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Bridging the gap: a case study of an African American residential community at a predominantly White institution

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Bridging the gap: a case study of an African American residential community at a predominantly White institution

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Content Running head: BRIDGING THE GAP

BRIDGING THE GAP:
A CASE STUDY OF AN AFRICAN AMERICAN RESIDENTIAL COMMUNITY AT A
PREDOMINANTLY WHITE INSTITUTION

by

Corliss P. Bennett

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

May 2014

Copyright 2014 Corliss P. Bennett

BRIDGING THE GAP ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This doctoral program and now dissertation has been the most intense, challenging
and most rewarding project of my life. As I close this eleven-year chapter of my life, I
recognized that, I was not alone in this journey; I must give thanks to Lord for being on my
side.
I must start with my family: First my parents Claude & Carolyn Bennett, who have
been there since day one. As a first generation college graduate, and the oldest “guinea
pig” child, we had to learn the college-going process together. Thanks for always
encouraging me. Your goal was for me to graduate from college. I bet you never imagined
that I would be the first one in our family to earn a doctorate degree. Thank you to my
sister and brother-in-law Mr. & Mrs. Lester & Cathy Kuriyama and my nieces Leah and
Ariel Rubin; I hope that I have been an example that all things are possible, no matter what
the obstacle. My supportive “Hubby,” Christopher Avery McBride: When we met in April
of 1997, I was in the process of trying to complete my second degree and with your
encouragement and computer skills, I was able to complete my Master’s degree in 2001.
You have been my “pillar of strength” from the start in “sickness and in health.” From my
first semester’s surgery in December 2003 through our New Year’s Eve 2006 Wedding,
through my Multiple Myeloma (Bone Marrow Cancer) transplant and recovery, you never
left my side and I am forever grateful. Thanks for being my “Hubby” my “Hommie” my
Nurse, and my Friend!
My closest friends and bridesmaids: My “BFF” of 20 years, Dr. Nina Caldwell,
thanks for being a positive example in my life and always being in my corner through thick
BRIDGING THE GAP iii
and thin, Happy Friendship Anniversary! Ms. Carlene Davis, my friend since the third
grade. Thanks for the slumber parties, pushing me to finish and for always having my
back. My undergraduate college friends: Mrs. Claudia (McClain) Flowers may the “C &
C Crew” dance forever. Ms. Michele Gutman, my first apartment roommate and confidant.
Ms. Ingrid Johnson, my newest friend of 16 years, “my down-to-earth-home girl.” Thanks
for your encouragement and your “keeping it real” spirit.
My USC Rossier Family: My doctoral committee, Dr. Kristan Venegas (chair), Dr.
Patricia Tobey and Dr. Kim West, thanks for believing in me; The Dissertation Support
Center Crew: Dr. Illda Jimenez y West, for keeping a spot for me open at every ODA and
Dr. Linda Fischer for helping me FINSH! USC Rossier Ed.D. program staff; Thanks for
hanging in there with me, through all of my medical procedures, and facilitating my
extension approvals. Dr. Shaun Harper, former Director of the Ed.D. Program, who hand
delivered my acceptance letter in July 2003, making this doctoral program a reality. My
Ed.D. “Folks in the Struggle:” Dr. Joy Oaks, Dr. Michael Marion, Dr. Frank Harris, thank
you for your encouragement.
My USC Work Family: Dr. Michael Jackson, former VP of Student Affairs, Mr.
Ken Taylor and Dr. Raquel Torres-Retana my former and current supportive supervisors,
and the CBCSA Work Family: Rosalind Conerly and all CBCSA student-staff from 2003-
2013. I would also like to thank all of the current students and alumni who participated in
this study.
Lastly, I want to send a “special” thanks to my “Hater High School College
Counselor” who told me that I was not mature/ready enough to attend a 4-year institution,
BRIDGING THE GAP iv
despite the fact that I was on the honor roll all four years of high school. Not only did I
earn my B.A. (UCR 1988), my M.A. (USF 2001), but 30 years later, my Doctorate degree
(USC 2014), Wow!
It is not when you start, or how long it took, but that YOU FINISH!
It is impossible,
It's difficult,
It's done...Fight On!!!

Dr. Deeva

BRIDGING THE GAP v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ii
List of Tables vi
Abstract vii
Chapter One Overview of the Study 1
Chapter Two Literature Review 21
Figure 1 Model of Predicting Retention
(Tinto, 1993)
37
Chapter Three Methodology 45
Chapter Four Results 57
Chapter Five Discussion 85
References 99
Appendices
Appendix A Call for Participants 113
Appendix B Information/Facts Sheet for
Non-Medical Research
114
Appendix C Interview Protocol 116
Appendix D African American Special
Interest Floors
119

BRIDGING THE GAP vi
LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Schlossberg’s Transitional Model (1989) 24
Table 2 W. E. Cross Model of Nigrescense, Simplified 33
Table 3 Patterson Place Cohort Responses 50
Table 4 Student Organizations Founded by Patterson Place
Participants
76

BRIDGING THE GAP vii
ABSTRACT
This case study applies Schlossberg’s Transitional Theory (1995) to African
Americans’ transition and persistence in higher education. The purpose of this case study
was to determine if the experiences of first year African American students living within a
special interest community fostered students’ sense of belonging and university
connectivity at a predominantly White institution. This study begins with a historical
overview of significant events that paved the way for African Americans in higher
education. Next, the study shares an evaluation of the theoretical frameworks of Cross
(1991), Astin (1984) and Tinto (1993) to help identify African American students’
transition, personal development, sense of belonging, and persistence through academic
achievement within the first year of college. Intended for any professional who works in
higher education, this case study demonstrates the importance of how fostering
interpersonal relationships among students, staff and faculty increases engagement, and
persistence toward graduation for African American students.
BRIDGING THE GAP 1

CHAPTER ONE
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The greater the investment students make in their educational
experiences, the more likely they are to persist and
succeed in their educational endeavors.
-- Astin (1984)

For the past several decades, greater numbers of Black students have chosen to
attend predominantly White institution (PWI), therefore; it is critically important to
understand the impact of university student culture on their experiences (Lee, 2004).
Understanding the complexity of this experience requires the consideration of a number of
factors, including the campus climate of the particular college or university, the personal
characteristics that the students bring to the college, and the influence of the peer group on
individual behavior that has an impact on student persistence or attrition (Anderson, 2004).
The aim of the study was to examine African American students’ transition and persistence
in higher education through their residential experience.
Statement of the Problem
The retention rates for African American
1
and other racial/ethnic minority students
are oftentimes lower than those of their White counterparts. For instance, Berger and
Milem (1999) assert, “being Black is the third largest negative predictor of persistence” (p.
657). Drawing upon anthropological and sociological studies, Tinto’s (1993) model of
student departure suggest that students who become detached from their communities of

1
African American/Black are interchangeable terms, used throughout this study, are citizens or
residents of the United States who have at least partial ancestry from any of the native populations of Africa.

BRIDGING THE GAP 2

origin and integrated into the campus community are more likely to persist. One major
criticisms of Tinto’s model is the loose application to African American and other students
of color, who typically thrive on the support offered by family members and supportive
others from their home communities (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010). The model does,
however provide insight into a key ingredient for African American and other minority
student persistence—namely feeling a part of and connected to the university (Strayhorn
& Terrell, 2010).
Separating from one’s community and forfeiting aspects of one’s identity is
sometimes inaccurately assumed as a required for successful integration. This option is
rarely attractive to or even considered by most African American and other students of
color. Thus, it is necessary to foster an environment and offer activities that recognize and
celebrate the unique cultural perspectives that these students bring to the campus.
Furthermore, building a familial sense of community among these students lead to
successful integration and retention, (McNairy, 1996). African American and other
students of color are likely to leave when “insufficient personal affiliation is felt with others
on campus” (Tinto, 1993, p. 102). Peltier et al. (1999) suggests that students of color are
likely to persist through degree completion if welcoming, supportive, and culturally
relevant communities are fostered and opportunities for leadership are provided.
Research Question
This study was designed to examine African American students’ transition, and
persistence in higher education. It is intended to demonstrate the importance that fostering
interpersonal relationships increases retention and persistence for African American
BRIDGING THE GAP 3

students, hence the focus of this dissertation through one primary research question: How
do the experiences of first year African American students living within a special interest
community foster students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a
predominantly White institution?
Purpose and Significance of the Study
The study will examine whether Patterson Place is a program that “bridge the gap”
within the first year of college that impacts and promotes African American students’
transition, academic achievement, persistence and personal development as a means to
foster university connectivity. Many universities speak of the importance of increasing
African American student persistence and retention. Some institutions are still striving for
the right formula. Patterson Place can be viewed as another area where residence life
professionals can collaborate with academic and student affairs professionals, and other
key campus support staff, providing insight into how students’ experience and manage
transitions to the kind of services that support their efforts.
A significant amount of research indicates that African American students are less
likely to complete college when compared to White populations (Strayhorn & Terrell,
2010). A number of interventions have been implemented in an effort to increase the
retention rate of Black students, however; many of these interventions have not been
evaluated from the students’ perspective. Early intervention programs began to emerge on
campuses to assist African American students in their academic, personal, and social
adjustments. A significant number of programs focused on the first year as the critical
determinant of college continuance, especially for African American students.
BRIDGING THE GAP 4

The transition into higher education may be influenced by many factors, including
the experience of living on campus. Residential programs offer structures and supports
that typically assist traditional-aged students in moving from their high school experiences
and home environments to life on campus within a community of their peers. The
opportunities available through residence hall living may impact students’ decisions to
enroll in a particular institution, their ability to make a successful transition, and their
likelihood of remaining at the institution through graduation (Benjamin & Chatriand,
2008).
Background of the Problem
Colleges universities in the United States are more racially, ethnically, and
culturally diverse today than ever before in history of American higher education, and this
trend is likely to continue in the future. Consider national college enrollment statistics
indicating approximately 18 million students are enrolled at more than 4,200 degree-
granting institutions in the United States (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010). Access to higher
education has increased significantly among historically underrepresented students of
color—who represent 34% of the total undergraduate enrollment in 2009—significant gaps
persist across racial/ethnic groups (US Department of Education, 2011). For instance,
while upwards of 75%-80% of White students enroll in college immediately after high
school graduation, only 35%-65% of African Americans do so, (Adelman, 2002),
depending on their socioeconomic status (SES). And when they do enroll, African
Americans tend to be concentrated at two-year community colleges, less selective four-
BRIDGING THE GAP 5

year institutions and minority serving institutions, such as historically Black colleges and
universities (HBCU) (Strayhorn & Hirt, 2008).
Recent studies have discussed the growing gap of college attendance and
graduation rates of women. While the rate of White women’s college attendance and
graduation now surpass that of men, this has been the case for Black women for over a
century (Perkins, 2010). Gender disparities are most pronounced among African
Americans. Black women outnumber their same-race male counterparts by a margin of
just over two to one (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010). In addition, two-thirds of all Black men
who start college do not graduate within six years of initial enrollment, the lowest graduate
rate among both sexes and all racial/ethnic groups (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010).
Throughout the twentieth century until the present, Black women have earned more
degrees than Black men except for the decade between 1920 and 1930 (Perkins, 2010).
Despite progress in African American students’ enrollment in college, national
trends suggest African American students continue to confront arguably unique obstacles
and stressors in educational settings, especially in predominantly White institutions
(PWIs), (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010). Over the past 20 years, many colleges and
universities have instituted programs and services to promote academic achievement and
persistence toward graduation. In these efforts, thousands of committed professionals have
agonized about what they and their institutions might do to retain more African American
students and help more students gain maximum benefits from their college experience
(Berry & Asamen, 1989).
BRIDGING THE GAP 6

Since the push to bring racial diversity to higher education in the United States
began in the 1960s, universities have competed to enroll the most talented African
American students. The efforts have been highly successful: Black enrollment has
increased dramatically (Green, 2001), yet today, African Americans are still
underrepresented as students, faculty, and staff at predominantly white institutions (PWIs)
across the country.
Historical Foundation: African American Access to Higher Education
Even as the struggle to admit, retain, and ultimately graduate Black collegians
continues today, institutions face new challenges from the Black community to create
optimal learning environments that promote retention to graduation of America’s Black
youth. The first step toward understanding and responding to those needs is recognition of
the road Blacks have traveled seeking matriculation into American colleges and
universities (Lee, 2004). Prior to the Civil War, only 28 of the nation’s nearly four million
newly freed slaves had received baccalaureate degrees from American colleges. Although
the lives of those educated few have changed tremendously, much work was needed to
reform African American access to higher education (Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009).
One of the biggest reform policies for public education, and subsequently for
African Americans, was introduced in 1862 with the implementation of the first Morrill
Land Grant Act. The Act ushered in the agricultural and mechanical arts education
movement, which provided funds and 30,000 acres of land for the establishment of public
institutions in every state. Ten years after the passage of the Act, Alcorn College in
BRIDGING THE GAP 7

Mississippi became the first land-grant institution to be established for African Americans
(Willie, 2003).
Democracy was specifically extended to African Americans with the passage of the
second Morrill Act of 1890, which provided that the funds for education be distributed
annually on a “just and equitable” basis to African Americans in seventeen states. This
Act led to the establishment of 17 Black state-supported institutions, which joined the list
of existing private Black Colleges and 54 other Black institutions founded under the first
Morrill Act, (Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009).
Historically, Blacks and other underrepresented populations have had an
adversarial relationship with PWIs. Blacks were not permitted to enroll in public White
institutions in the south until after World War I. When they did enroll at the end of the
1930s, it was mostly into segregated living and learning environments, (Green, 2001).
Between the 1950s through the early 1970s, several events occurred that increased minority
students’ access to white institutions.
Willie (2003) reported that during the 1970s Black student enrollment increased far
more rapidly than White college enrollment. Five significant historical events influenced
enrollment increases for Blacks and other minorities, including; (1) the 1954 Brown v.
Topeka Board of Education Supreme Court decision, (2) the Civil Rights Movement, (3)
the Equality of Education (EEO) Report, (4) the 1965 Higher Education Act, and (5) the
1973 Adams decision. Collectively, these events greatly affected minority student access
to higher education. The result of these federal enactments and civil rights activities was
the growth of federally funded programs designed to increase minority participation in
BRIDGING THE GAP 8

higher education. While these efforts are laudable, African American students must
contend with a number of issues that can impede their academic success (Willie, 2003).
Not until 1954, with Brown v. Board of Education decision, did the U.S. Supreme
Court, make equal access the law of the land. It was more recently in the 1960s and 1970s,
after the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 that “de facto rights” of
admission were granted to persons of color at many institutions of higher education,
especially PWIs, (Green, 2001). While the access of students of color to higher educational
opportunities has improved in general, the access of African American students specifically
has not.
Once these students matriculate at particular institutions, they are often forgotten
and left to fend for themselves (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010). It was during the
administration of President John F. Kennedy that significant programs were initiated to
provide federal financial aid for students of color to pursue postsecondary education,
(Green, 2001). During the early 1960s the federal government instituted such programs as
the National Defense Education Act (NDEA), the National Defense Student Loan program
(NDSL), and other work-study programs that made it possible for students of color
(especially African Americans) to have the financial support necessary to attend college
for the first time. Other programs followed in the mid and late 1960s such as the Basic
Equal Education Opportunity Grants program (BEOG) and the Equal Education
Opportunity program (EEOP) (Green, 2001). Each of the programs provided direct loans
or grants to low-income students and students of color who qualified for college admission
BRIDGING THE GAP 9

and enrollment. Because of these programs, low-income students and students of color
began to enroll en masse at colleges and universities across the country, (Green, 2001).
First Year Experience
First year students can be the greatest challenge to an institution. It is important to
help these students in their transition to the university so they will have a positive
experience and persist through graduation. In this culture of expectation and high mobility,
students are likely to leave an institution if they do not feel the benefits immediately. In
order to help students through these transitions, many schools provide extensive first year
programming including summer orientations and camps, week-long welcome festivities,
“special themed” residence hall living accommodations, academic bridge programs and
other opportunities to build relationships with peers, student leaders, university staff and
faculty outside of the classroom. There is an increasing awareness that student success and
satisfaction is just as much about the co-curricular and extra-curricular experience as it is
about the classroom experience.
African Americans face a number of significant challenges in collegiate settings.
Thus, it is increasingly important to identify strategies that can improve educational
outcomes of African American students, especially since the first year college experience
is critical for African Americans and other students of color (Strayhorn & Terrell, 2010).
Many students, who despite having struggles with obstacles such as attending resource-
poor schools, having low economic status, and lack knowledge about higher education, are
finding their way into two-year and four-year colleges and universities (Rendon, Garcia,
& Person, 2004).
BRIDGING THE GAP 10

