDP 1995). However, the lack of credit can also be partially attributed to changing regimes. In 1988, there were 102.2 thousand families receiving credit from the national development bank. In 1991, the 55 BCN 1997 III (6). The decline in credit for beans was almost as dramatic - from 57.0 to 0.2 manzanas in the first six neoliberal years. 56 See La Prensa 19 March 2000, and Acevedo (1993,112); Chavez Metoyer (1997); Jonakin (1997); McCue (1997,73); Sinclair (1995); Stahler-Sholk (1997); and Vargas (1993,77). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 345 number had reduced to 31.7 thousand, and by 1995, it was 12.57 Without access to official sources of credit, small producers were left facing usurious rates such as 44 percent interest.5 0 Smith's interviews with 108 households in 1996 underscored the credit constraint for small and medium producers. Only 18% of her interviewees identified accessibility of land as a factor in their production decisions. She noted (on p.57) that, "It is not the binding constraint. But over 4 5% said that the lack of credit has affected their ability to produce basic grains." None of her 108 interviewees got credit from the Banks in the 1990-96 period, although they did seek it. Figure V: TOP_CREDIT Top credit ratings 60 50 40 30 20 4 - > c 10 a; o 57 Baumeister (1995,259). Also see Jonakin (1997). 50 See Prevost (1997,20). Smith (1997,45) reported similar rates. Smz period FSLN era Chamorro era Aleman era Top credit ratings Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 346 When asked to rate their family's access to credit, the majority of interviewees in this study named the Sandinista period as the most favorable (See Figure V on the previous page). This is consistent with the policies previously discussed. Crop diversification and disposition Most farm families in this study grow corn and beans.59 More than two-thirds of producers rely on corn as their main crop (CR0P1). Only 18 families sowed more than four crops (CROPS). Relationships revealing difficulties for subsistence farmers include that of CR0P1- MEDS (just beyond the level of significance): those whose main crop is corn are less likely to have access to medicines than those whose main yield is from beans, coffee, or another crop. My data suggest that the neoliberal emphasis on agro exportation may have it half-right. Getting a person to diversify is not likely to change their poverty level, but having a certain amount of wealth does increase a person's ability to diversify. Table 8.6: Diversification of Crops xVariable yVariable P S G T L P- N MEDS CROP1 .030 .000 133** POVERTY .051 . 006 138** CROP1 EMPOWER PTS . 048 .590 138 MEDS . 107 .077 133 POVERTY .076 .114 138 DECISIONS .087 . 156 138 BUY LARGE .081 .206 136 BUY SMALL .069 . 304 138 CAPITAL .017 . 970 138 Some families sold a portion of last year's beans to Guatemalans or Salvadorans, but as a whole, these families are not involved in much agroexport. They represent that large proportion of 59 This next section addresses the slightly more than half of the interviewees who grow any crops at all (N=138). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 347 the Nicaraguan population that is ignored, or possibly intended to be made obsolete, by SAP/ESAF's shift to large agroexport. As shown in Figure VI (below), very little of their crop production is sold. Among all producers, 59.2% (or 36.8% of the 208 interviewees) consumed all of their output. As an aside, an examination of this Figure could lead to an underestimation of the theft problem. Theft was a widely reported problem, but SELL_FOOD logs the disposition of the majority of one's crops. Figure VI: Disposition of Crops (SELL_FOOD) Sale of crops 40 -------------------------------------------- Sale of crops There were only eight cases where the family sold all of their agricultural output and another seven who sold most of it. Who are these 15 cases? Five of the eight who sold everything were from Teotecacinte, a town on the Honduran border. Nine of the fifteen Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 348 were either on this northern border or from San Carlos, by the Costa Rican border. The following table explores these cases.60 Table 8.7: A Sub-Sample of Agricultural Output (Sold All & Sold Most) Town (Case#) Sold All Sold Most BUILDING (0-25 points) POVERTY (scale) "Rich"=0 CAPITAL EMPOWER (0-62 points) Jinot(J1) X 23 0 Yes 43 Teote(G7) X 23 0 Yes 37 LauGa(C19) X 22 0 No 32 Teote(G4) X 22 0 No 11 Teote(G18) X 21 0 Yes 36 LauGa(Cl) X 19 1 No 44 LauGa(C17) X 19 3 No 15 Teote(G17) X 15 0 Yes 43 SanJl(L10) X 15 0 No 16 Aseda(A2) X 15 2 No 23 Teote(G10) X 15 2 No 19 Huisp(D8) X 12 1 No 17 Teote(G13) X 10 3 No 29 LosRo(M15) X 6 2 No 23 Aseda(A9) X 6 3 No 8 There is much variability among these fifteen cases in terms of the different economic variables. For instance, it might be reasonable to assume that those who sold all of their product were wealthier than those who consumed part. But this is not supported by 60 To review, the poverty index, POVERTY, covers housing factors included in BUILDING (i.e. floor, walls, roof, water, electricity, and appliances), plus access to a latrine and the family's ownership of home(s). CAPITAL, constituted by ASSETS, SAVINGS, and RENT_TO, refers more to a woman's control of capital. ASSETS is positive if the woman considers herself the owner of the home or land (ASSETS). INVEST refers to having invested in a business (INVEST), and RENT_TO indicates having rented out capital equipment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 349 the variables concerning BUILDING, or POVERTY, or CAPITAL. The second wealthiest person in Table 8.7, the owner of a venta in Teotecacinte, still was poor enough that she could not afford a babysitter: I leave my two youngest kids [four and five years old] locked up in the house when I have to go out to make purchases [from 11 a.m. until their sister gets home from high school at 2 p.m.]. That's how I help them [by running the store] .61 Six of the fifteen interviewees came from Teotecacinte. Table 8.7 reveals that not all of these people are wealthy relative to the other interviewees, but it is worth mentioning that the town reflects a few select Nicaraguan villages and cities which have greatly benefitted from solidarity relationships abroad. In this case, sister-city relations with Boulder and Glenwood Springs, Colorado have existed since 1989. According to one woman (G18), Although the people are poorer [in terms of income], we live better because of the projects. [Since 1990] there has been a water project, a grade school, high school, community center, women's bakery, women's sewing cooperative, men's carpentry cooperative, and community reforestation project. One common misperception about Nicaraguan politics is that only the poor support the Sandinistas and only the rich support Aleman's Liberal administration. This sub-sample of fifteen contradicts that notion. Even among those of similar housing and crop disposition, there is also much variability in political persuasion. As mentioned elsewhere, Teotecacinte is largely a pro-Sandinista town. Most made remarks such as this 42-year old mother of five (G18), whose teaching job had been eliminated during the neoliberal period. She noted that, "During the Revolution there was childcare, but not now." Yet 61 G7: "Dejo encerrados a mis dos hijos menores [de 4 y 5 anos] cuando tengo que ir a comprar [desde las 11 hasta las dos de la tarde cuando viene la hermana del Instituto]. Asi les ayudo." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 350 in another house in the same town, one husband burst angrily into the room when his wife was asked if the current economic crisis had affected family relations. He declared. What crisis? [I ask this] because governments pro voke economic crises and this government is good. . . . Everything is available.... Any government that has good relations with the United States is good for Nicaragua.... It was only when the communists were here that we were strung up by the neck.62 Among the sub-sample of fifteen, many were relatively wealthy, such as one home with its television, stereo, refrigerator, and bicycle rack. The woman from Asedades whose story is revealed in Table 8.8 (on the next page) offers a stark contrast. Yet many elements of this woman's story are reflected in the other fourteen. Comparisons between her situation and the others offer insight into the effects of structural adjustment. Although she was unable to identify SAP/ESAF, this woman from Asedades nevertheless offered information which allows an assessment of the impact on her family - in terms of her brothers' emigration, her husband's unemployment, her children's education, her own credit problems, as well as the potential for political instability. Themes arise in her story that echo among the rest of the sub-sample. The list includes inadequate water supply (M15, Cl, L10, and A9), withdraw of children from school (G10, G13, M15), unemployment in the family (A9, C17, D8, G10, and G18), emigration for work (A9, C17), problems repaying an NGO loan due to devaluation (M15), and even patriarchal problems in the family (G7, A9, G4). 62 G4: " £,Cual crisis? Porque son los gobiernos que provocan las crisis economicas y este gobierno es bueno... hay de todo... cada gobierno que tiene buenas relaciones con los EEUU es bueno para Nicaragua... solo cuando habia los comunistas, nos tenian ahorcados." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 351 Table 8.8: One Woman's Story - "Poverty Has a Woman's Face" In the poorest of the fifteen households which sold all or most of their output lives a 36-year old mother of six (A2). In 1997, she shared a home with her father and brother, having separated from her husband in the previous year. The family's poverty was reflected in the fact that the squash which they sowed for sale in the nearby town of Boaco was grown adjacent to the house "...on that dry, rocky hill which really isn't useful farmland, but my father doesn't have any other land." Their home had just been repaired after a bull had knocked a hole in the living room wall. She said, "We repaired it ourselves, with dirt from the river." Without running water, she spent one half-hour each day hauling six to eight (five-gallon) buckets from the well. With nonchalance, she announced that during the past year, "I got sick with malaria four times, but I went to the Empalme [a 40-minute walk away], and they gave me the medicine." Unable to find work locally, her brothers had spent the last five years in Costa Rica. Because of her husband's unemployment, the children's education was curtailed: My two eldest got to fourth grade and they left due to money problems. Their dad doesn't have a job and you need money to pay for exams, shoes, etc. Last year the teacher told me it is free, and that I should keep the children in school, but you have to buy books, uniforms, shoes. This year we just have the one in first grade and the other in second. Unlike most interviewees, she had taken a loan. The protestant group CEPAD had given her credit to raise chickens, and she made the first four payments on the loan. Then devaluation made her loan payments impossible, and she sold off part of her chickens. The rest subsequently got sick and died, and she was left still owing for ten Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 352 Table 8.8: One Woman's Story - "Poverty Has a Woman's Face" (cont.) chickens. There had been a recent community meeting concerning the Aleman administration's promise to electrify the village: The man who gathered us together said that if the government doesn't behave well, we'll throw it out of power... that we have to come together to see if the government complies with what it says, and if not, we'll get rid of them. Traditional patriarchal ideology was evident in her response to BEST_WORK. When asked to identify which administration had been the best in terms of work, she replied, "I don't know. I don't go out - just to the river [to haul water] or to the Empalme [for health care]." When asked if men or women work harder, she replied, "The man works more, but women's work is invisible. He can rest on Sunday, and he can throw back his beers, if he drinks.... Poverty takes the form of a woman's face."63 ★ ★★★★★★★★★★★★★★★•A'*****************************************.*-*.**-*--*-****-*- Structural adjustment-induced problems such as rising utility rates were reported not only by the poor, but even among one woman wealthy enough to have a sewing machine, nice tables and chairs, fine tablecloths, nicely painted walls, a fan, books for her daughter, and many rings on her fingers. Even such an apparently well-off woman said that her monthly teaching salary of 500 cordobas [50 dollars] sometimes left her owing for rice, sugar, and soap. Another woman who had sold all her crops, and who had capital assets (i.e. CAPITAL) said, "In 1996, electricity cost 12, 13 pesos per month. Now it 63 "El hombre trabaja mas, pero no se mira el trabajo de la mujer. £l puede descansar el domingo, y el puede echar sus cervezas, si toma La pobreza tiene la figura de mujer." On a subsequent visit in 1999, electricity had been installed in most of Asedades. By August of 2000, there was still no running water. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 353 comes to 78 pesos. We [only] have one light bulb, a radio, the television, and once a week I iron."6* Multiple participants registered deep dissatisfaction with two problems. These were not mentioned in Table 8.8 but were general to most of the 208 interviews. In the sub-sample alone, difficulty paying for medicines and/or health care was mentioned five times (by A9, G10, M15, G17, and G18). Six participants complained of rising utility rates (C19, Cl, G17, G7, L10, and M15). These problems could provoke other community meetings where the leaders express their frustration with the government by threatening to "throw it out of power." While Nicaragua's political instability has multiple causes, including the war history, it may be that the contrast between campaign promises (i.e. to bring running water and electricity to communities like Asedades) and the budgetary restraints associated with SAP/ESAF will deepen the political crisis. Ill . WORK AND EMPOWERMENT A. Colluding Systems: Patriarchy and Poverty - Housewives The importance of having one's own income arises in situations of patriarchal family relations. The situation of one woman in San Carlos brought to mind Taylor's (1994) observation that, "When men are the only source of income, women have to compete for every crumb of the patriarch's cake." A 35-year old mother of four (F4), with four years of schooling, and a prior job history as a pharmacy technician was living in one of the finest houses among these interviewees. Her home had a beautiful tile floor, beveled windows and walls, a refrigerator, flush toilet, and liquid gas stove. But G18: "En '96 la luz nos costaba 12, 13 pesos por mes. Ahora salio a 78 pesos. Tenemos una bujilla, la radio, el televisor, y una vez a la semana plancho." The bills went from near $1.25 in 1996 to $7 in 1997 . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 354 she sadly told the story of her philandering alcoholic husband, who was seen preening in the mirror briefly, enroute to what she claimed was a rendezvous with his girlfriend. He had stopped giving the wife any money, including for their children, and she said she felt trapped by the fact that he was the sole owner of the house and all their belongings. Patriarchal influences on women's work exist at varying levels. At the most extreme are those whose husbands refuse to allow them to work outside the home (NO_WORK). Almost one of five (16.6%) reported this situation. As a rule, Nicaraguan women say that they do not work, considering only paid labor outside the home as "work" and identifying this as a man's role. Correspondingly, only 13.1% identified productive work as their main ROLE in life. In the countryside, where women are much less likely to engage in paid labor (as shown subsequently in Table 8.9), the cultural undervaluation of women's work can be expected to have an even greater impact on family relations. Nevertheless, even in more urban areas, where the identification with "work" is not as strictly tied to the masculine gender, those who stay in the home often report that they do no work. In general, farm work remains a largely male activity, which has important implications for control issues in an increasingly commoditized economy. Some older interviewees noted that they used to make their own soaps, and grind their tortillas by stone, but that now they buy hand-cranked machines, or send to the local mill for tortilla grinding, and buy all of their household toiletries. B. Colliding Systems: Patriarchy and Paid Work Despite the fact that paid work may have limited economic benefits, some feminist literature has identified the empowering impact of employment. Various effects have been suggested: greater Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 355 self-esteem, increased bargaining power within the family, and a higher proportion of household income dedicated to the family's needs (rather than to luxury items).65 Ross and Rapp (1997,162) identify a practical benefit to providing jobs to women: delayed age at first marriage. Semi-strategic transformation But paid work may provoke an incomplete collision with patriarchy - (that is, that it does not completely liberate women from their oppression). Negative effects of women's involvement in paid work have also been identified. As capitalism has taken an increasingly globalized form, women have found themselves with less desirable work conditions and pay than those enjoyed by men.66 Diamond, Newby and Varle (1999,42) reported that employment in tedious factory work can actually accelerate marriage - envisioned as an escape valve from the loathsome work. Gal (1997,130) talks of Hungarian women's resentment of the state's efforts to incorporate women into the paid workforce, without any accompanying shifts in household responsibilities. And as presented by Ross and Rapp (1997,160), this case parallels the Bastardy Laws in 19th century England. Both are examples of advances in practical interests which incompletely attack gender oppression since they do not address ideology and root causes. Furthermore, increased involvement in wage work by women may have an adverse effect on their daughters, due to the increase in domestic labor demands placed on the latter (Fuller and Liang 1999,209). This case was noted among several of my interviewees, 65 Ferguson (1991); Haider (1996); Lancaster and di Leonardo (1997) and Taylor (1994). 66 See Klein (1997); and Mitter (1986). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 356 including one of the CIERA cases, "Amalia." At the time of the 1997 interviews, she was working six days per week as a domestic employee, while her fifteen-year old daughter was in charge of the household laundry, shopping, cooking, and child care for two younger siblings. Within two years, the daughter had dropped out of school and was pregnant with her first child. The following section explores some of the antecedent conditions to women's entrance into the paid labor force. C. Influences on Paid Work Gender ideology in Nicaragua creates a sort of "glass floor" prohibiting women from entering the labor force (in contrast to the "glass ceiling" encountered by women in MDCs who experience sexism at the top of the career ladder). Patriarchy also affects the type of work position held by women who find some work other than housework (WORK_ROLE). The most accepted traditional role is to assist other family members - sometimes a female elder, but generally one's spouse or father. As will be seen below, the roles taken by the great majority of my interviewees are consistent with the lack of female leadership in a heavily machista society. Type of work The WORK_TYPE variable, displayed in Figure VII (on the next page), shows that the predominant chief occupation of these women is housework. Over half of the women list this as their prime activity,67 followed by sales (13.6%), and services - including food preparation (10.6%). Some of the women involved in work other than housework still are chiefly based in the home. Output from the WHERE_WORK variable shows that 80.9% work inside the home. 67 These results are comparable to the 66 percent of the CDC's 1992 interviewees. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure VII: WORK TYPE 357 Type of Work 70 60 50 40 30 20 4J C 0) 10 O Q j 0 Housework Sales Crafts Services (e.g.food) Fieldwork Other Type of Work Factors precipitating women's involvement in work outside the house are covered in Table 8.9 (on the following page). The two variables described are both marked by a heavy representation of unpaid family members. But to be clear, WORK_TYPE indicates type of activity - ranging from housewife to services and crafts (and other unspecified paid work). WORK_ROLE indicates type of remuneration, which places both housewives and other unpaid family members into the same group. Two-thirds of these study subjects (64.9%) are unpaid family members. Another quarter (26.8%) are self-employed (e.g. informal street vendors), 7.2% are employees, and only 1.0% employ others. Women who are likely to have some paid work are far from homogenous. They tend to be found in more urban areas (no patriarchal bias), have experienced abuse (virulent patriarchy), and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 358 consider themselves owner of home or land (ASSETS - indicating empowerment of an economic nature). Not shown, but highly significant, is the association between AJ3USE (in the past year) and being prevented from work (NO_WORK). Women under the age of 30 (AGE_LEVEL) were more likely to be prohibited from working outside the house (NO_WORK). The most dramatic cut-point (in terms of t- test) occurs after age 38 . 60 Indicating machismo de mujer, women who are prevented from working outside the home are most likely to name their greatest ROLE in life as "mother." Table 8.9: Influences on Work Type and Position xVariable yVariable P S G T L P- N URBAN WORK TYPE . 120 .036 195* MARRIED .062 .000 195** ABUSE EVER .035 .001 145** ASSETS .012 .041 195* AGE . 072 .099 185 EDU YEARS -.024 . 623 190 POVERTY -.014 .832 195 LAND_ACCESS .022 .522 195 RATE WORK WORK ROLE . 191 .001 173** TYPE GROUP -.193 .005 194** AGE -.102 .012 185* LAND ACCESS .075 .002 194** JOIN GROUP .002 .005 194** 4 EVER_WIFE .068 .015 154* TOTAL KID -.081 .057 194 URBAN -.098 .066 194 EDU YEARS .061 .520 189 The fact that those with a history of domestic violence are more likely to be involved in paid work . suggests that this is a default position for women who have been oppressed and need to escape. This is quite different from entering the workforce with 60 The t-test of equal variances was -2.713, d.f. 186, p=.007**. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 359 human capital skills such as education or work-related experiences.69 The MARRIED-WORK_TYPE connection between women who are separated from their spouses and involved in paid work also points to the underbelly of machismo where abandonment by husbands propels women into the workforce. But the association with EVER_WIFE indicates that some empowering processes may also propel women towards paid work. Women who are more likely to say that men will help with chores are more likely to have paid work. Of course, this situation places one in the group of outliers living in the upper tail of the empowerment curve. Feminist dialectics are indicated in the relationships between group membership (TYPE_GROUP, JOIN_GROLJP) , or access to land, and one's type of work: FP/PI - * ■ FP/FI. That is, that social group membership may break through patriarchal ideologies preventing women from entering the workforce. Women who have land and who work outside the home are more likely to be involved in fieldwork (LAND_ACCESS-WORK_ROLE) , but the mere ownership of land does not increase the likelihood of paid work (LAND_ACCESS-WORK_TYPE). However, rural women in general, including the landless, are generally unpaid family members, and if they engage in paid work, rural status is not associated with any particular type of work. It is only in Managua where the likelihood of being an unpaid family member drops considerably. This may be due to the extreme commodification that occurs in metropolitan areas. Even in the next largest town, Teustepe, women were likely to have small gardens and/or farm animals in the backyard, or patio. 69 For instance, Vargas (1993,233) noted that of female heads of household, 56.2% had no schooling or incomplete primary, and 70.1% of those were living in poverty. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 360 Women and farm labor When asked about participation in FIELDWORK, 39.0% had done farm work at some point in the past, 23.8% currently worked the fields, and 37.3% never had. The work of clearing the land for planting (WEEDING), which is done by tractors and other machinery in developed countries, is back-breaking machete labor in Nicaragua. Not surprisingly, none of these families had this as an exclusively female activity. But weeding involved both male and female members in 21.3% of the 128 cases (where respondents told of the division of agricultural chores within their family). Once the fields are cleared, women do assist with PLANTING. But the greatest female participation was reported at HARVEST time, with 25.0% of this task being done by both genders, and in one case (0.8%), the woman did this alone. Table 8.10 shows the division of labor in regards to farm chores. Table 8.10: Gender Division of Farm Labor (Percentage of N=128) Planting Prep/Weeding Harvest Men/Kids 68.8 71.6 67.2 Men/Women/Kids 22.7 21.3 25.0 Kids alone 7.0 7. 1 7 . 0 Women/Kids 1. 6 0.0 0.8 A woman's participation in fieldwork is commonly interpreted as a sign of poverty. Women who are responsible for WEEDING, the hardest and most traditionally male labor, are often seen as especially disadvantaged. However, some women expressed the desire to participate in fieldwork, in order to gain access to income, and some said that their husbands refused to allow this. Although it is very hard work, it appears that women do gain independence from this Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 361 activity. Women who do the WEEDING do gain some control (BUY_SMALL, EMPOWER_PTS) without becoming rich (BUY_LARGE) or EMPOWERED. D. Influences of Paid Work One of the problems that makes paid work an incomplete transition to feminism is that of the double day. Involvement in fieldwork (PLANTING, WEEDING) does not make it more likely that one's family will help wash clothes (LAUNDRY). And those doing farmwork are not better able to free themselves from family oppression (DOMINATED). Women's double burdens are revealed in the lack of relationship between WEEDING and EVER_WIFE - that is, working outside the house in a traditional male activity does not free women from expecting sole responsibility of household tasks. However, as will be shown later in Table 8.11, paid work does have several empowering effects. Not captured in the statistical analysis, is the particular case of women who run little drygoods stores (known as ventas or pulperias) out of part of their home. Ventas: Mom and Pop storefronts In several places, women reported envy of those who managed such a pulperia. One typical comment came from a 27-year old who spent her days selling food on buses between her town and the next (C7). She complained that "those who have their ventecitas, that helps them. The rest of us are poor." And it seemed that these women did have more ease in buying commodities for their families. But the women doing this work highlighted the many demands involved. A woman from Teustepe (B28) noted, "They knock on my door when it is still dark outside. I have to get up at 2 a.m. when we kill a pig - to clean it all before they come looking to buy from the venta." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 362 Often the appearance of wealth is just that. One owner of a venta in Laurel Galan (C13) noted, I bought this fridge on discount. I gave the down payment. And now the electricity costs 350 cordobas [35 dollars] per month. Of 100 cordobas [10 dollars] of [her home-made ice cream], I earn three [30 cents], but it does help with the kids. If they see other kids with helado, they are going to ask their mom for it, and it hurts not to be able to give it to them. This way I can give it to them without paying someone else. More Table general effects of work type and position are seen below. 8.11: Work Influences on Patriarchy & Economic Status (xVar iable=WORK_TYPE) Category yVariable P S G T L P- N Other EMPOWER_PTS .428 .000 195** Social RATE WORK -.226 .001 173** FUTURE . 186 .026 115* Patriarchy COOKING . 141 .040 185* Economic CAPITAL . 