The weight of empirical evidence documents the myriad of challenges that African
American students face at PWIs. Among them are declining enrollments (Harper, 2006);
difficult transitions (Hinderlie & Kenny, 2002); lack of supportive relationships
(Strayhorn, 2008c); undue psychological pressure to prove themselves academically
(Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007) ; unwelcoming and “chilly” campus environments that offer
inadequate social support (Fleming, 1984); social isolation (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso,
2000); and racism and discrimination (Jan et al.,2000).
A well-designed first-year experience program can provide the tools and skills
needed for students to achieve their academic goals. A first-year program can propel
African Americans and other students of color from matriculation to graduation by helping
them understand and maneuver the culture of the campus, become informed participants,
and ultimately change the culture (Rendon, Garcia, & Person, 2004). Yet, to transform the
first-year experience requires that educators think beyond the notion of “offering services”
to African American and other students of color. Transforming the first-year experience
requires that first-year educators challenge their stereotypes and assumptions about these
students. It requires faculty and staff to rethink the way they design programs and services,
as well as the way they interact with African American and other students of color.
Institutional Support: Social and Campus Climate
One of the challenges of student retention in higher education is how to provide
welcoming places where students can grow and develop with confidence and comfort. In
order to turn a mere space into a community of significance, an environment must be
created with opportunities for positive interaction and other aspects to which student can
BRIDGING THE GAP 11

connect. African American students’ academic success and persistence in college are
related to their ability to interpret information in changing contexts and to understand and
utilize the environment advantageously. Also, maintaining a realistic self-appraisal in the
face of negative feedback and understanding and handling racism on these abilities,
respectively (Sedlacek 1987, 1999).
One critical factor in the retention and success of African American students at
PWIs is their experience of the campus social environment, (Schwitzer, Ancis, & Griffin,
1998). There is a proposed model that contributes to the freshmen year experience
literature by describing four features of African-Americans’ social adjustment to PWIs.
Schwitzer et al., (1998) used focus-group data to construct a descriptive model of African
American students’ social-adjustment-to-college experience in PWIs. The first two
features identified by the model are two levels of “Adjusting to the Institutional Climate as
a Whole” [i.e. (a) sense of underrepresentedness and (b) direct perceptions of racism]. The
remaining feature of the model is two levels of “Influences on Academic Relationships
with Faculty” [i.e., (a) hurdle of approaching faculty, and (b) effects of faculty familiarity].
The first area of social adjustment that tended to define African American college
students’ experiences—sense of underrepresentedness—concerned being an African
American student in the environment generally (Schwitzer et al., 1998). Participants in the
study felt less encouragement then they had in their home and high school communities.
They said they felt “unsupported” and “different;” they reported that the transition to the
institution’s social climate had been “hard,” “difficult,” “a struggle,” or “unhappy.”
BRIDGING THE GAP 12

Several students mentioned feelings of isolation. The study participants often said that it
was less friendly and warm than they anticipated (Schwitzer et al., 1998).
The second area of social adjustment that tended to define African American
students’ experience of the environment as a whole—direct perceptions of racism—
involved dealing with situations, statements, or actions perceived as racist (Schwitzer et
al., 1998). Participant reports that fell into this category almost always referred explicitly
to “racial problems,” “racial struggle,” or “institutional racism.” Students shared problems
specific problems they had encountered relative to the racism they perceived. One male
student described hostile reactions of hall residents when he entered a White female
student’s dorm room.
The third feature of the model—hurdle of approaching faculty and staff—
concerned a sense of hesitation, uncertainty, or difficulty experienced when initiating
interactions with professors (Schwitzer et al., 1998). As an illustration, one female student
said, “If I need help, I need help. Some professors feel I need help because I’m Black.” A
female student felt “intimidated going to the professor when a class is White and male-
dominated.” Several students felt that professors were uninformed or inexperienced when
working with African American students.
Students in the study confirmed the assumption that African American tend to
experience PWIs as “more hostile” and “foreign” (Fleming, 1984). The model went further
to define African Americans’ social adjustments more specifically as an uncomfortable
day-today feeling of social distance form others at their institution. Because the feeling of
BRIDGING THE GAP 13

underrepresentedness tended to be a new, unexpected, or surprising experience, students
tended to be initially unprepared for it.
Student involvement leads to greater integration on the social and academic systems
of the college and promotes institutional commitment (Berger & Milem, 1999). African
Americans and other students of color at PWIs, often perceive activities and student
organizations to be too White, and therefore do not become involved (Harper & Wolley
2003; Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001). This trend helps explain why these students are
retained at lower rates (McNairy, 1996). Tinto (1993) establishes a critical connection
between involvement, learning, and leaving. He offers, “The more students are involved in
the social and intellectual life of a college, the more frequently they make contact with
faculty, staff and other students about learning issues, especially outside of the classroom”
(p. 69). To this end, activities and programs that appeal to the unique cultures and histories
of students of color are essential on predominantly White campuses. McNairy (1996) urges
that students of color not be seen as a monolithic group. Outreach to this group is essential.
Residential Life Experience
Student affairs practitioners are educators who can collaborate with faculty, staff,
and administrators to educate students. Practitioners are developing a renewed
commitment to student learning and academic success. This learning is not limited to the
classroom, but can take place through student organizations, campus events and residence
life (Alexander, 1996). The transition into higher education may be influenced by many
factors, including the experience of living on campus. Residential programs offer
structures and supports that typically assist traditional-aged students in moving from their
BRIDGING THE GAP 14

high school experiences and home environments to life on campus within a community of
their peers (Benjamin & Chatriand, 2008).
Residential halls are more than just shelter. These halls are vital environments for
student education, development, socialization, and growth. Residence life programs—
particularly those designed for the critically important first year—are essential for making
that experience a productive one for the students, both individually and collectively, and
are proof that learning does not end at the classroom door. These innovative programs are
opportunities for student affairs professionals, faculty, and academic officers to work
together to advance the campus’s educational mission (Zeller, 2008).
Residence life can enhance academic success in a variety of ways. “The impact of
residential learning stems from two conditions. First, in residential living, the ‘teachers’
are primarily fellow students. Second, the informal environment and rich range of
problems and relationships offer many opportunities for learning” (Riker, 1981).
Universities can promote academic success and student learning by making a specific effort
to create learning communities (Pike, Schroeder & Berry, 1997).
There are many different ways that institutions manage freshmen living
environments, including first-year residence halls, immersion into the wider residence hall
system, and other, more aggressive programs, which link coursework and culture with the
living environment. Upcraft 1989, states that first year students do better with their
transition to college in a more controlled environment that is less accessible to upper-
classmen. A great deal of research has shown that freshmen living environments can be
very beneficial for new student in their adjustment to the university (Upcraft, 1989).
BRIDGING THE GAP 15

For this case study, a special interest community is defined as a hall, house, wing
or floor of a residential facility designed around a specific interest or theme. Special
interest communities support students by providing them a living environment where
everyone shares a common interest. With programming and events centered on the ideals
and goals of the community, residents build strong bonds with each other as they explore
these interests. The residential life staff offers unique program opportunities that focus on
the theme of the community to enhance the residential experience. Examples include but
are not limited to language houses, engineering floors, Greek housing, wellness housing,
arts and humanities, and cultural residence housing. Freshmen year programs are designed
to aid first year students in the transition from high school to college. This type of housing
can help create a supportive community and emphasize important issues such as personal
safety and tolerance for diversity (Zeller, Fidler, & Barefoot, 1991).
Today, the role of residence life programs in supporting institutional goals for
recruiting, retaining, and supporting the transition of new students to our campuses is
universally recognized as one of the most important elements of quality campus first-year
experience programs (Benjamin & Chatriand, 2008). The expansion and enhancement of
first-year living and learning programs, new staffing, residential technology, and enhanced
residential facilities with new type of spaces and amenities have come about through the
common acknowledgement of the importance of a quality, residential experience for first-
year students (Zeller, 2008).
The role that first-year residence hall play in the development of leadership skills
for first-year students and explains why residential environments are perhaps the best
BRIDGING THE GAP 16

setting for introducing new students to leadership and community service. For many
students, their first leadership experiences occurred in a residence hall position, which
ultimately served as a springboard to broader leadership service on campus and ultimately
with career and community settings (Dunkel & Carodine, 2008).
Overview of Theoretical Framework & Methodology
Why are African Americans students having a difficult time adjusting in some
White institutions? Is it simple because they are not academic prepared, or are other factors
at work within the institutional setting that may impede their success (Holmes et al., 2007)?
In order to address the issues related to retention and persistence, this study will explore
Schlossberg’s (1989) theory of college students’ mattering to others throughout their
transition. Mattering is the experience of others depending on us, being interested in us,
and being concerned with our fate. The relationships of mattering to college friends and
the college environment, and friend and family social support with academic stress is a
major component of this transitional theory as a means to recognize university connectivity
in the first year of college (Rayle & Chung, 2007). Transition is defined as an event or
nonevent that alters one’s life (Schlossberg, 1989). Whether we are entering first grade or
college, getting married, or retiring, we are concerned about our new roles. We wonder
will we belong. Will we matter?
We are aware of the classifications and issues that divide us. There are many—
ethnicity, age, gender, social class, sexual preference, religion, and politics, to name a few.
This awareness of different experiences, different expectations, and different voices raises
a perplexing set of questions: With all these differences separating us, what connects us?
BRIDGING THE GAP 17

Do we have shared humanity? Can a campus community be created that allows all students
to find a place of involvement and importance? Schlossberg, 1989, suggests the polar
themes of marginality and mattering connect all of us—rich or poor, young and old, male
and female. Are we part of things; do we belong; are we central or marginal? Do we make
a difference; do others care about us and make us feel we matter (Schlossberg, 1989)?
The study of Nigrescence (a French word meaning the “process of becoming
Black”) evolved in the late 1960’s as observers, especially Black-American psychologists,
tried systematically to map and codify the identity transformation that accompanied an
individual’s participation in the Black power phase (1968-1975) of the Black Social
Movement (Cross 1991). Nigrescence research tends to be multidimensional when
compared to the univariate approach found in the traditional literature. Second,
Nigrescence offers a chance to examine, at a detailed and intimate level, what happens to
a person during identity change (Cross, 1991). It is also described as the healthy
individual’s identity transforming from one of non-Afrocentrism to Afrocentrism to
multiculturalism through a re-socializing experience. A cyclical journey with changes
occurring over the lifetime in the African American individual’s psyche within five stages
(Jennings, 2004).
One of our deepest current concerns in higher education is to find ways to involve
students in learning (Schlossberg, 1989). Astin (1999) found that greater degrees of
involvement with the programs and activities of the campus influence student satisfaction
with college, academic achievement, and persistence toward graduation. Student
involvement refers to the amount of physical and psychological energy that the student
BRIDGING THE GAP 18

devotes to the college experience (Astin, 1999). Thus, a highly involved student is one
who, for example, devotes considerable energy to studying, spends time on campus,
participates actively in student organizations and interacts frequently with faculty and other
institutional personnel. According to the theory, the greater the student’s involvement in
college, the greater will be the amount of student learning and personal development,
(Astin, 1999). Many universities speak of the importance of increasing student retention.
Indeed, quite a few invest substantial resources in programs designed to achieve that end
(Tinto, 2009).
During a symposium in Brisbane, Australia, Tinto (2009) stated four conditions
that stand out as supportive of student success, namely expectations, support, feedback,
and involvement.
• Students are more likely to persist and graduate in settings that hold high
and clear expectations for student achievement.
• Support is a condition that promotes student retention. Research points to
several types of support that promote retention, in particular academic and
social support.
• Students are more likely to succeed in settings in which information about
student progress is not only collected but feedback to teachers, staff and
students in forms that enable them to use that information to promote
student success.
BRIDGING THE GAP 19

• Involvement or what is now commonly referred as engagement is a
condition for student success. The more students are academically and
socially involved, the more likely are they to persist and graduate.
Many universities speak about the importance of increasing student retention.
Quite a few invest substantial resources in programs designed to achieve that end. Some
universities hire consultants who promise a proven formula for successful retention. Tinto
(2009) summed up his keynote address at during symposium stating, that students are more
likely to persist, learn, and graduate when they find themselves in settings that hold high
expectations for their learning. It is important provide needed academic and social support
and actively involve them with other students and teachers in learning, in particular in the
classrooms, laboratories, and studios of the campus. This case study will show how these
very elements become a reality when forming a special interest community for African
American students.
Organization of the Study
This chapter provided an introduction and addressed the purpose for the study. It
continued with a historical background of the significant events that paved the way for
African American students in higher education. It also described the first year experience,
institutional social and campus climate, and residential life experiences as it relates to
students’ transition. Chapter two of this study interprets the literature as it relates to the
persistence, involvement, and engagement of students who live in special interests
residential communities in first-year of college. Chapter three outlines the research
methodology of the current study, including sampling procedures, includes the historical
BRIDGING THE GAP 20

site description and background, describes the design, and the method the data will be
collected and interpreted. Chapter four reports the findings of the study, and chapter five
offers consideration for professional practice as well as direction for future research.
BRIDGING THE GAP 21

CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
Student involvement in the life of the college has been found to
relate positively to numerous variables, such as satisfaction
with college, retention, academic achievement and loyalty.
-- Schlossberg (1989)
The current study explores the experiences of African American first year college
students who resided within a special interest community, fostering university connectivity
at a predominantly White institution. The review of the literature presented in this chapter
provides a basis for understanding students’ perspectives on their transition into the
university setting.
First, the main theoretical framework for the study is based on
Schlossberg’s Transitional Theory (1984) where she defines transition as events or
nonevents that alter our lives, the concept of mattering versus marginality to students in
the college setting, and the sense of belonging as having s sense of personal involvement
in a social system. Second, the study will connect Cross’ Model of Nigrescence: the
Psychology of Becoming Black (1971), as another framework for understanding the stages
at which the participants move through during their college experience. Thirdly, the study
will briefly examine the relationship of Astin’s Theory of Student Involvement (1984) and
Tinto’s Model of Predicting Retention (1993) as a means to increase successful transition,
persistence through academic and social integration, and involvement and engagement
within the campus environment in the first year of college. Finally, the study will make
the connection between students’ living within a campus special residential community
BRIDGING THE GAP 22

whose purpose is geared towards students’ transition and university connectivity as a
means of persistence toward graduation.
Theoretical Framework: Schlossberg’s Transitional Theory
College students, whether traditionally or nontraditionally aged, face many changes that
can have short and long-term effects on their lives. Nancy Schlossberg’s transition theory
provides insights into factors related to the transition, the individual, and the environment
that are likely to determine the degree of impact a given transition will have at a particular
time (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). The nature of the supports available
to facilitate coping, as well as strategies that can be used to assist those experiencing change
is also address through her theory. Transitions provide opportunities for growth and
development, but a positive outcome for the individual cannot be assumed (Evans et al.,
2010).
According to Schlossberg (1989), a transition is any event, or non-event, that results
in changed relationships, routines, assumptions, and roles (Evans et al, 1998). Schlossberg
(1989), states that any transition can significantly influence a student’s life. The student’s
ability to cope with transition can play a critical factor in the impact of the transition. For
first-year students this transition can be overwhelming and they may not have the tools to
cope. Goodman et al. (2006) noted that to understand the meaning that a transition has for
a particular individual requires considering the type, context, and impact of the transition.
There are three non-discrete types of transitions: anticipated transitions, which occur
predictably; unanticipated transitions, which are not predicted or scheduled; and
nonevents, which are expected to occur but do not. Nonevents can be classified as
BRIDGING THE GAP 23

personal—related to individual aspirations; ripple—felt due to a nonevent of someone
close; resultant—caused by an event; and delayed—anticipating an event that may still
happen. The meaning attached to transitions by different individuals is relative, as is the
way in which the transition is categorized by type, the role of perception is important
(Evans et al., 2010). Context refers to one’s relationship to the transition (one’s own or
someone else’s) and to the setting in which the transition takes place (work, personal
relationships, and so forth). Impact is determined by the degree to which a transition alters
one’s daily life. Both positive and negative transitions, as perceived by the individual,
produce stress. The presence of multiple transitions can compound stress. The impact of
such stress is dependent on the ratio of the individual’s assets and liabilities at the time
(Evans et al., 2010).
While transition may be precipitated by a single event or nonevent, dealing with a
transition is a process that extends over time (Evans et al., 2010). Essentially the individual
moves from a preoccupation with the transition to an integration of the transition. The time
needed to achieve successful transition varies with the person and the transition.
Transitions may lead to growth, though decline is also a possible outcome; indeed, many
transitions can be viewed with ambivalence by the individuals experiencing them (Evans
et al., 2010). Building on the work of Schlossberg et al. (1995) in integrating the work of
other authors, Goodman et al. (2006) endorsed the concept of transitions consisting of a
series of phases, which they termed “moving in,” “moving through,” and “moving out,”
using the language initially introduced by Schlossberg (1989).
BRIDGING THE GAP 24

Table 1 Schlossberg’s Transitional Model (1989)

SCHLOSSBERG’S TRANSITIONAL MODEL

Transitions
Event or nonevents resulting in changed relationships, routines, assumptions
and/or roles

Meaning for the Individual Based on:
Type: anticipated, unanticipated, nonevent
Context: relationship to transition and the setting
Impact: alterations in daily life

The Transition Process
Reactions over time
Moving in, moving through, and moving out

Coping with Transitions
Influenced by the ratio of assets and liabilities in regard to four sets of factors:

Situation
Trigger, timing, control, role change, duration, previous experience, concurrent
stress, assessment
Self
Personal and demographic characteristics: social economic status, gender, age,
health, ethnicity/culture
Psychological resources: ego development, outlook, commitment, values,
spirituality and resilience

Support
Types: Intimate, family, friends, institutional
Functions: affect, affirmation, aid, honest feedback
Measurement: stable and changing supports

Strategies
Three categories: modify situation, control meaning, mange stress in aftermath
Four coping models: information seeking, direct action, inhibition of action, intra-
psychic behavior

Note: Compiled from information in Goodman, Schlossberg, and Anderson (2006)

BRIDGING THE GAP 25

Marginality versus Mattering
We are aware of classifications and issues that divide us. There are many—
ethnicity, age, gender, social class, sexual preferences, religion, and politics, to name a few.
Schlossberg (1989) states that this awareness of different experiences, different
expectations, and different voices raises a perplexing set of questions: With all these
differences separating us, what connects us? Do we have a shared humanity? Can a campus
community be created that allows all students to find a place of involvement and
importance (Schlossberg, 1989)?
The polar themes of marginality and mattering connect all of us—rich or poor,
young or old, male and female. Are we part of things; do we belong; are we central or
marginal? Do we make a difference; do others care about us and make us feel we matter?
Schlossberg (1989) examines these two constructs, marginality and mattering, and
illustrate how students deal with these issues through the college experience, how
differently they work with them depending on their age, gender, social class, ethnic and
religious identifications, and the state of their emotional and financial resources.
Generally, people in transition often feel marginal and that they do not matter. Whether
entering first grade or college, getting married, or retiring, we are concerned about our new
roles. We wonder, will we belong, and will we matter?
In Schlossberg’s theory of college students’ mattering and marginality, she claimed
that mattering is the experience of others depending on us, being interested in us, and being
concerned with our fate; while the experience of marginality results in opposite feelings—
the feeling of not fitting in and not being needed or accepted (Rayle & Chung, 2007).
BRIDGING THE GAP 26

When students begin the college experience directly out of high school they can
feel uneasy about their abilities and what their roles are or should be at their respective
schools. Schlossberg (1989) found that first-year college students in transition feel
marginal, that they do not make a difference, and do not matter to their colleges. In
addition, first-year college students’ feelings of marginality may equate to not fitting in
academically and/or socially at colleges, and can result in feelings of worthlessness and
increased self-consciousness (Schlossberg 1989). When college students feel that they
matter to others, their feelings of marginality diminish; college students succeed in a
multitude of ways when they perceive that they are appreciated by others and receive
positive affirmation.
First-year students who are experiencing unique and demanding academic,
financial, and relational challenges during their transitions to college, Schlossberg (1989)
suggested that is during such transitions that individuals need to perceive that they matter
to others. The transition from high school to college is often a double-edged occurrence
for traditional students who encounter many challenges and opportunities for growth, and
who experience the loss of the familiar and a fear of the unknown. The challenges first-
year college students may face included a variety of life adjustments such as being away
from loved ones, depression, isolation, searching for independence, building a new social
support network, making life-altering decisions, and academic stress (Rayle & Chung,
2007). Many students are able to rise to the challenges they face, however, one-fourth of
all students, regardless of gender, do not return to school after the first year of college with
the majority leaving at the end of their first semester (Rayle & Chung, 2007).
BRIDGING THE GAP 27

Sense of Belonging
Tovar et al. (2009) describe belongingness as one having a sense of personal
involvement in a social system so that persons feel themselves to be an indispensable and
integral part of a system. Belongingness is characterized by the need for frequent, non-
aversive interactions within an ongoing relational bond, to maintain relationships in which
the individual feels part of something greater than himself or herself. This need is
consistent with higher education literature that has found that co-curricular and classroom
relationships significantly affect a students’ decision to stay in or leave college (Pascarella
& Terenzini, 2005). Tovar et al, 2009 suggested that there is similarity across ethnic,
racial, and gender lines in students’ desire to belong within the college setting.
Students of Color
Schlossberg (1989) further contends that marginality and mattering can be
influential in the impact of transition. Marginality is characterized with feelings of not
belonging and these feelings can be permanent for communities of color on college
campuses. Furthermore, she stressed the importance of institutions of higher education in
helping students feel like they matter. Before students can become involved and begin to
develop academically and cognitively, they must feel like they matter. Tracey and
Sedlacek (1985) contend that student affairs professionals must identify those activities
that assist students of color in becoming part of the campus community and must design
proactive interventions to capitalize on them. This is not only the responsibility of the
minority affairs, but also the department within student affairs and the campus community.
BRIDGING THE GAP 28

Several studies noted the importance of particular student characteristics that
made their transition into hostile campus climates easier. Padilla, Trevino, Gonzalez and
Trevino (1997) found that many students of color realized they were entering a negative
climate before matriculating into a PWI. Consequently, these students were preemptively
prepared for this experience. Being honest with students of color and preparing them to
deal with the reality of racism at many PWIs may assist students in their transition.
African American students constantly complain about the overall social life of the
college that supports their spending significant time creating and participating in social
interactions, but mainly with other Black students. Fleming (1984) found that students
create their own social and cultural environments when they do not feel accommodated
within the mainstream of the university experience. This is relevant given the social
dissatisfaction that stems from students’ experiences with racism, their expressed need to
achieve unity with other Black students on campus, the under-representation of their race
on campus, and their feeling of the lack of belonging. Students join groups to support each
other and come together to celebrate publicly their history and culture and to address racial
identity developmental issues.
It seems likely that the Black students’ dissatisfaction with their social life may
have a negative impact on their academic grades. One of the main factors contributing to
Black students not manifesting high levels of academic achievement was their need to put
considerable effort into creating a visible Black community that would be supportive of
their interests and needs (Pearson & Christensen, 1996).
BRIDGING THE GAP 29

Smedley, Myers, and Harrell (1993) provided empirical evidence to support the
fact that students of color, especially black students are more likely to face additional socio-
cultural and contextual stresses in their transition to college as a result of hostile campus
climates at PWIs. Although all first year students are likely to encounter stressors, such
as, finances, academic demands, and relationships, students of color have additional
concerns referred to as “minority status stresses.” Overt racism was found to be less
stressful (it is hypothesized that obvious forms of racism occur less frequently) for students
of color. However, the most debilitating form of stress is encountered by students of color
is the type that undermines a students’ academic confidence and ability to bond with the
university (Watson et al., 2002).
As Pounds (1987) noted, for Black students there are a number of factors in the
college environment that affect success. Specifically, students are influenced by social,
economic, and political variables. Based on racism, discrimination by the larger and more
powerful majority has been a shared experience of Black students. Credle and Dean
(1991), supported Flemings’ (1984) idea that colleges are a reflection of society as a whole.
Poor race relations characterize American society and colleges suffer from the effects of
the history of the institutional racism of America and the culture’s ethnocentrisms.
Issues faced during transition might also influence persistence of African American
students, particularly through their social and emotional adjustment. The social and
emotional adjustment of African American students seems to be as important as academic
adjustment in predicting persistence. Students who are incapable of forming social
networks, regulating personal freedom and responsibilities, and managing emotional
BRIDGING THE GAP 30

concerns related to the college transition process are inclined to leave the university before
completing their degree (Rendon, 1996). The [educational] system designed for what they
call the majority to excel…. it is not blatantly against [minorities], but it does not facilitate
the advancement of minorities (Wallace and Bell, 1999). Learning how to successfully
manage these transitions helps to create a more productive member of society.
The literature emphasizes the importance of academic integration in the success of
students at all types of institutions. However, PWIs must gain a greater understanding of
the ways in which students of color are academically integrated into the institution.
Malaney and Shirvely (1995) found that African American students are least likely to be
academically integrated into PWIs. If these institutions continue to use frameworks
developed to understand traditional student success, they will not understand the academic
experience of diverse communities.
Because most proactive retention efforts are based on what others perceive as
needs of African American students, it would be interesting to identify what new African
American freshmen perceive their needs to be on entering the university. Students enter
the university with rather well defined self-perceptions of their academic preparation,
personal and social needs and career aspirations. These perceptions represent the total
experiences the students have had, both positive and negative, and are the basis for the
student’s expectations, both positive and negative (Rowser, 1990). One means of
determining what students believe they need is through the use of a student survey or
case study. Rowser 1997 suggest, “Without students’ needs assessments, decisions made
BRIDGING THE GAP 31

on behalf of students may not accurately relate to students’ own needs” (p. 301). This
would facilitate developing an environment of success.
Discussion of Relevant Theories
As campuses and first-year college student become more and more diverse, higher
education professionals are increasingly called upon to design and implement multicultural
program and services. Further, specific campus professionals, such as student affairs
professionals, have begun to embrace their responsibility to better understand diverse
student groups (Pope et al., 2005).
Racial identity theory offers some understanding of how students view themselves,
others—both racially similar and racially different—and the world around them (Helms,
1990, Pope 1998, 2000). Students view the world, affecting their understanding and
interpretation of their environment through a lens. It is important that higher education
professionals—especially those who work with first-year students—have at least a
rudimentary understanding of the developmental challenges that student of color face and
the social and cultural variables that influence their college experience (Pope et al., 2005).
The development of ethnic identity is critical facet of adolescence, particular for
adolescence of color. With the rapid changes in the racial and ethnic composition of our
nation, understanding ethnicity identity development has gained increasing theoretical,
empirical, and practical salience. Social psychologists’ interest in identity is centered on
feelings of belonging to a group and the consequences of identification with one’s social
groups in society (French et al., 2006).
BRIDGING THE GAP 32

Cross: Model of Nigrescense, Psychology of Becoming Black
Nigrescense is a French word meaning “the process of becoming Black;” the
healthy individual’s identity is transformed from one of non-Afrocentrism to Afrocentrism
to multiculturalism through re-socializing experience (Parham, 2001). (Cross’ (1971)
model of Nigrescense is a five-stage model for African Americans moving from self-hatred
to self-love: (a) pre-encounter, (b) encounter, (c) immersion-emersion, (d) internalization
and (e) internalization-commitment (Cross 1971, 1991). Cross (1991) suggests that
individuals in the pre-encounter stage believe that race does not matter and never give their
racial group membership much thought—their group-esteem could be positive or negative,
but their exploration is very low. The encounter was originally conceived of as the
occurrence of a traumatic, racially prejudiced event that shakes a person from their original
view so that they are more receptive to new interpretation of their racial identity. More
recently, Cross (1991, 1995) suggests that this critical encounter can be initiated from many
small and negative eye-opening incidents too. After experiencing the encounter, the person
now decides to be “Black,” explores what is means to be “Black,” and fully immerses him
or herself into everything that is “Black.” Upon emerging from immersion-emersion stage,
individuals enter the internalization stage in which they are confident and proud of their
identity as a Black person and have positive group-esteem. Individuals in the
internalization-commitment stage take their confidence in and commitment to their race
one-step further and work toward elevating the status of African Americans and
eliminating racism in our society. It is possible for individuals to stagnate at the immersion-
BRIDGING THE GAP 33

emersion stage and not move on (Cross, 1991) or to recycle back through the stages at later
points in life after experience a new encounter (Parham, 2001).
Table 2 W. E. Cross Model of Nigrescense, Simplified
Stage Definition
Pre-encounter
A person’s culture is defined without reference to race,
view world from Eurocentric frame of reference: “White
is right” -In denial that race has anything to do with how
they live their lives
Encounter
Traumatic social or personal event that confronts a
person’s new way of viewing ethnic experience; totally
depends on personal perception of “becoming Black” or a
“frantic and obsessive search for Black identity.” -Faced
with the reality that they cannot be truly White, they are
forced to focus on their identity as members of a group
targeted by racism.
Immersion/Emmersion
Continued search for Black identity; try to get rid of all
pre-encounter identity, hostile toward whites; think whites
intend to harm them. More interested in own Black
identities and awareness of racism increases; “anti-
White.” -Individuals actively seek out opportunities to
explore aspects of their own history and culture.
Internalization
More comfortable with newfound blackness and rids
themselves of hostility of immersion/emersion phase;
“tension and emotionality is replaced by a calm secure
demeanor.” -Marks the beginning of a resolution between
old identity and the new Black worldview.
Commitment
Continues social involvement, fully internalized and is not
between immersion/emersion and internalization phase. –
Translate the new identity into meaning activities that
address concerns and problems shared by African
American and other oppressed peoples.

Compiled from information in Cross (1995)

BRIDGING THE GAP 34

First-year students are diverse— and first-year students of color are diverse— and
must not be treated as a homogeneous group. Pope, Reynolds, and Mueller (2004)
critiqued the tendency to address development and identity one-dimensionally. They urged
scholars to incorporate students’ multiple identities, such as race and gender for example,
when examining student development and oppression. Cokley’s (2001) research, which
found difference among Black students in the impact that racial identity, had on academic
psychosocial development based on gender. He found a correlation between the centrality
of race to their identity and positive academic self-concept and intrinsic motivation. It is
crucial for higher education professionals to understand a broad range of students
development theories, while remaining cognizant of individual differences, in order to best
serve all first-year college students.
Astin: Theory of Student Involvement
One of the deepest current concerns in higher education is to find ways to involve
students in learning (Schlossberg, 1989). Astin (1984) found that greater degrees of
involvement with programs and activities of the campus influence student satisfaction with
college, academic achievement, and persistence toward graduation. Student involvement
refers to the quantity and quality of the physical and psychological energy that the students
invest in the college experience. Such involvement takes many forms, such as absorption
in academic work, participation in extracurricular activities, and interaction with faculty
and other institutional personnel (Astin 1999). According to the theory, the greater the
students’ involvement in college, the greater will be the amount of student learning and
development. “The amount of student learning and personal development associated with
BRIDGING THE GAP 35

any educational program is directly proportional to the quality and quantity of student
involvement in that program. The effectiveness of any educational policy or practice is
directly related to the capacity of that policy or practice to increase student involvement,”
(Astin 1984, p. 298).
Involvement creates connections between students, faculty and staff that allow
individuals to believe in their own personal worth. This involvement also creates an
awareness of our mutual relatedness and the fact that the condition of community is not
only desirable but also essential to human survival. Therefore, the concern over involving
students, although expediently related to satisfaction and retention, is the very process that
creates community (Schlossberg, 1989). Those working to build a sense of community
through activities are challenged to understand why certain individuals get involved,
thereby creating community among themselves, and why others seem unable to establish
connections or meaningful level of involvement. What encourages or discourages
involvement could result in more purposefully designed programs and activities that more
effectively promote the quality of community. The concepts of marginality and mattering
offer new ways to explore these concerns (Schlossberg, 1989).
Tinto: Model of Predicting Retention:
The process of integration begins with the initial adjustment to college in which
students needed to learn the social and academic landscapes of the university. When they
began college, students were anxious to develop new relationships, they missed the
comforts of home, the lost the status they had gained as veteran high school students, and
the faced new responsibilities as they became increasingly independent (Morley, 2003-
BRIDGING THE GAP 36

2004). The university size can make it particularly challenging for new students to map
the social geography of campus life. It is in the first year of college that the greatest attrition
of students occurs, particularly within the first 6 weeks (Tinto, 1993). Students’
involvement and connection during that time has been shown to increase the retention rates
of first-year students in their initial term.
Tinto (1993) asserted that students enter an institution with certain background
characteristics (i.e. family background, skills, abilities, and prior schooling) that have
shaped their level of commitment for completing their degrees. He also believed that
students’ levels of commitment were continually shaped by their interactions within
various academic and social systems of the college. According to Tinto (1993), the more
that students are academically and/or socially integrated into the university, the greater
their commitment to complete their degrees.
Interventions intended to increase the persistence of first-year students by
increasing their social and academic integration have developed and implemented widely
across the U.S. higher education institutions (i.e. learning communities and first-year
seminars). Students who participate in these type experiences—even with great variation
in their operationalization—have greater overall success in their first term of college
(Tinto, 1993). When effective social integration into the college community via perception
of belongingness occurs for the student, there is a direct positive impact on student
retention as such; a student’s failing to achieve a positive sense of belonging may lead to
negative consequences in terms of his or her experience and outcome (Hausmann et al.,
2007).
BRIDGING THE GAP 37

Figure 1 Model of Predicting Retention (Tinto, 1993)
Commitment to Remain in College

Retention

Academic Social
Integration Integration
Tinto (1993) believed that social support allowed college students to become
socially integrated and involved in their college academic environments, which may
increase their academic persistence and decreased their reported academic stress levels.
Navigating Institutional Support: Social and Campus Climate
Exposure to a climate of prejudice and discrimination in classroom and on campus
had gained attention as the main factor accounting for differences in withdrawal behavior
between minorities and non-minorities, (Cabrera, Nora, Terenzini, Pascarella, &
Hagedorn, 1999). Like other stressors, experiences of prejudice and discrimination are
associated with psychological distress that can lead to the maladjustment of students at
their respective institutions. Cabrera et al. (1999) adds that “unlike other stressors,
however, experiences of discrimination are considered unique in that they (a) are present
only among minority students and (b) heighten the feeling of not belonging at the
institution with spillover effect on a students’ academic performance” (p. 140). This
climate of prejudice and discrimination creates disincentives for the minority student to
interact with non-minority students, faculty, and campus administrators (Swail et al.,
BRIDGING THE GAP 38