179 .000 195** DECISIONS . 142 .000 195** CROP1 .076 .000 131** CROPS . 062 .038 180* FUEL_SAME . 059 .045 194* Social FAMILY RANK . 135 .068 178 SAP/ESAF . 045 .067 192 ROLE .032 .791 129 Patriarchy GENDER WORK .104(s) . 152 185 CHILD CARE -.068(s) .234 161 DOMINATED . 033 . 104 186 4EVER_WIFE . 039 .305 154 Economic POVERTY -.014 .832 195 BUILDING -.013 .852 193 HOUSE DENS -.003 .970 195 ASSETS .033 .269 195 MEDS . 027 .410 188 SAVINGS . 018 .627 195 (xVar iable=MARKET) Other EMPOWER PTS .486 .000 205** Economic FUEL SAME . 008 .425 204 MEDS .001 .854 198 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 363 Table 8.11: Work Influences on Patriarchy & Economic Status, (cont.) (xVariable=WORK ROLE) Category yVariable P S G T L p. N Other EMPOWER PTS -.558 . 000 194** HEAD_HOUSE . 110 .000 183** Social RATE_WORK .256 . 001 173** Economic BUY SMALL .295 .000 194** DECISIONS . 182 .000 194** BUY LARGE . 151 . 000 193** SAVINGS .077 . 002 203** Other ANYKID MORT -.125 . 101 194 CHILD_MORT -.056 .453 180 Social CONSCIOUS .011 . 557 193 Economic MEDS .029 . 144 188 Patriarchy GENDER WORK -.110 .069 194 ABUSE HIST -.127 . 324 152 DOMINATED .033 . 104 186 ABUSE .015 .448 178 EVER WIFE .005 .471 154 Women involved with paid work do gain some economic power (DECISIONS, CAPITAL, FUEL_SAME, BUY_SMALL, BUY_LARGE). That is, purchasing power, some capital ownership and control, as well as one's cooking fuel, all are likely to improve. Other economic variables are unaffected by type of work. (These include SAVINGS, POVERTY level, access to MEDS, as well as numbers of chickens or pigs, and home or land ownership.) As commented in Chapter Three, particularly common is the inability to afford medicines. Still, it is striking that these remain out of reach regardless of work type or position. The lack of association with BUILDING shows that one's salary rarely is dedicated to home improvements. Although paid work (WORK_TYPE) does increase empowerment points, it does not correlate with changes in family domination (DOMINATED) nor in men's labor (GENDER WORK). Thus, it is natural Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 364 that paid work does not alter women's expectations of the wife's exclusive responsibility for housework (4EVER_WIFE). Other ideological variables, such as ROLE, are unaffected by women's occupation, but RATE_WORK is. Women engaging in paid work are more likely to evaluate women's work as greater. Given the lack of correlation with other ideological variables, TYPE_WORK— RATE_WORK can be interpreted as another indicator of the double day. The distinction between economic and patriarchal empowerment becomes clear when examining a woman's work position (WORK_ROLE). While she may advance in some economic power (DECISIONS, CAPITAL) and purchasing power (BUY_SMALL, BLJY_LARGE), being a paid employee or even a boss does not alter a woman's likelihood of experiencing domestic violence (DOMINATED), nor is she more likely to be politically aware (CONSCIOUS) . The relationships between JOIN_GROCJP and TYPE_GROCJP with both WORK_TYPE and WORK_ROLE show the important role that NGOs and other development groups are playing in women's economic advancement. Many of these groups foster leadership skills and offer unparalleled opportunities for women's economic development. Overall, paid work, and one's position at work, are shown to have some beneficial effects both on economic standing and patriarchal relations, but the transition is only partial in both instances. IV. CONCLUSIONS In summary, questions addressed in this chapter included the following: 1. What is the overall economic status of these interviewees? Among the eight empowerment variables, economic empowerment was second lowest (after political consciousness). All of these interviewees were relatively poor - owning little livestock and only Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 365 small parcels of land, with weak purchasing power and few capital investments, living in poorer housing conditions than the norm, and relying mostly on firewood for cooking fuel. Thus, although the geographic variation in the interviews was great, the economic variation was scant. This can be partially attributed to the dissertation being a follow-up study of poor campesinas and partly due to the great prevalence of poverty among Nicaragua's population. Maybe because the amount of land held by the interviewees tended to be small, they were more fortunate in terms of their access to secure title than is common in Nicaragua. Of the 97 who knew the status of their family's land documents, 39% had the most desirable public deed. But land was not a strong predictor of economic success - compared, for instance with education and paid work. The examination of remittances pointed to the costs of chronic unemployment, and the non-productive nature of Nicaragua's top source of international exchange. The lack of impact on water or latrine service exposes the need for state provision of these services. The connection between receipt of remesas and delayed marriage or increased education is a hopeful sign. 2. How does economic status affect empowerment? The fact that rich and poor women were just as (un)likely to have their name on the land title shows that patriarchy and economic development can coincide in their oppression. Not surprisingly, the poverty index is (negatively) correlated with a few empowerment indicators - most notably, total empowerment points, as well as MOBILITY and age at first marriage. The links between machismo and poverty were also indicated when both economic and patriarchal variables were seen as barriers to women making small purchases. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 366 Nevertheless, the poverty index did not significantly affect several characteristics of machista domination (i.e. decision-making in the family, domestic violence, and being prevented from travel or work). Nor did POVERTY affect ideology (i.e. expectations that the wife will maintain sole responsibility of household work, rating men's work as greater than women's, identifying oneself primarily as mother, or political consciousness), or the division of work (i.e. gender division of labor, including in the heaviest work, laundry). Subjective evaluations of the future and of one's ranking in the community indicate that patriarchy and poverty are not entirely separate forces in the minds of the interviewees. Ranking of the family's status in the community was primarily affected by economic factors (latrine, building, number of cows, years of education, access to liquid capital and land), but it is also (negatively) affected by the patriarchal variable related to spouse's alcohol use. Thus, this examination of economic status shows that some patriarchal mores may depress a woman's economic opportunities but that economic success may occur even in the context of machismo. 3. And how does machismo affect economic status? Patriarchal influences on women's work exist at varying levels. At the most extreme are those whose husbands refuse to allow them to work outside the home. Almost one of five reported this situation. At a lesser level, gender ideology affects the type of work position held by women. The most accepted traditional role is to assist other family members' work - sometimes a female elder, but generally one's spouse or father. Nearly two-thirds of these interviewees were unpaid family members. In the countryside, women are much less likely to engage in paid labor. The extreme physical demands of agricultural labor. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 367 along with patriarchal stereotypes, prevent most campesinas from an independent access to income. One of the problems is that of the double day. Involvement in fieldwork does not make it more likely that one's family will help wash clothes. The fact that one of the strongest predictors of paid work is a history of domestic violence indicates the nature of employment in which these women may be engaged. It is not so much based on their unique human capital (education or work experience) but on their survival needs. In addition, the high percentage of separated women among those doing work other than housework indicates that those who have experienced the underbelly of machismo - abandonment by their husbands - are propelled into the workforce. This conclusion is enhanced by the lack of correlation between type of work and age, poverty, or years of schooling. These ideological and machista barriers to women's paid work present serious obstacles to campesina development. As long as women enter the work force as a strategy of last resort they will find themselves ghettoized. As long as there is no change in the division of reproductive labor, women's productive labor will be taxed. 4. How does work status affect empowerment? As a corollary to those previous remarks, paid work may enhance women's power within the family (i.e. in family decision and in total empowerment points), but it does not necessarily lead to great economic advances (i.e. in savings, access to medicines, or ownership of livestock, land, or home). More importantly, paid work does not correlate with changes in family domination nor in men's labor. Without addressing the gender division of labor in the household, women's participation in paid work merely establishes a double day. Overall, paid work and one's position at work are shown to have some Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 368 beneficial effects both on economic standing and patriarchal relations, but the transition is only partial in both instances. 5. How has structural adjustment affected these women? The neoliberal focus on capital infrastructure is visible here, and given the "banana split problem" of severely limited starting resources, the investments are praiseworthy. But these interviews raise questions about the opportunity cost in terms of social and productive capital among the masses who are unemployed, have no access to credit, and whose self-esteem and dignity can not be much enhanced when their greatest income comes in the form of transfers abroad. Unemployment, which has affected Nicaragua for much of the 1990s, is endemic throughout urban and rural areas. In Miskitu- speaking Tuapi, the phrase "Wark apu" ["No work"] arose like a refrain and was often identified as the chief spur for emigration. When asked to evaluate the last four governments in terms of work, these interviewees rated each regime as worse. In addition, the neoliberal period was rated much worse than the Sandinista period in terms of credit (although Chamorro's period was noted to be an improvement over the Somoza era). Previous chapters identified difficulties accessing services such as education and health, in particular concerning access to medicines. In addition, throughout the 208 interviews, limited purchasing power was a common complaint, with the rising cost of utilities being mentioned most often. The neoliberal tendency towards proliferating consumer choices (and declining effective ability to take advantage of those choices) arises in these words: Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 369 "Under Violeta [Chamorro], you could get anything - in bars, liquor, but there wasn't any money."70 In contrast to much of the literature, few gender effects of adjustment were revealed in these interviews. The good news is that these interviews revealed no increase in domestic violence or spousal alcohol usage attributable to SAP/ESAF. The bad news is that neither did these interviews reveal beneficial gender effects (increased participation in paid labor, enhanced bargaining power in the family, increased social participation). Slightly less than half of the interviewees did report changes in family relations (CHANGE_ECON) as a result of the recent economic crisis. But these women did not report a shift in the gender division of labor. Men in these families were no more likely to cook, clean, or do laundry than in other households. A mainstay of SAP/ESAF is crop diversification, preferably in the farm of large agro-exportation. The question arises, "Do planners of these programs envision any future for small farmers - other than extinction?" This was the question posed by the Zapatistas in Chiapas who rebelled on the very day that NAFTA began in Mexico. The producers interviewed here have little diversification in their crops. The families in this study were primarily small producers who plant for their family's consumption. There is a heavy reliance on the corn crop and very little output is sold, domestically or internationally. This data suggests that the neoliberal emphasis on agro exportation may have it half-right - there is wealth involved in agroexport, but it is more a cause than an effect. Getting a person 70 H9: "En el tiempo de Violeta, todo habia - de cantina, guaro, pero no habia dinero." Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 370 to diversify is not likely to change their poverty level (CROPS- POOR), but having a certain amount of wealth does increase a person's ability to diversify (POOR-CROPS). That is, a certain threshold level exists where diversification becomes feasible. Whether attributable to structural adjustment or not, the economic welfare of these small producers is in a grave state. Decapitalization of cattle and hogs is evident. Nearly two-thirds either sold, consumed or lost the majority of their cows and pigs. In this sense, these interviews substantiate the observation of one of Nicaragua's former Health Ministers, "Neoliberalism needs stability but creates instability."71 However, it must be noted that while this dissertation has documented poverty, unemployment, reports of declining credit, withdrawal of children from school, and lack of access to medicines - all of which have been attributed to SAP/ESAF - this data does not prove that these conditions might not have existed in a counterfactual case. Whereas Quandt (1995,264) declared, "Neo- liberal policies have turned Nicaragua into the second poorest country in the hemisphere," such statements overlook the previous history of war, embargo, profligate state spending, and declining international prices for primary products. SAP/ESAF may indeed be exacerbating poverty in these interviewees, but it is NOT the sole cause of their critical condition. 71 Dora Maria Tellez, in Randall (1994,262). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 371 CHAPTER NINE: CONCLUSIONS - THE MORE THINGS CHANGE... In strategic contrast to mainstream political and economic sciences, this dissertation went inside the household to compare effects of politico-economic regimes. The study aimed at following up on conditions of daily life for the Nicaraguan peasant woman, as elaborated in CIERA's La Vida Cotidiana. By following these women to their current urban and semi-urban locations, and by extending the data set to all nine regions, another portrait emerged, that of daily life for women throughout the nation. This last chapter elaborates on the findings of the dissertation, which can be summarized as follows. First, compared with capitalism, socialist policies brought many more material benefits to women, the poor, and rural residents - the three groups constituted in the campesina. Second, feminist transformation (or women seizing control over their lives) has occurred through a variety of material and philosophical influences - including transformations in the husband's attitude. Most influential was a woman's participation in non-traditional group - feminist, political, or productive. Third, current levels of social capital (and of feminism) in Nicaragua have been limited by historic dialectical contradictions which resulted in outcomes which replicate much of the original poverty and machismo. I. DAILY LIFE FOR NICARAGUAN WOMEN A composite picture for the whole sample would be a woman who is a 40-year old mother of six, married before age 18, with three years of schooling, and who has had the misfortune to have survived the death of one of her children.1 Her main occupation is as a 1 Appendix Eight offers a summary of general interview results. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 372 housewife, and most likely she does not belong to any social group. Nor does her family own any land, but if so, it is probably only two manzanas, and is managed by the men in her family. Patriarchy affects these women's lives in two material forms: domestic violence and in the gender division of labor. One-third of these women experience the former, while almost all experience the latter: in only 14 of 208 households did men participate in any of the traditional female activities - cooking, washing clothes, child care, or washing dishes. The combination of high fertility and a patriarchal gender division of labor can reach formidable proportions. In the home of one of the original CIERA interviewees, "Mercedes" lived with her husband, nine offspring (ranging from 17 to four years old), plus a grandson in his first year. At the age of 17, the eldest step daughter was earning the family's only fixed income, while the other three daughters, all under ten years old, attended school. This left "Mercedes" with the cooking, cleaning, and washing for 11 people while running a venta, which also involved preparation of food for sale. Apologetic about the inability to babysit her infant grandson very well, she would occasionally tie him to a chair while she accomplished some of her chores. But at least she was free of the virulent side of patriarchy - domestic violence. What is it like to be a dominated spouse? The typical picture is of a husband who drinks, and who discourages his wife from work outside the house, or from visiting relatives out of town, or in fact, from any kind of freedom of mobility. Among these interviewees, two out of every three women had a spouse with either a current or former history of alcohol abuse. This is dangerous for women in that the strongest indicator of spousal abuse is the use of Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 373 alcohol. The psychological oppression attached to the husband's drinking habit was expressed in the negative ratings that women in such households gave to their future and to their family's ranking relative to others in the community. Patriarchy in its ethereal form, androcentric ideology, affects close to seven of every eight women. Only those involved in non- traditional social group(s) hold a consistent feminist view of their own capabilities. "Machismo de mujer," or female acceptance of patriarchy, is sometimes expressed in a proud assertion of one's home-bound life, as in "Vo no salgo" ["I don't go out,"] or in a deliberate shunning of political processes, of being "ni chicha ni limonada" ["neither cider nor lemonade."] The severe starting constraints, or "banana split problem," of long-ingrained patriarchy is most evident in this ideological form of patriarchy. Among the eight-level empowerment scale, the lowest scores were noted in the area of political consciousness. Given the fact that SAP/ESAF is regularly reported in the national media and has been responsible for substantial restructuring, it is remarkable that nine out of ten women are not aware of these programs. Consistent with a patriarchal ideology which maintains the woman's role as private and the man's as public, this low level of political awareness may be a significant impediment to strategic feminist transformation. But, of course, it is not just women's patriarchal ideologies which buttress patriarchal practice in Nicaragua. Their partners' frequent philandering and irresponsible paternity continue to cause much instability and stress for Nicaraguan women. "Maria Felix's" house was characterized by a traditional division of labor, despite her working six days per week in a mustard factory. Her two teenage Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 374 daughters did the majority of the housework while caring for their younger siblings. But each of the teenagers found boyfriends and moved out (at ages 16 and 17), escaping these burdens. At the same time, "Maria Felix's" partner left her for another woman. She abandoned her job and passed through a briefly distraught period. Things stabilized upon her mate's return when she was able to resume her factory work, since his night guardsman job allowed him to be at home during the day and care for their toddler. A more tragic result of the persistent womanizing was evident in the case of "Marina's" daughter. After "Marina's" 1996 death (due to complications of diabetes), her 17-year old daughter died of hepatitis (often a sexually-transmitted disease) , leaving a two-year old child to be raised by Marina's eldest daughter. II. DAILY LIFE FOR CAMPESINAS - URBAN-RURAL DISTINCTIONS How does the campesina's story differ from this national composite? As a rule, the rural woman experiences similar male philandering, shunning of household labor, and bouts of violence.2 But the poorer economic conditions in the countryside - i.e. lack of running water, access to electricity, distance to schools and markets - compounds the exclusive female responsibility for housework. A typical work-day of a campesina consists of tortilla-making, hauling water, preparing her children for school, as well as other child care. By afternoon, the campesina's work is lighter, since the bulk of food preparation occurs in the morning. In particular, the preparation of tortillas takes several hours. The heaviest work consists of laundry and ironing, with a good bit of time spent sweeping - especially in poorly enclosed homes with semi-permeable 2 See Appendix Nine - Urban/Rural Bias. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 375 roof and/or walls, where the dirt floor mixes with dust in the dry season or mud in the rainy season. The afternoon might include work on patio maintenance, or it might involve hauling clothes to the river where the campesina will stand and wash on a rock. The man of the house is often home in the early afternoon - sometimes as early as one or two p.m. And his wife will be expected to promptly feed him. She might rarely visit with neighbors - usually extended family - in the early p.m., but evenings often involve work such as mending clothes. The woman of the house continues to offer food until 9 or 10 p.m. when the last visitor leaves and she gets the kids to bed. The daily life of a campesina involves much work revolving around her family's subsistence and little recreation or even paid work. A distinct rural disadvantage exists for those who live in the most isolated areas. This exists in terms of economic factors such as electricity and running water, as well as health variables such as travel time to hospital, and rates of cholera, as well as child and infant mortality. Up to 80% of Nicaraguan women living in urban areas give birth in hospitals, but more than 80% of rural women give birth at home. The importance of clean drinking water appears in the incidence of cholera among these interviewees - highest in rural areas. There is a need for both latrines and water, but among the most rural women interviewed, two-thirds had some sanitary service, while none had running water inside the house. There is debate over whether the poorest of the poor are found in rural or urban areas. According to this study, each side of the debate is half-right. Some variables show a linear increase in welfare when one moves from the most rural to most urban areas. This relationship is seen in electricity, latrine service, use of wood- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 376 fuel, access to paid work, use of family planning, and the time needed to arrive at a hospital. The hardships that this extra travel entails can be implied in one woman's answer to how long it took her to take her son to hospital last year, "It takes six hours to get to San Luis. It is a long trip. Although only two to three hours on the bus, it may well be three hours of waiting before the bus passes." Other variables show a bimodal poverty affecting both the most rural and most urban areas, relative to those living in small towns or villages near a small town. This list includes access to tap water and medicines, the incidence of cholera, the poverty index (POVERTY), infant and child mortality rates, and the tendency to be involved in social group. Nevertheless, even within this bimodal trend, the most rural are the poorest of the poor, with Managua's poor being slightly better off. Nevertheless, as mentioned above, the patriarchal gradient is not as great as the economic disadvantage to rural women. It is true that women from the more rural areas were significantly less likely to report changes in family relations due to the Sandinista Revolution. But except for younger age at first marriage and the slightly larger likelihood of having an alcohol-abusing spouse, rural women are not more likely to score poorly on empowerment indicators. Overall empowerment points averaged 19.8 among 208 women, and 18.7 for those in the most rural communities. Two of the most crucial patriarchal variables, the division of household labor and a history of domestic violence, showed no rural bias. Thus, this data leads to the conclusion that rural women face no greater patriarchal barriers than other Nicaraguans, but that they Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 377 are significantly disadvantaged in terms of education, health, and economic outcomes. III. DAILY LIFE UNDER CHANGING POLITICO-ECONOMIC REGIMES Chapter Six used Molyneux's typology to examine the effects of regime transition on patriarchal social relations, but subsequent analysis of social participation and paid work led us to examine interventions on three levels: practical, semi-strategic, and strategic. Whereas Molyneux classified an action that increased women's participation (in social group or paid work) as a practical advance, this dissertation distinguishes between an action's design and its effect. Actions are categorized as practical (having no explicit contradiction to patriarchal norms and practice), semi- strategic (contradicting norms or practice), or strategic (directly contradicting both habits and ideas). Using this tri-level schema does not change the conclusion that overall benefits were much greater under the Sandinistas as compared with any of the forms of capitalism. But before elaborating this, it is worth mentioning the severely constrained conditions which all Nicaraguan policy-makers have faced. These constraints arise from a global dialectics which supports Marx's analysis of irrationally distributed production and wealth. Women's poverty is not just secondary to household distribution of resources, but also reflects poverty gaps within nations and across national borders. The chapters on health and fertility showed that the campesina's health is largely determined by the misfortune of birth in a poor developing nation, by a global distribution of wealth which leads to ever increasing gaps between the wealthy and the poor. The cost of the brief Gulf War in 1991 could have immunized the world's children. Global interventions applied to Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 378 developing economies in crisis (SAPs) tend to increase and/or replicate those disparities. It is not just among the inhabitants of the former Asian 'dragons' and 'tigers, ' that IMF has come to mean 'I'M Fired.' Thus, Nicaragua's history reflects in part its position as a tiny "peripheral" nation in a global economy dominated by powers in the "core." A. The "Banana Split Problem" Since the end of the Somoza years, Nicaragua's per capita debt has been one of the world's highest. This places a tight restraint on any social policies that might be intended by a particular political regime. One example of Nicaragua's impoverishment is the fact that current debt repayments, which occupy more than half of all government revenue, are two-and-a-half times combined health and education spending. While the relative dedication of resources to social services is within the decision-making capabilities of a certain regime, the underlying debt is an externality that has confronted each new economic policy since the late 1970s. Nicaragua was underdeveloped in the 197 0s and has remained so for two subsequent decades. Just as malaria is "an old friend of the family" to many Nicaraguans, so is poverty. Its manifestations have been numerous within this dissertation, including: the lack of reliable statistical data to either do a needs assessment or a proper evaluation of interventions. • a ranking of second to last among Central American nations in literacy and years of schooling. • higher maternal, infant, and child mortality rates - all related to lower contraception usage (and higher fertility) relative to other nations, even those in the developing world. Historically, rates do not drop from Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 379 