2003). The resulting low involvement with the different campus communities then
impinges on the minority student cognitive and affective development as well as their
decision to persist in college, (Willie, 2003).
The literature suggests several reasons for the lack of success of African American
students in PWIs. Watson et al. (2002) provided empirical evidence to support the fact that
students of color, especially Black students are more likely to face additional socio-cultural
and contextual stresses in their transition to college as a result of hostile campus climates
at PWIs. DeSousa (2001) notes that universities are coming up short on their end with the
shortfall lack of financial aid, inadequate mentoring, lack of cultural and social support,
faculty indifference, and an absence of institutional commitment to pursue Black student
retention efforts. Colleges must first recognize and understand minority characteristics and
then create orientation and support programs considering these characteristics.
While researchers agree that “institutional fit” and campus integration are important
to retaining college students to degree completion, campus climate mediates
undergraduates’ academic and social experiences in college (Swail et al., 2003). Minority
students inadequately prepared for non-academic challenges can experience culture shock.
Lack of diversity in the student population, faculty, staff, and curriculum often restrict the
nature and quality of minority students’ interactions within and out of the classroom,
threatening their academic performances and social experiences (Swail et al., 2003).
African Americans students attending PWIs experience more stress, racism, and
isolation and are less likely to persist than their counterparts at historically black colleges
(HBCU), (Jones, 2001). Students’ interaction with faculty, staff, majority peers, and the
BRIDGING THE GAP 39

social environment of the campus affects attitude, behavior, and perceptions, thus
enhancing or diminishing satisfaction, academic achievement, and persistence, (Jones,
2001). Feeling apart from academic and social campus life is one of the main reasons
African American students drop out. Jones (2001) further states that in the classroom,
students may find themselves isolated and ignored—except as examples of stereotypes
from often-intentioned faculty.
Ancis, Sedlacek, and Mohr (2000) examined student perceptions of campus cultural
climate by race, specifically the multidimensional perceptions and experiences of the
cultural climate and students’ racial-ethnic identity development. Their findings confirmed
previous research that “African American students consistently reported more negative
experiences compared with Asian Americans, Latino/a, and White students. The research
also points to the positive influence of informal faculty-student interactions on the success
of African American students. With few African American faculty as role models and
mentors, African American students tend to have little interaction with faculty, reporting
caution toward approaching white faculty (Sutton & Kimbrough, 2001).
Despite best efforts, most predominately white institutions (PWIs) are far from
enacting their espoused commitments to diversity (Astin, 1993). Tinto’s (1993), model of
predicting retention focuses on academic and/or social integration with student’s
commitment to remain in college as a factor of student retention. Tinto (1993) has
postulated that support services are necessary to increase student retention and persistence.
The support programs historically have allowed students in major universities to persist
and complete degree programs. It should be the responsibility of all institutions to create
BRIDGING THE GAP 40

programs that challenge and support entering minority students (Hrabowski, 2005). As
long as institutions continue to recruit African American students, administrators across
the institution should commit to finds ways and develop programs and services to retain
and graduate them.
Residential Experiences: Enhancing Freshmen’s Sense of Belonging
The transition from high school to college for many traditional-aged students
involves leaving home, saying goodbye to friends, family, and loved ones, and setting up
residence on a college campus. Special interest housing is found on campuses across the
country. Special interest housing, or theme housing as it is sometimes called, is an
alternative to traditional housing (Grimm, 1993). Typically, students are assigned to
residence halls based on preference for a roommate or a building and may have little in
common with other residents. In special interest housing, residents are assigned to halls,
floors or wings because they share a common interest in an academic major, fraternity or
sorority, social or political issue, ethnic group, language, international status, or wellness
issues, among others.
Research suggests that students need to be allowed to choose the type of housing
in which they will live. Several premises support special interest housing. First, students’
environment has an impact on their development. Not every environment will benefit
every student. Some students will be much more suited to a wellness hall than others. That
same student may not be suited to an ethnic hall (Grimm, 1993).
Students in residence halls are mirrors of the larger society, but unlike the
communities from which they come, the residence hall setting offers opportunities for
BRIDGING THE GAP 41

students to interact with their peers with greater regularity and more intensity (Schroeder
et al., 1994). Researchers agree that living within the campus community helps students
create a sense of university connectivity in their first year.
One intervention strategy that is gaining popularity on college campuses is
residential special interest floors within living and learning communities. Patterson Place
is bridging together academic success and social transition using African-centered
ideologies. These programs are established to foster understanding and respect while
developing and enhancing a sense of “family and community” within the institution’s
residential life program.
Riker (1981) noted that living in residence halls offers the opportunity for students
to learn about themselves as well as others, and to grow in accordance with Chickering’s
vector scheme of developing autonomy, purpose, and mature interpersonal relationships.
He further noted that residential learning supported academic learning for students, “…to
study together and continue their discussion of classroom topics over the dining table and
throughout the day and evening” (Riker, 1981, p.674). These living environments
influence students through fostering interpersonal relationships among major socializing
agents—other students, faculty, and members of the administration (Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991).
For many campuses, residence halls are an idea setting for promoting student
learning and development. Residence halls can contribute to student learning and personal
development by becoming a more integral part of the overall educational experience of
college (Schroeder et al., 1994). Residence halls can be structured to provide integration
BRIDGING THE GAP 42

between the instruction environment and various out-of-class experiences of students. The
need for integrating students’ formal academic experiences with their informal out-of-class
experience should be through collaborative efforts between educators in academic affairs
and student affairs (Kuh et al., 2003). Bliming (1993) stated the following:
At the core of any established student affairs organization at a residential college is
a strong residence hall program. Life outside the classroom is amplified here. It
provides more opportunities to influence student growth and development in the
first year or two of college than almost any other program in student affairs.
Although educational opportunities are offered through a variety of student affairs
programs and departments, none are as residence halls do (p.1).
Residence halls have an important role on most residential campuses in educating
and facilitating the development of students (Pascarella et al., 1994). Therefore, it is
important to examine the programs that are provided and whether they meet the needs of
diverse students on college campuses. Although not much literature exists in reference to
ethnically themed housing, it is important to discuss how the concerns of African American
students can be addressed through these types of programs.
Students spend a substantial amount of time in their residence halls, and
opportunities for interaction with peers and involvement in “out-of-class” activities are
plentiful. Research has indicated that, compared to students who live off campus,
residential students have significantly higher levels of involvement in activities outside of
the class interaction with faculty and peers and satisfaction with the institution (Pike, 1999).
Many institutions have created residence hall environments that are explicitly
designed to promote student learning and intellectual development. These residential
learning communities are designed to create environment that promote greater student
involvement, improve faculty-student interaction, and a more supportive peer climate. The
BRIDGING THE GAP 43

key is to also develop similar programs that fit the needs of students of color or specifically
African American students. These programs would help students feel more connected to
the university.
To help Black students develop their academic skills fully, institutions must
implement services and programs that promote Black students’ academic, social, and
personal development. This goal cannot be accomplished until institutions counteract
Blacks’ alienation through a moral commitment to affirm and practice equal opportunity
and human and academic rights in all programs and services (Watson et al., 2002).
Unfortunately, many PWI environments respond insensitively. Once Black students are
admitted to a predominantly white college or university, they are often forgotten by the
school’s administration.
Several institutions go to great lengths to ensure that their African American
students stay in school and earn their degrees by and providing African American themed
housing. Please see Appendix (D) for examples of institutions that have specialized theme
houses or floors.
Having these types of residential theme programs within the university’s residential
life system is one answer to alleviating the many negative factors that African American
students face while attending Predominately White Institutions (PWIs). Ballou (1996),
states that residence halls must become purposeful and intentional educational
environments. The literature shows that “halls with the strongest impacts on cognitive
development and persistence are typically the result of purposeful, programmatic efforts to
integrate students’ intellectual and social lives during college” (p. 20).
BRIDGING THE GAP 44

Summary
The next chapter will detail the research methodology for this case study. It will
include details of the mission, goals and background of Patterson Place, and then describe
the participant pool, which were tracked through social media networks.
BRIDGING THE GAP 45
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
The preceding chapters have established the importance of studying the transition
of students in college, the stages that African American student’s cycle through and their
involvement academic and social integration through persistence in higher education. To
better understand the role of college student transition, the study explores how the
experiences of first-year African American students living within a special interest
community fosters students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a
predominantly White institution.
What follows is a detailed description of the research methodology. Included in
this chapter are an explanation of the specific research approach, sampling and data
collection procedures and the process of the data analysis.
The first year of college is known to be the most stressful year and a time in which
the greatest number of college students withdraw or drop out from school (Mirsa, McKean,
West, & Russo, 2000). Academic stress may be especially salient for the first-year college
students who face new and higher expectations for academic work (Rayle & Chung, 2007).
Furthermore, traditional freshmen may lack strong social support networks at school and
may not have developed the coping mechanisms to deal with stress; thus, they have fewer
resources for managing stress and the anxiety of demanding schoolwork and tasks (Mirsa
et al., 2000). However, it is well known that social support systems at college may help
first-year college students manage their mattering experience (Schlossberg, 1989).
BRIDGING THE GAP 46
Residence hall communities are thus crucial in making the University feel like
home. These residence halls are the prime location for making new friends and learning
to deal with people of differing opinions, cultures, and religions. They create endless
situations for questioning one’s comfort zones and taking risks to test one’s limits (Zeller,
2008). Residential environments, and the experiences and support systems within these
environments influence first-year students’ learning and academic success (Astin, 1993).
Where first-year students live can significantly influence the overall quality of their
collegiate experience. It will affect the likelihood of their making an easy transition into
the campus environment, succeeding academically, matriculating through graduation and
having a fulfilling educational experience. These programs are specifically designed to
help students successfully make the transition from high school to college by providing a
supportive residence hall environment that particularly focus on their needs. In many ways,
these programs provide a yearlong continuing orientation focus and prepare students to
enter their sophomore year and beyond (Zeller, 2005).
One of the challenges of student persistence and retention in higher education is to
provide welcoming places, which students can grow and develop with confidence and
comfort. Patterson Place is a residential community established to foster understanding
and respect for the authenticity of each student’s experiences, while developing and
enhancing a sense of family and community. The mission of Patterson Place is to enhance
the experience of personal efficacy, promote intellectual development, provide
opportunities for leadership and maintain a welcoming environment for the successful
BRIDGING THE GAP 47
transition of African American students into the university community (Advisory Board,
1995).
This study was designed to examine whether Patterson Place is a program that
connects the “bridge” within the first year of college as an impact on promoting African
American students’ transition, retention, and persistence in higher education. This study
demonstrated the importance that fostering interpersonal relationships increases retention
and persistence for African American students, hence the primary research question: How
do the experiences of first year African American students living within a special interest
community foster students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a
predominantly White institution?
Methodological Approach: Qualitative Case Study
In this study, the qualitative methods research approach of case study will be used.
Creswell (2009) describes case studies as a qualitative strategy in which the researcher
explores in depth a program, event, activity, process, or one or more individuals. The
case(s) are bound by time and activity, and researches collect detailed information using a
variety of data collection procedures over a sustained period of time (Creswell, 2009).
Merriam (1998) describes a case study as “intensive, holistic description and analysis of a
single instance, phenomenon, or social unit” (1998, p.27). Case studies are typically used
to gain better understanding on a situation (Merriam, 1998). They tend to reveal a lot of
information about fewer things. Results from case studies are thought to be rich and holistic
accounts of the phenomenon, and can influence such things as policy, practice, and future
research (Merriam, 1998). Further, Merriam (1998) contends that, “by concentrating on a
BRIDGING THE GAP 48
single phenomenon or entity (the case), the researcher aims to uncover the interaction of
significant factors characteristic of the phenomenon” (p. 29).
As discussed in chapter one, the research question for this qualitative case study is;
how do the experiences of first-year African American students living within a special
interest community foster students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a
predominantly White institution. This question calls for personal information that
quantitative methods such as surveys cannot answer adequately alone. An open-ended
email interview questionnaire will be used to collect the data to describe and quantify the
themes used for this case study. Qualitative researchers typically gather multiple forms of
data, such as interviews, observations, and document, rather than rely on a single data
source. Then the researchers review all the data, make sense of it, and organize it into
categories or themes that cut across all of the data sources (Creswell, 2009).
Sample and Population
Since its inception in the fall of 1995 through the spring of 2013, Patterson Place
has housed (574) residents and (35) Resident Advisors/Program Coordinators representing
18 cohorts of first year students where (114) of the residents were undergraduate students
at the time of the case study. For this case study, the population pool will be comprised of
the (574) former residents who lived on Patterson Place. To gather the participants for this
study, I will use purposeful sampling. Patton (2002) defines purposeful sampling as
“selecting information-rich cases whose study will illuminate the questions under study”
(p.230). Having an information-rich case study will provide me with detailed information
regarding their transition experiences. The participant group will disclose the diversity of
BRIDGING THE GAP 49
their majors, geographic hometowns, type of secondary education, family structure and
first-generation status just to name a few of the characteristics used for this study. In
keeping in the theme of “bridging the gap”, it is only fitting to explore the background and
experiences of these former residents in order to see their transition, persistence and
retention toward graduation from the university.
Participant Background
Using all formats of social media, 318 of the 574 (55%), participants were located
and contacted. From that the participant sample, 130 (41%) completed the twenty-eight
question email interview. The age ranges of the current and former residents span between
17-36 years of age. The open-ended responses collected through Qualtrics Survey
Instrument gave the participants the opportunity to share their honesty and uninterrupted
voices.
The demographic data collected showed the vast diversity of the participants’
background, which included questions about their hometown and type of high school
attended. Ninety-six (74%) of the participants are from California and 26 (27%) of them
are from northern California area. Patterson Place residents are geographically diverse.
Thirty-three (25%) of the participants represent 19 states other than California. The top
states represented with four residents each came from Georgia, Illinois, and Texas,
followed by three from Louisiana, and two from Arizona. There was one student from
Alabama, Hawaii, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana,
Nevada, New York, Ohio, Oregon, and Wisconsin.
BRIDGING THE GAP 50
Fifty percent 50% of the participants stated that they lived in an urban metropolitan
city, while 40% call the “suburbs” their home. In regards to high school, 48 (37%) attended
private high schools while the vast majority attended public schools both in predominantly
white communities.
It is important to note that the response rate of 130 (41%) of the 318 of the contacted
participant pool, contributed their realistic view and voice of the residents’ experiences of
Patterson Place. Eight of the 18 cohorts represented 1/3 of 32 residents that live on the
floor those specific years.
Table 3 Patterson Place Cohort Responses
Cohort Year # Cohort Year #
1 1995-1996 5 or 4% 10 2004-2005 6 or5%
2 1996-1997 6 or 5% 11 2005-2006 2 or 2%
3 1997-1998 9 or 7% * 12 2006-2007 2 or 2%
4 1998-1999 12 or 9% 13 2007-2008 1 or 1%
5 1999-2000 10 or 8% 14 2008-2009 4 or 3%
6 2000-2001 9 or 7% * 15 2009-2010 8 or 6%
7 2001-2002 6 or 5% 16 2010-2011 9 or 7% *
8 2002-2003 12 or 9% 17 2011-2012 9 or 7% *
9 2003-2004 8 or 6% 18 2012-2013 10 or 8%
* Represents 9 or more responses

BRIDGING THE GAP 51
Site Description Background
The site chosen to conduct this study is Patterson Place, an African American
special interest residential community at the University of Los Angeles (ULA), a large
urban private research institution. University of Los Angeles first opened its doors to 53
students and 10 teachers in 1880 and today is known as one of the world’s leading private
research institutions. Located in the major metropolitan city Los Angeles, ULA serves a
total student enrollment of 40,000, of which 18,000 are undergraduates and 5% of them
are identified as African American students.
In the summer of 1995, fourteen-concerned faculty, Black staff within the Division
of Student Affairs and the Director of the Department for Residential Life and Greek Life
at the ULA established an African American Residential Special Interest Community to
help aid African American freshmen’s transition to college. Patterson Place is a first-year
African American special interest community named after William and Lori Patterson, the
first African American graduates of the University of Los Angeles’s Dental School.
Patterson Place was established to foster understanding of and respect for the African
American culture while developing a sense of family and community. Patterson Place
creates an environment where academic success, leadership, self-direction, and personal
growth are nurtured (Advisory Board 1995). It offers an avenue through which students
can develop a sense of self-motivation while learning to navigate through their college
experience. Each resident is encouraged to view their transitions as opportunities, which
lead to the creation of productive, contributing members to our greater society through self-
empowerment, liberation, graduation, and celebration.
BRIDGING THE GAP 52
Admittance into and continued involvement in the community of Patterson Place
will be based on an established set of criteria that include, academic success, community
service, personal integrity, and responsibility (Advisory Board, 1995). There are five goals
that all will strive to achieve in fulfilling the mission of Paterson Place. Spiritually, respect,
retention, successful transitions, and an understanding and display of positive social values
represents the core goals set and needed for the successful accomplishment of the Patterson
Place mission (Advisory Board, 1995). The mission of Patterson Place is to enhance the
experience of personal efficacy, promote intellectual development, provide opportunities
for leadership and maintain a welcoming environment for the successful transition of
African American students into the ULA community.
Residents who live on Patterson Place are no different from any other entering
freshmen. The common feelings of general nervousness about college, the fear of “not
fitting in” or being accepted, and the possibility of homesickness, are also in the back of
the minds of its African American residents. To this end, Patterson Place creates an
environment where academic success, leadership, self-direction and intellectual as well as
personal growth are not only possible; they are inevitable (Advisory Board, 1995).
The only thing constant in life is change. Learning how to manage these transitions
successfully helps to create a more productive member of society. The college experience
is one that is filled with many transitions. We often overlook the importance of these
changes in our development and growth. Members of Patterson Place will come to view
transitions as opportunities that lead to the creation of productive, contributing members to
our greater society through self-empowerment, liberation, graduation and celebration.
BRIDGING THE GAP 53
Patterson Place residents will be encouraged to incorporate what they have learned in this
community into all areas of their lives. It provides for culturally specific events, programs,
and a scholarly symposium specifically associated with African American history and
cultural and is open to any student, who wishes to learn and share the culture with the
university community (Advisory Board, 1995).
For the past eighteen years, Patterson Place has housed (574) first-year African
American students and thirty-five resident assistants/program coordinators. Although the
resident life staff officially hired and trained by the Department for Residential Life,
Patterson Place shares dual programming responsibility to the Department of Black Student
Affairs (DBSA) at the University of Los Angeles. Patterson Place is one of ten special
interest communities that bring students, staff and faculty together with a common interest.
There are also special interests floors are for students interested in Jewish, Latino and
Muslim culture. The Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) Resource Center also
has a relationship with the Office for Residential Life to provide support to the Rainbow
Floor.
There are several key people involved with day-to day responsibilities of
Patterson Place:
• The Program Coordinator (PC) is an upper-class undergraduate student employed
by student affairs, responsible for implementing and planning a variety of social,
educational, academic and cultural programs for Patterson Place. During the fall
of 2006, the Department for Residential and Greek Life decided upgrade all PC
positions campus-wide and began to train them as RAs.
BRIDGING THE GAP 54
• The Resident Advisor (RA) is an upper-class undergraduate student employed by
student affairs, responsible for the overall safety and personal growth of their
residents. They may act as counselors, mentors, and tutors and in most cases friends
etc. They are responsible for the residents that live on their area/floor.
• The Resident Coordinator (RC) is a graduate student employed by student affairs
who supervises all RAs and PCs in the residence halls. Patterson Place, commonly
termed as “the Floor”, is located on the fifth floor of Taylor Tower. The second
cohort (1996-97) residents founded Patterson Scholars (PS) in fall 1997. This
organization strives to promote Afro-centric unity on campus. The organization
made of past residents and those who support the Floor’s activities and promote
growth through leadership. This group also serves as “peer mentors” to the
residents.
Typically, the residents on Patterson Place include 34 students, 32 first-year
freshmen with (2) upper class Resident Assistants (RA). Annually, the RA is selected by
the Patterson Place Advisory Board and is considered “student staff” within the
Department for Residential and Greek Life within the Division of Student Affairs.
Method: Data Collection
The study began in December 2012, using all forms of social media to contact as many
of the 574 former residents. The actual email interviews took place from March through
April 2013. Open-ended interview questions using the online Qualtrics Survey Assessment
Tool were used to gather all responses. Additional data for this study will be collected
BRIDGING THE GAP 55
utilizing student records to determine academic data and degree completion for baseline
information.
Based on Qualtrics survey method, the typical response rate for online surveys is
(25%), therefore it is expected that the sample size would be (35-45%) of the participant
pool. The data will be analyzed using qualitative research methods then coded through
participants’ “voices” from the interview answers to determine the relevant themes that
emerge from the data.
Following the guidelines set by the Institutional Review Board (IRB), all
participants were informed of the study’s purpose and were assured that their voluntary
participation and responses will remain confidential. The participants’ online consent will
be answered by the first question where one would agree or disagree that they have received
and read the information fact sheet (Appendix B) thus agreeing to participant in the case
study.
Limitations
Escaping the temptation of my researcher’s bias as a student affairs administrator,
this study is guided by the assumption, that living within a special residential community
fosters university connectivity through transition and persistence. As a practitioner, I have
years of experience working with programs similar to that one described in this study. As
an individual, I identify as a woman of color. The combination of these factors influences
my decision to engage in this research and understand the findings from this question. At
the same time, I am afforded a nuanced perspective that may not be available to other
researchers who are investigating this topic.
BRIDGING THE GAP 56
Summary
This chapter has specified the methodological design presented in this study. A
review of the realistic, qualitative case study approach to inquiry has been provided. The
sample and population, site description and background, method of inquiry have all been
explained. The findings of this methodological process are presented in chapter four.
BRIDGING THE GAP 57
CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS
Leaving home to attend college has significant effects on most college outcomes.
Living in a residence hall is positively associated with several other forms of involvement:
interaction with faculty, involvement in student government, and participation student
activities (Astin, 1993). Today’s residence halls include several different types of living
and learning communities, and some have specific interests or themes known as “special
interests housing.” As highlighted in chapter one, special interest housing is a hall, house,
wing or floor of a residential facility aimed around a specific interest or theme. University
of Los Angeles’ African American students, have the opportunity to reside in a community
that enhances personal efficacy, promotes personal development, and enhancing a sense of
family and community, all while aiding the transition to university life and personal
development.
This qualitative case study examines the research question of how do the
experiences of first year African American students living within a special interest
community foster students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a
predominantly White institution. Responses were analyzed by interview question, not by
participant to determine which themes emerged through the students’ voice. Interpreting
the data, this way made for an easier distinction among the four emerging themes:
transition, personal development, sense of belonging through university connectivity, and
persistence through academic achievement and motivation.
BRIDGING THE GAP 58
In response to the research question, four themes emerged through the data analysis
according to the framework based from the concepts of Schlossberg’s Transition Theory.
While a transition may be precipitated by a single event or nonevent, dealing with a
transition is a process that extends over time. Essentially the individual moves from a
preoccupation with the transition to an integration of the transition (Evans et al., 2010).
The time needed to achieve successful integration varies with the person and the transition.
Goodman et al., (2006) endorsed the concept of transitions consisting of a series of phases,
which they termed “moving in,” moving through,” and moving out,” using the language
initially introduced by Schlossberg (1989). As seen in Table 1, Schlossberg’s Transitional
Model correlates directly with the themes that emerged from the study. Goodman et al.
(2006) presented four major sets of factors that influence one’s ability to cope with a
transition: situation, self, support and strategies, known as the four S’s. The individual’s
effectiveness in coping with transition depends on his or her resources in these four areas.
The situation includes graduation from high school and then moving away from
familiar surroundings and people to success at a new location, “college.” The student must
now consider and then view the transition as a good one and move forward. While the
factors considered important in relation to the self (personal development) are classified
into two categories: personal and demographic characteristics and psychological
resources (Evans et al., 2010). Personal and demographic characteristics are described as
affecting how an individual views life. “This category includes socioeconomic status,
gender, age (emphasizing psychological, social and functional age over chronological), and
stage of life, stage of health, and ethnicity/culture.” Psychological resources, aids to
BRIDGING THE GAP 59
coping, include ego development; outlook, in particular optimism and self-efficacy;
commitment and values; spirituality and resiliency,” (Evans et al., 2010, p.217).
Support is composed of three facets: types, functions and measurements. “Support”
in this model really refers to social support and four types are cited: intimate relationships,
network of friends, family units, networks of friends, and institutions and communities
(Goodman et al., 2006). Sense of belonging through university connectivity directly
correlates with this stage of transition. In relations to the fourth theme, persistence through
involvement and academic achievement, participants use their own strategies in order to
cope with their transition to ULA. Goodman et al. (2006) describe coping responses as
essentially falling in to three categories: those that modify the situation, those that control
the meaning of the problem, and those that aid in managing the stress in the aftermath. The
participants in the study sought out ways to get involved with several types of organizations
to help them cope with their transition to college.
Ethnic identity is the degree to which individuals perceive themselves to be
included and aligned with an ethnic group. Ethnic identity “is the central defining
characteristic of many individuals particularly those who are members of minority groups”
(Phinney, 2000, p. 256). Descriptions of ethnic identity include elements such as ethnic
self-identification; affective components such as sense of belonging, pride, and
affirmation; cognitive components such as knowledge of history and traditions; value
orientations such as individualism or collectivism; and differences in components of
ethnic identity related to age, phenotype, and context (Smith & Silva, 2011). The Cross
Model of Nigrescense is a five-stage process that defines the “re-socializing experience in
BRIDGING THE GAP 60
which healthy individual’s identity is transformed from one of non-Afrocentrism to
Afrocentrism to multiculturalism” (Evans et al., 1998, p.73).
The first stage is the Pre-Encounter stage, in which race is seen as unimportant and
those in this stage want to be accepted as “human beings” (Evans et al., 1998, p. 74). These
students go through their first few weeks of college and may begin to realize that their race
does matter. The student may experience and/or recognize racism from his or her
classmates for the first time. According to the Cross model, the aforementioned
experiences would move the student to the Encounter stage, which destroys the students
view of the world and pushes the students to think and view the world in a different way
from before the experience (Jennings, 2004).
Once the student has crossed into the Immersion-Emmersion stage in Cross’ theory,
the student has completely discarded his old identity and immerses her of himself
completely into their culture (Jennings, 2004). In the second phase of Immersion-Emersion
and in stage 4 Internalization, the student is thinking more critically and less dualistically
about his or her culture and finally achieving a sense of self-confidence and acceptance
about being Black (Evans et al., 1998). The last stage, Internalization-Commitment, is
where the student gets involved in the activities that address problems and concerns in their
community and replaces the “I” perspective with a “we” perspective (Evans et al., 1998, p.
76).
As the transformation of first-year student residence halls has taken place over the
past decade, residence hall staffing patterns have become more specialized and focused
towards fulfilling the education outcomes of a particular program. Another high priority
BRIDGING THE GAP 61
being placed on first year residence halls is the important contribution they make to the
achievement of campus diversity and multicultural educational outcomes. Many of today’s
students arrive on campuses from non-diverse high school experiences. They have come
from town or neighborhood settings that have offered few opportunities to interact with
people, or in this case, different from the status quo.
Data collected and analyzed for the study shared through the students’ voice,
captures their experiences living within a special interest community at a predominantly
White institution, and how it directly fosters of sense of belonging and university
connectivity. This chapter will review the results of interview data gathered from the
former residents of Patterson Place. First, a general overview of the participants is offered,
followed by the findings discovered through the themes that emerged from the participants’
responses. The first theme presented revolves around the students’ transition to college,
followed by their personal development achieved while living on the “floor.” The
participants shared their experiences as it directly connects to their sense of belonging
through university connectivity, which leads to their persistence and involvement through
academic achievement.
Transition
The transition to college is a stressful time and social support from friends and
family help to combat potential academic stressors during this period (Dixon Rayle &
Chung, 2007). In this study, transition refers to the process of moving from one place to
another. Although perceived as positive or negative, the key to the transition is “change”
and how one copes or deals with it. In general, the participants in this study said that living
BRIDGING THE GAP 62
on Patterson Place helped them with their transition from high school to college.
Schlossberg (1989), states that any transition can significantly influence a student’s life.
Student’s ability to cope with transition by living with African American students
played a critical role in their transition as mentioned in the following statements:
It was a refreshing change because I had only gone to predominately white schools,
where there were little to no Black kids. I was tired of being the only one who
encouraged others to learn about black culture. It felt so good to share a space with
like-minded individuals who were proud to be Black and appreciated Black culture
the way I did.
I went to a boarding high school in a rural area of Minnesota, and I missed being
around people who looked like me. I wanted something that mimicked my life at
home especially since I did not have brothers or sisters… Once I did the admitted
students’ overnight experience, I knew that I needed to have the chance to
experience living with students that shared my same cultural background during
college.
Coming from entirely African American schools and communities, the shift to a
predominantly White context posed the possibility for a lack of comfort and
familiarity as well as culture shock. I felt living on Patterson Place would help give
me an easier transition into college.
The continuous statements of “relief” and “I want to be around Black people”
emerged throughout the participant’s responses about their transition to college and the
impact it had on their first year of college. The majority of the participants attended
predominantly white private and public high schools and repeatedly mentioned being the
“only” or in some cases “one of few” due to the small percentage of African American
students at their high schools. In most cases, the majority of the responses referred back
to not having the opportunity “to be around Black kids” and the only way to assure that
their college experience would be different was to live on Patterson Place. For example,
one participant mentioned:
BRIDGING THE GAP 63
It was great to live with other Black students working towards their respective
degrees. It also helped me to learn how to socialize among Blacks, which I never
done before. I did not have the opportunity to socialize with goal-minded Black
students. It is almost embarrassing to say, but I believe that Patterson Place was
my first real exposure to other Black scholars.
Isolation came up as a sub-theme that emerged with several of the participants’
responses. One participant mentioned that they were one of five African American
students in their senior class and that Patterson Place would be ideal since they felt “alone”
most of the time during their high school years. As a result, the participants strongly
embraced the opportunity to live with African American residents. This participant stated:
I had always grown up in an all-white suburb since I was 10 and I really wanted to
have a black experience…. but I was unsure of making that big of a change to live
on Patterson. I thought that I may not fit in and did not want to be in an awkward
situation. Then I figured if lived in a community of people who had a similar
background they most likely shared my anxieties about being black. I had always
felt out of place and Patterson was an opportunity for me to finally to have what I
wanted…Deciding to live there was the best decision I ever made.
Another participant describes his or her experience as:
My high school experience was so isolating that I never wanted to let my guard
down, to speak. Paterson Place gave me the freedom to be myself, without any
explanations. I blossomed and felt comfortable and confident. Classes were a
breeze because I knew I would be coming back “home” to Patterson Place after
they were over. Living there was really like a safe haven and a great transition from
high school to college.
In the last decade, there has been an increase of mixed race and multi-race students
attending college. Even though college applications give students the opportunity to check
several boxes to self-identify their race, students still feel uncomfortable blending in with
others once they arrive in college. This participant really revealed her concerns with their
previous issues of being a mixed-race student in high school:
I was scared then relieved…My birth mother is black and my birth father is white,
yet a white family adopted me. My peers relentlessly teased me growing up
BRIDGING THE GAP 64
because I was “so different” I constantly wished that I were white just so I could fit
in… I was too light and “whitewashed” to be around the “Black girls” and I looked
“too ethnic” to hang with my white classmates, high school was horrible… But
when I came to Patterson Place I was surprised to see other mixed-heritage students
who shared the similar experiences…we were welcomed to the floor with open
arms, I realized I had a chance at a “fresh start” with brand new positive people
who did not care what I looked like.
When answering the question to describe their race/ethnic and or cultural
background, 110 (85%) self-identified as Black/African American while 18 (13%)
identified as biracial or multicultural. A few examples of the reasons why participants
wanted to live on Patterson Place included, “I wanted to make sure I had connections with
other Black students during my first year in a new place,” while another participant said,
“I wanted to be around people with the same experiences as being a Black student at a
major university.”
Several participants identified a parallel between attending a Historically Black
College and Universities (HBCU) with living on Patterson Place at a predominantly white
institution. Several mentioned that they struggled with the decision to attend ULA or a
HBCU and that Patterson Place became the determining factor as the reason why they
chose to attend ULA. One participant said, “I figured I would get the best of both worlds
at least if I lived on Patterson Place,” while another mentioned, “I told my parents the only