double digits down to two children per family in one or two generations. The current average of five children per woman can still be seen as excessive maternity, a leading factor in maternal mortality. And among 208 women, there were 231 offspring deaths - that is, more than one per woman. • rural disadvantages relative to urban areas - for instance in travel times to facilities. The mean travel time to get to a hospital among my interviewees, 89 minutes, has probably improved since the Somoza decade but only marginally, and even less so in the 1990s. As mentioned above, this persistence of poverty in the turn of the millenium can be seen as a reflection of severely constrained starting resources which are themselves the result of international conditions which continually block development. Poverty has persisted partly because each cycle of dialectic catalysts has resulted in an unbalanced situation with its own contradictions - and all of these have fueled persistent military conflict as well as the class conflicts which were the focus of Marx's dialectics. Somoza's exclusion of ever larger numbers of his constituents was a factor in the support for a guerrilla war which both overturned the oppression and devastated the economy. Partly due to the toll taken by the battles of 1978 and 1979, the FSLN inherited one of the lowest income economies in Latin America. Socialist budgets favored the poor and aroused antagonism among others - both abroad and domestically. Some of the latter fled to Miami where they took advantage of Oliver North and company's illicit offers to organize a resistance army, wrecking the early economic success of the Revolutionary period. The subsequent governments have favored large Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 380 landowners and have alienated ex-combatants who have no way to earn a living in the new economy, and thus a vicious cycle of economic and political despair ensues. Another frustration to development efforts comes in the form of natural disasters, which disproportionately affect the poor. Some of the women interviewed in 1997 told of the effect of the 1972 earthquake which turned Managua from a twentieth century city to a 19th century town.3 Several interviewees - particularly those in Mulukuku - made remarks about their family's displacement (and help from the Sandinista government) after 1988's Hurricane Joan, the nation's second worst disaster so far. Tropical Storm Cesar hit in October of 1996, just at harvest time for the year's bean crop, the strongest income generator for most small farmers. Thus, "loss to natural phenomenon" was the most frequent disposition of the previous year's crops among all interviewees. When Hurricane Mitch hit in October of 1998, "Maria Felix's" parents lost their home in San Juanillo, and the lake washed away all but the wooden frame to "Maria Felix's" house in the capital where they were evacuated by rowboat and where two neighbor boys died. While writing this dissertation, on July 7, 2000, another earthquake took out 600 homes around San Juan de Oriente, partially damaging the home of "Maria Dolores." She and her family spent a month living in a plastic tent on the property, out of fear caused by persistent aftershocks. This list of natural disasters reveals that they have been a perpetual threat to economic development in Nicaragua, particularly to the poorer social strata. As noted in a post-Hurricane Mitch 3 While pictures of a pre-earthquake Managua show a bustling modern city, as recently as August of 2000, vehicles in major thoroughfares negotiate their way around horse-drawn carts. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 381 report by the editors of Envio, "Over time the poor have been pushed into the most ecologically fragile zones, those least appropriate for agriculture and therefore the most vulnerable to disaster. "4 But the history of Nicaraguan governmental responses to natural disasters also shows the differential capacity, or willingness, of various administrations to intervene between these natural assaults and their nation's welfare - i.e. to provide "platanos and rice" for the many or a "banana sundae" for the few. Natural disasters have provided a consistent threat to development efforts, but the Somoza, Sandinista, and neoliberal regimes offered various responses. Somoza and the National Guard are notorious for the way that they enriched themselves after the 1972 earthquake. In contrast, these interviewees nostalgically recalled the tendency for the Sandinista government to forgive debts which had become unpayable when drought or flood wiped out the year's crops. The small farmers interviewed in 1997 have shouldered the burdens of Tropical Storm Cesar without the benefit of governmental assistance with loan repayments, and there have been increasing rumors of government corruption in the distribution of international aid post-Hurricane Mitch. Thus, in the next sections where we examine social benefits within the various time periods, we do so with an eye on that part which each administration could control, while recognizing a vast area of poverty and international debt inherited as a legacy of the 4 For more on the extensive natural disasters in Nicaraguan history, see Vargas (1993,261). For the particular vulnerability of poor communities see Black (1981,59); Cockburn et al. (1999); Envio Report on Mitch 16 December 1998; Garfield and Williams (1992,199); and Kloos (1994,207) . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 382 past. Special attention is paid to the ways that the regimes advanced or hindered feminist transformation. B. Somoza. Regime - "The Old Synthesis" In terms of practical interests, all three subsequent governments have done better than the Somoza dynasty that enriched the few. As a whole, a few wealthy prospered while the majority did not, including the nine out of ten rural women who were illiterate. In the words of one interviewee, "There was education for those who had the dough. For the poor, where were they going to find it?" Health care under Somoza was severely underdeveloped - even compared to Central American neighbors. In the words of one interviewee, "The health of the campesino was always ignored." The one area of relative success - in terms of social capital - was the vigorous economy which these interviewees nostalgically remembered as providing plentiful (paid) work for their family members. This was particularly true during the earlier parts of the 1970s when the global price for Nicaragua's commodities still provided favorable terms of trade, and before the budget became distorted by the State of Siege (1974-1977) and Insurrection (1978- 1979). Finally, in the last five years of Somoza's rule the contradictions of irrational distribution of wealth and privilege fueled resistance to the regime, and the Somoza dynasty responded with massive killings of campesinos and brutal repression by the National Guard - including repercussions against women who dared to defy patriarchal norms. Semi-strateaic measures such as family planning were also a luxury of the rich during the Somoza era. A woman in San Juanillo, who in 1997 was a 64-year old veteran of 14 pregnancies (including two miscarriages) said, "If they had had [contraception] I would not Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 383 have had this brood." Paid work was often remunerated only through the male members of the household, and women's group memberships were scant, reflecting the generally low levels of social participation during most of the Somoza period. Strategic measures were absent during the Somoza epoch. That is, while economic contradictions came to a crisis, there was little evidence of any dialectical process in terms of feminist transformation. Overall, this regime can be characterized as the "old synthesis" of mutually reinforcing patriarchal norms and practices symbolized by (PP*-+PI) , and of a state which ignored the needs of the many in favor of the few, mostly males. C. Sandinista Regime - The Opening of Dialectic Contradictions Practical measures under the Sandinistas were exemplary. The Sandinistas eased practical loads with the building of latrines and potable water systems, and with a vast improvement in the health, educational, and child care services available to the poor. According to Jesuit scholar Xavier Gorostiaga, Our strategy differs from other models of economic development whose first priority is to establish a model of accumulation. Our first objective is to satisfy the basic needs of the majority of the population. This creates a new logic, which we call the 'logic of the majority,' that is to say, the logic of the poor.5 This dedication to the masses is reflected in the subjective ratings offered by the 208 interviewees. The Sandinista regime was rated highest in four out of five areas. These were education, health, land, and credit. In fact, the Sandinista regime was the only one to have gained a majority favorable rating in the comparison of health care and of education over the past four governments. The 5 Cited in Frenkel (1987,205). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 384 only exception occurred with the topic of employment, where the Somoza regime was rated highest, and the Sandinistas a close second. Testimonies in praise of the expansion of social capital were especially strong in the area of education. Poor families received education that was unheard of under Somoza: "[The Sandinistas] gave pencils, notebooks - all that didn't have to be paid for. Because of them, we learned - my son became literate at 14 years old and now he is a doctor in Leon." These opinions were supported by secondary data covering access to education, land, credit, day care, and health services - all of which dramatically improved after the ouster of Somoza. Among this secondary data, family planning is the only notable exception to this trend of the greatest advancements having been made under the socialist regime. Whereas less than one in eight people had access to public health care under Somoza, two-thirds of the population received free health care during the 1980s. Non-monopolistic distribution of medicines revealed the FLSN's dedication to the logic of the majority. Although health investments clearly were curtailed by the war, even the second half of the Sandinista decade was seen as better than all other regimes, as noted by one Managuan resident: "The United States was against the Frente [but] nobody went hungry.... We suffered due to the war...[but] we did not have to pay [for health care] and that money could be used to buy food." Dialectical conflict occurred in the political realm as the Sandinistas' policies alienated both the large landowners and others of the elite class affiliated with Somoza, as well as some middle class members who resented the cultural efforts to overturn capitalist thinking and impose a socialist-based Sandinista ideology Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 385 (through radio, television, political speeches, and educational texts). In addition, some small farmers resented the state efforts to create large cooperative farms. These contradictions were complicated by the antagonism of the Reagan revolution to any socialist efforts, even the mild form seen in Sandinista Nicaragua, with its 60% private ownership of capital, and official policy of non-alignment. With the superpower backing of the contra army, many socially beneficial programs were reduced as the Sandinistas were forced to dedicate increasing amounts of the state's budget to defense. Ten years later, several interviewees blamed the Sandinistas for the loss of relatives, war-time insecurity, and rationing. But several of these women also said that the FSLN offered the best health care. These semi-critical voices offer strong support for the starting hypothesis that the socialist regime did the most to provide social capital to the masses. Nevertheless, public safety was no more secure under the Sandinistas than it had been with Somoza - although the nature of the threat changed from fear of one's own rulers to fear of invaders from across the nation's borders. The Nicaraguan population has paid a steep price in the constant production of contradictions within its history. The psychological costs of the war are immeasurable and doubtlessly long-term. These war penalties were clearest in the cases of the fuller life histories. "Elia" lost her son "Jose Luis" at age 11. The contra attacked one morning and a bullet pierced the wood walls, catching him asleep in his bed. She says that each year as the May anniversary of his death approaches, her grief resurfaces. "Maria Isidora" also lost a son, which she attributed to his having spent an entire decade in the Sandinista Army. In early 1990, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 386 having recently demobilized from the military, and after a fight with his girlfriend, he killed himself. Seven years later, "Maria" and her family said that she had spent approximately five years with depression, including a hospitalization for a psychotic breakdown. Semi-strateaic measures which improved with the Sandinistas include contraception. Access to family planning increased six-fold in the first years of the Revolution - despite the more vocal coherence with Catholic policies of fertility control. Two-thirds of women receiving family planning during the 1980s did so through government facilities. Other measures include women's participation in paid work (which later decreased in a "Rosie the Riveter" type of return to the household when male soldiers resumed civilian life.) This was complicated by the downsizing of the workforce with the onset of neoliberalism. And women's participation in the public sphere rose to unparalleled levels, both relative to the past and future regimes. But this was mostly participation in traditional groups which we have seen does not correlate very strongly with strategic feminist transformation. (The relative weight of these three semi-strategic measures in feminist dialectics is discussed in section IV below.) Strategic measures, including laws and public discourse, were unmatched in any other regime. The 1981 Agrarian Reform Law was the first in Latin America to explicitly include women as beneficiaries. Unlike during Somoza's epoch when men received pay for both their own and their wife's labor, the Sandinistas passed labor legislation which required every person fourteen years or older to be registered in his or her own name on the payroll. The law of the relations between parents and children transformed the concept of patria Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 387 potestad where the father had been given all power over the offspring to one of shared responsibility among the parents. Most radically, the Law on Nurture established that when the mother and father both work outside the home, the care of the family, including housework - was the responsibility of both parents. And The Constitution of 1987 was painstakingly worded to exclude sexist language and ideology. Nevertheless these measures were critiqued for their limited nature, for being "paper laws," and for the contradictions between men who publicly espoused feminism and led patriarchal lives at home, or in the words of Sofia Montenegro, who tended "to act like Gandhi in the street and Mussolini in the home." Despite the radical laws and public discourse advancing women's equal rights, the Revolution did not achieve changes in the gender division of labor, nor did it change male use of alcohol, nor domestic violence rates - three significant barriers to women's empowerment. This period can be characterized by a dialectics in flux: PP/PI -* PP/FI + FP/P1, where the feminist practice was a dramatic improvement upon the prior regime, but which was far from being a feminist revolution. D. Neoliberal Regime - Persistent Dialectical Conflict An examination of practical measures under the neoliberal regime includes praise for vaccine coverage (which probably explains continuing declines in infant mortality) and infrastructural investments (potable water, latrines, roads). But in many ways, the assessment of practical measures during the 1990s can be thought of as a critique of structural adjustment. The adjustment-related losses include: • Work - The most clear area of deterioration is unemployment, which has been severe and chronic. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 388 Throughout the 1990s combined under- and unemployment have been nearly double the 198 9 rate of 32.1 percent. This means that anyone visiting Nicaragua will rapidly learn either the phrase "la crisis" or "Wark apu" depending on whether a Spanish-speaker or Miskitu is describing the lack of work. When asked to evaluate the last four governments in terms of work, these interviewees rated each regime as worse. • Gap between income and costs - Aside from the 60-70% unemployment, income is further decreased by low wages (both relative to Central America and to the era of Sandinista state subsidies) while costs are increased by lost subsidies and/or privatization of transportation, utilities, basic basket items, as well as by newly implemented fees in health and education. Multiple interviews were punctuated by complaints of rising utilities or proliferating choices, along with the inability to partake of them. Tight budget constraints at the household level are seen in the 24-year old mother of three who sometimes chooses to make a two-hour walk each way from Laurel Galan to the hospital in San Carlos, rather than spend the eight to ten cordobas for the round trip bus fare. That is, four hours of her time are worth less than $1.50. Health care - Independent of the "banana split problem," the relative share of national income offers a clear area of ESAF-induced neglect of social capital. Funding for health care dropped by more than 4 0% in the first five years of neoliberal rule and per capita spending on health is the lowest in Latin America. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 389 Subjective data offers a clear condemnation of neoliberal health policies. The women interviewed for this dissertation provide a chorus of voices noting that things are getting worse under the neoliberal regimes - through their complaints of fewer services and medicines in the public facilities, along with a greater number of fees which are ever rising. The notion of a paradoxically increased infrastructure in the context of decreased services is revealed in the words of a woman from Teotecacinte: "We go to the center when it is open - but it is almost always closed. It is only open on Mondays. And the doctor came more before. He almost never comes now." • Medicines - Among my interviews, the observation that there was no money for pharmaceuticals became a refrain echoed in all nine regions. The majority of interviewees - regardless of work status, capital assets, or even the state of one's health in the past year - cannot afford medicines. A 33-year old in Managua whose child was sick with parasitic diarrhea noted, "It is getting worse. Last time, there was absolutely nothing in the clinic." The two-thirds of the interviewees who also stated that health care had deteriorated in the 1990s may well have based their answers upon the accessibility of medicines. Education - Again the focus on infrastructure has meant an expanded numbers of schools, but with a diminishing relative dedication of resources since the neoliberal period began. The Ministry of Education's staff decreased by two-thirds in the early 1990s. Student-teacher ratios have worsened, although not dramatically. The most lamented effect of SAP/ESAF has been the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 390 implementation of fees, especially after the primary level. Many families noted the removal of children from school due to financial reasons, including one woman who said, "My sister-in-law had to take her seven kids out of school, since 1990, because she is a widow and doesn't have the money for school." Nearly half of the interviewees said that access to education was either worse or much worse than it had been under the Sandinistas. Social instability - One of the most vital practical interests, public safety, is in a state of crisis in Nicaragua. Not all of the nation experienced a complete end to the war. After a decade of war, the 1990's have been years of increasing crimes against both property and persons. In fact, the problem has increased each year since the Sandinistas relinquished power. Part of the problem may be a legacy of decades-long habits of violent dispute settlement. But responsibility has also been laid at the feet of the neoliberal governments' non-compliance with the pacts they signed with demobilizing soldiers. And another part is related to lack of budgeting for security forces. Two of these three reasons are conflicts which are created by the neoliberal policies themselves. Tragically, those most likely to report losses under the civil WAR were also most affected by the recent kidnappings and mayhem (WAR97). The highest mean offspring mortality was 1.59 per woman in Mulukuku, an area that has suffered more than two decades of war-like conditions. Similarly, "Marina's" family had been subject to regular threats of kidnapping as they journeyed to the farm where the contra had "disappeared" her husband in 1985. One of her nephews was murdered by these bandits in 1996. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 391 Those affected by the theft, kidnapping, and murder identified in this study through the variable, WAR97, were more likely to rate the Aleman regime poorly. This variable only identified criminal events of the past year, but similar results may well have been recorded if the question had addressed the entire neoliberal period. A vicious circle of despair appears to have taken root. The oft- repeated phrase, "iQue va a hacer?" [''What's a person to do?"] reveals a fatalism which fuels the political apathy seen among many interviewees. In the words of one woman, "With the poverty that we are living, people begin to think that it isn't bad to just take a little.... We lost our bean crop to the rains, and the corn went to people who don't plant." The economic losses related to the current insecurity were evident in "Zeneyda's" story. Interviewed in 1997, she mourned her life on the Sacal farm where armed bandits had arrived one morning in the mid-1990s. The family abandoned the farm and had been living in Teustepe ever since their son's life was threatened that morning. Her husband worked on her father's land, but they no longer could claim any as their own. Credit - The two neoliberal governments were also rated much worse than the Frente in this area. The disappearance of credit in 1990 was widely reported among the interviewees, especially among landowners. Like many other cooperatives faced with the lack of support or credit, "Maria Felix's" coop disbanded in 1990. She moved to Managua with three children, leaving her ten-year old son to help her parents on the farm. In 1997, although the reported disposition of the past year's crops was predominantly loss to natural phenomena, many interviewees Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 392 also noted that they had reduced their production due to lack of credit. Furthermore, the loss of credit was associated with lost technical assistance. • Decapitalization - One fourth of all cattle-owners sold all of their cattle last year. Similar results were seen with pigs and chickens. Numerous interviewees lamented having to sell all of their crops, including that part intended for next year's seed. Many attributed the sale to the need to pay for health services or medicines, while others mentioned the lack of affordable credit. • Daycare services - Complaints about fewer children's services are consistent with secondary reports that state-provided daycare services all but disappeared when the Sandinistas left office in 1990. • Increasing gap between rich and poor - Secondary sources have reported both a concentration of wealth and absurd state salaries. Frequently reported salaries for Cabinet members are $10,000 (in U.S. dollars) per month. President Aleman's father-in-law was paid $16,000 per month to represent Nicaragua as consul in the U.S. And Aleman's wealth has been said to have increased by 900% since he came to power as Managua's mayor in 1990. Meanwhile, among these interviewees is a mother who refrains from visiting the pediatrician because of a 10-cent fee. Others described education and health services as for "those who have the dough," or in the words of this 57-year old describing the Somoza epoch: "Yes there were private doctors, but they didn't help the poor - just like now." Tied into this wealth gap is a debate over what type of infrastructural investments to make. SAPs around the world have been Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 393 critiqued for their emphasis on financial capital instead of production. The debate over road construction in Nicaragua centers upon this critique. Smith (1997,63) quoted the director of the Association of Coffee Growers of Matagalpa who said that, Now any beach in Nicaragua has a paved road. Mata galpa and Jinotega produce 60 - almost 70 percent of the coffee in Nicaragua. That road should be made of gold. Also cattle, coffee, fruit, and basic grains come from the Atlantic Coast via that road. But the Ministers don't come here, they go to the beach. These factors (loss of credit, and of daycare services, unemployment, increasingly expensive services, and inequitable wealth), all of which make it harder for small landholders and poor proletarianized families to sustain themselves, have the potential to result in conflict such as the Insurrection which overthrew the Somoza dynasty or in deeply entrenched violence such as that seen in Colombia of recent years. On a smaller scale, this is already visible in the isolated areas which are subject to kidnapping, theft of cattle, and murders. Remittances - One-fifth of these interviews reported receiving help from abroad, and national figures estimate that one-third of the population relies upon remesas. After Hurricane Mitch destabilized the house where she had lived since childhood, "Elia" asked for help from family members in the United States, and was able to fortify her home. Similar aid helped "Maria Felix" to buy an adjoining shack for her mother to live in after Hurricane Mitch wiped out "dona Josefina's" house in San Juanillo. And "Amalia" relied on remittances to pay for both a hospitalization for pneumonia in 1998 and a nearly fatal uterine disorder in 2000. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 394 Without this money from abroad, Nicaraguan suffering would be much greater. The economy's dependence on remittances makes Nicaragua's citizens the nation's biggest export and the largest source of foreign exchange, but where is the dignity in this dependency? Emigration's toll on the family can not bode well in the context of male promiscuity and frequent abandonment. And remesas are not seen as enhancing production among these recipients. • Gender effects of adjustment - Few of these were revealed in these interviews. The good news is that these interviews revealed no increase in domestic violence or spousal alcohol usage attributable to SAP/ESAF. The bad news is that neither did these interviews reveal beneficial gender effects (increased participation in paid labor, enhanced bargaining power in the family, or increased social participation). In fact, the onset of neoliberalism was associated with massive public sector layoffs, which reportedly affected more women than men (i.e. due to women's relatively higher command of teaching, nursing, and secretarial positions.) Semi-strateaic measures and strategic measures by the neoliberal government have been marked by a return to traditional patriarchal values. In the area of education, the new tracts contained examples of families with a very traditional gender division of labor and the government has opposed sex education in the public curriculum. However, while the Revolutionary experience in Nicaragua suggests that state-supported feminism may not be sufficient to induce strategic change, the subsequent neoliberal years show that neither does state support appear to be necessary. In opposition to an increasingly sexist (and non-productive) state, the greatest Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 395 improvement has occurred through non-state groups: family planning through PROFAMILIA and advances in feminist discourse through the network of feminist groups. And given the longstanding resentment towards the Sandinista state efforts to reshape cultural ideology, it may be that a more effective ideological revolution would be one that is directed through civic groups. Increased family planning - Contraception is currently being delivered mainly through a privately owned and subsidized NGO, PROFAMILIA. This occurs with very little infrastructure - in numerous private dwellings in isolated areas which have a plaque on the door identifying the home as a site for family planning - "PROFAMILIA promotor(a) aqui." For less than the cost of a chicken, women can either visit a PROFAMILIA clinic or one of these homes and obtain three months of reproductive protection.6 Anecdotal data supports the idea that younger women are more likely to control their fertility "on the sly" - regardless of patriarchal opposition. At the micro-level, a paradoxical higher rate in family planning rates is seen among women experiencing virulent machismo - indicating that they have both the motive and the means to confront patriarchal control of their fertility. • Blossoming of autonomous women's group - We have seen that the Sandinista state got involved in attempts to overturn machista ideology, but that the blossoming of autonomous feminist groups in the 1990s has carried the process much further. 