way I would attend ULA was if I was able to live on Patterson Place. It was important for
me to be a part of a Black community.”
The overarching theme was the importance to live with other African American
students during their first year of college. Several compared their living environment to
experiencing their own little HBCU within a predominantly white institution:
BRIDGING THE GAP 65
I vacillated between attending an HBCU like my older sister…Upon choosing
ULA; I was excited to see I could have a HBCU living experience with the benefits
of a division one school by living on Patterson Place. I wanted to live with students
who looked like me and probably had similar experiences, since I came from a
majority white suburban hometown.
This participant summed up the meaning of their transition using creative
metaphors, “Patterson Place provided me with a kind of “landing strip”, making for a
smooth and safe arrival on campus and setting me on the path of becoming a proud ULA
woman!” These statements are a few of the examples that support Patterson Place serving
as a positive “bridge” from high school to college. However, it is important to note that
there were a few who did not enjoy their experience, and admitted in hindsight through
their responses, that it was a result of not taking advantage of what the Patterson Place and
the ULA had to offer in their freshmen year.
The first main finding as it relates to the participants’ transition was the strong
desire to experience and live around African American/Black students within a family
environment. The overwhelming responses to the interview question, why were you
interested in living on Patterson Place, almost all of the participants referred to not being
around African Americans throughout the majority of their lives. Some expressed their
sadness not being around “Black people” and the strong desire to have that opportunity
while attending college. Some even considered at their Patterson Place residency as their
HBCU experience with in the predominantly White institution.
The second finding relates more to sharing a space with like-minded students whom
embraced and appreciated their culture, in which they mentioned that Patterson helped
them, alleviate their feelings of personal and cultural isolation. The data indicated several
of the participants grew up in neighborhoods and attended high schools that were not
BRIDGING THE GAP 66
culturally diverse. In most of their cases, there were a few Black students taking advance
placement courses, which the participants were categorized as the “smart Black girl or guy”
in most of their classes. Then to add to injury, they did not get the opportunity to be around
the other few Black students in their high school because of not accepted among their Black
peers.
Upon entering college, these participants seem to be between the Encounter and the
Immersion/Emersion stages in Cross (1991) theory of Nigrescense. The encounter could
have occurred during their high school experience dealing with being the “only” or the
magnified academic isolation felt in their college courses during their first weeks of class.
Patterson Place became a “safe haven” that helped the participants navigate their college
experience.
Personal Development
Student development theorist define personal development as activities that
improve awareness and identity, develop talents and potential, enhance the quality of life
and contribute to the realization of dreams and aspirations (Evans et al., 1998). This
concept is not limited to self-help but includes formal and informal activities for developing
others, but can also include a structured and supported process undertaken by an individual
to reflect upon their own learning.
When asked what the participants learned about themselves in relations to others
who lived on their floor, most of the responses focused around that concept of individuals
reflecting on self-learning through living and interacting with others:
I came out of my shell quite a bit during first year. Living on Patterson Place made
it very easy to meet people, and in addition to positive social exchanges, I learned
BRIDGING THE GAP 67
to respect people with varying opinions as well as how to resolve conflicts in a
stress-free manner. We all learned and grew through so many different interactions
with one another.
Patterson was the home away from home that I needed. In coming to a new
institution, it offered me thirty-one new friends and a support system of people who
believed in me as well as my potential as a future leader. It helped me grow and
learn about different people preparing me in ways I never thought it would in my
external life on campus.
Throughout the responses, several students spoke about self-discovery and finding
themselves while living on Patterson Place. On female participant mentioned, “It helped
me to accept and solidify my identity as a young lady in relation to others students on the
floor and more broadly on campus.” Many participants discussed how they learned about
themselves through dealing with others. One participant mentioned, “I learned so much
about myself and I can honestly say I found myself on that floor.” Another participant
revealed that Patterson Place challenged him, “I had many experiences on Somerville that
gave me chance to make my own decisions and learn from them. I had some good
experiences and some bad ones, but it was definitely worth it!”
Another participant reflected on the process of reinventing himself and trying to fit
in:
I was going through a period of self-discovery, which continues for me today but
at the time, I was just beginning to uncover things about my personality and my
understanding of the world…. I wanted to reinvent myself and I struggled with
feeling as if I fit-in with my peers. It was difficult to relate to others and I found
myself wearing many hats to mirror whatever group I wanted to mix with. I learned
that feeling desperate to be included is not something I enjoy and but being who I
am will build friendships that are much more genuine and long lasting.
My cultural awareness began to expand while living on Patterson Place helping me
realize that the Black community was so diverse and that there was so much more
that I needed and could learn about my own culture and my people. I learned that
not all Black people are the same. I never experienced this in high school. I learned
BRIDGING THE GAP 68
so much about my classmates, and myself that I cannot even write it all here… I
can honestly say I found myself on the floor.
Many responses revealed a sub-theme of socio-economics status in the African
American community. Several participants were surprised to see how “well off” some of
their roommates and suite-mates’ families were in comparison to growing up in their own
communities:
I learned that I was stronger and braver that I thought I was by helping others to
cope with “culture shock” that I had already experienced four years prior, or even
homesickness…. I also became more aware of the diversity in African-American
socio-economic status. Growing up, everyone was pretty much on the same
financial level-though there were some with a little more or a little less, but nothing
too noticeable. On Paterson Place, the financial diversity was much more apparent
to me because there some residents whose parents were clearly more well “to-do”
than others…. That was my first time experiencing, or rather witnessing the
financial disparities within my own culture.
Another participant mentioned:
I am a nerd and I am strong. I can be anyway I want to be and not have to conform
to some one-size-fits-all black identity. I grew up during my first year at ULA, I
learned that not all black people are the same… a lot came from affluent families…
I was not used to seeing that...
After reviewing several responses, it was apparent that Patterson Place served as an
introduction to students’ personal development. One participant mentioned,
Being at ULA was truly an amazing period in my life. I saw that my struggles and
challenges were not unique to me. Other students were experiencing many of the
same challenges and success that I was experiencing. It allowed me to see myself
in a way that was new and exciting. It helped me develop as a young man…Living
on the floor laid the foundation for my four years at ULA. I had a community and
a base of people that were an integral part of my ULA experience.
However, several participants in the study admitted to starting their first year of
college with low self-esteem. It was interesting to see statements like, “I learned how
guarded I was… in addition, I learned how fragile my self-esteem was when surrounded
BRIDGING THE GAP 69
by other attractive, successful peers” or “I realized that there was not really special about
me.” When students tend to be the “only one” in their various communities, students
realize the vast difference once that enter college. Almost half of the participants struggled
with what “being Black,” meant to them. One of the participants mentioned, “I was tired
of being the only smart Black girl in my AP classes and told how different I was from
“those other typical Black students” that attended my small prestigious east coast boarding
school.
One graduating senior realized that Patterson Place served as an introduction to the
“real world”:
My experience on Patterson Place was my first taste of real growth here at ULA.
Although I lived with others who looked like me, I quickly learned that Patterson
cultivated and encouraged a diversity of talents, personalities and perspectives that
helped prepare me for the real world that we live in, and that I'm about to come
face-to-face with when I graduate in the next couple of months.
Lastly, there was one comment that really stood out. It describes this participant’s
personal development and explanation about what others may see Patterson Place as
“voluntary segregation”:
Patterson provides a very strong sense of community for freshmen on campus.
Living on the floor taught me new ways to embrace my culture and upbringing and
shed light on people’s perceptions on the outside looking in. In many ways, black
professionals and students all across the US exist in a realm of duality that I think
is more readily apparent in a situation like Patterson Place where you have students
in a predominantly white environment. It is similar to corporate America, where
several African Americans enjoy a certain level of comfort at home and a somewhat
different one at work (or in our case, the classroom). Some that are unfamiliar with
the programs associated with Patterson and the sense of unity promoted in type of
setting might view it as some sort of “voluntary segregation,” but I found it to be a
very welcoming environment with quite a bit to offer to enhance my freshman
experience.”
BRIDGING THE GAP 70
Overall most of the participants attribute living on Patterson Place as the key to
nurturing their personal development during their first year of college. The main finding
related to the participants’ personal development was the increased self-efficacy or sense
of personal power through group support and encouragement. The majority of the
responses discussed their personal development in the collective “we” learned from one
another or “we” grew together. From the interviews it was evident that the participants
referenced the collective idea that they were “in this together,” striving and encouraging
each other to be successful.
The participants fit closely to the Immersion/Emersion stage of Cross (1991) theory
of Nigrescense. Participants are actively seeking out opportunities to explore aspects of
their own self-exploration with the support of peers from their own racial background.
Sense of Belonging through University Connectivity
Schlossberg’s (1989) work on “mattering” highlighted students’ need to feel that
their presence on campus was noticed and important to others (including peers, family
members, faculty and staff). Berger (1997) identified “sense of community” within
residence hall environments as students’ perceptions of “membership, influence and
fulfillment of needs and shared emotional connection” (p.442). Nora’s (2004) concept of
“fitting in” represented the extent to which students felt they would “fit,” both personally
and socially, at a particular institution. Nora suggests that students have a fundamental
need to feel that they are an important part of a larger community that is valuable,
supportive, and affirming. Understanding students’ sense of belonging to their campus
BRIDGING THE GAP 71
communities represents yet another way to explore the influence of connectedness on their
campus experience.
As mentioned in chapter three, Patterson Place is a residential community
established to foster understanding and respect for the authenticity of each participant’s
experiences, while developing and enhancing a sense of family and community (Advisory
Board, 1995). When students begin the college experience directly out of high school they
can feel uneasy about their abilities and what their roles are or should be at their respective
schools. Tovar et al. (2009) stated when effective social integration into the college
community via perception of belongingness occurs for the student, there is a direct positive
impact on student retention. University connectivity emerged as an important factor with
feelings of belonging to the institution.
The mission statement of Patterson Place includes providing a welcoming place,
which students can grow and develop with confidence and comfort (Advisory Board,
1995). In order to understand how confidence and comfort is discovered, two of the
interview questions specifically addressed in what ways the participants’ felt they belonged
at the institution and their connection to the university. One participant stated:
I wanted to make sure that I felt a part of the small black community at ULA to get
that sense of belonging that I never got in high school…. I knew my mental well-
being rested on the fact that I would not feel like an outsiders when I went home
from class every day… also it was easier to adjust and make friends with those who
looked like me and had cultural and social experiences similar to ones I had.
Another participant mentions Patterson Place as an advantage over others:
I always felt like I belonged…Being on Patterson Place makes you automatically
feel like you are special… like I had a leg up on other students. Being a part of
Patterson I knew that I was a part of the university as a whole.” Paterson made me
feel like I belonged at the institution…ULA is a big place, and it’s easy to get lost
BRIDGING THE GAP 72
amongst the masses, but having friends and staff/faculty to support me during the
first year was a great advantage.
Most participants felt connected to the university overall, however they attribute
their strongest connection was the sense of belonging they felt connected to the staff and
faculty they were exposed to while living on the floor. One participant mentioned:
I felt connected to ULA by the way the students, staff, and professors embraced
me. I was fortunate enough to live with, take classes with, work with, and connect
with individuals that truly cared about my success. I rarely felt like I was just
another face on campus. I could walk around campus, and would constantly run
into people I knew, and it made me feel like I was a part of the institution.
The presence of or lack of African Americans in the administration of a college or
university provides a sense of whether an African America student will or will not feel
welcomed at the institution (Jackson, 2001). Patterson Place programs were designed to
provide residents direct contact with a various members of the institution. The long-term
goal has been to assist in integrating residents into the academic and social communities
of the institution. Patterson Place gave residents the formal and informal opportunities to
include faculty and staff in their college lives. As mentioned in chapter three, the Patterson
Place Advisory Board, which began with the “fourteen-concerned” now, grew to over
twenty faculty, staff, and administrators, which offer programs, workshops and mentorship
opportunities with the residents. Several participants mentioned that these relationships
helped them feel a sense of belonging and connection to the university:
I did not know what to expect on move-in day. Surprisingly, the director and
assistant director of the Department of Black Student Affairs (DBSA) greeted me,
dressed-down in jeans and ULA gear ready to help me move into my room. They
made the process easy and ensured my parents that they would support me… Little
did I know that they would be ones that would continue to support through my time
at ULA and beyond… years later, the director came to my wedding!
BRIDGING THE GAP 73
My mom was somewhat stressed out during move-in day. The director of DBSA
made sure she did everything possible to help my mom feel at ease about leaving
me 3,000 miles across the country. She even gave my mom her cell phone number,
that’s crazy….Then two days later one of the physician assistants from the campus
health center and the vice president of external affairs presented workshops at our
retreat and then later hung out with us during dinner, I thought to myself, these
folks really care.
When asked in what ways did/do you feel like you belonged at the institution, this
participant shared the strong connection to their faculty advisor:
I felt like I belonged when my faculty advisor, Julie, who I met through a Patterson
Place program, worked with me on developing several plans on how to graduate
with an engineering degree. We developed six plans, when I told her I was thinking
about switching to accounting. She knew of the struggles I was having with certain
classes and aerospace engineering was wearing on me. I was tired of answering to
the “special program” I was a part of that was supposed to help me succeed in
engineering while at ULA. The people there had no real connection to me because
they only called you when your grades were bad and I had a different advisor every
time I would seek advice. I continued seeing Julie in my sophomore year because
she invested the time and support in me, she made me feel like ULA wants me to
succeed. She was the one person outside my family that believed I could finish the
engineering program and that inspired me to continue…By the way I did.
Another participant summed up his or her transition though sense of belonging and
connection:
I felt that living on Patterson facilitated an instant connection…. I felt by being a
part a community that I was similar to my personal upbringing, would have a sense
of comfort and familiarity in the midst of all the other changes associated with being
a freshman in an unfamiliar city and campus.
This participant relates how Patterson connects them into the larger Black community:
I cannot imagine my freshman college experience without being a Patterson
resident. Patterson played a crucial role in my transition into college life. It was a
privilege to be around such a strong sense of community that was integrated into
the larger African-American community.
BRIDGING THE GAP 74
Participants’ responses to the question of why they were interested in living within
the Patterson Place community, the responses varied but most of them mentioned race and
ethnicity as their main reasons for living on this special interest floor:
I was interested in connecting with my culture because I had been deprived of my
culture during my formative years. My middle/high school classmates came from
the wealthiest of backgrounds and were so extremely culturally ignorant and
insensitive to anyone who was different from the “status quo.”
One of the main findings related to the participants’ sense of belonging through
university connectivity was the direct correlation to their transition. Several of the
participants related belonging with living on Patterson Place. The strong need to belong
and to embrace their culture was missing throughout their formative years. Throughout
the interviews were the responses that the participants needed to feel like they “belong” in
order to be successful and connect to ULA. Patterson Place gave them the initial feelings
of confidence needed to embrace their culture.
As related in Cross (1991) model of Nigrescense, it seems that most of the
participants experienced their “encounter” throughout high school and the needed to work
through the Immersion/Emersion stage, in order to transition successfully.
Persistence and Involvement, through Academic Achievement
Astin (1993), states that student involvement refers to the amount of physical and
psychological energy that the student devotes to the academic experience. Thus, a highly
involved student is one who, for example, devotes considerable energy to studying, spends
much time on campus, participates actively in student organizations, and interacts
frequently with staff, faculty members and other students. This is apparent with the
residents of Patterson Place, when referring to the responses to the question describing their
BRIDGING THE GAP 75
extra-curricular involvement and identifying leadership roles. Of the 130 participants, 9
(0.07%) of the participants were not involved with any student organization during the
undergraduate years at ULA.
The participants of Patterson Place were not only involved within student
organizations but most of them held leadership roles. Several became student leaders
within the Black community through historically founded Black Fraternities and Sororities,
academic organizations, and the university’s undergraduate student government through
programing board of the Black Student Assembly. Several participants also served with
the mainstream campus organizations such as orientation advisors, tour guides, and ULA
ambassadors. Several of the residents later became the resident advisor/program
coordinator to Patterson Place after living there. Out of the 35 students who served as
resident advisors/program coordinators, 24 (68%) of them were former residents.
Since the inception of Patterson Place in the fall of 1995, several Black student
organizations emerged on campus. In response to the question, briefly discuss your extra-
curricular involvement (student clubs and organizations) within ULA and identify any
leadership roles. It came to no surprise that the participants in this case study founded ten
student organizations. The participants mentioned feelings of empowerment knowing that
they helped to diversity to the over 700 student clubs and organizations at ULA. Paterson
Place participants were very active with in the ULA community.
BRIDGING THE GAP 76
Table 4 Student Organizations Founded by Patterson Place Participants
Student Organization Year Founded Purpose
Anointed Vessels of Praise 2004
Spreads the gospel, share fellowship in
the Lord and other spiritual
encouragement through dance, mime,
song and other expressions of praise both
on campus and throughout the
community
Black Entertainment 2001
Allows students to display their talents in
the field of entertainment and theatre
Black Graduation
Committee
1999
Responsible for planning and promotion
of the annual African American Cultural
Celebration and its corresponding
activities
Black Voices --
Serves as the official student-run
publication of the African American at
ULA. Its purpose is to celebrate,
communicate and educate the ULA
campus as well as the community at large
of the Black heritage and our experience
as students
Fly Girls 1998
Creates an outlet for the expression of
African American culture through dance
out of a need for a dance group that
represented the range of diversity among
ULA students
Patterson Scholars 1997
Created by the 1996 residents of
Patterson Place, Patterson Scholars is a
social organization which strives to
promote unity within the African
American community as well as the
general population at ULA. The scholars
served as mentors to each new cohort