6 Of course, the poorest of the poor who cannot even afford this sum could benefit from publically-provided services, but two-thirds of these interviewees own some chickens and half of even these 208 relatively poor women could afford small purchases similar to this. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 396 The state has lobbied for a return towards the old synthesis, but unsuccessfully so. Just as with the Somoza regime, the neoliberal state's official definition of marriage rests exclusively on marriages with civil or religious ceremonies, diminishing the legal recourse available after being abandoned by one's partner. But women's groups pushed the National Assembly to pass radical anti domestic violence laws. These laws recognized for the first time the psychological aspects of abuse and denigration, and established police commissariats directed by female officers where women can safely report cases of abuse. In terms of empowerment, the neoliberal period can be characterized as one of persistent dialectical contradictions, with a few women escaping into the upper curve of empowerment while the majority remain blocked by either patriarchal ideology, or practice, or both. These dual situations among Nicaraguan women can be characterized by FP/PI FP/FI and by PP/PI - * ■ PP/FI + PP/PI + FP/PI. This is an improvement upon the Somoza epoch when poverty and patriarchy (ideology and practice) were mutually reinforcing, but it should be noted that the current economic crisis blocks empowerment for both men and women. While structural adjustment is doubtlessly one of many causes of poverty, it appears to be making life even more miserable - despite marginal gains in vaccine coverage and infrastructure (i.e. clinics, latrines, schools). These responses confirm the study's starting hypothesis that daily life for most Nicaraguans improved under the explicitly redistributive policies of the Sandinistas and deteriorated with the transition to neoliberalism's reduced state and free market capitalism. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 397 XV. TRANSFORMATION OF PATRIARCHY After beginning with a dichotomous characterization of interventions, we developed a more nuanced tri-part schema which allows for further distinction between an action and its effect. Often the effects of these measures match the intent, but the uncertainty resulting from multiple philosophical and material influences prevents this from being a deterministic typology. In general, a woman's own patriarchal views are strongly linked to the concrete expressions of male dominance within her life. But the example of a bimodal group of women calling themselves head of household shows the various material paths which may precede a philosophical position. On the one hand there are cases where a woman whose age and life experiences have increased her self-esteem and decreased her workload, thus encouraging her to consider herself the empowered head of household. On the other hand there are those women who have experienced the underbelly of machismo - abandonment by one's spouse - which propels the woman into the public sphere, but with little experience or education to prepare her for these circumstances. The lack of fixed relationship between ideology and material forms makes for difficult operationalization and analysis, but it favors the dialectics driving feminist transformation. Change often occurs when the contradictions between a woman's experiences and her desires or interests become so strong that she can no longer retain the false consciousness of her own patriarchal ideology. Such a process is indicated in the correlation between a history of domestic violence and a greater likelihood of current participation in social group (religious or feminist) and/or paid work, as well as in greater contraceptive use rates. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 398 Several paradoxical relations were seen in these interviews. For instance, women joining the Evangelica church, which offers a strong anti-domestic violence message, are seen as making a semi- strategic investment in their future despite joining an otherwise deeply patriarchal organization. These women may be seen as entering a situation of "false consciousness," where they improve one vital material condition, but without a more expansive view of women's equal rights. Even so, the combination of getting into the "public sphere" in a socially sanctioned manner and gaining freedom from domestic violence was seen to have other practical and ideological benefits - in the form of more mobility and the recognition of benefits to legal marriage. And even if one's husband does not follow the Protestant rules of behavior, Evangelica women are less likely to internalize machista norms of domestic violence due to the church's explicit condemnation of the behavior, including visits to the abusing spouse by the pastor and other church members who try to dissuade him. Another paradox is seen in the extensive semi-strategic advantages attached to the practical measure, education. The current widespread cultural acceptance of a girl's equal rights to schooling means this measure is a material improvement which does not directly confront gender inequity. But the usual chain of effects caused by more schooling has more than just practical outcomes. The more education that a woman has, and the later that she marries, the less likely she is to create a chavalero [brood]. Thus, education has a semi-strategic effect, in part due to the influence on family planning. Declining fertility creates instability in the patriarchal system and opens up women's time, energy, and attention to other experiences which may conscienticize Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 399 her. Education is also associated with improved economic status, which does allow for women to seize more control over their lives, but neither of these effects can be seen as strategic, because education has not yet been associated with a change in domestic violence nor in household labor among Nicaraguan families. Another semi-strategic measure is participation in the paid workforce. Work can be seen as semi-strategic because it directly confronts that part of patriarchy which excludes women from financial control. But not all work allows for capital accumulation, as is seen in the single head of household with little work experience or education who thus does not earn a decent salary. Part of the weak effect on feminist liberation that one sees with paid labor has to do with the context of chronic unemployment. The basic economic principle of supply and demand dictates that wages will be bargain- basement deals for potential employers of a chronically under- and unemployed workforce. And part of the weak effect has to do with the patriarchal way that women are initiated into the paid labor force. As long as women enter the work force as a strategy of last resort they will find themselves ghettoized. A third explanation is that in the context of persistent exclusively female housework, paid work adds more responsibility without an equivalent increase in liberties. Paid work has the potential to offer a woman increased control of resources and thus may increase both her bargaining power in the family and her own self-esteem. But some are rewarded for their strategic confrontation of patriarchy by a slap from the capitalist system. "Amalia" had left her husband and ended a decade of physical and emotional abuse, but there was a heavy price to pay for her freedom. The separation started a cycle of suffering related to low Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 400 income. Three years after leaving her husband, she was living in a room in her brother's small house, along with his wife, their three children, and three other relatives. Earning wages below the minimum wage, working six days a week as a housekeeper and babysitter, she had not been able to bring more than three of her six children with her, even as recently as February of 2000. This is an example of colluding patriarchal and economic oppressions. Her liberation from her husband was not very liberating. Thus, a practical measure, e.g. education, which is strongly associated with political consciousness, and has some economic benefits, as well as limiting fertility, can be seen as more empowering than a semi-strategic measure, paid work. Another incomplete, or semi-strategic measure, is increased political knowledge. The Sandinista decade showed how female oppression, measured as domestic violence, ideological limitations, and the gender division of labor, were not helped through a trickle down process which focused on political liberation of women. And this study showed that politically aware women maintain lifestyles consistent with traditional family relations, despite being more likely to break taboos on female public participation and to have some awareness of inequities in private labor. The fact that some women change both their public actions and ideas, but still live private sexist lives indicates the need for a focus on both men and women's thinking and behavior. Chapter Seven covered the relationship between social participation and empowerment, finding little support for the empowering effects of women's participation. Spouse's participation was associated with certain changes in their partners - i.e. increased overall empowerment and political consciousness, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 401 involvement in non-traditional groups, and social protest of injustice or domestic violence, but spouse's group activities did not otherwise alter the two main material forms of patriarchy (domestic violence and household labor) and only partially affected ideology. The majority of women interviewed here did not participate in productive or feminist groups. Almost half of the 74 who reported any social participation belonged to a religious group. But the effects for those who did participate in a non-traditional group were impressive - in terms of political, economic, and ideological empowerment. While only one-fourth of all women are empowered overall, and two-fifths of those in some social group are empowered, involvement in the more feminist groups increases the likelihood of empowerment to two-thirds. And yet, two of the least malleable gender issues, domestic violence and the household division of labor, remain untouched by a woman's social participation. Our analysis of feminist dialectics follows Marx's dialectical materialism which sees production as creating the world (e.g. of ideas). But like Marx's philosophy, this tendency is not dogmatic nor deterministic. Ideology can drive changes in the material forms. Even before the existence of a widespread public feminist discourse, there were rare cases of strategic ideological changes bringing about feminist practice in Nicaragua. "Elia," the woman with this study's maximum 51 empowerment points, had long-ago learned to rely on her own physical efforts. Abandoned by her mother at the age of nine, she was put to work by her grandmother, hand-cranking out tortillas for 45 laborers per day. And by the time I visited her in 1997, this innate initiative and capability was widely recognized in the community. In the evenings male leaders would regularly come to consult with her about town Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 402 decisions - in a rare instance of equal female participation in decision-making and prestige. But the transformation from privately capable woman to social leader was catalyzed by an ideological transition which Elia attributed to the CIERA interview in 1987: "I saw how (the interviewer) lived her life, and how she was able to move around, and I thought, 'Maybe I can do that. I want to do that.'" She subsequently left her alcoholic, philandering husband and never looked back, raising her five children on her own. In general, patriarchal ideology and practice - often mutually reinforcing processes - were both identified in this study and they were found to be most immutably centered in the family's gender division of labor. While feminist transformation has been presented as a dialectical conflict whose outcome changes both ideology and practice, it is seen here that the transition is largely incomplete among most Nicaraguan women. And whether ideology or feminist practice begins the transformation of patriarchy, many cases can be classified as semi-strategic in that the transformation is blocked by other patriarchal practices presenting an area of dialectical conflict. Previous chapters in this dissertation have shown that empowerment has been tied in part to participation in social groups, to paid work, and to economic factors, and that none of these is sufficient alone.7 Thus we have established that there is no one unique path to empowerment. But the greatest freedom from patriarchal domination was seen among women involved in non- traditional social groups which confront both sexist ideas and praxis. 7 See Appendix Ten - Significant Predictors of Empowerment. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 403 V. "WHAT THEN MUST WE DO?" Faced with the increasing divide between rich and poor in his own country, 19th century Russian novelist Leo Tolstoy (1933) wrote a tome entitled, "What then must we do?" Having identified the many problems faced by campesinas and more urban Nicaraguan women, we are faced with the same question. Despite the fact that this thesis was more descriptive than prescriptive, the data provide a few suggestions. A. Practical Measures Education In Nicaragua, the national average for schooling hovers near four years. Among these interviewees, one-third of the women had no formal schooling. The good news is that many younger women, especially in urban areas, are getting at least a primary education. And thankfully, most of these interviewees rated the girls' right to schooling to be equal to that of boys. Strong association was seen between years of schooling and health (both individual and in the family), political awareness, and with economic indicators. The strength of these relationships, including with the outlying cases of women with savings, emphasizes the importance of investing in this human capital. Possibly most important are the links to familial health. This study supported the hypothesized relationship between education and later marriage and fewer children and lower child mortality. An examination of fertility showed that the greatest drop in reproductive rates occurred by moving from no schooling to any education - in the form of standard primary school or in adult education. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 404 Health Two vital health measures are seen as key - safe water and access to medicines. Intestinal parasites are endemic among men, women, and children - but especially so among those who are poor. Investment in safe drinking water can have gender effects, as seen in the relation between the amount of time that a family hauls water, and the relative importance given to girls' education. Similarly, for adult women, their leisure activities were related to time spent hauling water.8 The need to pay for medicines was cited as a reason for withdrawing children from school (and turning them into underpaid laborers), for abstaining from health consults, and for decisions to decapitalize land, animals, and crops. Thus, state provisionment of the most basic medicines could greatly improve Nicaraguan development, both in the immediate and the long-term future. Human development Many feminists have pointed out that feminist development is a function of disparate factors - not simply power differentials between men and women, but also racial, ethnic, and class differences which impact women's status. An emphasis on the latter underlies the assertion that state investment in practical needs should not be underestimated. Unlike Moser (1993) and Sparr (1994) who posit that the most beneficial state policies are those that can be categorized as empowerment (i.e. direct confrontation of gender hierarchies), my analysis leads to the suggestion that dialectical confrontation 8 The Tau statistic measuring the H20_TIME-GENDER_EDU association was .112, with p=.008** (N=172). For LEISURE, the corresponding figures were .058, p=.031* (N=158). Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 405 between the state's sexism and the vigorous civic feminist groups has furthered the goal of women's empowerment. It may be that the most important service which the state can provide women is not its support for strategic gender interests, but rather the meeting of basic security needs. And while the utopian situation would be a state which addressed both basic needs and feminist empowerment, the state has a unique capability to deal with the former, which civic groups can not match. Patriarchal and economic system synergy occurs in scenarios of the old synthesis where women are excluded from economic, political, and social opportunities. Among these interviewees, the relative advantage of having enough capital to employ another person is as rare as having a husband who assumes full control of a household chore. And while the depressed wages of neoliberalism have proven paid work to be much less than a strategic intervention, other development projects which would allow women involvement in production - either animal husbandry, brick-making projects, or running a corn mill - could have semi-strategic and potentially strategic effects on women's liberation. B. Semi-strategic Measures Family Planning - With the exception of Somoza's early years, population growth has exceeded economic growth throughout most of the period studied here (1967-2000). Despite the declining total fertility ratio, five children per woman can be considered excessive fertility, especially in the context of erratic national annual growth rates and under- and unemployment affecting three-quarters of the population. And despite the trend towards fewer children, the significantly lower rates seen in socialist countries such as Cuba Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 406 and China indicate that Nicaragua's declines could be more dramatic with greater state commitment. Given the additional positive effect of delayed child-bearing on potential extra years of education and economic productivity, family planning can be seen to have both direct and indirect benefits The responsibility for maintenance of one's offspring and household impedes on the time and energies available for productive and socially reproductive activities. C. Strategic measures Feminist transformation will necessarily depend upon an explicit recognition of triple patriarchy. Ways to attack the traditional thinking vary from increasing women's political awareness and social participation, to school-based curriculum changes, and community education campaigns. Feminist public discourse The NGOs functioning as a loose network of feminist groups have brought public recognition of equal gender rights to unparalleled levels. Their success can be measured in the fact that one-third of the interviewees had some knowledge of the domestic violence laws passed in 1996, while overall consciousness was achieved by a mere ten percent. And participation in non-traditional groups, even in producer's groups such as a coffee-growers' association, have been seen as most influential on changes in a woman's ideology and praxis. Participation in these groups is strategic in its contradiction to the sexist idea that only men know how to manage capital, and they are strategic in their effect through that capital control and through changes in a woman's self-esteem and social outlook. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 407 Education curriculum Among participants in this study, increased schooling was shown to have a minimal effect on patriarchal family relations or women's participation in non-traditional groups. This indicates the need for both state and public schools to directly confront sexism in curricula. Public awareness campaigns about alcoholism. One of the greatest investments one might make in the future of campesinas and other women would be an anti-alcohol campaign, given the relation between spousal alcohol use, domestic violence, and the woman's outlook for the future. The fact that being in a group does not change the spouse's alcohol usage points to the lack of social attention paid to the role of alcoholism in production and family relations. Overall, the examination of spouse's participation suggests that efforts to improve women's empowerment would benefit from direct attention to men's activities and ideology. VI. RESEARCH IMPLICATIONS Too little has been written about the conditions of daily life for Nicaraguan women, especially those in remote rural areas. Ignored by the scholarly community for most of its history, Nicaragua burst upon the academic scene with its Revolution in 197 9. Massive amounts of literature have since been written about its history, culture, social life, and of course, political and economic struggles. During the 1990s there has been a burgeoning of literature on the women's movement, but much of it focuses on the kind of women who are the outliers in this study - the most motivated, the most conscienticized, the community leaders. This leads to a false impression of the level of feminism affecting the majority of Nicaraguan women. In addition, methodological Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 408 implications arise from the contrast noted between the kinds of data available in national databases or in short interviews lasting an hour versus the understanding gained from living in someone's home for a week or more. Mixed quantitative and qualitative data provide for enriched analysis. As mentioned previously, the extended stays with the CIERA subjects allowed for a richer understanding of the campesina conditions, while the large-N aspect of the shorter interviews facilitated the examination of the study's hypotheses. The homestays revealed other intricacies which would have been obscured if the research relied entirely on the set of hour-long interviews. For instance, when asked about savings, "Zeneyda" answered as most did, noting that she had none. In a later conversation about necklaces given to her by her husband, she identified these as her savings. Other women such as "Mercedes" reported that their source of water was from the tap. But when service was interrupted to "Mercedes's" home, as happened several times per week, she would haul water from the river. This implies that statistics on access to safe drinking water in Nicaragua are broad estimates of service. In addition, variability between the quantitative and qualitative parts of my dissertation confirm De Vos's (1999) findings that self-reporting of marital status in Latin America is highly unreliable.9 This kind of variability in quantifiable data highlights the subjective nature underlying some "objective facts." 9 For example in the town of Teustepe (Bll), a 62-year old woman partnered since age 23 to the same man, with whom she had eight children, called herself 'soltera' or single despite having undergone both civil and religious ceremonies! Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 409 Micro-attention to statistical outliers has opened the path to several revelations. The seven outliers who had savings also had a tremendous amount of schooling among them. The 19 women who had acted out in political protest of patriarchy had spouses who were much less likely to abuse alcohol and who were active in group(s). The few women whose husbands contribute to housework were almost all active in non-traditional community groups. The poor validity of some quantified data is revealed in the contrast between political consciousness and voting participation rates. Despite the generally low level of political knowledge among the women in this study, three-fourths of the interviewees voted in the 1996 presidential elections. That is, many voted, but few did so with substantial political knowledge. One woman even mistakenly reported that voting is obligatory. Given the low overall consciousness, this data lends credence to those who argue for a conception of democracy which is not strictly electoral. The presence of political apathy along with high voting rates underscores the need to use a better barometer of democracy than mere electoral outcomes. Future research would benefit greatly from geographical dispersion. Most studies concentrate around easily accessible areas such as the capital, Managua. The regional variety in these interviews makes them particularly rich. Few studies have revealed the extreme contrasts which geography creates in the daily life of peasant women. Life in Mulukuku, for instance, differs substantially from that in Asedades. In the former, soldiers still regularly search public vehicles for weapons and women's support of the FSLN is reported as an activity which makes them a public target but which makes them proudly and fiercely loyal. In Asesades, the war is a Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 410 memory, women are largely apathetic towards political activities, and the main concerns are economic. Families are split between those who remain in Asedades and those who send remittances from Managua, or Jinotega's coffee region, or even from Costa Rica. VII. CONCLUSIONS In many respects, the situation relative to 1987 can be captured by the French phrase, "Plus ga change, plus c'est la meme chose" ["The more things change, the more they stay the same."] In terms of absolute poverty, the contradictions which have propelled Nicaragua's economic and political development have persistently left Nicaragua as one of Latin America's poorest countries. Even relative to other Central American citizens, Nicaraguans have the lowest levels of education, health, environmental, and economic welfare. Ajid for many rural peasant women, life is quite similar to that of their grandmothers: long hours to haul water and firewood, lack of electricity and/or latrine, and arduous commutes for market and other services. In most households, the gender division of labor, and associated attitudes about gender roles, remain stagnant. But relative progress has been made since 1967 when Anastasio Somoza took power. Certain aspects of the campesina lifestyle have progressed over the years - namely, years of schooling, infant mortality, maternal mortality, and access to family planning. While a campesina's grandmother may have lacked electricity, running water, latrine, and schooling, the contemporary woman may only lack one or two of these. Consistent with the starting hypotheses, the greatest gains in these areas were seen in the Sandinista period with the most oft reported relapse being the lack of access to medicines during the neoliberal years. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 411 The most dramatic improvements in terms of daily life for women have been in education and family planning rates. Relative to the Somoza years, women's social participation has increased, although few women are involved in non-traditional associations. Although the latter is the most effective catalyst to feminist transformation, more global strategies of socio-economic development, along with ideological factors, must be taken into consideration in order to overthrow the patriarchal violence and workloads among Nicaraguan women. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. nTAT.F.rrriCAI, FEMINISM AND CONTRADICTORY ECONOMIC SYSTEMS: CAMPESINA DAILY LIFE FROM SOMOZA TO AT.FMAKT Volume XI: Bibliography and Appendices by Julia Havelin A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (POLITICAL ECONOMY & PUBLIC POLICY) December 2000 Copyright 2000 Julia Havelin Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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