BRIDGING THE GAP 77
Table 4 Continued
Rites of Sisterhood 1998
Mentoring program for middle through
high school aged girls in the ULA
community
Saved By Grace Gospel
Choir
1998
Dedicated to spreading the “Good News
of Jesus Christ” through music and
spiritual fellowship
Sisters in Spirit 2003
Female-centered Christian bible study
group
Save Ourselves 2005
Organization established to bring
awareness to the issues threatening the
African American community

Consider the following examples that refer to the importance student involvement
played on the lives of the participants both on and off campus:
If I were not on Patterson Place, I would not have become a part of the organizations
that I am involved in, and I would not have been exposed to the Black community
on campus. Patterson was not only a cultural support system, but the network
helped all of us keep informed about academic, social, and leadership opportunities.
I was heavily involved when I was in school. From my initial involvement with
Patterson Scholars, I took an active role with other student groups on campus. I
was one of the co-founders of the ULA Fly Girls. It was so much fun starting
something from scratch especially something that I felt that ULA needed. It felt
good to know that I helped to contribute a new student organization to the
university.
Lastly, several of the participants took and active role in giving back to the
community. Because of their willingness to be involved, the Patterson Place Advisory
Board established a partnership with the Joint Education Program to mentor and teach
youth in the surrounding communities.
I was a part of mentoring, volunteering, and academic groups on campus. Each one
served a different purpose in terms of my interests and they helped me meet other
BRIDGING THE GAP 78
ULA students and the local community. I was able to build bridges with people
from so many cultures, which exposed me to different and new ways of thinking.
Due to my involvement with Patters, I join the ULA Student Aid Fund as a
governing board student representative, which was by far the most meaning and
impactful role I played during my time at ULA. I actually worked on the ground
level with prospective students seeking scholarship funding to make their dreams
of and an ULA education possible.
Tinto’s (1987) theory asserts that the matching between the student’s motivation
and academic ability and the institution’s academic and social characteristics help shape
two underlying commitments: commitment to an educational goal and commitment to
remain with the institution. Accordingly, the higher the goal of college completion and/or
the level of institutional commitment, the great is the probability of persisting in college.
Throughout the responses, several of the participants spoke about their academic
achievement and motivation to excel in at ULA. One participant best describes this
relationship and mentions:
I think being surrounded by other Black students studying, who are so ambitious
and motivated, makes me feel connected to my peers academically. Earning a good
GPA and gaining membership in certain honor societies also helped me feel I
belonged academically at ULA.
Such statements support the importance of academic achievement and motivation for
Patterson Pace residents. Another participant connects his or her relationship with
academic and social interactions:
I received a Trustee scholarship to attend ULA and felt that from the institution, I
have the encouragement and support of staff and faculty members to achieve and
surpass my academic expectations… Patterson Place affected the way I studied
and completed assignments because pretty much everyone really cared about their
grades so I studied more often and usually in groups, which I never did in high
school. We were all proud to be around other “smart Black kids.”
BRIDGING THE GAP 79
The “floor” gave participants a sense of pride to be around focused African American
students, as one student mentioned:
Academically, being on Patterson Place placed me in a position to be supported by
friends with similar values regarding education, which was helpful for support as I
started to learn that I would have to maintain better balance of social and academic
life if I was to remain a successful student. It provided me an outlet to form study
groups with my floor mates who were taking the same classes…. I did not do that
in high school.
Participants mentioned how Patterson put them in daily contact with intelligent and
hardworking peers. Severed mentioned how shocked they were to learn how academically
driven their peers were, however within the academic environment, they felt isolated.
Feelings of being “the only” even applies through their academic college experience. One
student mentioned she was no longer the only “smart Black girl” the group:
I come from a predominately-Asian neighborhood. I was often the only African
American in my honors classes in high school…known as the “smart Black girl” at
school, and while my grades were good, it really should not have been anything
that set me apart from the other Black students in my school. I wanted to be at a
college that challenged me academically, but I also wanted to be around other Black
people like myself who valued education.
Several students had to learn the hard way to balance their academic with their
social lives. Most were accustomed to being smart in high school and not having to put
too much effort into their schoolwork. Several mentioned a “wake-up call” or “reality
check” experience:
Grades, grades, grades, I was not prepared for the college curriculum even though
I went to a private school before… I made it through high school with an
exceptional GPA (4.33) therefore considered myself quite good at learning new
material and performing well on exams. When I got my first midterm grades
however, I realized I would need to rethink my former student habits and develop
a stricter study habits. The academic rigor of the courses was very intense and the
standards were high. The amount of information that needed to be retained and
analyzed was overwhelming at first until I learned some essential study techniques.
BRIDGING THE GAP 80
I got a rude awakening because I carried my high school mentality forward. In high
school, it was easy to procrastinate and be involved with many organizations and
still get the work done on time. In college, you can do it but when you have multiple
papers and exams around the same time, on top of being involved… so I had to
learn to be smarter and prioritize better.
Living on campus substantially increases the students’ chance of persisting and
aspiring to a graduate or professional degree (Astin, 1993). Tinto (1993) asserted that
students enter an institution with certain background characteristics (i.e., family
background, skills, abilities, and prior schooling) that have shaped their level of
commitment for completing their degrees. He also believed that students’ levels of
commitment were continually shaped by their interactions within various academic and
social systems of the college. According to Tinto (1993), the more that students are
academically and/or socially integrated into the university, the greater their commitment
to complete their degrees.
First Generation Comparison
The University of Los Angeles’ undergraduate admission statistics report that 13%
of freshmen class are first generation college students. In most cases, one would usually
assume that these students are from under-represented groups. One surprising fact that
emerged from the case study was that the majority of the participants were not first
generation college students. According to the findings, 92 (72%) of the participants were
not the first in their family to earn a bachelor’s degree. When comparing the information
and responses of the 36 (28%) first generation participants, the study results show several
similarities. Geographically, 29 (81%) were from California, 20 (56%) stated they lived
in a large urban metropolitan city and 24 (67%) attended public high schools. The study
also revealed that the majority 26 (72%) of the first generation residents lived on Patterson
BRIDGING THE GAP 81
Place between during the first ten years (1995-2005) of the program. This could indicate
that as more African Americans attend college, the first generation status becomes less
common. In fact, these students would be the grandchildren that were born from the
generation that fought for civil rights during the 1960’s.
When it comes to academic achievement and motivation, Paterson Place residents
are persisting (retention) toward graduation. One of the questions asked how many
returned to ULA in the second year and the overwhelming response was 96%, which is
similar to the 94% of the first generation residents who returned. Out of the 130 residents
who participated in this case study, 89 (70%) were University of Los Angeles (ULA)
alumni and 26 (72%) of those participants were first generation alumnus at the time of the
study. Of those, 89 participants, 34 earned additional Master’s degrees and 19 of them
have their terminal degrees for example, Doctor of Medicine (M.D.) and Juris Doctor (J.D.)
from other reputable institutions. It is important to note that two of the successful lawyers
and the medical doctor were first generation students. Incidentally, the medical doctor also
graduated from ULA’s medical school and practices medicine in Los Angeles area today.
The majority of the participants were excited and encouraged to be around other
Black students who thrived academically, which was in contrast to the feelings of academic
isolated experienced from the Black students at their high schools. As a result, the
participants were motivated and empowered by their collective efforts to succeed and
graduated from ULA. It is important to note that the first generation participant responses
mirrored the overall feelings of transition, personal development, sense of belonging
through university connectivity, and persistence through academic achievement and
BRIDGING THE GAP 82
motivation. The participants, as related to Cross (1991) model of Nigrescense, have now
evolved toward the Internalization phase where they are maintaining their connections with
their Black peers and are willing to establish meaningful relationships with others
academically.
An Important Indicator: Lifelong Relationships
While not a direct part of the inquiry, the impact of lifelong relationships emerged
from the data. When in college we may not understand how long term friendships will
begin in the academic setting, relationships that become a rich part of our life. When
making career decisions or personal choices, these friendships will provide a source of
support. When asked, In what ways did/does your experience on Patterson Place impact
you?, almost every participant mentioned the life-long friendships that were made when
living on Patterson Place. This significant indicator emerged continuously from the
participants responses. Most of them discussed that through their lifelong friendships,
career decisions and life choices were made due to bonds of support that were formed from
living on the “Floor.” One participant mentioned, “I had a lot of help with my academics
and business ventures as I also learned numerous life lessons while staying amongst my
peers…The floor had a huge impact on my life.”
The following quotations capture the essence of the participants’ feelings toward
their lifelong friendships:
I remember a great sense of community among my peers; many of the memorable
experiences were that of good times with good people whom, many of to this day…
I still keep in touch with… In fact, I realize that all of the people I am still friends
with, I met them on Patterson.
Had I not stayed on the “5th Flo,” I would not have met my best friends, probably
would not have been a member of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., and most
BRIDGING THE GAP 83
importantly may not have met my wife! That is how I see it… and not to mention
the lifelong memories. A few of us were together a wedding last October and it
was amazing how after all these years we could all laugh as hard as we did 13 years
ago like we never missed a beat…That is a bond you just can't break...
I am so proud of the success that so many of my 96’ Patterson alumni have
achieved. We are business executives, entrepreneurs, writers, actors and
philanthropists…..it is a beautiful thing…
Three of the participants mentioned having married their spouse after meeting them
on “Floor.” One participant stated, “I met my wife on Patterson Place, so I am impacted
daily by my experiences.” Another participant mentioned, “At least 7 of my floor mates
are my best friends. We’ve been in each other’s weddings…we are godparents to each
other’s kids.” While another participant mentioned, “Out of the 8 groomsmen at my
wedding, 6 were from my floor. Most of us are still in touch to this day and because all of
us felt a sense of “family” amongst the larger university community.”
The following participants sum up the impact that Patterson Place made in their
lives:
Many of the people I met on Patterson are my very best friends to this day, 10 years
after meeting one another. It is like a family… a bond I cannot see myself having
with any other group of students. I currently live with my Patterson suite mate in
another state, my very best friend and confidant is my old Patterson roommate, I
just met up with three of the other girls from my floor last week when I was in
Town... We still go hard for one another after all this time and it’s because of the
unique experience we had on the floor.
Many of the scholars from my year are excelling not only in their academics, but
have become leaders in the black community as well as the campus community.
Patterson was a wonderful training ground to help us hone our leadership skills, as
well as communication and study skills. The connections that I have made with
people on the floor have really proved to be quality and long lasting.
I also started the foundation of my consulting/design firm which is my employment
today. I must say that deciding to live on Patterson Place was one of the best
decisions I have ever made, along with coming to ULA, and the memories and
friends I have made on this floor will be with me forever.
BRIDGING THE GAP 84
The participants benefited from the long lasting bonds of friendship, which
developed at Patterson Place. Their sense of family and support continues to be a part of
their everyday lives; however, this quote not only sums up this participant’s personal
impact but looks toward future of their family:
Living on the “5
th
floor” was an amazing experience and something I will never
forget. I hope to bring my children by to visit soon so they can see where “mommy
and daddy” met and see that they too have what it takes to attend an elite institution
like University of Los Angeles.
Summary
This chapter described the four primary themes that emerged from analyzing the
data in this case study: transition, personal development, sense of belonging through
university connectivity, and persistence through involvement and academic achievement.
Each theme is articulated through the participant’s voice and has been supported by
extensive, direct reference to the data in order to utilize the language of the study
participants as extensively as possible. Each theme relates to the mission of Patterson Place
as stated by the Advisory Board in 1995, “the mission of Patterson Place is to enhance the
experience of personal efficacy, promote intellectual development, provide opportunities
for leadership and maintain a welcoming environment for the success transition of African
American students into the University of Los Angeles community.”
In the next chapter, consideration will be given to how these themes might inform
professionals who work with African American students in higher education. Some
examples will also be presented of how institutions are already applying these ideas when
assisting African American students with their transition to the university setting. Finally,
recommendations for future research will be offered.
BRIDGING THE GAP 85
CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
There are several factors that influence student success in college. The concern that
exists across the board is that low enrollment and issues of retention among African
American and students of color at predominantly White institutions (PWI) have been
linked to problems in transitioning to college and staying persistent while attempting to
connect themselves within an unwelcoming campus climate in their first year of college
(Upcraft et al., 2005). Institutions of higher education work persistently to recruit and
admit African American students however, what programs and services are in place to
retain them. A major concern is that retention rates for African American and other
racial/ethnic minority students are oftentimes lower than their White counterparts are
across the nation. This study examines an institution’s probable solution for this recurring
issue in higher education, Patterson Place.
Founded in the fall 1995, Patterson Place serves as a first-year special interest
residential community dedicated to creating an environment where academic success,
leadership, self-knowledge, and respect for the diversity of African American culture. The
sense of family is enhanced and the facilitation of successful transitions while connecting
the residents to the university community. This qualitative case study investigated the
transition and persistence of the students living within that community through open-ended
email interview in order to respond to the research question: how do the experiences of
first-year African American students living within a special interest community foster
BRIDGING THE GAP 86
students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a predominantly White
institution?
This final chapter explores the implications of the findings explained in chapter
four, with thoughts on how these findings might be applied to professionals in higher
education. Finally, suggestions regarding future research to further explore the themes that
have emerged from this case study.
Discussion of Findings
There are six findings and one indicator, which correspond to the research question,
which will be discussed in the context of the literature reviewed. In response to the research
question, these significant findings emerged through four themes: transition, personal
development, sense of belonging through university connectivity, and persistence through
involvement and academic achievement. There were two findings related to the first
theme, transition. The first finding concerns the strong desire for the participants to live
with other Black students in college and the second finding pertains to Patterson Place
helping to minimize personal and academic isolation. Regarding the second theme
personal development, there was one finding; the participants increased their self-efficacy
and sense of personal power while living on the Patterson. There was one finding related
to the third theme, participants sense of belonging through university connectivity. The
participants experienced issues with fitting-in through their high school years and worried
about those feelings extending into to college. Regarding the last theme persistence
through involvement and academic achievement, there were two findings. First, social
involvement through student organizations increased student interaction throughout the
BRIDGING THE GAP 87
institution and secondly being around academic-minded Black students encouraged their
academic achievement through their undergraduate years and beyond. An important
indicator emerged from this study is how life-long relationships played a major factor in
the lives of the participants.
Transition
Schlossberg’s theory of transition includes an examination of what constitutes a transition,
the different forms of transitions, the transition process, and factors that influence
transitions (Evan et al., 2010). Transitions provide opportunities for growth and
development. The most important experiences of the participants’ transition to college are
reflected in two findings. First, students identified a strong desire to experience and live
with Black Students, who embrace and appreciate Black culture. Second, they indicated
that living there alleviated feelings of isolation.
Regarding the first finding, the participant’s strong desire to experience and live
with Black students, who embrace and appreciate Black culture. This is important as the
sense of community in the university setting demonstrating the necessity for a deep sense
of belonging. Without the Patterson Place experience, these students could have been one
of the many students represented in the high attrition rates for Black students. Their need
to experience living with other Black students was the overarching theme of the study.
Other than their family, most of theme never went to school with a significant number of
Black students during their teenaged years.
The second finding indicated that Patterson Place helped to alleviate feelings of
personal and academic isolation. As mentioned previously, several participants grew up
BRIDGING THE GAP 88
in neighborhoods and attended high schools that were not culturally diverse. Labeled in
most cases as “the only” in their academic settings, Patterson Place gave them the
opportunity to live with their African American peers who shared that experience both in
high school and at ULA. The difference is that they felt supported daily by their floor mates
by developing study and support groups to help them cope with their feelings of isolation.
Even though at ULA they experience one of a few in the courses, they expressed that being
to come “home” to the supportive environment help them to succeed.
Personal Development
Student development theorist define personal development as activities that
improve awareness and identity, develop talents and potential, enhance the quality of life
and contribute to the realization of dreams and aspirations (Evans et al., 1998). Throughout
the interview, the participants mentioned their Patterson experiences as an individual
reflection of learning about themselves. The data collected identified one main finding,
the participants increased their self-efficacy and sense of personal power through group
support and encouragement. Hicks and Heastie (2008) stated that during the transition
from the high school environment, students often experience personal and emotional
problems, anxiety, and low self-esteem. Schlossberg (1989) stated that life transitions,
such as moving away from home to college, create valuable opportunities for growth and
change while potentially heightening self-doubt and disappointment. The participants
stated that living around positive people gives positive vibes. Without the Patterson Place
experience, the participants would not have had the opportunity to be surrounded by thirty-
one other residents who gave and received encouragement on a regular basis. From the
BRIDGING THE GAP 89
interviews it was evident that the participants referenced the collective idea that they were
“in this together,” striving and encouraging each other to be successful.
Sense of Belonging through University Connectivity
Researchers have explored the influence of living on campus on students’ sense of
belonging. In general, students living in residence halls reported higher levels of both peer
support and social integration than their nonresident peers did (Pascarella et al., 1994).
Berger (1997) found a positive relationship between residents’ level of reported social
integration and sense of community. One finding related to this theme is the participants’
sense of belonging through university connectivity. Several of participants experienced
issues with fitting-in through their high school years and worried about those feelings
extending into to college. Throughout the study, the participants credit Patterson Place
with alleviating those feelings in the college environment. To many students, the prospect
of attending college can be daunting. Instinctively, they desire to “fit-in” and be accepted.
It is incumbent upon the institution to create an educational environment that is welcoming
and accepting (Black, 2010).
Patterson Place became that welcoming environment for the participants. As first-year
students, they were exposed to student clubs and organizations, staff and faculty through
the floor’s programs and services. The impact of personal connections in and outside of
the classroom is one of the factors that Patterson Place provided through its mission.
Persistence through Involvement and Academic Achievement
Astin (1999) asserts that student involvement refers to the amount of physical and
psychological energy that the student devotes to the academic experience. Thus, a highly
BRIDGING THE GAP 90
involved student is one who, for example, devotes considerable amount of energy to
studying, spends much time on campus, participates actively in student organizations, and
interacts frequently with staff, faculty, and other students. Patterson Place participants
expressed repeated exposure to social and academic opportunities. Social involvement
through student organizations was a first finding under this theme. As mentioned earlier,
the participants from this study founded and led ten student organizations at ULA.
Guiffrida (2003) stated that African American students found that ethnic organizations
enhanced their college experiences by allowing them to retain and nurture a sense of ethnic
identity on campus. In most cases, Black student membership in these organizations helped
with retention and sense of belonging.
The second finding is the participant’s excitement about being around academic-
minded Black students that encouraged their academic achievement. Patterson Place’s
Advisory Board founded several tenets when coming up with the design for this special
interest community. One of those tenets is to aspire to attain an advanced degree. The
participants involved in this study certainly had no problem following that tenet. As
mentioned earlier and worth repeating, of the 130 participants 89 (70%) graduated from
ULA with their Bachelor’s degree. Of those 34 (38%) earned an additional Master’s
degree. The founding Patterson Place Advisory Board would be proud to know that 19
(55%) of them have professional terminal degrees. Similarly, Lee (2004) states that the
objective would be to provide an environment where African American students can gain
a sense of empowerment, cognitive maturity and academic confidence in the first year that
would help them attain their educational goals.
BRIDGING THE GAP 91
An Important Indicator: Lifelong Relationships
The last two interview questions were ones of self-reflection. One question asked,
looking back, what would you change or do differently with you first year college
experience and the other asked if there was anything else that was not asked that they would
like to share.
Unsurprisingly there were responses about study habits, joining organizations and being
involved within the campus community as stated earlier in this study. However, the
significant indicator of life-long relationships emerged continuously from the participants,
which was an interesting dialogue that emerged during the interviews. The responses
expressed the important friendships, business connections, life decisions and on more than
one occasions, marriages that resulted from living on Patterson Place. This is important to
mention because the participants isolate these situations as a direct effect of living on
Patterson Place and although it does not stand as theme for this case study it was
praiseworthy enough to mention.
Implications for Practice
Based on the findings, the research question; how do the experiences of first-year
African American students living within a special interest community foster students’ sense
of belonging and university connectivity at a predominantly White institution, there are
two implications for practice that emerged from the study. The first initiative would be
hiring faculty of color as role models that also assist with recruiting prospective students
of color, and second is the institutional commitment to providing programs and services
designed to meet the needs of students of color.
BRIDGING THE GAP 92
One important strategy for ensuring the success of first-year students of color is to
broaden their access to racially/ethnically similar role models by hiring faculty of color and
encouraging them to advice students of color and students groups, effectively recruiting
prospective students of color (Pounds, 1989). Faculty interaction can been difficult for
most students but for African American students it is seen as taboo. The majority of them
have had the opportunity to interact with faculty and in most cases, only speak to them
when is it necessary. Students complain about approaching faculty due to the
uncomfortable feelings due to cultural barriers. A big factor, in most cases is the absence
of African American and or faculty of color to communicate with to help give them the
skills. Most institutions have some sort of academic support offices within their division
of student affairs. In some cases, programs can make the extra effort to bring those
professional to conduct these academic survival seminars right to the residential
community. It helps with the students’ comfort level and gives the opportunity to integrate
staff and faculty with students, right where they live.
There are significantly fewer numbers of African Americans, as compared to the
White counterparts, serving as faculty members in the nation’s universities and colleges.
There are insufficient numbers of African American faculty members to teach the nation’s
students (Branch, 2001). The Patterson Place Advisory Board includes university staff,
faculty and former upper-classmen Patterson residents. The advisory board collaborates
with the academic support center, the writing labs and other support offices to conduct
academic survival workshops and seminars to Patterson residents. It is important to
BRIDGING THE GAP 93
mention in the landmark book, How College Affects Students, Pascarella and Terenzini
(1991) completed a meta-analysis of college impact research and concluded that:
A large part of the impact of college is determined by the extent and content of
one’s interaction with the major agents of socialization on campus, namely faculty
members and student peers. The influence of interpersonal interactions with these
groups is manifest in intellectual outcomes as well as in changes in attitudes, values,
aspirations, and a number of psychosocial characteristics. The educational impact
of college’s faculty is enhanced when their contacts with students extend beyond
the formal classroom to informal non-classroom settings (p.620).
When prospective students visit ULA, they have the opportunity to meet the
residents, and the African American staff, and faculty who work with Patterson Place.
Patterson Place offers the opportunity for the prospective student to participate in an
overnight experience. During that experience, prospective students have the opportunity
to stay on the floor and interact with current first-year students as well as shadow these
students to their classes the next day to get the “real” college experience. When prospective
families visit colleges trying to decide where they think their student would “fit in,” the
overnight experience usually stands out from other institutions. Seventy-five percent of
the prospective students commit to ULA and yield an African American class average of
about 200 in the last few years, 32 (16%) choose Patterson Place as their residence during
their first year.
The second implication for practice includes college and universities assisting first-
year African American and students of color by providing programs and services (such as
orientation, cultural centers, and residence hall arrangements) designed to specifically meet
their needs, actively supporting and advising cultural clubs and organizations on campus,
and providing proactive advisement and feedback to students throughout their first year.
A well-designed first-year experience program can provide the tools and skills necessary
BRIDGING THE GAP 94
for students to achieve their academic goals. A first-year program can propel African
American and students of color from matriculation to graduation by helping them
understand and maneuver the culture of the campus. Rendon (2004) states, to transform
the first-year experience require that educators think beyond “offering services” to African
American and students of color.
Transforming the first-year experience necessitates the educators challenge their
stereotypes and assumptions about these students. It entails faculty and staff rethinking the
way they design programs and services, as well as the way they interact with students. It
is important to note that the Patterson Place Advisory is not just made of just African
Americans it includes anyone at the institution who cares about the known disparities and
wants to empower and encourage African American student success.
Black Cultural Centers (BCCs) have long since served as safeguards of cultural
identity and solidarity for African American students attending predominantly White
institutions (PWIs). The 1960 has marked a critical turning point in the history of Black
higher education in American. In consonance with the wider social movements (i.e., Civil
Rights) that instigated resistance to power, privilege, and the status quo, Black collegians
at PWIs often demanded institutional support and services that affirmed their cultural
identity and reduced, if not eliminates, obstacles to their success (Strayhorn et al., 2010).
In response to these protestations and racial agitations at White campuses, college student
educators established Black Cultural centers (BCCs) as a way of promoting, protecting,
and affirming African American culture (Young and Hannon, 2002). The cultural center
was to be the place where attitudes, values, knowledge, and skills could be compared,
BRIDGING THE GAP 95
debated, and shared. For some students, it was to be a safe haven, a place to retreat from
the perceived hostility of an unwelcoming campus community (Patton, 2006). Directors
of BCCs and BCC staff members should be seen as both academic and student affairs
professionals as they provide important supports that enable students to succeed in college.
Thus, institutional policies that ensure continuation of these types of programs through the
BCC are essential.
These centers directly correlate with assisting students’ sense of belonging and
persistence, through their transition and university connectivity. Cokley (2001) found that
African American students experience greater estrangement from the campus community.
Campuses should attend specifically to the needs of first-year students of color, ensuring
successful adjustment and integration into the institution. Evans et al., (1998) emphasized
how the developmental needs of college students of color are unique and require deliberate
consideration in the design and implementation of program and services.
Future Research
The findings of the current study suggest several areas for future research. The
themes that have emerged would be appropriate to be examined in future studies.
However, there are two different recommendations that emerged from the study. The first
recommendation for research would be to examine African American and other ethnic-
specific special interest residential communities as a probable solution for student success
for under-represented students of color and replicate this study. From this study, Appendix
D offers a list of African American theme programs at nine universities, six of them are at
five of the University of California system’s public institutions and the other, is at a private
BRIDGING THE GAP 96
research university, “Ujamaa” at Stanford University. Unlike Patterson Place, Ujamaa is
not solely a “dorm,” as they call it, for African American students, it is a social dorm known
for its friendly, open atmosphere, where people of all backgrounds reside. Ujamaa is
named after the fourth principle (cooperative economics) of the African American cultural
holiday Kwanzaa, which celebrates African heritage, unity and culture. The other three
African American special interest communities are located at Rutgers College in New
Jersey, Cornell University in New York, and Oklahoma State University in Oklahoma.
Over the years, several African American special interest communities have closed
its doors on several campuses. Most institutions now use the word learning community to
describe their special interest comminutes, but it serves that same purpose. Residential
learning communities were found to have a positive effect on first-year students’ retention,
involvement, and academic achievements at large universities, (Luna and Jimmie, 2008).
Residential learning initiatives directly support the first-year experience on college and
university campuses because (a) provide a vehicle to front-load academic resources to help
students succeed, (b) can create intentional supportive communities, and (c) can effetely
incorporate peer leadership for first-year students (p.3). This could be an important inquiry
given the number under-represented African American students at most institutions of
higher education. It is crucial to look into ways on retaining the small number of African
Americans in college by exploring the possibility of replicating an African American
special interest community.
The second recommendation for future research would be to extend the scope and
capture the long-term influence on students living on special interest communities like
BRIDGING THE GAP 97
Patterson Place. Future studies should include the influence and impact of special housing
on life-long relationships. While not a direct part of the inquiry, lifelong relationships
stood out as the most probable recommendation for future research from this study. This
important indicator was referenced throughout the interview responses as the most repeated
answer to the interview question: In what ways did/does your experience on Patterson Place
impact you?
Conclusion
Students of color in the first year of college encounter many of the same stressors
that White students face; however, their unique concerns are often not acknowledged or
identified until they leave the institution or until later in their education, (Pope et al., 2013).
When students experience transitions from familiar cultures to new college environments,
higher education professional need to expand awareness, knowledge, and skills in the
students’ lives and how they are view and experience the campus environments. Higher
education professionals must, perhaps now more than ever, construct communities that
embrace diversity; promote multiculturalism in our classrooms and in our offices; and
develop programs, policies, strategies, and interventions that enhance diversity.
Tinto's (2009) powerful closing remark from his keynote speech delivered at a
symposium really brings home the idea of student success:
Let me close with two simple observations; first that student success does not arise
by chance. It is the result of an intentional, structured, and proactive set of strategies
that are coherent and systematic in nature and carefully aligned to the same goal;
second at no time is a coherent systematic structure more important than in the first
year of university studies…
The popular African proverb says, “It takes a village to raise a child,” indicating that a
community is responsible for the most vulnerable of its members. When applied to higher
BRIDGING THE GAP 98
education, this suggests that all institutional units within a college or university should
foster the success of African American students and others who might be at risk. Both
academic and student affairs should address the needs of this population. Strategies to
enhance the first-year experience of African American students should evolve from a
collaborative community perspective rather than a territorial program perspective, (Lee,
2004). The successful retention of African American students requires institutions to
become student-centered in their behavior, moving from a model of mass production to
customization. Institutions must use diverse strategies for diverse populations rather than
a once-size-fits-all approach to service provision and curriculum development (Lee, 2004).
BRIDGING THE GAP 99
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APPENDIX A
CALL FOR PARTICIPANTS
Dear Patterson Place Past & Present Resident:

You have been identified as someone who lived on Patterson Place during your first year
at the University of Los Angeles (USC) from 1995-2013.

I need YOU to help ME complete my DOCTORATE DEGREE!

My dissertation is titled "Bridging the Gap: A Case Study of an African American
Residential Community at a Predominantly White Institution."

I need your honest anonymous voice and feedback about your experiences living on
Patterson Place. The email interview link listed below is active now until Monday, April
15, 2013.

Please click on the link below to activate the interview:

https://uscstudentaffairs.qualtrics.com/SE/?SID=SV_eP9KZKCoHSomIYd

Attached please find the “Information Fact Sheet” which explains the purpose for the study
and the confidentiality statement.

I apologize if you are receiving this in duplicate as you may be on two or more of my
contact lists from Facebook, LinkedIn or my cell phone (smile).

Thanks for your support with this very important matter.

Ms. Corliss

Ms. Corliss P. Bennett
Ms.c.p.bennett@gmail.com (dissertation email)
310-493-4318 (cell)
213-740-7448 (work)

USC Rossier School of Education, Class of 2013

BRIDGING THE GAP 114
APPENDIX B
IN FORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
The following information sheet was attached to each student who responded to the call
for participant’s email.
________________________________________________________________________

INFORMATION SHEET

Bridging the Gap:
A Case Study of an African American Residential Community at a
Predominantly White Institution

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This case study examines one strategy to address transition, first year retention and
personal development that could improve the educational outcome of African American
students at one institution. It will determine whether living with in a special themed
residential community (Patterson Place), provides a solution to promoting African
American students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity within their first year.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
Participation in the email interview that last at least thirty minutes and will consist of
questions that focuses on your experiences living on Patterson Place. The email interview
will be mailed directly to the contact information you provided via a link that you would
click on to answer and submit anonymously.

CONFIDENTIALITY

With the exception of name and basic contact information already received from you
initially, no identifiable information will be obtained from participants in connection with
this study. All written, published analysis of this study will utilize pseudonyms in order to
maintain confidentiality.

The data will be stored on a password-protected computer and maintained for three years,
then destroyed.

The members of the research team (including the primary researcher and her faculty
advisor) and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program
(HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect
the rights and welfare of research subjects.

BRIDGING THE GAP 115
INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION

Principal Investigator: Ms. Corliss P. Bennett
Ms.c.p.bennett@gmail.com
310-493-4318
~or~
Bennett@usc.edu
213-740-7448

Faculty Advisor: Dr. Kristan Venegas
kristanv@usc.edu
(213) 740-3255

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
University Park IRB, Office of the Vice Provost for Research Advancement, Credit Union
Building, 3720 South Flower Street, CUB # 301 Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-
5272 or upirb@usc.edu

BRIDGING THE GAP 116
APPENDIX C
IN TERVIEW PROTOCOL
Bridging the Gap:
A Case Student of an African American Residential Community at a
Predominantly White Institution

Introductory Statement

Thank you for taking the time to participate with this email interview for my dissertation case
study on the impact of your residential experience on Patterson Place during your first year at
the University of Los Angeles (ULA).
My research project as a whole focuses on the experiences of African American students
who lived on Patterson Place from 1995-2013, and whether it fostered a sense of belonging,
encouraged your personal development and enriched university connectivity during your
first year at ULA.
Please note that only researchers on the project will be privy to your answers, which will
be eventually destroyed after the study. In addition, I will provide you with an Information
Fact Sheet, which explains the nature of the study devised to meet our human subject
requirements.
Essentially, this document states that: (1) all information will be held confidential, (2) your
participation is voluntary and you may stop at any time if you feel uncomfortable, and (3)
we do not intend to inflict any harm.
This email interview is designed to take no more than thirty minutes to complete depending
on your answers. However, feel free to take the time you need to share your experiences
through your responses. Keep in mind that your answers will only enhance the dissertation
case study findings.
Thank you for your agreeing to participate.
Question 1: I have read and understand the above and received the Information Fact
Sheet: Yes No

Background & Demographic Information
Question 2: What is your hometown and state?

Question 3: How would you describe your hometown?
Urban, suburban, large metropolitan city, small college town…

BRIDGING THE GAP 117
Question 4: What type of high school did you attend?
Large or small, private or public, boarding and etc…

Question 5: Please describe your racial/ethnic and/or cultural background?

Question 6: Are you the first in your immediate family to earn a bachelor’s degree?
First generation college student/graduate

Question 7: What year did you live on Patterson Place?

Question 8: Did you return to the University of Los Angeles for your second year of
college?
Question 9: Current Status: (as of today)
Undergraduate Student:
Class Standing: Freshmen, Sophomore, Junior, Senior, 5
th
Year
Major:

Current Alumni Status:
ULA Alumni (Bachelor’s Degree)
Graduation Year:
Degree:

Non-ULA Alumni (Bachelor’s Degree)
Institution:
Graduation Year:
Degree:

Please list your advance degrees: (if any)
Graduate Degree #1:
Institution:
Graduate Degree #2:
Institution:
Graduate Degree #3:
Institution

Interview Questions
Question 10: How did you hear about Patterson Place?

Question 11: Please explain why you were interested in living on Patterson Place?

Question 12: Think back to move-in day and describe your experience.
What was it like for you?
What were your expectations?
BRIDGING THE GAP 118
Question 13: What were some of the challenges (if any) you experienced during your first
year at ULA?

Question 14: Did you attend the Patterson Place retreat?

Question 13: What were your overall feelings about the retreat?

Question 14: If you had to pick on a moment/interaction/experience/statement from the
retreat as the most memorable, would that be?

Question 15: What did you learn about yourself in relation to others on the floor?

Question 16: In what ways did/does your experience on Patterson Place impact you?

Question 17: Where did you live during your second year of college?

Question 18: How was it different?

Question 19: In what ways did/does living on Patterson Place impact your transition from
high school to college?

Question 20: In what ways did Patterson Place impact in your transition to university life?

Question 21: What do you remember the most about your experience on Patterson Place?

Question 22: In what ways did you feel connected to your peers?

Question 23: In what ways did/do you feel like you belonged at the institution?

Question 24: In what ways did/do you feel connected to the institution?

Question 25: What program/services helped you feel connected to the institution?

Question 26: Briefly discuss your extra-curricular involvement within the institution:
Please identify any leadership roles.

Question 27: Looking back, what would you change or do differently with your 1
st
year
experience?

Question 28: Is there anything else that I did not ask you that you would like to share/add at
this time?

Thank you again for participating in this case study.
BRIDGING THE GAP 119
APPENDIX D
AFRICAN AMERICAN SPECIAL INTEREST FLOORS

INSTITUTION PROGRAM & DESCRIPTION
CALIFORNIA

University of
California, Berkeley
(1997)

The African American Theme Program
provides residents and interested
community members with the
opportunity to discuss specific issues
relating to the African American culture.
It also promotes social and political
awareness among students and provides
information about resources within the
African American community. The
theme program is fully supported by the
African American Student Development
Office and the Department of African
American Studies.

University of
California, Davis
(2004)

The African American & African
Theme Program (ATP) is open to
students from all cultures who are
interested in exploring African American
and African cultures. An ATP
component is available. ATP participants
will connect with the African American
& African Studies Department and
through community events to further
their growth and social understanding.
The ATP component offers a range of
cultural, social, and educational
programs including the Black Leadership
Retreat.

BRIDGING THE GAP 120

University of
California
Los Angeles (1959)
The African Diaspora Studies Theme
Program provides residents and
interested community members with the
opportunity to discuss specific issues
relating to African American history,
culture and community. It promotes
social and political awareness among
students and provides information about
resources within the African American
community. The African Diaspora
Studies Theme will be on the 2nd floor
of Dykstra Hall.

University of
California, Riverside
(1993)

The Pan-African Theme Hall (PATH)
welcomes all students with similar goals
and expectations of expanding and
developing the consciousness of students
in the area of Pan-African culture and its
relationship to other cultures of the
world. PATH offers a number of
resources and networking opportunities
including academic workshops, guest
presentations, hall dinners, social
functions, field trips, along with a
multitude of cultural events designed to
enlighten and expand ways of thinking of
African students. PATH is located in
Pentland Hills and all rooms are same
gender.

BRIDGING THE GAP 121

University of
California, Santa
Cruz
Rosa Parks African American Theme
House (R.PAATH) is a student-initiated
themed living option for all students
whose interests span historical, present-
day, and future experiences of
predominately Black/African American
peoples. R.PAATH fosters Cultural
Competency/Cultural Intelligence and
ally development through organizing,
living, studying, and socializing with
peers passionate about political, cultural,
popular, social and economic issues of
the African Diaspora. R.PAATH is
located at Stevenson College. Incoming
freshmen who wish to live in this theme
house must be affiliated with Stevenson
College. R.PAATH is designed to
intentionally create space for students to
feel connected, safe and supported in a
community centered on the experiences
of Black/African American peoples.
This is a primary focal point for the staff
supporting R.PAATH. Educational
seminars, programs, dialogues, and
speaker series are structured to
encourage solidarity and unity among
students from all cultural backgrounds

Stanford University
(1974)

Ujamaa serves as a housing complex
and as a center for Stanford's black
community. Ujamaa is not just a hub for
black people. It is a social dorm, known
for its friendly, open atmosphere. People
from all backgrounds, make Ujamaa
their home. Though it's the "Black"
dorm, Ujamaa provides a forum for
diversity and unity among all ethnicities,
peoples and individuals.

BRIDGING THE GAP 122
NEW JERSEY

Rutgers College
(1976)

The Paul Robeson Special Interest
Section, (located in Mettler Hall), special
interest section was established in 1976
and is a symbol of acknowledgment of
the late Paul Robeson. The section places
special emphasis on aiding first-year
students as they make the transition from
high school to college. It also encourages
academics as well as self-growth and
members of the section stress cultural
enrichment and awareness among
themselves, other members of the
residence hall and the Rutgers
community. Section members work
collaboratively towards academic
achievement and excellence. Another
goal of the community is to engender
curiosity and interest in the African
Diaspora through focusing on the history
and origins of the African Diaspora.
(1976)

NEW YORK

Cornell University
(1972)

Ujamaa: Ujamaa (pronounced ''oo-ja-
ma'') is a concept that is derived from the
East African language, Ki-Swahili. There
is no single word in English that fully
conveys its meaning. The concept of
''Ujamaa'' is a process where all the
members of a community work together
as an extended family to build and
maintain a cohesive community that
nurtures and supports its residents. Those
choosing Ujamaa as their home at
Cornell will not only share a friendly,
warm and cooperative living
BRIDGING THE GAP 123
environment, but also learn a great deal
about the history, culture and forces that
helped shape the lives of Black people in
the United States, Africa and the
Caribbean.

OKLAHOMA

Oklahoma State
University

Uhuru House, or African Centered
Cultural House is housed on the third and
fourth floors of Jones Hall for students
interested in learning more about the
African culture and history. It is open to
all students regardless of race, and
participants are required to sign a
participation agreement.

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This case study applies Schlossberg’s Transitional Theory (1995) to African Americans’ transition and persistence in higher education. The purpose of this case study was to determine if the experiences of first year African American students living within a special interest community fostered students’ sense of belonging and university connectivity at a predominantly White institution. This study begins with a historical overview of significant events that paved the way for African Americans in higher education. Next, the study shares an evaluation of the theoretical frameworks of Cross (1991), Astin (1984) and Tinto (1993) to help identify African American students’ transition, personal development, sense of belonging, and persistence through academic achievement within the first year of college. Intended for any professional who works in higher education, this case study demonstrates the importance of how fostering interpersonal relationships among students, staff and faculty increases engagement, and persistence toward graduation for African American students.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bennett, Corliss P. (author)

Core Title Bridging the gap: a case study of an African American residential community at a predominantly White institution

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 04/21/2014

Defense Date 12/12/2013

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag African American residential community,African American student programs,Black residential community,first year programs,OAI-PMH Harvest,special interest housing

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Venegas, Kristan M. (committee chair), Tobey, Patricia Elaine (committee member), West, Kim (committee member)

Creator Email ms.c.p.bennett@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-380523

Unique identifier UC11296474

Identifier etd-BennettCor-2378.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-380523 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-BennettCor-2378.pdf

Dmrecord 380523

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Bennett, Corliss P.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA