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An awareness of local identity: influence of Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific (HAP) issues course at Kapi‘olani Community College

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An awareness of local identity: influence of Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific (HAP) issues course at Kapi‘olani Community College

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Running head: AN AWARENESS OF LOCAL IDENTITY 1

AN AWARENESS OF LOCAL IDENTITY:
INFLUENCE OF HAWAIIAN, ASIAN, AND PACIFIC (HAP) ISSUES COURSE
AT KAPI‘OLANI COMMUNITY COLLEGE

by

Shannon Sakamoto

______________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2013

Copyright 2013 Shannon Sakamoto

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DEDICATION
This is dedicated to my parents and grandparents, who continuously worked hard toward
the opportunity for their children to have better and more than they had. I hope I have made you
proud in heaven and on earth.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost I would like to thank God for all that He has blessed me with, and am
so thankful to have had the opportunity to earn a degree that removes any glass ceiling from my
future endeavors, and am thankful for any doors He may open or close for me.
To my amazing parents, thank you for all you have done for me, and that you will
undoubtedly continue to do for me in the future. Your motivation to always work hard and stay
committed has influenced me in ways that permeate throughout my life and character. I love
you!
To my family and friends, thank you for your support throughout my life, and am so
thankful for you. Many of my friends are extensions of my family, and for that I am grateful and
humbled that I can count on friends that I have known for nearly 30 years. The years will
continue to be counted until we are old, gray, still laughing, and can no longer count that high.
To Dr. Darnell Cole, the busiest person around, and still can balance it all. Thank you for
taking me on as an independent dissertation student, I hope my work has made you proud.
To my colleague buddies in my program, without you I wouldn’t have been able to get
through this, and for that I’m deeply appreciative for your love, support, laughs, and
encouragement. I’m so grateful we were able to push each other through. Fight On!

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication 2
Acknowledgments 3
List of Tables 5
Abstract 6
Chapter 1: Introduction 7
Chapter 2: History of Hawai‘i and the Local Culture 17
Chapter 3: Ethnic Identity Theorists and Diversity Coursework 54
Chapter 4: Methodology 69
Chapter 5: Data Analysis 80
Chapter 6: Discussion and Conclusions 107
References 118

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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1. University of Hawai‘i System and Kapi‘olani Community College 62
Demographics
Table 2. Pseudonym Matrix of Demographics 73

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ABSTRACT
As diversity coursework throughout the continental United States increases in presence at post-
secondary institutions, the composition of ethnic diversity within the archipelago of Hawaii is
different. The dominant group is non-white, and the diversity coursework requirement of the
University of Hawaii system is designed to highlight the unique culmination of cultures that
intersect in the Hawaiian Islands. This phenomenological research study examined the influence
of the Hawaiian, Asian, and/or Pacific (HAP) Issues courses on the Local Identity Development
of thirty student participants at Kapi‘olani Community College who self-identified as Local. The
participants were asked to engage in 45-60 minute interviews, to share their definition of the
Local culture, and how the course influenced their identity as a Local in Hawaii. The data
analysis indicated that most participants felt the course validated their sense of self, in relation to
the Local identity. The analysis refers to quotes and observations the participants shared in their
interviews.

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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Over time, the complexity of difference has increased exponentially through ethnicities,
races, cultures, and experiences. There are different traditions, languages, accents, cuisines, types
of music, generational status, fashion trends, mannerisms, and many other things that people
practice and value, as a result of exhibiting and internalizing their own identity while
simultaneously identifying with a larger group of people.
The social pressures and influences of a society can cause certain groups to understand
they are accepted or not accepted by the dominant group. This journey of individual identity has
been studied by many (Cross, 1971; Helms, 1990; Phinney, 1989; Torres & Hernandez, 2007),
particularly the different modes of development experienced by various ethnic groups, as it
relates to the overall social structure of society’s influence on a person.
Individual Identity: Review of Identity Development Theories
Most ethnic identity development models share three basic stages: “pre-encounter,”
“immersion” and “integration.” William Cross and Janet Helms are recognized as significant
contributors to the field of ethnic identity development. William Cross pioneered the field of
ethnic identity development as he examined how Blacks identify in a society dominated by
Whites. In 1971, he developed a model of Black identity development, Nigrescence: The Stages
of Becoming Black. The model was constructed in five stages: Pre-Encounter, Encounter,
Immersion-Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment. These stages “described
developmental stages that Blacks in America go through to obtain a psychologically healthy
Black identity” (Cokley, 2002, p. 476).
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After Cross’ contributions, Janet Helms created a model of White Racial Identity
Development in 1984 (revised 1990). The model also had stages: Contact, Disintegration,
Reintegration, Pseudo-Independence, Immersion, Emersion, and Autonomy. The model
examined the experience of Caucasians, as:
the maturation process of recognition and abandonment of White privilege begins with
the ego’s avoidance or denial of the sociopolitical implications of one’s own and others’
racial group membership, and concludes with its capacity to strive for nonracist own-
group membership and humanistic racial self-definition and social interactions. (Helms,
1995, p. 188)

Helms noted a distinct difference in the experience of Caucasians compared to people of
color, as “the general developmental issue for Whites is abandonment of entitlement, whereas
the general developmental issue for people of color is surmounting internalized racism in its
various manifestations” (Helms, 1995, p. 184). While the Cross (1971) and Helms (1984, 1990)
theoretical contributions were designed for individuals who identify as one race or ethnicity,
attention to the complexity of multicultural identity was noted, as “persons with more than one
type of racial identity status potentially engage in increasingly more complex race-related
behavior because they have more information-processing mechanisms by which to respond”
(Helms, 1995, p. 184).
In 1989, Jean Phinney studied stages of ethnic identity development, based off of the
literature that had been published up to that point in time. The majority of the literature
supported that most theories had four stages: Diffuse, Foreclosed, Moratorium, and Achieved
(Phinney, 1989, p. 38). Phinney (1989) combined the first two stages of Diffuse and Foreclosed
into one, and conducted a study across adolescents of multiple ethnic groups. The study found
that minority students could be assigned to one of the three stages, but Caucasian students could
not,
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even in settings where they were the minority, [White students] did not show evidence of
these stages and were frequently unaware of their own ethnicity apart from being
American. These results imply an ethnocentric view that is out of touch with the
increasingly pluralistic nature of society.” (Phinney, 1989, p. 45)

In 2007, Vasti Torres studied bicultural identity development among college students
who dually identified as the broad category of Latino, yet may have also identified with a
specific subcategory of a more distinct culture from Latin America (Torres, 2004; Langdon &
Clark, 1993). This broad stroke grouping was similar to the Local identity, as it blanketed a large
population of individuals who dually identified with subgroups from Asia and the Pacific
Islands.
Residents of the Hawaiian Islands
In Hawai‘i, there are an indigenous people, rich in culture, practices and tradition.
However, a separate and eclectic culture has developed over time, with origins tracing back to
the sugar plantation laborer experience. Many residents in Hawai‘i proclaim a “Local” identity
(Ch’oe, 2006; Grant & Ogawa, 1993; Ohnuma, 2008; Okamura, 1980; Trask, 2000), which does
not have origins to a motherland country, but rather a shared experience. While those who
identify as Local are mainly of cultures from Asia and the Pacific Islands, the Local identity
stands independently as an identifiable group with its own traits and characteristics.
The definition of the Local identity has been discussed in the literature from different
perspectives (Ch’oe, 2006; Grant & Ogawa, 1993; Ohnuma, 2008; Okamura, 1980; Trask, 2000),
and seems to be a subjective construct by definition, yet there are clear opinions on what
categorizes a person an out-group member. There are also clear opinions on the stratification of
being Local. Much of the culture is learned, and difficult to clearly define.
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Hawaiians
It is estimated that Hawaiians migrated from Tahiti in approximately 500 to 750 AD
(Fornander, 1880), and developed their own foods, language, customs, rituals, dance, and ways
of life in the Hawaiian Islands. Their navigation skills allowed them to voyage throughout the
Polynesia archipelago, “as far as Tahiti, some 2,000 miles to the south, and returned safely”
(Coan, 1899, p. 29) to the Hawaiian Islands.
In 1778, Captain James Cook visited the Islands (Kennedy, 1978). Some historians
believe he was the first Western visitor (Kennedy, 1978; Sahlins, 1995), while others believe this
was not true as documents translated from Hawaiian contradict that Cook was the first visitor
(Nogelmeier, 2010; Silva, 2004).
Some historians account that native people believed him to be a god “Lono” who
according to legend was to return to the islands, draped in white cloth. Ironically, Captain Cook’s
ship, with large white sails, encountered the Hawaiian Islands during a time when the native
people were celebrating and honoring their god, Lono (Kennedy, 1978; Sahlins, 1995). Silva
(2004b) found contradictions with the Hawaiian account of this period of time, upon examining
“the longest account of Cook written in Hawaiian, which was written by Samuel Manaiakalani
Kamakau in 1866 – 1867 and published in a Hawaiian-language newspaper” (p. 16). Nogelmeier
(2010) and Silva (2004a) reviews the documents that refer to when Kamakau recalls and
documents multiple instances of white foreigners visiting the Hawaiian Islands.
Cook’s encounter with the natives brought disease, mosquitos, and prostitution, which led
to the demise of the populace (Kennedy, 1978; Silva, 2004a; Stokes, 1930). Western influence
led to Hawaiians privatizing land, and the natives had to navigate the enforcement of the new
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western ways, which made way for Caucasians to move to the top of the social strata (Lind,
1928).
Settlers
As the Caucasians moved upward in social class, the control of businesses and farming
became easier to influence. Once the whaling business began to fade, the focus on the sugar
industry grew exponentially. The sugar plantations needed laborers, and many Hawaiians
resisted the pressure to work on the plantations, so laborers were brought to the islands from
foreign lands (Howes & Osorio, 2010; Okamura, 1980; Trask, 2000). The first were the Chinese,
then the Japanese, the Portuguese, the Koreans, and the Filipinos (Edles, 2004; Howes & Osorio,
2010; Okamura, 1980). As generations built on this wave of initial plantation laborers, the
connection between their motherland and their cultural ties became strained (Cheng, 1953).
Intermarriage between groups was not uncommon, however some groups had lower rates of
intermarriage than others (Samuels, 1970). These marriages gave way to interracial families and
communities in Hawai‘i, establishing a sense of belonging to the Hawaiian Islands, and less to
their countries of origin (Cheng, 1953).
Identity in Hawai‘i
In Hawai‘i, there are two very prominent identities: Hawaiian, by way of being
indigenous people of the land or to the Hawaiian kingdom (Sai, 2011; Trask, 2000), and Local,
which has origins relating back to the sugar plantations, yet still remains a very convoluted,
ambiguous, and politically charged definition (Ohnuma, 2008; Okamura, 1980).
It is indisputable that Hawaiians have claim to their identity as belonging to the land,
culture, and ways of life (Sai, 2011; Schweizer, 2005; Trask, 2000). However, the notion of the
Local people also claiming ties to Hawai‘i is met with unrest as the politics of Hawaiian
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Sovereignty movements are charged toward returning the rights to the Hawaiian Islands back to
the indigenous people (Sai, 2011; Trask, 2000).
University of Hawai‘i
The University of Hawai‘i system is large and the only public option for post-secondary
education in the archipelago of Hawai‘i. Many of the students flock to the community college
campuses, to pursue a Career or Technical Education program, or a traditional Associate Degree.
Local college students in Hawai‘i identify with the Local culture, an ambiguous identity that is
prominent throughout the islands. This identity is important to recognize in academia, as many of
the college students in Hawai‘i recognize the Local identity as an important component to their
sense of self, yet it is minimally recognized in scholarly literature surrounding identity. The
expansion of literature that is focused on the Local culture is important, as the identity is strong
in the islands, and many of the ethnic identity development models focus on the experience
within the continental United States, where the Anglo identity is seen as dominant. The student
experience in Hawai‘i is different, as the Local identity is not the minority, but rather the
majority. In order to support and understand college students, it is imperative to be mindful of
other facets of identity, aside from traditional definitions of a sense of self.
Statement of the Problem
Some of the Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific (HAP) Issues courses that are offered
throughout the University of Hawai‘i system may be providing an uncalculated experience of
learning about the Local culture and Local identity in a formal education setting. Learning this
information in a formal setting solidifies the self-labeling of Local, and also provides validation
to a group of individuals who identify with an ambiguous identity. Stakeholders in Student
Affairs and Higher Education, and specifically faculty who teach HAP Issues courses should be
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aware of the influence these types of courses seem to be having on Local students. The identity
development of students has been directly related to overall success and persistence.
Purpose of Study
The goal of this study was to gain the Local student’s perspective and identify specific
influences in the formal college education curriculum that may be related to the construction of
identity as a Local person of the Hawaiian Islands. This is important, as many Hawai‘i residents
embrace the Local identity as a strong component of their identity, and it is not a traditional
racial or ethnic identity often associated with genealogy or ancestry. Stakeholders in Student
Affairs and Education, in Hawaii, the continental United States and beyond, should be aware of
this cultural identity that students from Hawai‘i may identify with. This Local identity definition
is ambiguous, as the identity is not tied to bloodline or any other clearly identifiable group,
however much of the literature agrees on the origin being related to the large waves of plantation
laborers from multiple countries immigrating for employment and promises of a better life
(Ohunuma, 2008; Okamura, 1980; Trask, 2000).
Although the plantation life happened long ago in the mid 1800s, the Local identity
remains strong among the various generations of residents in Hawai‘i. Naturally, as a result of its
development and historical context, the Hawai‘i way of life is not found to be of similar
character to the pressures and expectations of life in the continental United States. While there
are those individuals who choose to explore opportunities beyond the Hawai‘i archipelago, many
do not leave the islands for college or career advancement, and utilize the education and career
opportunities available within their comfort around the Hawaiian Islands.
As the data suggests, The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa (UHM), hosts a large majority
of the Hawai‘i residents seeking a baccalaureate degree (University of Hawai‘i, 1999). The
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University is the flagship campus in the archipelago of Hawai‘i. Thus, the student population is
significantly compiled of Hawai‘i residents (University of Hawai‘i, 1999), who are likely to
identify as Local and/or Hawaiian.
In 1999, UHM created a graduation requirement, which involves students taking a focus
course, which shares the Hawaiian cultural perspective, intersecting with the Asian and/or
Pacific Islander cultural perspective. The importance of the course is for students to
achieve a basic understanding of how the Native culture of Hawai‘i is similar to
and different from the diverse cultures of Native Pacific Islanders and the Asian
countries on the Pacific Rim. As Hawai‘i becomes more of a significant
international player in Asia and the Pacific, it is crucial that all students at UHM,
Natives and non-Natives (including out-of-state students), become familiar with
the arena in which we study and live. (University of Hawai‘i, 1999, p. 13)

Although the intent of this course is to teach students about the unique cultural influences
that impact and intersect in the Hawaiian Islands, the curriculum shares perspectives from
cultures that most Local students would identify with.
Most students who attend UHM are of Hawaiian, Asian or Pacific background, and one
of the missions of the University of Hawai‘i in its Strategic Plan is to ‘stress areas in
which Hawai‘i has a natural advantage due to its geography, its environment, its location,
and its unique blend of cultures’.... (University of Hawai‘i, 1999, p. 13)

The possibility that the course may have been unintentionally providing a formal space
for learning more about the Local identity in Hawai‘i was explored through a series of interviews
with students from Kapi‘olani Community College who identify as Native Hawaiian and/or
Local, and have also completed at least one HAP Issues course.
Methodological Approach
This research study followed a qualitative research approach, as it was designed to
inquire and understand the experience and perspective of a group of individuals. The research
questions ask “how”, compared to the quantitative approach of asking “why” (Creswell, 1998).
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This study focused on an area that needs further exploration and detail, because some definitions
related to the research questions have yet to be determined, and supported consistently in the
literature (Grant & Ogawa, 1993; Okamura, 1980).
Phenomenology has been described as being “based in a paradigm of personal knowledge
and subjectivity, and emphasise [sic] the importance of personal perspective and interpretation”
(Lester, 1999, p. 1). Patton (2002), described phenomenological analysis as a way “to grasp, and
elucidate the meaning, structure, and essence of the lived experience of a phenomenon for a
person or group of people” (p. 482). Through this approach, the study was able to highlight the
personal experiences of individuals, while also finding common themes that emerged through the
data analysis.
Research Questions
This study was designed to examine the following: How do college students in Hawai‘i
who identify as Local define that identity, and to what extent does diversity coursework influence
their sense of self, in regard to the Local identity?
Overview of Chapters
The chapters individually organize the literature, research and analysis for this research
study. The first chapter introduced the study by describing the resident population of Hawai‘i,
the theorists that have been an asset to understanding identity development and the expansion
into multicultural identity development, and a possible formal education setting that may be
resonating with the identity development of college students who identify with the Local culture
in Hawai‘i.
The second chapter consists of a large historical base about the populace of Hawai‘i,
various factors that have contributed to tensions and pressures within the land. The third chapter
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provides a broad base definition of how Kapi‘olani Community College is requiring a class for
some associate degrees, yet may be simultaneously providing a formal education setting for
identity development to students who identify as Local in Hawai‘i.
The fourth chapter describes the framework for which the study will be conducted. The
qualitative research design focusing on Phenomenology is discussed, in addition to purposeful
sampling, participants, instrumentation, data collection and analysis, limitations, and ensuring
quality and credibility.
The fifth chapter examines the data collected through an analysis of the interviews
conducted. Common topics that emerged were grouped into subthemes under overarching
themes. Discussions surrounding the importance of these themes are supported by quotes from
participants, relating to the data being examined.
The sixth chapter summarizes the research study in the context of diversity education and
multicultural education, and also identity development theories of Ogbu and Simons (1998) and
Phinney (1989). The chapter also focuses on areas in which the study can be useful to future
research, policy, and practice. As standard practice, strengths and limitations are also addressed.

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CHAPTER 2
HISTORY OF HAWAI‘I AND THE LOCAL CULTURE
As we review the history and subcultures that create the present day ethnic identity of
local culture in Hawai‘i, it is important to take note of the multiple instances throughout history
that relate to how the social construct of race and ethnicity has developed over time. Throughout
the history of Hawai‘i and its people, there have been instances of betrayal, racism, assumed
dominance, and the like which has traces of influence in present day.
The Local identity is deeply rooted in the history and experience of both the indigenous
population and culture of Hawaiians, and also settlers who came to the Hawai‘i archipelago from
other countries to join the workforce on the sugar plantations. Much of the history contextualizes
the relationships between and within groups.
The Hawaiians are the only people who can legitimately claim indigenous ties to
Hawai‘i. The first group to settle in Hawai‘i was the Caucasians, who over time befriended the
Hawaiians and eventually introduced privatization of land, forced the annexation of Hawai‘i, and
removed power from the native people. The sugar plantation laborers were imported from many
different countries, in response to most of the native people declining to work on the sugar
plantations. The various imported groups handled their situations differently, and as a result the
present day populace of Hawai‘i are arranged in a geographic manner that is reflective of the
history.
The following sections will explore the historical experience of the various racial groups,
and the impact of a strong military presence. The evolution of the Local identity into present day
will be reviewed, to understand the identity as it currently is constructed, and it is imperative to
be aware of the historical experience of the various groups involved. Some of the theorists who
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have contributed to ethnic identity development research will be explored. The University of
Hawai‘i system will be introduced, and the HAP Issues course will be discussed, specifically
focusing on the possibility of the course serving as a formal educational opportunity for students
to explore the Local identity in relation to their own sense of self.
Historical Context of Hawaiians and Caucasians
The population of the Hawaiian Islands is rich with ethnic diversity and culture. The
recipe for such diversity was a direct result of the worldwide recruitment of plantation workers
for sugar production. Petersen (1969) discussed the diversity as:
This great diversity was due mainly to the effort, in the words of the US Commissioner of
Labor, to create ‘a population that would at the same time supply a civic and industrial
need’ – that is, people who would work efficiently in the fields but would also be
acceptable politically and socially. (p. 866)

However, before the infiltration of these plantation workers, an indigenous culture of
Hawaiians existed. A culture full of tradition and established way of life, which embraced and
honored the land and natural environment, eventually was overthrown, through migration and
exploration of the Oceania, other groups came to the Hawaiian Islands and disrupted their
indigenous way of life.
Hawaiians Before Contact with Other Populations
The native people are thought to have migrated from Tahiti and the Marquesas, as early
as 500 to 750 AD (Fornander, 1880). The Hawaiian men were recorded of “an average stature of
5 feet 10 inches – the highest average after the Patagonian Tehuelches, of any race that has been
measured; and their muscular strength also ranks among the highest records” (Coan, 1899, pp.
24-25). The Hawaiian women were described as “rather small, but exceedingly well formed” (p.
25). However, their body composite increased with age, as “400 pounds being a not uncommon
weight” (Coan, 1899, p. 25).
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Their diet consisted of their staple food the taro, also fish, and wild fruits (Coan, 1899,
p. 26). In later years, competition for business increased, the native people had to adapt to the
changes, as there was a significant decline in Hawaiian fishermen from 1890 when there were
668, to only 295 in 1920. The literature acknowledges the ingenious complexity, with which the
Hawaiians had cultivated fish farming as a sustainable resource,
the fisheries were one of the few indigenous resources of the Islands and native
Hawaiians had developed the art of fishing to a high degree previous to the advent
of the white man. This is the one field of endeavor in which it has been
impossible to dislodge them. (Lind, 1928, p. 298)

The language was a shared dialect, throughout Polynesia, and “the first noticeable feature
is the great predominance of vowel sounds” (Coan, 1899, p. 26). Fornander (1880) created a
fairly comprehensive collection of the various chants and songs the Hawaiians passed on for
generations. These chants and songs carried stories of the past, rich in history and an
understanding of the people and land (Fornander, 1880).
Hawaiians used their complex knowledge of astrology to accurately navigate their
travels, as “it is reasonably certain that they sailed as far as Tahiti, some 2,000 miles to the south,
and returned safely” (Coan, 1899, p. 29). Their transportation were vessels, “constructed from
planks sewn or stitched together in a substantial manner, pitched and painted, decked over, or
partly so, and with a capacity of hold sufficient to contain men, animals, and stores for any
projected voyage” (Fornander, 1880, p. 8).
Over the years, the Hawaiian culture grew, and developed as a thriving society. The
Hawaiian Monarchy ruled the Hawaiian Kingdom, and the Hawaiian people lived a simple life
with an unwritten language, used a counting system “based on multiples of four and ten”
(Schmitt, 1981, p. 1; Coan, 1889). The Hawaiians preserved their history and ancestry through
dance and chant, passed on from generation to generation (Coan, 1889; Fornander, 1880).
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Clearly, the Hawaiian culture had evolved into a highly organized and oral culture, with no
methods of written documentation, until the 1820s when a written language was developed
(Nordyke, 1977; Schmitt, 1981) as a result of Western influence.
Hawaiians’ Encounter with Captain Cook
There are multiple accounts of the encounter of Captain Cook with the Hawaiian Islands,
and some documents indicate Cook was not the first foreigner to encounter the Hawaiian people.
In 1778, 49-year-old Captain James Cook came to the islands, during his third voyage through
the Pacific (Kennedy, 1978) from England. During the time that their ship approached Hawai‘i,
the natives celebrated an annual festival, that extended over four lunar months, honoring a
Hawaiian God named Lonomakua, translated as “Father Lono” or “Lono the Parent” (Sahlins,
1995, p. 22). The tale suggested that Lono had left the islands in search of his wife, and would
one day return, and be draped with white cloths (Kennedy, 1978; Sahlins, 1995). The festivities
included the native people flying the symbolic white streamers in the air. When the natives saw
the white sails on Captain Cook’s ship, they believed it to be Lono returning, while the
Europeans believed the white streamers were symbols of “truce, peace, and safe conduct”
(Kennedy, 1978, p. 24).
Historians note the influence venereal disease, mosquitos, and prostitution, had on the
native people (Kennedy, 1978; Silva, 2004a; Stokes, 1930; Trask, 1999). Captain Cook was said
to have imposed ruling for all seamen who carried the disease to stay onboard, and not fraternize
with the native women. However, there are multiple pieces of literature that argue the level of
enforcement regarding this rule (Beaglehole, 1974; Kennedy, 1978; Stokes, 1930).
Captain Cook went ashore to trade with the Hawaiian monarchy, and received the
daughter of royalty, Lelemahoalani, as a wife (Stokes, 1930). When the native women learned
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the princess had slept with Captain Cook, they followed suit with the other seamen to trade for
“clothing, iron and mirrors” (Stokes, 1930, p. 74), resulting in a generation of hapa haole
offspring, literally translated as “hapa” meaning half, thus half haole. The Caucasians were
labeled haole, a Hawaiian word, with the literal translation of “ha” meaning breath, and “ole”
meaning without; likely due to the infrequency of Hawaiians seeing people of pale skin.
History of the Hawaiian Kingdom and the United States
In 1782 the King of Hawai‘i, Kalani‘opu‘u died, and “his son, Kiwala‘o, became his
successor, while Kamehameha became the successor to the war-god Kuka‘ilimoku” (Sai, 2011,
p. 16). In the years to follow, there was a struggle and conflict over power, a civil war between
Hawaiian chiefs for the control of the islands. George Vancouver from Great Britain visited the
Hawaiian Islands on three separate occasions, and became good friends with Kamehameha.
Kamehameha felt that the civil war was not over, and some of the leeward kingdoms would
attempt to invade once again. In agreement with his two brothers, half-brother, and four chiefs,
he “ceded the Island Kingdom of Hawai‘i to Great Britain in 1794, and recognized King George
III as emperor to ensure protection for the kingdom from both the leeward kings and foreign
nations” (Sai, 2011, p. 21). The agreement established that the Kingdom’s religion, government,
and economy would remain untouched, yet “Kamehameha and his Chiefs acknowledged they
were part of the British Empire and subjects of King George III” (p. 21). Kamehameha requested
that Vancouver return to the islands with instructors on the religion of Great Britain, as he
recognized the need for the Hawaiian people to conform to the religion of their new country’s
allegiance.
Kamehameha died in 1819, and his son, Liholiho became heir to the throne, as
Kamehameha II. He instantly rid the Kingdom of certain laws, such as the ‘ai kapu, which “men
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and women ate separately, and women were forbidden to eat pork, bananas, coconuts, and
particular types of fish, shark, turtle, porpoise, and whale” (Sai, 2011, p. 27; Silva, 2004). During
his reign some American missionaries visited the Hawaiian Islands, and were allowed to teach
Christianity, as it was the same religion as Great Britain. The missionaries were granted a year
license to teach the gospel, however they were granted an extension to stay longer. The
missionaries established a written language of Hawaiian, taught palapala, which was reading and
writing, and also shared the gospel of Christianity:
In about two years they had developed an alphabet for Hawaiian and began to print
primers for use in mission schools… The first reading materials were religious tracts and
elementary-level school texts such as a speller and an arithmetic text. (Silva, 2004, p. 32)

Originally, these teachings were limited to the chiefs, as the missionaries felt they could not
spread their message as effectively if the chiefs were not educated and exposed to such a belief
system.
In 1823, Kamehameha II journeyed to England, in an attempt to confirm the agreement
King George III had established with Kamehameha I. During this journey, Ka‘ahumanu was
appointed to reign in Kamehameha II’s absence, and she declared Christianity to be the country’s
new religion and that when schools were established, they were to teach reading and writing to
all students. During this trip, Kamehameha II died as a result of contracting measles.
Kauikeaouli, Kamehameha II’s eleven-year-old brother, was the heir to the throne, and was
given the title of Kamehameha III. Ka‘ahumanu continued her reign, and entered into a treaty
with the United States for protection, which leads some to speculate that she did not understand
the original agreement with King George and Kamehameha I.
In 1829, Kamehameha III engaged in the governmental affairs, and “asserted that the
kingdom was not a British dependency, but a separate and autonomous nation” (Sai, 2011,
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23
p. 34). In 1832, Ka‘ahumanu died, and full control was transitioned to Kamehameha III. He was
very active in reaffirming and understanding the laws over the nation, and in 1840, he “approved
the first constitution incorporating the Declaration of Rights as its preamble” (Sai, 2011, p. 47).
In 1843, the Hawaiian government was restored, was recognized as an independent and
sovereign state. In 1882, the Hawaiian Islands joined the Universal Postal Union, which
maintained more than ninety consulates throughout the world, and entered into extensive
diplomatic and treaty relations with other States that included Austria-Hungary, Belgium,
Bremen, Denmark, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hamburg, Italy, Japan, Netherlands,
Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden-Norway, Switzerland, and the United States. (Sai, 2011,
p. 50)

In addition to this membership, the Hawaiian Islands also engaged in four treaties with
the United States, and “also was recognized within the international community as a neutral
State” (Sai, 2011, p. 50). Aside from international relations, the indigenous Hawaiian people had
a tremendous respect for the land and earth. Land was never privatized, belonged to the King, yet
was shared by all of the native people (Creighton, 1978; Okamura, 1980). The Great Mahele in
1848, was when the first “grant” of land was given by King Kamehameha I to “some of the
haoles who achieved respected advisory posts in the island government,” and was relatively
liberal with this new concept of compensation, called land grants (Creighton, 1978, p. 24).
The plantation immigrants begin to come from China, Japan and many other countries. In
1854, Kamehameha III died, and the heir to the throne was a boy Kamehameha III adopted,
named Alexander Liholiho, receiving the title of Kamehameha IV. During his nine years as
King, Kamehameha IV worked on various initiatives, including establishing Queen’s Hospital,
with Queen Emma, as it was created for free medical care for Hawaiian subjects.
In 1863, Kamehameha V was appointed to the throne, a man who was Kamehameha IV’s
brother, and sought to change various components to the constitution. His reign was short lived,
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24
as he died in 1872, without naming a successor to this throne. A month later William Charles
Lunalilo was elected to the throne, however his reign was also short lived, as he died a year later,
again without naming a successor. David Kalakaua was elected, and two days later appointed his
brother his successor, and three years later who passed away, and Kalakaua elected his sister
Princess Lili‘uokalani in 1877.
During his reign, he resurrected the cultural traditions of the Hawaiian people, and was
the most insistent about preserving the Hawaiian culture’s music and dance (Silva, 2004).
Ten years later, in 1887, “while the Legislature was out of session, a minority of subjects
of the Hawaiian Kingdom and foreign nationals met to organize a revolution and take over the
government” (Sai, 2011, p. 59). The group was mainly comprised of United States citizens, and
named their group the Hawaiian League. This group met and shared weapons among one
another.
The group made demands on Kalakaua, including an immediate change of the King’s
cabinet ministers. Under threat of violence, on July 1, 1887, the King reluctantly agreed
to form a new cabinet ministry made up of League members. The true purpose of the
League was to neutralize the power of the native vote in order to seize control of the
government for their economic gain. (Sai, 2011, p. 59)

The new ministry also made decisions in secrecy, omitting discussions with Kalakaua, and
invited two Supreme Court members. The ministry created a new constitution, and Kalakaua
signed the new document, as he “did not know that they highest judicial officer was a co-
conspirator” (Sai, 2011, p. 61). This document is referred to as the Bayonet Constitution, and it
allowed Caucasian foreigners to vote, however the plantation owners of which the foreigners
worked for controlled these votes. The high numbers of these votes were to balance with the
number of native votes. The new document stated
that white foreigners no longer had to become naturalized citizens in order to vote; and
finally, by creating a ‘special electorate’ compromised of men of Hawaiian or European
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25
descent who could read Hawaiian, English, or any European language, and who also
possessed property worth at least three thousand dollars or who had an annual income of
at least six hundred dollars. (Silva, 2004, p. 126)

This new agreement left the working class without a vote, who were mainly comprised of
Hawaiians and Asians.
Another agreement that Kalakaua was pressured into was “for a reciprocity treaty with
the United States so that they could sell their sugar to the large US market duty-free” (Silva,
2004, p. 125).
The Hawaiians resisted the new influences, and tried to revolt against the new ministry.
King Kalakaua’s health had withered, and he traveled to San Francisco to seek some rest,
however died two months later. Upon his death, Lili‘uokalani took the oath, and was proclaimed
Queen of the Hawaiian Islands. Lili‘uokalani tried to reinstate the 1864 constitution, but the
cabinet did not approve her request, to put forward for a vote. The queen continued to put forth
her request multiple times, and as a result was labeled as a threat to the United States.
Lorrin Thurston and Sanford Dole rally together a small group of individuals to ask John
Stevens, the United States Minister, to support an overthrow. Stevens agrees, however does not
consult with his superiors at Washington DC, and gathers United States military force to be
present near ‘Iolani Palace. Thurston and Dole proclaim an overthrow while the Hawaiian
royalty are in church. She was forced to sign over the Hawaiian Islands to the President of the
United States, in order to avoid bloodshed on the Hawaiian subjects. This document is
commonly known as the Lili‘uokalani Assignment.
President Harrison puts forth a Treaty of Annexation to the Senate, however when
President Cleveland enters office, he revokes the Treaty of Annexation submission. President
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26
Cleveland had acknowledged the illegal nature of the provisional government, and the Queen
trusted that power would be restored to her (Silva, 2004).
James Blount was appointed to investigate the issues and United States presence in the
Hawaiian Islands. Per the Blount Report, this overthrow was acknowledged by the United States
to be illegal, as the report cited “United States government actions that violated international
laws as well as Hawaiian territorial sovereignty” (Sai, 2011, p. 75). Aside from a report, James
Blount, was also assigned to deliver a message to the Hawaiian Islands.
On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of an early opportunity to inform he
Queen of… the President’s sincere regret that the reprehensible conduct of the American
minister and the unauthorized presence on land of a military force of the United States
obliged her to surrender her sovereignty, for the time being, and rely on the justice of this
Government to undo the flagrant wrong. (Sai, 2011, p. 75)

In addition to this message, it was also requested that the Queen grant amnesty to all of those
who had revolted against her. The Queen denied the request, as she planned to uphold the Penal
Code, which referenced punishment by death for anyone who commits treason. Through multiple
communications, the Queen eventually agreed to the terms of amnesty.
Thurston and Dole rally their supporters and label themselves the Republic of Hawai‘i,
with Dole as their President.
For the next three years they maintained their authority with hired mercenaries and force
of arms. They arrested and imprisoned Hawaiian nationals who resisted their authority
with the threat of execution and tried the Queen on fabricated evidence to coerce her into
abdicating the throne. (Sai, 2011, p. 82)

The Republic of Hawai‘i made another attempt at acquiring the Hawaiian Islands through a
treaty, once William McKinley took office after Cleveland. Queen Lili‘uokalani “protested the
second annexation attempt. While in Washington DC, the Queen filed a diplomatic protest with
the United States Department of State on June 17, 1897” (Sai, 2011, p. 83). Other organizations
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27
filed protests, and a petition against annexation was submitted, which was supported “with
21,269 signatures of Hawaiian subjects and resident aliens” (Sai, 2011, p. 85).
Francis Newlands, a Democrat Congressman from Nevada, submitted a House
Resolution suggesting annexation of the Hawaiian Islands. This resolution, commonly referred to
as the Newlands Resolution, was requesting acquirement of the Hawaiian Islands, however these
resolutions were not to be allowed to absorb territory outside of the United States borders, as it
was in direct violation on international law. Regardless of this misalignment, the resolution
passed through the House, and moved on to the Senate where Senators had already been
discussing the annexation by resolution (Sai, 2011, p. 89).
On August 12, 1898, at noon, an annexation ceremony commenced on a stage in front of
‘Iolani Palace, between Howard Sewell, the United States Minister to Hawai‘i, and Sanford
Dole, the President of the Republic of Hawai‘i. This was the foundation for a prolonged
occupation of the Hawaiian Islands by the United States, which leads through to present day.
Caucasians
The term of “haole” is still used interchangeably with Caucasian in present day, and can
bring a rise of many opposing views on the either neutral or derogatory connotation of the word
(Rohrer, 2010). Caucasians are often grouped as one, rather than subdividing them by ethnic
makeup (Nordyke, 1977; Rohrer, 2010). They came to the Hawaiian Islands “as seafarers,
merchants, missionaries, plantation laborers, members of the armed forces, or simply as in-
migrants from the mainland United States” (Nordyke, 1977, p. 29). One very influential group of
Caucasians is referred in the literature as the “Big Five”, a group of sugar companies that
purchased much of the nutrient rich farming land on the islands (Edles, 2004).
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In 1853, records indicate there were 1,687 Caucasian residents: 1,013 in Honolulu, with
the entire Honolulu population at 11,455 (Whittaker, 1986).
Two vessels in 1881 brought about 600 Scandinavians – primarily Norwegians, with a
few Swedes, including women and children. However, their food preferences – meat and
dairy products – and their training as artisans and tradesmen did not suit them for
plantation life. Most of them departed without leaving an imprint on island society.
(Nordyke, 1977, p. 32).

Between 1881 and 1897, roughly 1,400 plantation laborers arrived from Germany, and
worked on Kauai at a sugar plantation. They united and “formed a successful community, which
continued their homeland customs” (Nordyke, 1977, p. 33). However, Gasinski (1982) suggests
that although this group was labeled German, the passenger lists of the ships that brought the
Germans indicate that there were few German and the passengers mainly consisted of Austrians,
Poles, Ukrainians, Jews, Bohemians, Italians, and Hungarians. “It should be noted that one of
their chief employers, the Oahu Sugar Plantation, was owned and managed by Germans who
may not have appreciated either Poles or Jews” (p. 16).
Between 1804 and 1819, Russians lived in Hawai‘i under the reign of King Kamehameha
I (Nordyke, 1977, p. 33). In 1817, a Russian fort was constructed in Waimea, Kauai. The
Russian government would not acknowledge the Russian presence as any meaning beyond
maintaining “peaceful commercial relations with the island kingdom” (p. 33). As the Russians
had no support from their homeland government, they eventually left the Hawaiian Islands.
Sugar Plantations in Hawai‘i
The sugar companies, commonly known as the “Big Five” — Castle & Cooke, Ltd.,
Alexander & Baldwin, Ltd., C. Brewer and Company, Ltd., Theo H. Davies & Company, Ltd.,
and American Factors, Ltd. — were in high control of Hawai‘i’s economy (Whitehead, 1999).
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By the early 1930s, the Big Five firms controlled 96% of Hawai‘i’s sugar crop as well as
a substantial portion of the pineapple industry. They dominated shipping to and from the
islands through the Matson Line, and they also controlled the major wholesale and retail
mercantile functions of the islands. (Whitehead, 1999, p. 297)

Plantation Laborers: Chinese
Many Hawaiians refused to be a part of the workforce on the sugar plantations, and as a
result the sugar companies decided to import laborers to work on the sugar plantations (Edles,
2004; Trask, 2000). The Chinese had a minimal presence in Hawai‘i, as recorded in 1847, when
only eight Chinese were documented in the occupation register, “two domestic servants, one
baker, and five petty entrepreneurs” (Cheng, 1953, p. 163).
Five years later, in 1852, the Chinese were the first migrant workers seeking employment
on the sugar plantations in Hawai‘i (Cheng, 1953). However, in addition to sugar plantations,
“Chinese are portrayed as having taken part in taro raising, poi manufacturing, the development
of fishing industry, and pineapple and vegetable growing” (p. 163).
The Chinese left the sugar plantations over time, when realizing the opportunity for
financial gains in other trades and vocations through other business opportunities. “Only a small
proportion of the Chinese remained on the plantations more than a few years. Many returned to
China; many drifted into other occupations in the rural and village sections of the Islands; others
moved to the larger towns” (Glick, 1938, p. 735). By 1889, the Chinese were “holders of 23.5%
of the licenses issued to the wholesale merchants, of 62% of the licenses issued to the retail
merchants, and of 84.7% of the licenses issued to restaurateurs” (Cheng, 1953, p. 163). Perhaps,
this monopolization was due to the Chinese being predominantly American citizens, with the
largest “proportion of college-trained men and women than any other non-Caucasian group”
(p. 164). The social capital for the Chinese seemed to be influential in their collective success.
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30
Originally, “the deepest sentiment which the Chinese immigrant brought with him was
his loyalty to his clan or kinship group” (Glick, 1938, p. 736), as most who migrated from China
came from the rural area of Kwangtung. Once in Hawai‘i, these Chinese men had to reorganize
themselves and align together in a structure unparalleled by any in China. They traditionally
would have fought another man from a different surname, but in Hawai‘i learned to bond
together (Glick, 1938).
As time passed, the attachment of the Chinese to the culture and traditions of China
decreased, and in 1900, Hawai‘i enforced a Chinese Exclusion Act, which meant, “no Chinese
immigrant of either sex could be brought to the Islands legally” (Cheng, 1953, p. 165). This end
to the foreign born Chinese migrating to Hawai‘i impacted the island born Chinese, as the ties to
the foreign culture and customs of their motherland diminished, and the Chinese adapted to the
Hawaiian and Local culture and customs.
They may celebrate Chinese festivals, stage Chinese plays, decorate their homes with
Chinese antiques, or attend teas or cocktail parties at the Chinese Consulate-General in
Honolulu; yet the bulk of them are so far removed from the influence of Chinese
traditions that they see no reasons why they should be particularly concerned about China
and the destiny of her people. (Cheng, 1953, pp. 164-165)

The Chinese Exclusion Act also caused a large difference in the gender ratio, as Chinese
males greatly outnumbered Chinese females; studies show that in 1890, the ratio was 1088 to
100 respectively. As a result, many Chinese men married or lived with Hawaiian women. In
1913, of all Chinese men who married, nearly 50% married non-Chinese women. More
interesting to note is the high percentage of these non-Chinese women, as “86.4% were
Hawaiians and Part-Hawaiians” (p. 165). In 1930, of all Chinese in Hawai‘i, 72.5% were island
born (p. 165), contributing to the blend of ethnicities on the island.
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31
Plantation Laborers: Japanese
The first Japanese plantation laborers were brought in 1868, however, most returned to
Japan until Hawai‘i requested more Japanese labor in 1884 (Richards, 1912). In 1886, 28,000
Japanese men applied to go to Hawai‘i, and by 1904, nearly 32,000 Japanese men were working
on Hawaiian plantations, which constituted approximately 70% of all the plantation laborers
(p. 399). Within the timeframe from 1902-1905, “about 19,000 Orientals had left Hawai‘i for the
American mainland and this number was very largely Japanese” (p. 400). The plan of leaving
Japan and living in poor conditions was temporary as this group of laborers intended to quickly
return to their motherland with riches to provide for their families, as a result of this temporary
relocation and sacrifice. The family dynamic of Japanese living in Hawai‘i compared to Japan
was also different:
A typical immigrant family consists of two generations – husband and wife and children.
For the Japanese families in Hawai‘i the number of two-generation families comprised
84.7% of the total number of families, whereas in Japan the two-generation families were
only 53% of the total. (Masuoka, 1940, p. 174)

First generation immigrants felt free from the pressures of older generations, because in Japan
the households were traditionally multigenerational, with much criticism on the younger
generation.
It was clearly noted by historians that the Japanese had held strong in only marrying
within the race, “if a group is clannish there will not be much out-marriage of individuals of that
group with members of other durable groups… the Japanese have always had extremely low
rates of out-marriage” (Samuels, 1970, p. 149). Due to World War II, the pool of a potential
Japanese male spouse dwindled as “seven hundred young Japanese men from Hawai‘i of
marriageable age were killed and seventeen hundred were maimed” (p. 149). This skewed ratio
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32
had an impact on the rise of Japanese females marrying Caucasian males and having mixed race
babies.
The relationships between other groups and the Japanese were not strong, as the Japanese
were thought to have a sense of arrogance and elitism among the other groups. The Caucasians
did share this opinion of the Japanese, as their general attitude was that they were superior of all
of the ethnic groups (Samuels, 1970). As time moved on, the Japanese became more influential
in politics and positions of authoritative power, and climbed the social ladder of prosperity.
Plantation Laborers: Portuguese
While many groups of immigrants came to work on the plantations from Asia, the
Portuguese also were recruited to join the workforce (Nordyke, 1977). The Portuguese were
offered more liberal contracts, and they were thought to be “sober, thrifty, honest, industrious,
peaceable, and the presence of their wives and families gave them social stability” (p. 30). Two
waves of Portuguese migration happened, 1878-1887 brought 12,000 and 1906-1913 brought
13,000, with a few Spaniards, resulting in 25,000 over 35 years (Geschwender, Carroll-Seguin &
Brill, 1988, p. 516).
The population in Hawai‘i was approximately 14% Portuguese (Geschwender, Carroll-
Seguin & Brill, 1988, p. 517), and although of European descent, they experienced
discrimination similar to that of Asian groups. Other European groups were accepted as
Caucasians, however the Portuguese were treated differently, and some speculate it was because
of the role “as a middle-man minority that generated stereotypes that made them the butt of
ethnic humor, both historically and at present” (p. 525). The Portuguese tried to minimize the
differences between them and Caucasians, and also tried to magnify the differences between
themselves and Asians. The Portuguese were at the lower end of the pay scale, while Caucasians
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33
were first, followed by Hawaiians and Part Hawaiians, with Asians being at the lowest level, just
after the Portuguese (Geschwender, Carroll-Seguin & Brill, 1988).
As time passed, and certain plantation laboring groups left the plantations in search of
other work, the Portuguese remained on the plantation with the expectation of the skilled labor to
always be in demand. However, Hawai‘i changed into a market for tourism, military bases, and
government spending. “Portuguese had ‘bet on the wrong horse’ and were poorly situated to
compete outside of a plantation society” (Geschwender, Carroll-Seguin & Brill, 1988, p. 518).
The differences between Caucasians and Portuguese can also be related to “different
historical experiences leading to different residential patterns, which may help to explain
differences in socioeconomic status and access to occupational career ladders” (Geschwender,
Carroll-Seguin & Brill, 1988, p. 520). When looking at where Portuguese were primarily
concentrated, “Portuguese Americans are disproportionately concentrated in rural areas where
access to education for children is limited. Past occupational choices may also have led to a lack
of emphasis on the need for formal education” (p. 522). As a result of not being accepted as a
Caucasian, the Portuguese eventually came to “no longer identify with Haoles but define
themselves as Locals” (p. 525). The alignment with the Locals is seen in the current Local
population, as many have Portuguese ancestry.
In addition to this glass ceiling on the plantations and in social mobility, the Portuguese
also experienced differential treatment through more formal means. “Official census records for
Hawai‘i from 1853 through 1930 included a category of Total Caucasians subdivided into
Portuguese and Other Caucasians. Portuguese were acknowledged to be Caucasians but also
recognized as different from Haoles” (p. 517). The Portuguese were seen as a distinct race, and
of lower socioeconomic status than other Caucasians. This example illustrates how they were not
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34
only divided from other Caucasians in daily life, but this differentiation was also highlighted in
formal documentation.
Plantation Laborers: Koreans
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 significantly changed the labor workforce for the
plantations in Hawai‘i. Records show that as early as 1896, Korean laborers were sought to meet
the need of additional employees on the plantations (Ch’oe, 2006), and they were cheaper than
hiring European laborers (Kwon, 1999). Korea was under aggressive pressure from Japan, and
eventually annexed in 1910. As a result of these conditions and oppression, Koreans were
expected to seize the opportunity to leave their homeland and find comfort in a new and
welcoming land. After some intentional recruiting plans, in 1903, the first large group of Korean
laborers had arrived (Ch’oe, 2006). This was significant for Korean history, as “it was the first
officially sanctioned immigration of Korean people to any foreign country” (Ch’oe, 2006, p. 13).
As Korean laborers migrated to Hawai‘i, the plantation owners realized that their new
group of laborers were not interested in intermarriage. Projecting that this issue may be a threat
to sugar production, the Hawaii Sugar Planters’ Association met their need by purposefully and
actively importing a population of Korean women. During the years of 1912-1924, Korean
women fled from the Japanese rule and poor living conditions in Korea, and marketed
themselves as picture brides for the Korean laborers in Hawai‘i (Kwon, 1999).
The annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910 had a trailing effect in Hawai‘i among the
laborers:
Koreans resisted alliance with Japanese and by extension Local culture mainly through
economic competition and the desire to be like the Haole. During the 1920 labor strike
that united Japanese and Filipino workers, for instance, Koreans volunteered as
strikebreakers. (Kwon, 1999, p. 36)

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In addition, the Koreans in Hawai‘i had lost the government in their native land, and as a result
had minimal advocacy and protection in politics and regulations. “Without their own government
to protect their interests, the Koreans in Hawai‘i became ‘international orphans’, so to speak, and
there was no governmental authority that could look after their well-being or help redress their
grievances” (Ch’oe, 2006, p. 2).
Over time, and as generations developed the initial wave of Korean immigrants was
overshadowed by a later wave of Korean immigrants.
Koreans in Hawai‘i fall into two main groups. There are the descendants of plantation
laborers and pictures brides from the early party of the century, and the post-1965
immigrants, who significantly outnumber the first group. The higher visibility of the post-
1965 immigrants contributes to the perception of Koreans as new arrivals to the US,
consequently giving rise to the marginalization of Koreans – including the older, more
established generations – within Local culture. (Kwon, 1999, p. 60)

This marginalization is caused by the later wave of Koreans overshadowing the original presence
of Koreans from the initial wave of Korean immigrants.
Plantation Laborers: Filipinos
Filipino plantation laborers were first brought in 1906, in small groups, and by 1908 the
likelihood of the Philippines being a strong source of laborers was dismal. Although the hope
from the Hawaiian Sugar Planters’ Association was to bring more Filipino laborers, there was
much opposition from community members, as “some church leaders were concerned that the
social imbalances caused by the relatively few women immigrants would cause serious
problems” (Anderson, 1984, p. 2). Also, the Japanese laborers were not in support of the new
recruits because “the new immigrants would undercut the wages received by the Japanese as well
as effectively eliminate any serious strike threats that the Japanese plantation workers might
mount” (p. 3). The Japanese stood to lose power on the plantations and did not welcome the idea
of another group of laborers.
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36
Initially recruiting in the Philippines was focused in the urban areas of Manila and Cebu
City, which still caused an unmet need as the urban community had limited experience with
agriculture. The focus shifted to the more rural areas, and Filipinos from the Ilocos region of the
Philippines and were considered to be great contributors to the plantation workforce (Anderson,
1984).
Also, there was division between the various groups of Filipinos, as illustrated in a book
published in 1926, by the University of Hawai‘i.
The Ilocanos have the reputation of being less courageous than the rest of the Filipinos, in
this respect again resembling the Chinese. On account of the proximity of their native
provinces to China it is very likely that they had originally a larger mixture of Chinese
blood…” (p. 13)

Filipinos represent a fine example of a race in an adolescent stage of development.
Obviously these defects must interfere seriously with good judgment and a balanced and
sane reaction to affairs in general. Possibly in the conflict of racial temperaments lies the
secret of Filipino ineffectuality… Their distrust of each other, the instability of purpose,
their lack of foresight and organizing ability are flaws of character which, if sufficiently
wide-spread would be fatal to national security and advancement. (pp. 13-14)

Clearly, the Filipino laborers were constantly faced with this mindset of racism and inferiority,
among the community in Hawai‘i. It also was difficult for them to fight this social structure,
because no other immigrant groups were moving to Hawai‘i for work. The previous ethnic
groups were able to move up the ladder of social status as the more recent immigrant groups took
the label of the lower strata.
History of a Local Identity in Hawai‘i
The beginning of intermarriage in the Hawaiian Islands can be traced back as far as the
royal family in the nineteenth century (Miyares, 2008).
Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, immigration to Hawai‘i resulted in the
development of parallel yet interdependent mainstream cultures – the Anglo-
dominant norm of the nineteenth-century New England and a second culture,
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37
referred to as ‘local’ culture, both of which became intertwined with Native
Hawaiian culture. (Miyares, 2008, p. 514)

In the beginning of the plantation era, there was “a multiethnic caste society in which
haoles and few upper-status Native Hawaiians and hapas lived the good life” (Edles, 2004,
p. 51). The segregation of groups, and difference in pay between groups and gender, was
intentional, as the plantation owners did not want one group to up rise against the management
(Edles, 2004).
Second and third generation plantation laborers were not as tied to the plantation
economy, which made way for “a growing, educated entrepreneurial and professional class of
Asians” (Miyares, 2008, p. 519). However, there were still groups who did not resist the ties to
the plantation lifestyle, and
the bond of the plantation experience linked their identity, whether Asian, Puerto
Rican, or Portuguese, and by the third generation it was no longer unusual for the
children of plantation workers of different national origins to marry one another.
(p. 519)

This blend of intermarriage, and generations of mixing with other racial groups, also developed
characteristics of an independent ethnic identity. The Local culture had developed a language of
Hawaiian Creole English, which is commonly known as Pidgin; a cuisine commonly known as
local food, a mixing of various celebrations and music, and a respect for various religious beliefs
(Miyares, 2008, p. 519).
Military Occupation in Hawai‘i
The distaste and unrest regarding the military began early in Hawai‘i’s history. Haunani-
Kay Trask, a known Hawaiian Sovereignty Activist lists multiple instances where the intent of
America’s desire to control Hawai‘i and the people is apparent (Trask, 1999).
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38
The overthrow of the Hawaiian government with military support in 1893, the subsequent
diplomatic and military support given by America to the haole Provisional Government
(1893-1894) and to the Republic of Hawai‘i (1894-1898), and the eventual appropriation
of Hawai‘i by the United States through forced annexation in 1898 were the result of
America’s imperial desire to control lands and peoples not her own. (p. 27)

After the Hawaiian Islands were illegally annexed in 1898, the United States military had a
growing presence, “dredging Pearl Harbor, establishing forts, even buying Diamond Head for
emplotment of guns” (Farber & Bailey, 1996, p. 646), and had an estimated 48,000 troops in
1940 (Farber & Bailey, 1996). “American military dominance in the Pacific has meant that
enormous amounts of land, water, and other resources are diverted to satisfy American military
needs” (Trask, 1999, p. 105). Trask (1999), also correlates the large military presence to having
an influence over types of employment available on the islands, limits on traditional farming in
agriculture and fishing, and exclusivity among opportunities for housing and recreational areas.
Hairston (2010) shared her experience as a military dependent, and describes the segregation
from the greater community on the islands.
… the base segregates the military community from the local community. For example,
we shopped at our own stores, had our own medical and judicial facilities and everyone
on base had one common factor; we were all military. We could leave the base as we
please, however if you were an outsider, you did not have the same privileges to just
enter our community. (p. 784)

Unlike the continental United States, the troops did not find themselves in a society
where their new surrounding society was of a Caucasian working class, but rather people of
mostly Asian and Pacific Island descent, “and the level of racial tolerance (if not equality) was
higher in the islands than on the mainland” (Farber & Bailey, 1996, p. 646). Due to the stark
difference compared to the continental United States, the U.S. Army (1942) provided American
soldiers with a Pocket Guide to Hawai‘i. Some criticisms of this publication are in the history of
Hawai‘i, where the cover has “a drawing of a cute, naked, dwarfish, dark-skinned man shown
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from the rear, with his head turned,” apparently supposed to represent a Hawaiian man, however
ironic because “the average Hawaiian man was taller and more powerfully built than the average
white man” (Farber & Bailey, 1996, p. 649). One page has the drawing of the Hawaiian man
looking up at a Caucasian man who is nearly double his size, well dressed, and a trunk of
belongings in tow (U.S. Army, 1942, p. 15).
The Massie-Kahahawai Case
The label of “Local” was first recorded in 1931 (Okamura, 1980; Rosa, 2000), during a
high profile trial, involving a naval officer’s wife, Thalia Massie, who had accused five men of
rape. All accused were nonwhite, and were referred to as “Local” during the trial. The five men
were two Hawaiians, two Japanese, and one Chinese-Hawaiian: respectively Joseph Kahahawai,
Ben Ahakuelo, Horace Ida, David Takai, and Henry Chang (Okamura, 2008; Kwon, 1999;
Miyares, 2008). These five young men came from the working-class areas of Honolulu, and the
accuser came from a highly prominent and socially known family among the continental United
States elite. The impact the case had on the Local identity was monumental, as it marked a point
in time where the identity and consciousness of being Local began. “The Massie Case has since
become a kind of origins story of the development of local identity in Hawai‘i among working-
class people of color” (Rosa, 2000, p. 94). The case seems to illustrate how the society in
Hawai‘i rallied together, in support of their Local unity.
The accuser, Thalia Massie, was a “twenty-year-old wife of a Naval lieutenant stationed
at Pearl Harbor and daughter of a prominent Kentucky family” (Rosa, 2000, p. 95). She claimed
she had been taken via automobile to a remote area and raped by a group of men, of which she
could not identify. She later was shown a line up of men, and affirmed that all of the men in the
line up were the men who had allegedly assaulted her. A trial commenced, and the jurors
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deadlocked, as there were many inconsistencies with evidence and witnesses (Brown &
Zwonitzer, 2005; Rosa, 2000).
After the mistrial, there were two incidents involving military personnel against Locals,
both related to the Massie Case, yet one ending in a fatality.
In December 1931, a group of Navy men abducted Horace Ida at a speakeasy in
downtown Honolulu, beat him, and nearly threw him over the Pali (a famous cliff
overlooking the windward side of Oahu) when he refused to admit to the rape of Thalia
Massie. (Rosa, 2000)

A month later, four people kidnapped Joseph Kahahawai: the mother and husband of Thalia
Massie, and two Navy men. The kidnapping was an attempt to force a confession to the rape.
Kahahawai never admitted to the rape, and as a result one of them fatally shot the innocent man.
The team of four wrapped him in a sheet, put his body in the back seat of the car, and drove to
dump his body off of the cliffs near the Blow Hole, a landscape steep and full of huge sharp
rocks. En route, the police had heard of a kidnapping, pulled their car over, and found the
wrapped lifeless body in the back seat. This murder happened months after the allegations, so it
“also suggested to many local residents that this killing was no ordinary crime of passion but
instead a carefully planned event with blatant disregard for the laws of the Territory of Hawai‘i”
(Rosa, 2000, p. 97).
The absence of empathy for killing a Local man was bold and clear. Thalia Massie had
told reporters, “I’m sorry this man has been shot, but it was no more than he deserved” (Brown
& Zwonitzer, 2005). The incident had received national attention, and the New York Times sent
out a high profile reporter, to interview Grace Fortescue, the mother of Thalia Massie. When he
asked her if she had any regrets, she only mentioned regret about pulling the shade down in the
back of the car, because it was the reason the police officer felt the car looked suspicious. To
confirm that this was her only regret, the reporter asked her again, and she replied, “No other
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regrets” (Brown & Zwonitzer, 2005). Years later, the reporter released additional information
about the interview, and quoted Grace Fortescue as saying, “You know I originally come from
the South and where I come from, we have a way of dealing with niggers, and that’s what this
was all about” (Brown & Zwonitzer, 2005). Grace Fortescue made it clear that the life of Joseph
Kahahawai was disregarded and his death was seen as a necessary action to respond to the
accusations of Thalia Massie.
The final decision of their sentencing was drastic, as they were originally found guilty to
serve ten years of hard labor for manslaughter. Immediately after, the four were escorted to the
governor’s office across the street, in the ‘Iolani Palace, the first palace built by King Kalakaua,
Hawai‘i’s last King. It was in this historical building, where Governor Lawrence Judd reduced
their sentencing to one day, and the four criminals spent their time “signing paperwork and
posing for press photos on the balcony of the ‘Iolani Palace before they were freed” (Rosa, 2000,
p. 96).
After the case had closed, the Pinkerton Detective Agency was hired by the territorial
government in Honolulu to investigate Thalia Massie’s allegations. The findings were that “it’s
virtually impossible that these men could have committed this crime, and it’s highly unlikely that
any such crime was ever committed” (Brown & Zwonitzer, 2005).
The Kahahawai-Massie case had a long lasting effect in the hearts and minds of people
everywhere in Hawai‘i. It fits into a broader context of mistrust and hatred in a way that’s
initiated by the military occupation and made worse, scratched like a sore that’s already infected,
by what happened to Kahahawai (Brown & Zwonitzer, 2005). Fifty years later, the local
newspaper The Star Bulletin published a letter from John E. Reinecke, a scholar activist, who
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defined the Massie-Kahahawai Case as a historical artifact, as important and impactful as the
overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy (Rosa, 2000).
Kaho‘olawe Island as Grounds for Bomb Training
Aside from an apparent disrespect for the people of Hawai‘i, the land of the people also
had been abused, as the military used the 28,600-acre island of Kaho‘olawe, six miles south of
Maui, as a training ground for bombers. Out of the eight islands, Kaho‘olawe was the only island
named for a god, Kanaloa, “god of the ocean and foundations of the earth” (Merrill, 1994,
p. 235). Archaeology and artifacts estimate that Hawaiians resided on Kaho‘olawe for over a
thousand years, and it was on this island that navigation and sailing were taught to younger
generations, and the western point is believed to be the place where voyagers left for excursions
to “Tahiti, New Zealand, and other South Pacific Islands” (Seiler, 1978). In 1981, Kaho‘olawe
was added to the “National Register of Historic Places” (Merrill, 1994), as archaeologists had
found many artifacts that indicated a thriving and lively community full of “fishing shrines,
houses of worship, foundations of homes, and tool factories” (Seiler, 1978).
Over a two-year period from 1968 – 1970, “the warplanes dropped twenty-five hundred
tons of bombs on Kaho‘olawe; in the later year alone, they bombarded the island for 315 days,
solidifying its reputation as ‘the most bombed island in the Pacific’…” (Blackford, 2004, p. 544).
Kaho‘olawe has been described as “a dangerous junk heap of twisted metal” (Seiler, 1978), as a
result of the incessant use of the island as a training ground. More recent aerial views of the
island show a large crater, 100-feet in diameter that plunges below sea level (Merrill, 1994).
Unlike craters on other islands, the crater on Kaho‘olawe was not a natural occurrence. This
crater was the aftermath from a simulation of an atomic blast on neighboring ships, using 500
tons of TNT (Blackford, 2004; Merrill, 1994). In 1990, the president at the time, George Bush,
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signed an order to stop all bombing on Kaho‘olawe (Merrill, 1994). When addressing the
responsibility for the demise of the island life, the Navy blames the large population of goats
(Seiler, 1978). This response is related to the high population of goats on Kaho‘olawe, as most of
the grass and vegetation are diminished, and the Navy blames these animals for the lack of island
life.
“In mid-1994 the federal government transferred its claims to Kaho‘olawe to the state of
Hawai‘i and agreed to clear unexploded ordnance and complete restoration within ten years”
(Blackford, 2004, p. 568). This agreement came 16 years after the original bombings of
Kaho‘olawe. “For native Hawaiians, the continued destruction of their land, the island of
Kaho‘olawe, by the outside force of the US Navy came to symbolize all that was wrong with
how they had been treated by Americans for a century” (Blackford, 2004, p. 571). The bombing
of Kaho‘olawe in conjunction with Hawaiian culture being very tied to the land, was a clear
message of the military’s disregard for the Hawaiian people, and their culture.
Current Tensions Regarding Hawaiian Ancestry and History in Hawai‘i
While people unfamiliar with the culture and history of the Hawaiian Islands may
broadly categorize anyone associated with the island as Hawaiian, the Hawaiian identity is
something that has had to be reclaimed multiple times, by the native people (Hall, 2005).
In racial categorization, indigenous Pacific Island groups often deal with
“miscategorization within terms such as Asian-Pacific American or Asian Pacific Islander,
where there is no recognition that Pacific Islanders already constitute a panethnic group that is
distinct from Asian Americans” (Kauanui, 2008, p. 636). It was not until the 2000 United States
Census, when participants were able to
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claim more than one racial designation, and approximately two-thirds of Hawaiians
claimed at least one other race or ethnicity, while the remaining number identified
themselves as Hawaiian only. It should be noted that of those who claimed to be only
Native Hawaiian most are not solely of Hawaiian ancestry but chose it as their primary
identity. (p. 637)

This is important to highlight, as one-third of Hawaiians solely claimed to be Hawaiian,
illustrating the importance of the Hawaiian ancestry and culture to a group of people.
The Hawaiian identity is also interwoven with issues beyond racial categorization; in
relation to Hawaiian Sovereignty groups that seek the Hawaiian Kingdom to be no longer
occupied by the United States and returned to the native people (Sai, 2011). However, there are
other groups pushing initiatives forward in the United States government that seek to recognize
Hawaiians as a special group in context with other individually recognized groups (Ohnuma,
2008; Osorio, 2001). In addition, there are other forces that have brought attention to voting on
Hawaiian issues even if the person is not of Hawaiian ancestry (Kauanui, 2008). In 2000, Rice v.
Cayetano went to the United States Supreme Court, the case involved “white American Harold
F. Rice sued Hawai‘i’s then governor Ben Cayetano for violating his Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendment rights because he was not allowed to vote for trustees to the Office of Hawaiian
Affairs” (p. 644). Other points of conflict have been the Hawaiian Homes Act, and the trust of
Bernice Pauahi Bishop for Kamehameha Schools (Osorio, 2001, p. 363). Cumulatively, the
challenges on the multiple issues surrounding the identity of being Hawaiian can be a constant
battle.
The importance of blood quantum was introduced by the western influence and Osorio
(2001) describes his conversations surrounding blood quantum:
usually, the argument that someone of a smaller blood quantum is not entirely Hawaiian
is offered up by people who are not themselves Hawaiian. Not once in my life has any
Hawaiian ever said or even hinted to me that my being less than full-blooded made me
any less Hawaiian. (Osorio, 2001, p. 362)
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This reflection again illustrates how important the Hawaiian ancestry and culture is to
Hawaiians, and that the proclamation of having Hawaiian ancestry is highly valued and rarely
questioned by members of the in-group.
One term in particular that diminishes and equates the Hawaiian culture to a “feeling” is
the notion that a person can be “Hawaiian at Heart” (Hall, 2005). Those who identify with this
claim assert that, “knowing and appreciating Hawaiian culture is enough to transform them into
being Hawaiian” (p. 410). The “Hawaiian at Heart” ideology is a reflection of a response to those
who feel they fully embrace and understand the Hawaiian culture.
The word and usage of “aloha” has been marketed and branded by the tourist economy,
and taken from its origin tied to the Hawaiian people (Ohnuma, 2008). Michele Nalani Ahlo
(1996) conducted a study that examined “Aloha Spirit Past and Present,” and found that the term
aloha was not used commonly, and was made popular by the tourism economy (Ohnuma, 2008,
p. 367). “For the four decades until Hawai‘i became an American state in 1959, Honolulu’s daily
newspaper index contains no such subject headline as ‘aloha spirit’. After about 1962, by
contrast, ‘aloha spirit’ became a burning subject of public debate” (p. 370). In addition to the
tourist economy, the non-Native resident perspective has aligned aloha to “the good old days,”
and the Christian perspective has aligned aloha to Christian values and Jesus, and also there was
the “Live Aloha” campaign in 1994, that defined ways to show aloha, yet has been criticized for
removing the focus of political tensions (p. 381).
Current Local Identity in Hawai‘i
There are multiple views and opinions regarding the Local identity. The debate over the
legitimacy of the Local identity is not the purpose of this study. Aside from opinions embracing
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and rejecting the Local identity, there is undeniably a large population of people who do identify
as Local in Hawai‘i.
Those who assume the Local culture is solely a result of a melting pot of race and culture
are dismissing the “complex political and economic processes that were involved in the
development of local culture and identity, in particular the historical oppression of Native
Hawaiians and the immigration plantation groups prior to World War II” (Okamura, 1994,
p. 164).
There are also others who view the Local identity as a substitute for the term of
“immigrant,” and feel the Local identity minimizes the history of the indigenous people: “they
claim Hawai‘i as their own, denying indigenous history, their long collaboration in our continued
dispossession, and the benefits therefrom” (Trask, 2000, p. 2). The Local identity is also seen by
some to be synonymous as “settlers of color”, who were groups of people that willingly came
and settled on an indigenous land, not of their own lineage (Trask, 2000). Ohnuma (2008)
identifies the Local identity as, “a popular identity for native-born nonwhite residents in the
1960s and ‘70s to express their resistance to growing outsider influence, especially by mainland
whites” (p. 375). Another interesting yet important assertion, is that the Local identity was
derived also to address Asian settlers in Hawai‘i being absorbed by the “Asian American”
identity in the continental United States (p. 375).
While there is debate on the legitimacy of the Local identity, much of the literature is
synonymous in the origin of the Local identity, as stemming from the oppression and shared
experience on the sugar plantations as laborers (Edles, 2004; Hall, 2005; Ohnuma, 2008;
Okamura, 1980). The culture of the Hawaiians has been seen as the undergird of the Local
culture (Okamura, 1994) because of the inclusivity and openness, the relationship with the land
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and nature, and also the structure of Hawaiian language mirrors the structure of Hawaiian Creole
English or Pidgin (Hall, 2005).
However the definition of Local is ambiguous, complex, and varies by perspective and
experience (Edles, 2004; Hall, 2005; Kwon, 1999; Lum, 2008; Okamura, 1994; Young, 2004).
“It is an identity that is constantly being negotiated and mediated by forces within the
community and outside of it” (Lum, 2008, p. 9). Some are clear on the exclusivity of certain
populations or experiences, others are more general, however the Local culture seems to be more
of an exclusive nature, rather than inclusive (Okamura, 1994).
Kwon (1999) defines Local, but specifically ties the term to specific genealogy, and time
lived in Hawai‘i:
…‘Local’ can be used to refer to anyone of Asian, Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander
descent, and usually designates those who have been in Hawai‘i for more than one
generation, although more politicized definitions call for lineage that can be traced back
to the plantation labor experience. In essence, Hawaiians fall within the parameters of
Local identity, though Locals are not necessarily Hawaiian. (p. 6)

This definition is exclusive to people who have ancestral lineage to specific racial groups, and
ties the duration of living in Hawai‘i to a specific amount of time, and also captures the
indigenous importance of the Hawaiians to the Hawaiian Islands, and differentiates that the two
terms of Hawaiian and Local are not mutually exclusive.
Young (2004) defines Local as individuals who are born and raised in Hawai‘i, and view
themselves to be different from the continental United States. Young also mentions that it is tied
to people of color, though it is not exclusive to these groups, as it has an evolved level of
complexity.
A category of group identity used in Hawai‘i to describe those born and raised in Hawai‘i
or long-time residents who see themselves as distinctly different from the mainland.
Because of the history of immigration to Hawai‘i from Asia, as well as from Puerto Rico
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and Portugal, Local often suggests an identity of color and is inclusive of Native
Hawaiians, though this is complicated by history and ideology. (p. 92)

This definition cites specific groups, yet leaves an opportunity for other groups to be captured as
well, while also referencing that the definition is complex due to multiple factors.
Edles (2004), asked 128 students at the University of Manoa to discuss the Local identity,
with one open ended question: “What does being ‘Local’ mean to you?” (p. 57). The data
suggested that 45% mentioned being “born in Hawai‘i,” 56% mentioned being “raised in
Hawai‘i” or “growing up in Hawai‘i,” and 91% mentioned ideas that surrounded a “culture”
component. The definition of Local involving multiculturalism, knowledge, tolerance and/or
acceptance of different cultures in Hawai‘i were supported by 24%. The idea of “Local” as a
racial or ethnic definition was rejected by 9%, yet agreed with the cultural definition. When
asked to explain the cultural criteria, links were often to a broad knowledge base about
“language, culture, customs, arts,” some ambiguously defined it as a feeling that “deep down
inside ties you to this land and its people, truly understanding the way of life here, clothes,
language, eating habits,” and others linked it to history, as “it is claiming a responsibility to/for
this place – to the land and all of its peoples” (p. 57).
A stratification of being able to assume someone is Local was also mentioned (Edles,
2004). As one student stated that its easier to consider a Hawaiian a Local over an Asian, and
easier to consider an Asian a Local over a Caucasian. The Caucasian is described on multiple
accounts as being the most difficult to consider a Local (Edles, 2004).
Local Cuisine
The cuisine of the Local culture developed from sharing cuisines from other ethnic
groups. In reviewing the popularity of the most common piece of local culture cuisine, Miyares
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(2008) traces the “plate lunch” back to the plantation workers, as they had little money and
would share small portions of their meals with one another.
The Chinese introduced rice, chicken, and duck; the Japanese, various forms of fish and
the use of teriyaki; the Koreans, kimchi; the Puerto Ricans, pork and various spices such
as saffron; the Portuguese, sweet bread and doughnuts. The sharing of food evolved into
a tradition among plantation workers and became known as the ‘mixed plate’ or the ‘plate
lunch’. (Miyares, 2008, p. 524)

Some very prominent pieces of local culture cuisine are SPAM, Vienna sausages, and
macaroni salad, which can be traced back to the military presence in Hawai‘i (Miyares, 2008).
Today plate lunches typically include “teriyaki beef or chicken, curry stews that are heavy on
gravy, Chinese-oriented dishes like thick chow fun noodles doused in sesame oil, spicy Korean
barbecue and kim chee, fried foods from East and West, and pickled turnips” (Successful
Meetings, 1994, p. 33).
Another famous concoction is “loco moco,” which consists of a bed of rice covered with
hamburger smothered in brown gravy, and topped with a fried egg (Successful Meetings, 1994).
It is a heavy meal, but an island favorite.
Some other local favorites are the Japanese box lunch known as “bento,” which usually
has teriyaki chicken, rice, and small side dishes. Saimin, which is a noodle soup that has char siu
pork, a bright pink and white fish cake, hard boiled egg, and is consumed with a set of chopsticks
and a soupspoon.
Aside from Local food, there is Hawaiian food, from the host culture. Some popular
Hawaiian dishes are “lomi lomi salmon,” which mixes chopped tomato and onion with fish cured
with salt; “kalua pig” is steamed and shredded pork; and “poke” which is raw fish marinated in
various sauces and concoctions (Successful Meetings, 1994). “Poke” can be found at many
grocery store fish counters, prepared and ready to be consumed.
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One telling indicator of how dominant the Local culture cuisine has become, is
McDonald’s fast-food corporation has created specific menu items for its Hawai‘i locations:
In late 2005 and early 2006, McDonald’s offered taro-filled pies in addition to apple pies
as part of its dessert menu in Hawai‘i, and in 2007 it offered banana pies. In the summer
of 2006, McDonald’s introduced “local breakfasts.” These come with rice instead of hash
browns and with a choice of Portuguese sausage or grilled SPAM as the meat source.
(Miyares, 2008, p. 524)

McDonald’s typically creates specialty menu items for countries with different cuisines,
however due to the overwhelming difference in cuisine in Hawai‘i, this different was
acknowledged through the addition of the Local menu in Hawai‘i.
Local Business Attire
In addition to food, the military presence also had an effect on attire in Hawai‘i. In
current standard business practice, an “Aloha Shirt” is most common and acceptable in the
workplace for men. Arthur (2006) reviewed the historical lineage of the Aloha Shirt, as its
distinct floral and detailed images are yet another staple of the local culture.
The origins of the aloha shirt are multiethnic. European frock shirts and the Filipino
barong tagalog provided the concept of a loose shirt worn outside the trousers; a closer
fit, with collars and buttons, came from American businessmen. Japanese tailors provided
kimono fabric and Chinese tailors did the bulk of custom tailoring in early twentieth-
century Hawai‘i. (Arthur, 2006, p. 31)

The Aloha shirt derived from four different ethnic groups, and is another multiethnic reflection
of the Hawai‘i local society.
Hawai‘i’s apparel manufacturers launched a campaign to institute Aloha Friday within
the business community, encouraging employers to allow aloha attire to be worn to work
every Friday. Aloha Friday officially commenced in 1966. By the end of the decade the
Aloha shirt had become accepted as business dress in Hawai‘i. (Arthur, 2006, p. 27)

Over time the print designs and fabrics have changed, but the “Aloha shirt” still remains the most
common form of attire in the workplace for men.
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Local Casual Attire
Kelly (2003) acknowledges the t-shirt as a local culture staple, and reviews the historical
origin of t-shirts as acceptable attire in Hawai‘i due to the US military wearing t-shirts as
standard attire. However, Kelly (2003) also highlights the importance of the artwork and design
on the shirt, is what some local people hold to be important. Kelly (2003) conducted a study,
focusing on the artwork and design on a t-shirt, and found “students consistently ranked T-shirts
as touristic if they were deemed dressy or colorful.” Tourist shirts were described as “very
colorful,” “bold,” and “eye-catching,” while local shirts were “plain in color” and “not flashy –
natural” (p. 196). Kelly (2003) noted that the merchandise that was designed for the local
population had designs only printed on the back, and not the chest area; when local designers
were asked why the shirts were consistently designed in such a way, there was not an overt
explanation. Kelly (2003) believes it is a reflection of the local culture placing a high value on
“blending in and being non-confrontational” (p. 196). Although this is highly debatable, it is an
interesting observation to note the possible subconscious connections.
Local Language
As stated earlier, local culture has its own language, commonly referred to as Hawaiian
Creole English (HCE); as do many other communities in the continental United States (Tamura,
2008).
Hawai‘i Creole English originated as pidgin on the plantations and represents the
languages of at least six different ethnic groups: English, Hawaiian, Japanese, Chinese,
Portuguese, and Filipino… it is estimated that there are 600,000 speakers of Hawai‘i
Creole English in the state of Hawai‘i. (Ohama, Gotay, Pagano, Boles & Craven, 2000,
p. 358)

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The communication originated as a Pidgin, which linguists define as a means of communication
that is not originally a mother tongue. The definition of a Creole is when there is a foundation of
a language, and it is infused with words from the mother tongue.
However, two subcategories within this category are people who can speak it, and people
who can understand it. The two are not the same, and while it has been commonly referred to as
an identifying factor, it also inherently causes a divide and resistance toward upward social class
mobility. There is also a spectrum of those who have an extreme distaste, to those who are
prideful, as it can be seen as an artifact of identity (Tamura, 2008).
Moving into the middle class requires learning Standard English. Local students who
want to attend universities are caught in the same bicultural dilemma as students from
mainland minority communities. They often find themselves code switching between
identities, local and Anglo dominant, depending on the context of the moment. (Miyares,
2008, p. 522)

This challenge to identity can be difficult for some, based on family and social pressures
associated with either identity.
Intangible Tensions
While these are tangible examples of cultural dimensions that Locals in Hawai‘i use as
identifiers and a part of the Local culture, there are also intangibles that are points of tension. For
example, the word “hapa” is a Native Hawaiian word, and “its literal translation means ‘part’ or
‘mix’ with no racial or ethnic meaning” (Bernstein & De La Cruz, 2009, p. 723). The term began
having ethnic or racial ties when Native Hawaiians would call part-Hawaiians “hapa haole.” The
term spread into the vocabulary of the Japanese who had offspring who were half Caucasian,
when people would refer to these children as “hapa.” The wide usage of the term has been
deemed inappropriate by some Hawaiian sovereignty leaders and indigenous activists, because it
“represents an extension of colonization” (p. 723).
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Due to historical background, the origins of the Local identity naturally establishes roots
in Hawai‘i, which creates a sense of belonging, yet can be a sensitive area to navigate when
Hawaiian sovereignty groups are calling for the Hawaiian Islands to be given back to the native
people. However, because many Locals have generations of family history embedded within the
setting of the Hawaiian Islands, a sense of identity loss occurs when categorized with others on
the continental United States (Hall, 2005; Okamura, 1994; Rosa, 2000). This desire to claim an
identity tied to the Hawaiian Islands is illustrated through the many Hawai‘i clubs on the
continental United States (Young, 2004). The Honolulu Advertiser, a main newspaper in
Hawai‘i, published an article highlighting the sense of self that Locals on the continental United
States embraced, although away from the Hawaiian Islands. “These people described their
longing for plate lunches, their attachment to wearing slippers and shorts even as winter
approached, and various other markers of life in Hawai‘i” (Young, 2004, p. 95).

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CHAPTER 3
ETHNIC IDENTITY THEORISTS AND DIVERSITY COURSEWORK
The options of formal education to learn about the Local culture in Hawai‘i are minimal.
The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa modified their graduation requirements to also include
completion of a Hawaiian and Asian and/or Pacific (HAP) Issues course. As a result, many
community colleges have added HAP Issues courses to their course listing, so community
college students can take an HAP Issues course at the community colleges. The course
curriculum requirements involve the Native Hawaiian culture perspective, along with the Asian
and/or Pacific cultures perspective. Although the definition does not define the HAP Issues
course as an ethnic identity development course, the goal of this study is to see if there is an
unintended impact on ethnic identity development, in relation to the Local identity.
Ethnic Identity Theorists
In understanding people, we must understand their identity. Identity has many facets,
cultural, ethnic, religious, sexual orientation, gender, and more (Garcia, 1982; Giles, Llado,
McKirnan, & Taylor, 1979; Phinney, 1990, 1991; Rosenthal & Hrynevich, 1985). “The actual
appearance of dedicated identity development models is a rather recent event” (Cross, 1994).
Ethnic identity has received an increased amount of attention over the years (Cross 1971, 1994;
Helms, 1984, 1990; Phinney, 1989, 1990, 1992; Torres & Baxter Magolda, 2004; Torres &
Hernandez, 2007).
A sense of identity is constructed in endlessly different ways, in spite of similar
circumstances. However, the typical developmental progression and the individual’s
choices are both shaped by events and opportunities afforded by the context. Societal
norms and the historical moment set the limits for individual choice, they make some
identity choices easy and others virtually impossible. (Phinney, 2000, p. 30)

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Clearly, the literature lends validity to the personal experience, and Hawai‘i is unique in
its history of the origins of the Local culture. Phinney (1990) reviewed literature in search of a
common definition of Ethnic Identity and found “the definitions that were given reflected quite
different understandings or emphases regarding what is meant by ethnic identity” (p. 500).
Phinney (1990) summarizes the literature on attitudes and feelings as the importance of self-
identification; belonging and commitment (Singh, 1977; Ting-Toomey, 1981; Tzuriel & Klein,
1977), shared attitudes and values (White & Burke, 1987), or one’s own attitude on a group
whom he or she may identify with (Parham & Helms, 1981; Teske & Nelson, 1973). Phinney
(1990) also recognizes the cultural aspects of “language, behavior, values, and knowledge of
ethnic group history” (Rogler, Cooney & Ortiz, 1980).
Cross’ Theory of Nigrescence
The French coined a term, Nigrescence, defined as “the process of becoming Black”
(Cross, 1971). William Cross expanded on this in 1971 when he developed his Theory of
Nigrescence (Cross, 1971). Cross (1971) originally had stages of the Pre-Encounter, Encounter,
Immersion-Emersion, Internalization, Internalization-Commitment; which “described
developmental stages that Blacks in America go through to obtain a psychologically healthy
Black identity” (Cokley, 2002, p. 476). Cross made revisions in 1991 and 1995 (Cross 1991;
Cokley, 2002), to “contain the ideas expressed in the original five stages in the same sequence,
but substantive changes were made, especially in the Pre-Encounter and Internalization stages”
(Vandiver, 2001, p. 167), by adding sub-clusters (Cokley, 2002).
Black psychologists noticed a stratification of stages that the Black Community went
through, in every region of the country. “…stages of change, some militantly in opposition to
any connection to ‘Amerika,’ culminating in later stages, which, paradoxically allowed for a re-
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connection to Whites and White institutions” (Cross, 1994, p. 120). Cross (1994) also notes that
the Black identity change through stages was not highly prevalent throughout the literature, but
rather was developing a following. Janet Helms, a professor at the University of Maryland had a
group of graduate students who were focusing research surrounding Nigrescence issues. The
following eventually overflowed into the literature, as in 1994, over sixty empirical studies on
Nigrescence were found (Cross, 1994). Vandiver, Cross, Worrell and Fhagen-Smith (2002)
attribute Cross’ Theory to have such longevity in the literature due to the Cross Racial Identity
Scale, which “made nigrescence theory more accessible for practical and research applications”
(Vandiver, Cross, Worrell & Fhagen-Smith, p. 71).
Although originally designed for a specific population, Ponterotto (1989) found Cross’
Theory of Nigrescence (Cross, 1971) was “the third-most-referenced conceptual article in the
cross-cultural literature” (Ponterotto, 1989, p. 264). The theory provides literature to substantiate
claims that there is a gradation of development that can happen, as one explores their sense of
self, in relation to an ethnic identity.
Helms’ Theory of White Racial Identity Development
Janet Helms studied both White and Black racial identity development (Helms, 1990).
The original intent of developing these theories was to explain the process in which the minority
population would react to racial inferiority and unfair access to community resources.
“Subsequently, models have been developed to describe the adaptation of Whites as members of
the ordained ‘superior’ group or to integrate existing models” (p. 182). Whites identify as a
member of a group who receive privilege relative to other groups, and as a result act in ways that
“protect their privileged status by denying and distorting race-related reality and aggressing
against perceived threats to the racial status quo” (p. 188). Helms (1984) suggested white racial
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identity development occurred through five stages, each involving attitudes, emotions, and
behaviors (Helms, 1990; Alvarez, Juang & Liang, 2006), however “for whites the final stage
includes accepting a ‘nonracist core’” (McDermott & Samson, 2005, p. 250).
White people were defined as “those Americans who self-identify or are commonly
identified as belonging exclusively to the White racial group regardless of the continental source
of that racial ancestry” (Helms & Piper, 1994, p. 126). Helms (1995) states that “racial identity
theories do not suppose that racial groups in the United States are biologically distinct, but rather
suppose that they have endured different conditions of domination or oppression” (p. 181).
As the superior group, Helms (1995) points at the developmental hurdle Whites
encounter is abandoning the entitlement, compared to the other populations who have to
overcome the multiple ways their experienced racism manifests itself. However, “persons with
more than one type of racial identity status potentially engage in increasingly more complex
race-related behavior because they have more information-processing mechanisms by which to
respond” (p. 184).
Tokar and Swanson (1991) examined Helms’ model, and concluded it to be a substantial
body of work in relation to cross-cultural literature,
because it acknowledges potential within group differences in American culture. The
model thus offers a new theoretical paradigm from which researchers and practitioners
may examine the majority culture’s participation in the cross-cultural counseling
encounter. This seems particularly important for White counselors, who are facing a
rapidly growing non-White clientele. (Casas, 1984; Tokar & Swanson, 1991, p. 300)

Phinney’s Ethnic Identity Development
Phinney (1989) examined multiple ethnic identity development theories, and found that
most had four stages: Diffuse, Foreclosed, Moratorium, and Achieved (p. 38). Through a study
across multiple ethnic groups, Phinney (1989) assigned individuals “to one of three stages of
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ethnic identity: an initial stage in which there has been no search (diffusion/foreclosure), a
moratorium stage, and an achieved ethnic identity” (p. 42). The study found that minority
students could be assigned to one of the three stages, but Caucasian students could not,
even in settings where they were the minority, [White students] did not show evidence of
these stages and were frequently unaware of their own ethnicity apart from being
American. These results imply an ethnocentric view that is out of touch with the
increasingly pluralistic nature of society. (Phinney, 1989, p. 45)

These results indicate the Caucasian students do not seem to experience the same sense of
awareness in relation to their ethnic identity, when compared to other groups.
“Ethnicity was rated as an important aspect of identity by well over half the sample”
(Phinney & Alipuria, 1990, p. 179). To further explore ethnic identity, Phinney (1992) developed
a tool named “The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure” (MEIM), which was designed to study
diverse groups. Originally, Phinney (1992) constructed the tool to “assess ethnic identity search
and commitment,” and was based on the Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status (Adams,
Bennion & Huh, 1987). This tool was one of the first instruments to explore identity
development with someone who may identify with more than one group. Roberts et al. (1999)
conducted a study to validate the MEIM and found that two factors were apparent, “belonging
and exploration… the two factors appeared to represent distinct but related aspects of ethnic
identity” (p. 317). However, in the same study, it did not appear that Caucasians felt the
necessity to identify with an ethnic group, and as a result also “scored significantly lower on
ethnic identity than did the other two groups” (p. 317). Again, reinforcing that Caucasians do not
seem to factor their ethnic identity to be of high importance, in relation to their sense of self.
Torres’ Latino Identity Development
Torres and Hernandez (2007) conducted a longitudinal study, which focused on Latino
College Students, and the influences on their ethnic identity development, specifically focusing
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on their cognitive, identity, and interpersonal dimensions. Caucasian students have been the
predominant focus of research surrounding the developmental process of college students, thus a
gap in the literature surrounding the ethnic identity of college students needed to be addressed
(Torres & Hernandez, 2007). Torres (2004) discusses how the broad category of Latino,
encompasses many different cultures from Latin America, yet serves as one labeling identity
(Torres, 2004; Langdon & Clark, 1993). Migrants from Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, Dominican
Republic, and Central and South America, share a common language, and the importance of
community and family, yet each group has their own “immigration patterns, varying ethnic
experiences in the United States, and research findings that are different for particular ethnic
groups” (Torres, 2004, p. 5).
Similar to how all of the subgroups are labeled with a blanket term of Latino, Local
blankets ethnic subgroups that have migrated to Hawai‘i. While Local is a self-labeling term,
compared to Latino which is not self-labeling but rather a generalizing term, it is still associated
with a particular group as a blanket, rather than the individual cultures.
Diversity Coursework Requirements within General Education
In the United States of America, trends to produce students with worldly perspectives
have been a focal point in education. “The Association of American Colleges and Universities
(2000), found that 63 percent of the institutions that responded to its millennial survey either had
a diversity requirement or were in the process of developing one” (Nelson Laird & Engberg,
2011, p. 117).
The definition of diversity college courses is broad, and some have been designed to meet
general education curriculum requirements, some “can range from monocultural to multicultural
and the assessment/evaluation methods in a course can range from ‘standardized’ to methods
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sensitive to the diverse learning needs of the students” (Nelson Laird, 2011, p. 573). Diversity
courses have also been defined as, “coursework that focuses on racial/ethnic and/or gender
diversity, with relevant distinctions about the type of courses noted when appropriate” (Bowman,
2010, p. 544). Another perspective on describing diversity courses is “courses that have content
and methods of instruction that are inclusive of the diversity found in society” (Nelson Laird,
Engberg & Hurtado, 2005, p. 450).
The important factor for educators to understand is that “college students will be at
differing levels in their own ethnic or racial identity development and that their level of
development will influence their response to learning about other groups” (Phinney, 1996,
p. 149). Due to this variance, it is imperative that the classroom environment for diversity
courses be sensitive to the variety of influence the course may have on an individual.
Bennett’s Research in Multicultural Education
Much of the educational research is examined through the lens of “the culturally
disadvantaged and assimilationist Anglo-Eurocentric perspectives” (Bennett, 2001, p. 173). The
field of multicultural education is associated with “ethnic studies, social studies, gender studies,
bilingual education, and special education,” however these areas of interest have their own
individual depth and breadth of research and theory, and are not included on this conceptual
framework (p. 174).
Bennett (2001) organized the multiple pieces of research in multicultural education
through the lens of cultural pluralism, social justice, affirmations of culture in teaching and
learning, and academic excellence and equity (p. 173). When examining the multicultural
education research, four clusters emerged: Curriculum Reform, Equity Pedagogy, Multicultural
Competence, and Societal Equity. Of these clusters, each had three subcategories, or genres.
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Under Curriculum Reform, genres of historical inquiry, detecting bias in texts and instructional
materials, and curriculum theory were identified. Equity Pedagogy had genres of school and
classroom climate, student achievement, and cultural styles in teaching and learning. Through
organizing the cluster of multicultural competence, genres of ethnic identity development,
prejudice reduction, and ethnic group culture were labeled. The final cluster of societal equity
had three genres of demographics, culture and race in popular culture, and social action (Bennett,
2001).
University of Hawai‘i System
Inherently a Western practice, a popular option for career advancement is to attend
college. Many people of Hawai‘i embrace the Local culture and must negotiate this identity
within organizations and institutions of Western culture and society. The University of Hawai‘i
(UH) public postsecondary education system in Hawai‘i is comprised of seven community
colleges: Hawai‘i, Honolulu, Leeward, Maui, Kapi‘olani, Kauai and Windward. In addition,
there are three baccalaureate universities: West Oahu, Hilo, and the flagship campus of Manoa.
The island of Oahu is home approximately 80% of the state’s population, and is reflected in the
portion of postsecondary institutions on Oahu: four of the community colleges, and two of the
baccalaureate universities (Kosaki, 1963). The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa is the system’s
flagship campus, as it originally was “the only public and by far the largest institution of higher
learning in the State” (Kosaki, 1963, p. 81).
The total enrollment for the UH System is roughly 60,000 students, with approximately
47,000 undergraduates, 7,000 graduates, and approximately 6,000 “Home-Based at Other UH
Campus.” The student population is comprised of 85% Hawai‘i residents, 9% US Mainland, 4%
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International, and 3% unknown origin. The average age is 25.4, with 59% of the students within
the age range of 18-24 years old (University of Hawai‘i System, 2010).
In the UH System, ethnic diversity between the student and faculty populations differ, as
seen in Table 1 below. Table 1 also illustrates the specific ethnic diversity demographics of
Kapi‘olani Community College, the campus that will be the focus of this study (University of
Hawai‘i System, 2010).

Table 1
University of Hawai‘i System and Kapi‘olani Community College Demographics
Category Caucasian Chinese Filipino
Hawaiian or
Part Hawaiian Japanese
Pacific
Islander Mixed Other
UH
System
Student
20% 5% 12% 22% 11% 3% 12% 15%
UH
System
Faculty
51% 8% 3% 7% 17% 3% NA 7%
KCC 14% 8% 13% 17% 15% 2% 12% 19%

The majority of students are either Caucasian or Hawaiian or Part-Hawaiian, while the faculty
demographics are overwhelmingly representative of a Caucasian presence.
UH Community Colleges
UH Community Colleges have enrollment of 34,000, which is most of the students in the
UH System. Most of the students, roughly 21,000 students are enrolled part-time, and nearly
13,000 are enrolled full-time. The community colleges were originally public technical schools
that were converted into community colleges (Kosaki, 1963). The residual of this transition is
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apparent, as most of the community colleges are very heavily based in their Career and Technical
Education programs.
Kapi‘olani Community College
Compared to all other community colleges in the UH System, Kapi‘olani Community
College (KCC) is the largest with an average enrollment of 9,000 students per academic year.
The college has over 20 Career and Technical Education (CTE) Associate Degree programs and
certificates. Aside from the large number of CTE programs, KCC has become to be the largest
source of transfer students to UH from KCC’s Liberal Arts and Science Transfer programs. The
average age of the student population is nearly 25 years old, with 89.5% of their students being
Hawai‘i residents.
This community college was selected as a data collection site because it was the largest
feeder to the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, which would lend to a larger population to draw
from, as the course was required at the baccalaureate institution. Community colleges do not
have selective admission, so as a result there would be more opportunity for students from more
diverse backgrounds and experiences to participate in the study, and provide a richer dataset. In
addition, the primary researcher was employed at the institution, and the study had full support
of the appropriate levels of administration.
University of Hawai‘i at Manoa Bachelor Degree Graduation Requirements
In 1999, the Faculty Senate at The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa adopted changes to
update their bachelor degree graduation requirements to include focus areas of Oral
Communication, Ethics, and Hawaiian and Asian or Pacific (HAP) Issues (University of
Hawai‘i, 1999). As stated earlier, the majority of UH System students are from the Hawaiian
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Islands, and as a result have most likely taken a Hawaiian Studies course during their primary
and secondary education, as it is built into the curriculum at most schools.
The HAP Issues requirement has very specific hallmarks that must be met for the course
to receive the HAP Issues designation (University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, 2007).
At least two-thirds of a class must satisfy the following Hallmarks:
1. The content should reflect the intersection of Asian and/or Pacific Island cultures with
Native Hawaiian culture.

2. A course can use any disciplinary or multi-disciplinary approach provided that a
component of the course uses assignments or practica that encourage learning that
comes from the cultural perspectives, values, and world views rooted in the
experience of peoples indigenous to Hawai‘i, the Pacific, and Asia.

3. A course should include at least one topic that is crucial to an understanding of the
histories, or cultures, or beliefs, or the arts, or the societal, or political, or economic,
or technological processes of these regions; for example, the relationships of societal
structures to the natural environment.

4. A course should involve an in-depth analysis or understanding of the issues being
studied in the hope of fostering multi-cultural respect and understanding.

Explanatory Notes
The concept of intersection of Native Hawaiian culture with either or both of the other
two regions is key. A course exclusively about Hawai‘i, the Pacific Islands, or Asia is not
eligible for the HAP designation. A course that does not include relationships with Native
Hawaiian Culture is not eligible for the HAP designation.

The course design must include both the Native Hawaiian voice and the native voice
from the indigenous people of the area of intersection. These could be represented
through publications, videos, guest speakers, or field trips, for example.

Although courses that meet this requirement are not labeled culturally diverse courses,
the curriculum does mirror some definitions of what a culturally diverse course might be. In
addition, “by making a cultural diversity class compulsory, a college or university demonstrates
that it values diversity and is committed to instilling that value in its student body” (Roberts &
Smith, 2002, p. 292). Diversity courses can require a specific course that targets race and
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ethnicity, or some institutions allow for multiple aspects of diversity to count for the requirement
(Chang, 2002).
In analyzing the above definition of the HAP Issues course, the course is designed to
highlight the unique cultures that are a part of the society in Hawai‘i, and educate students on the
points of intersection of the multiple cultures in Hawai‘i. This is important to recognize and
understand, as the tensions within and between groups can be seen as an important aspect woven
into the culture of Hawai‘i.
Current Implementation of the HAP Issues Course at Kapi‘olani Community College
In Fall 2004, Kapi‘olani Community College (2007) revised the graduation requirements
for the Associate in Arts Degree (Liberal Arts) to include a course that focuses on HAP Issues,
which aligns with one of the focus requirements for the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa’s
Bachelor Degree, under the Special UHM Graduation Requirements. The rationale for the HAP
Issues course is explained as follows, per the UH Manoa General Education Requirements
(2007):
The University of Hawai‘i is located in Hawai‘i, a Polynesian archipelago in the middle
of the Pacific Ocean. Most students who attend UHM are of Hawaiian, Asian or Pacific
background, and one of the missions of the University of Hawai‘i in its Strategic Plan is
to “stress areas in which Hawai‘i has a natural advantage due to its geography, its
environment, its location, and its unique blend of cultures”.

Therefore it is important that all students who attend UHM achieve a basic understanding
of how the Native culture of Hawai‘i is similar to and different from the diverse cultures
of other Native Pacific Islanders or the Asian countries. As Hawai‘i becomes more of a
significant international player in Asia and the Pacific, it is crucial that all students at
UHM become familiar with the area in which we study and live.

Courses that satisfy this requirement may be offered in any department. Appropriate
courses will have a focus on issues in Hawaiian, Asian, or Pacific cultures and history;
this focus will promote cross-cultural understanding as a way to avoid conflict between
nations and between cultures.

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In summary, the HAP Issues course is designed to inform students about the native
culture of Hawai‘i, along with the ways in which the culture is different when compared to other
Native Pacific Island cultures and also Asian cultures. This can be aligned with student identity
development, as most students in the University of Hawai‘i System are of Hawaiian, Asian
and/or Pacific Island heritage. The expansion on the awareness of the Hawaiian, Asian and/or
Pacific Island cultures magnifies the differences between groups, and also the importance and
influence these groups have in the Hawaiian archipelago.
The HAP Issues course originally was a graduation requirement by the University of
Hawai‘i at Manoa, however Kapi‘olani Community College implemented it into the graduation
requirements for the Associate in Arts Degree of Liberal Arts, as the degree requirements were
designed to align with most of the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa’s general education
requirements. The students who would take the course for academic requirements are those
interested in transferring to the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, and/or those interested in
earning the Associate in Arts Degree of Liberal Arts. The other students at Kapi‘olani
Community College who are enrolled in Career and Technical Programs, or Certificate
Programs, or Associate in Science Programs would most likely not enroll in the HAP Issues
course, as the majority of the programs do not require the course for program completion.
Kapi‘olani Community College offers courses that meet the HAP Issues requirement, and
have been articulated with the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa. To ensure credibility and
consistency, Kapi‘olani Community College has an established HAP Issues Board, organized by
a designated chairperson, who attends the University of Hawai‘i system wide HAP Issues Board
meetings. HAP Issues courses can be offered from any department, and as a result the students
are offered a wide variety of HAP Issues courses to choose from. Some examples can be found
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67
in Art, English, Hawaiian Studies, History, and Pacific Island Studies. Instructors are able to
creatively infuse Hawaiian, Asian and/or Pacific Issues into their curriculum.
The HAP Issues Board at Kapi‘olani Community College upholds the value in academic
freedom, and approves courses per syllabus. As a result, most instructors teach courses that they
have submitted for approval, however on occasion faculty will share their syllabus with another
colleague who wishes to teach an HAP Issues course, in the same format as their approved
colleague.
The availability and options for students to take the course varies per semester. As an
example, during the Spring 2012 semester, Kapi‘olani Community College offered 24 HAP
Issues courses: 15 were traditional, and 9 were online. On average, approximately 20 HAP Issues
courses are available to students each semester. To more clearly illustrate the content of HAP
Issues courses, a general description of some courses may be helpful. English HAP Issues
courses may review literature that explores the Hawaiian culture, Local culture, or the subgroups
of Local culture. History HAP Issues courses may review Local history, and the impact to
current affairs. Hawaiian Studies and Pacific Island Studies HAP Issues courses may review
history, cultural practices, and literature that influence current tensions and affairs.
In summary, the history of the subgroups in relation to the evolution of the Local identity
is important to understand, as its ambiguity and subjective definition can be difficult to grasp
without a contextualized understanding of its history and experience. The ethnic identity
development theories reviewed allow for a greater understanding of how an individual who
identifies as Local may be experiencing a part of the identity development phenomenon. Lastly,
the University of Hawai‘i at Manoa has established a path for diversity coursework to capitalize
on the uniqueness of the geographic location and the multitude of cultures that live in the
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68
Polynesian archipelago and Pacific Rim. Many of the community colleges have followed suit,
and are requiring the HAP Issues course, a course that may be inadvertently providing a formal
education setting for Local students to further explore their sense of self in relation to the Local
identity. The possible relationship will be explored through a sample of students at Kapi‘olani
Community College who have taken an HAP Issues course, and the extent the course may
influence the development of the Local identity.

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CHAPTER 4
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this qualitative study was to further explore the processes by which
residents of the Hawaiian Islands construct a Local identity. In Hawai‘i, the Local culture is the
dominant identity, yet by definition is ambiguous. The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa has
implemented a Hawaiian and Asian or Pacific (HAP) Issues course requirement, for graduation.
Courses that meet this requirement have curriculum that uses the Native Hawaiian culture
perspective, at the point of intersection with the Asian and/or Pacific culture perspective. Due to
the ambiguity of the Local culture identity, and minimal definitions available through literature,
the study was designed to see if the HAP Issues course was possibly providing an unintentional
yet formal educational setting to learn about the factors that relate to the Local identity. The goal
of this study was to establish specific influences that a Local person can encounter in formal
education curriculum that may influence construction of identity as a Local person of the
Hawaiian Islands.
The content of this chapter was designed to help the reader understand the research
methodology and approach, the research questions, the methods of collecting and analyzing data,
steps toward protecting the participants and the data gathered, and limitations of the study.
Research Questions
The goal of the research study was to find information that resonates with those who
identify as Local in Hawai‘i. The study focused on identity development and the HAP Issues
course:
• For college students in Hawai‘i who identify as Local, to what extent do they believe
diversity coursework influences their sense of self, in regard to the Local identity?
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Some of the current literature describes Local people as being born and raised in the Hawaiian
Islands (Hall, 2005), while others feel that the amount of time living in Hawai‘i, and
acculturation to the local culture correlates with a Local identity. This is an ethnic identity
construct that has an inherent stratification, but minimal research has been focused on this
spectrum of Local identity.
During informal conversations with individuals who were born and raised in Hawai‘i,
when asked to identify aspects about the Local culture, it has been difficult to mold into a
tangible set of rules or expectations. The goal of this study was to establish specific influences
that a Local person can encounter in formal education curriculum that may influence
construction of identity as a Local person of the Hawaiian Islands.
Role of the Researcher
Although through external appearance due to ethnic origins, the researcher may appear to
have been an in-group member, the researcher was actually an out-group member. The
researcher was a faculty member at the research site. Prior to the interviews, the researcher
disclosed the reason and motivation for the study, and shared the participant’s rights.
To address researcher bias, the researcher had an outside reader who identified as Local,
and understood the HAP Issues course requirement; review the contextualization of the data
from the transcription of interviews, and evaluated the interpreted results of the researcher. The
outside reader solely focused on the content of the interviews, and did not allow any outside
knowledge, understanding or bias, color the interpretation of the data collected.
Research Design
Due to the ambiguous definition of the Local culture, and the emphasis of orally sharing
experiences in the Native Hawaiian culture, a qualitative research design allowed for information
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71
to be captured, that would otherwise be limited to quantitative means, and also respected the
Native Hawaiian culture’s oral tradition.
Qualitative research is an inquiry process of understanding based on distinct
methodological traditions of inquiry that explore a social or human problem. The
researcher builds a complex, holistic picture, analyzes words, reports detailed
views of informants, and conducts the study in a natural setting. (Creswell, 1998,
p. 15)

In addition, “applied research findings typically are limited to a specific time, place, and
condition” (Patton, 2000, p. 217).
While there are many types of qualitative studies, Phenomenology aligned well with this
research study, due to the participants all experiencing the same phenomenon, and its emphasis
on examining the intricacies found through a qualitative lens of personal experience (Creswell,
1998; Patton, 2000). Creswell (1998) highlights the most important factor to be “individuals who
have experienced the phenomenon being explored and can articulate their conscious
experiences” (p. 111). There are more detailed subcategories of phenomenology, however Patton
(2000) states the common focus is “exploring how human beings make sense of experience and
transform experience into consciousness, both individually and as shared meaning” (p. 104).
Phenomenology also captures the information first hand, through very intentional methodology,
to ensure that the study is “capturing and describing how people experience some phenomenon –
how they perceive it, describe it, feel about it, judge it, remember it, make sense of it, and talk
about it with others” (Patton, 2000, p. 104).
Purposeful Sampling
This research study required the experiences of a specific population, within a specific
place, to be examined. Criterion sampling allows for the experiences of individuals within the
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72
population to be shared, while also not generalizing the findings to an entire population (Patton,
2000).
Soliciting a call for participants was primarily advertised via faculty permission to visit
HAP Issues classes at Kapi‘olani Community College (Creswell, 1998). Participants were also
referred to the study, commonly known as the snowball or chain effect (Creswell, 1998; Patton,
2000). Participants for this study completed an HAP Issues course at KCC, and self identified as
Local in Hawai‘i. The self-identity component was important, as these individuals are believed
to have a high, “strong, secure or an achieved ethnic identity” (Phinney, 1991). Aside from these
factors, there was not a specific age range, earned credit minimum, or any other requirements
imposed on those who wanted to participate in the study.
Participants
Located near the south shores of Oahu, neighbor to Leahi crater, or more commonly
known as Diamond Head, Kapi‘olani Community College (KCC) serves approximately 9,000
students every academic year. The average age is 24.8 years old, 89.5% considered Hawai‘i
residents, 3.2% mainland residents, 0.5% United States affiliated, 5.5% foreign, and 1.3%
unknown. According to the Institutional Research Office MAPS reports from 2010, the student
body had a majority of women, at 57%; in regard to racial diversity, the largest category was
19% who reported to be “Other,” followed by 17% at either Hawaiian or Part-Hawaiian, 14%
Caucasian, 15% Japanese, 13% Filipino, 12% Mixed, 8% Chinese, and 2% Pacific Islander.

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Table 2
Pseudonym Matrix of Demographics
Number Pseudonym Age Gender Born in HI
Identify as
Hawaiian
Identify as
Local
1 Pua 53 F Yes Yes Yes
2 Keoni 20 M Yes Yes Yes
3 Keola 19 M Yes Yes Yes
4 Melissa 23 F Yes Yes Yes
5 Keanu 20 M Yes Yes Yes
6 Kekai 19 M Yes Yes Yes
7 Noe 18 F Yes Yes Yes
8 Carol 19 F Yes Yes Yes
9 Keahi 18 M Yes Yes Yes
10 Jamie 19 F Yes No Yes
11 Marvin 22 M Yes No Yes
12 Ryan 18 M Yes No Yes
13 Melissa 23 F Yes Yes Yes
14 Ikaika 35 M Yes Yes Yes
15 Lindsay 22 F Yes Yes Yes
16 Julie 32 F Yes Yes Yes
17 Ken 23 M Yes Yes Yes
18 Frank 18 M Yes No Yes
19 Jorge 21 M No (14 years) No Yes
20 John 28 M No (26 years) No Yes
21 Lani 36 F Yes Yes Yes
22 Jennifer 23 F Yes Yes Yes
23 Maile 20 F Yes Yes Yes
24 Steve 19 M Yes Yes Yes
25 Anthony 35 M No (17 years) No Yes
26 Stephanie 21 F Yes No Yes
27 Nancy 50 F Yes Yes Yes
28 Tommy 19 M No (8 months) Yes No
29 Shea 22 F Yes Yes Yes
30 Jaylynn 20 F Yes No Yes
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Students have over 40 academic programs to choose from, with the transfer and Liberal
Arts option attracting the majority of the student body. This large percentage is reflected in the
data, as KCC is the largest feeder source to the system’s flagship campus, University of Hawai‘i
at Manoa.
Thirty participants were interviewed; these students all had completed the HAP Issues
course and identified as Hawaiian and/or Local. Table 2 is a Pseudonym Matrix to quickly
capture demographics about the sample population.
Throughout the following chapters, these pseudonyms will be referenced, as quotes from
the interviews will be examined for insight into the Local culture, and the influence the HAP
Issues course may have on the identity development of those who identify as Local in Hawai‘i.
Instrumentation and Data Collection
The instrument of interview questions was created to intentionally align with the work of
Bennett (2001) regarding the Genres of Multicultural Education, and the research questions were
examined through this perspective. Bennett (2001) organizes multicultural education research
into four clusters, and then subcategories of genres. This research study best reflects the
characteristics of Cluster Three: Multicultural Competence, Genre Seven: Ethnic Identity
Development. Cluster Three assumes that “the reduction of racial and cultural prejudice is
possible and desirable. Individuals can become multicultural; they need not reject their familial
worldview and identity to function comfortably in another cultural milieu” (p. 172). Bennett
(2001) defines Ethnic Identity as “the degree to which a person feels connected with a ‘racial’ or
cultural group, one’s familial ethnic group while growing up” (p. 192). Some factors related to
ethnic identity are self-labeling, feelings of belonging versus apart, and participating in activities
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related to the group (p. 192). This genre also focuses on the common stages of ethnic identity
development such as Pre-Encounter, Encounter, Retreat, and Balance.
In order to validate the instrument against Bennett (2001), the three factors Bennett
(2001) identified were extracted onto one axis of a matrix to compare against the interview
questions on the opposite axis. This matrix was utilized as a validation tool to ensure the
interview questions were designed to target the specific factors identified within the genre.
Interview Protocol
Participants engaged in an interview projected to be 45-60 minutes in duration (Creswell,
1998; Patton, 2000), with a set of open-ended questions, designed to draw out common themes
of the Local identity, and also the impact the HAP Issues course had on their identity
development and sense of self. The location of the interviews was at Kapi‘olani Community
College, in a mutually agreeable and neutral environment, appropriate for conducting an
interview. The only follow up that was requested was for the participant to complete a member
check process to confirm that the inferences and conclusions made by the researcher capture the
essence of what they were communicating.
The interviews were audibly recorded, no identifying information was requested during
the interview, and the recording was transcribed for analysis. All information collected from the
research study was locked in a file cabinet, in a locked office, inside a locked office building,
with multiple security measures. The only individual who had access to this information was the
principal researcher.
In compensation for their time, participants received a $5 gift certificate to Jamba Juice
or Starbucks Coffee Company. Participants did not have to answer all of the questions in order to
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receive the gift certificate. The researcher gave the gift certificate to the participant when the
interview was done.
Data Analysis
Torres (2007) published an article discussing the first portion of a longitudinal study,
which focused on Latino college students during their first two years of college, and how their
ethnic identity development was influenced. Her data analysis consisted of transcribing
interviews verbatim, examining each interview in detail, applied open coding to establish
categories for comparisons of similarities and differences among all of the data. Once complete,
the similarities were grouped into categories, and then divided further into axial coding of
subcategories. This deep level of coding was designed to ensure a contextualized explanation for
the phenomenon being studied.
This research study mirrored the data analysis of Torres (2007), as it is critical to examine
the data and all of the rich information collected, in order to correctly capture the essence and
context in which the participants are experiencing an impact on their Local identity, through
completing the HAP Issues course. As stated earlier, the definition of Local identity continues to
be a point of tension, and was possible that through this analysis, common themes among the
participants would emerge, in which
content analysis is used to refer to any qualitative data reduction and sense-
making effort that takes a volume of qualitative material and attempts to identify
core consistencies and meanings. (Patton, 2000, p. 453)

Moustakas (1994) suggests specific steps for Phenomenology data analysis, beginning
with the researcher fully describing their own experience about the phenomenon; the interviews
are combed for statements that describe how the phenomenon is being experienced; group the
statements into categories of meaning with descriptions to define the categories; views the
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phenomenon through multiple perspectives in order to create a definition of the phenomenon
experience; captures the essence of the phenomenon; and repeats the process for each participant
in order to compile a composite description of the phenomenon (Creswell, 1998).
The data was coded to mirror the work of Bennett (2001), regarding research in
multicultural education. The research questions have been coded to correspond with one or more
of the factors related to ethnic identity, as defined by Bennett (2001): Self-Labeling, Feelings of
Belonging Versus Apart, and Participating in Activities Related To the Group (p. 192).
Overall, this research design contributed to filling a void in the current literature, as there
were minimal studies focusing on the ethnic identity development of Locals in Hawai‘i. This
data provided: information regarding the assumption of what kind of society Locals live in, a
Local’s response to society’s construction of the Local identity, and insight to the dynamics of
the in-group and out-group phenomenon.
Most of the current research surrounding diversity is based on the tensions within the
continental United States, and specifically between the spectrum of Caucasians and Blacks. In
taking the same spectrum of diversity, and applying it to society in Hawai‘i, the Western identity
is on one end of the spectrum and the Indigenous Hawaiian identity is on the other, however
there is a third identity found in between, which is the Local identity. The Local identity is
influenced by both the Western identity and the Indigenous identity.
The goal of the study was not to validate the legitimacy of the Local identity, but rather to
examine whether diversity curriculum related to the Local identity had an influence on the
identity development of students who identified as Local.
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Limitations
The sample population was a collective group of individuals, who responded to
classroom visits at Kapi‘olani Community College, or referred to the project by faculty or other
students. As stated above, the sample population was a small subset of the total number of
students who were enrolled and have taken these courses. This study was not designed to
develop a generalized definition or expected outcome of impact on identity development, for all
students who identify as Local in Hawai‘i. Rather it was designed to capture the impact that the
course had on these particular students, so that stakeholders can be aware of the various ways the
HAP Issues course had inadvertently affected the identity development of students who had
completed an HAP Issues course.
Ensuring Quality and Credibility
To ensure the researcher captured the essence of what the participants communicated
during their interview, participants were asked to meet with the researcher a second time to
confirm the data analysis for their interview for validity and interpretation, and assumptions
inferred by the researcher were correct. Researcher bias was also minimalized by the verification
and review of participant data. To check for researcher bias, the researcher identified an outside
reader who identified as Local in Hawai‘i, was familiar with the processes, environment, and
context associated with the study.
Summary
The ambiguity of defining the Local culture in Hawai‘i challenges awareness for formal
avenues of learning to be intentionally designed to address the Local culture identity. Due to the
construction and hallmarks for curriculum in the HAP Issues courses, it would be helpful to
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know if the course had inadvertently created a space where students who identify as Local in
Hawai‘i were able to learn and further develop their sense of self.
The study was not designed with the intent to generalize or diminish any one student’s
experience, but rather to bring attention to the various ways the HAP Issues course can affect the
identity development of those who identify as Local in Hawai‘i.

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CHAPTER 5
DATA ANALYSIS
The definition of the Local identity in Hawai‘i is ambiguous and varies among
individuals. Through this study, participants were able to share their thoughts and constructs of
how they identify the Local culture. After analysis of the data, common topics emerged, and
were grouped into themes, thus the three themes that will be discussed in this chapter are:
Adapting to the Lifestyle, Rooted in Hawaiian Values, and Different than the Continental United
States. In addition to defining the Local identity, the study also examined the impact of diversity
coursework at Kapi‘olani Community College may have on a student’s sense of self, and identity
development related to the Local identity. While similar to a diversity course, these HAP Issues
courses focus on the Hawaiian, Asian and/or Pacific Island cultures, which are a common
culmination of the racial background of Local students in Hawai‘i (University of Hawai‘i, 2007).
The HAP Issues course provides an academic environment for Local students to learn more
about the significance of the history, and impact of merging these cultural groups together in
Hawai‘i.
As stated earlier, the definition of the Local culture differs between groups, generations,
and individuals. In defining the Local culture, one common area of discussion that repeatedly
surfaced was the duration of time spent living in Hawai‘i. However, after follow-up discussions
and questions, the theme of time spent living in Hawai‘i dissolved into an underlying theme of
modifying behavior, or adjusting and adapting to the existing culture seemed to be a common
thought in regard to identifying a person as Local, in which it appears under the title of:
Adaptation to the Lifestyle.
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The data analysis initially shows the values and characteristics of the Local culture being
associated with positive actions, such as being kind to one another, caring for the land, being
courteous, however at a deeper level, participants also tied these values and characteristics to
being a derivative of the Hawaiian culture. When reflecting on the history of the Hawai‘i
archipelago, there was a strong presence of the indigenous Hawaiian culture and the immigrants
of the multiple other cultures had to negotiate the scale of their own native culture in a land of a
host culture. As a result of the adaptation to a host culture, it is possible that a reason for this
theme to continuously emerge in the data is because the Local culture developed around the host
culture, and is: Rooted in Hawaiian Values.
Another theme that emerged in an abstract way was how the Local culture is not like the
continental United States. This theme emerged as a result of the participants having difficulty
defining specific characteristics and values that are tied to the Local culture. Conversely, when
asked to differentiate the Local culture from the continental United States, participants had
strong reactions to the topic, and were able to articulate through multiple examples on how the
Local culture is different, which is illustrated in the chapter under the title of: Different than the
Continental United States.
In regard to the extent diversity coursework can influence a student’s sense of the Local
identity, two themes emerged through analysis of the data collected: Validation and Increasing
Interest and Awareness. Validation seemed to be a common topic, and also was an unexpected
outcome of the participants. Many gained a sense of validation through the course, as their
knowledge base surrounding Local issues and values was information that proved to be valuable
in the classroom setting. Aside from validating their own knowledge, the course also was
validating to their identity as a person who identifies as Local, because participants felt that it
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legitimized their identity, and they were able to learn about the Local culture through an
academic lens.
As a result of completing the course, participants also felt an increase in interest and
awareness about the Hawaiian culture, other Pacific Island cultures, or about cultures beyond the
Pacific Rim. This stimulation was referenced in the context of learning how their own
environment can be related to a culture they may or may not be too familiar with.
Participants
Participants were students at Kapi‘olani Community College, who have completed an
HAP Issues course at Kapi‘olani Community College, and also self-identified as Local in
Hawai‘i. Thirty participants were interviewed, through a series of open-ended questions,
surrounding the Local identity in Hawai‘i, and the impact an HAP Issues course had on their
identity development as a Local in Hawai‘i. The participants were followed up with a member
check portion, in which the data analysis of the interview was confirmed for validity and
interpretation.
The following quotes in this chapter are direct transcriptions from the language used in
the interviews by the participant. Some participants often used Pidgin, in which their quotes were
transcribed. The preservation of the specific word choice and language used was important, in
order to ensure the participant’s experience was conveyed in the manner in which they felt
comfortable delivering their story. Their stories and quotes were not altered to adhere to any
standards of language, but rather to illuminate the unique ways of communication and language
in Hawai‘i.
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Research Results – Defining the Local Identity
In defining the Local identity, many participants made reference to the difficulty in
having to articulate specifics about defining the Local identity. Many mentioned it was a topic
that was not discussed, and it was challenging to clearly encompass the multitude of identifiers
that were associated with the Local identity. Some described it as “you just know,” or “it’s just
something that you learn.” These brief statements allude to the deep saturation in the Local
culture a person can experience, and the lack of conscious awareness of the Local culture, as it is
a daily experience and way of life. To be consciously aware would require instances where a
person would need to differentiate one identity against another, and in Hawai‘i, the Local culture
is infused into a large part of society. When participants were asked how the Local culture was
different from the continental United States, it was a much easier and stronger response for many
of them to articulate the differences, than to articulate conscious awareness of the Local culture.
“You Just Turn Into a Local Person” – Adaptation to the Lifestyle
While many participants list the length of time living in Hawai‘i as an important factor
for the Local lifestyle, there seems to be the assumption that adaptation to the lifestyle
automatically occurs while living in Hawai‘i. Keoni, 20 years old, born in Hawai‘i, and identifies
as Hawaiian and Local described this adaptation, “I guess just being here and learning, just adapt
to everyone and the environment here, and you just turn into a Local person.” This process of
adaptation seems to be rooted in learning the unspoken cultural practices, and acclimating to an
existing set of cultural norms, and adjusting to fit into those norms. This definition was
mentioned repeatedly in different ways by other participants, who also mentioned observing how
others act, and being respectful of the way people in Hawai‘i live.
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The assumption of adaptation had specific themes that emerged surrounding language,
attitude and behavior, and knowledge of Hawai‘i. Language was identified as speaking or
understanding Pidgin, and use of certain words or phrases. In regard to speaking, the frequency
of using Pidgin emerged, as some felt it was a unifying tool, and was to be used with other
Locals. Also, understanding Pidgin was discussed, as a more important knowledge base, than the
use of Pidgin, as many participants noted that not all Locals have to speak Pidgin to be Local, but
they must at least understand the language. The use of certain words or phrases, such as
“kuleana,” “makai,” “mauka,” “pau,” and other terms were seen as ways in which Locals would
infuse different words in while speaking. The attitude and behavior was widely associated as
being laid back, relaxed, and welcoming.
While adaptation is important, it was interesting to note one participant made a comment
about how someone lost the Local identity when moving to the continental United States. Jamie,
19 years old, Filipino who identifies as Local shared her thoughts, “Sometimes people can be
born here, but they move to the mainland and when they come back, they’re not Local anymore,
but they look Local. They would seem Local, but they lost it.” If adaptation to the Local culture
seems to be a way a person can become seen as Local, losing this adaptation would infer that the
individual has adapted to a different set of cultural norms that are different than the ones
established in the Local culture. Perhaps the different set of cultural norms challenge or clash
with the Local culture, and as a result a person can be seen as losing the Local culture by way of
difference in language, attire, behavior, values, and other markers of cultural identity.
Language.
Almost all participants identified Hawaiian Creole English, or Pidgin, as an important
factor for the Local culture. While it was commonly agreed upon that Pidgin is grammatically
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incorrect, and perpetuates usage of improper English, it was clearly an important component.
Knowledge and understanding of Pidgin seemed to be of stronger importance, when compared to
thoughts around consistent or daily use of the language. Not using Pidgin was not as commonly
discussed as understanding and using Pidgin.
Understanding Pidgin.
Ryan, an 18-year old Local male simply stated, “One thing is Pidgin. Everyone in
Hawai‘i knows Pidgin. That’s the number one thing.” When listing characteristics, qualities, or
values associated with the Local culture, some participants expanded on their thoughts
surrounding Pidgin, and some did not, but it is important to note that it appeared in nearly every
conversation with each participant. Through member checks, when asked if Pidgin was an
important factor to the Local culture, it was consistently identified as one of the main indicators
that a person is Local.
Using Pidgin.
Nancy, a 50-year old female shared her perspective about Pidgin. “Pidgin means that
we’re the same. Used to mean that we were less, but now it’s a unified thing, because it’s our
secret little language and if they don’t understand, it’s kind of a barrier I suppose. It can be
divisive.” The history of the language illustrates how it was originally associated with being a
subordinated practice, however the Local culture embraced this language, as its roots are tied to
the history of the Local culture on the plantations and now often seen as a facet of unity.
Not using Pidgin.
The issue of not speaking Pidgin arose a few times during some interviews. Jorge, a 21-
year-old male originally from the East Coast of the continental United States, who moved to
Hawai‘i when he was 7-years old, shared his opinion on those who choose not to use Pidgin:
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“People who don’t speak Pidgin probably think they’re all stuck up, or don’t want to embrace the
Pidgin language because they want to stay proper or look educated.” Jorge shared that his mother
works in Education, and did not approve of using Pidgin. However, Jorge’s father found it
valuable, as he works in the community with multiple businesses as a contractor, and found it to
be a way to relate and unify with other businessmen. Speaking Pidgin allowed him to find a way
to connect to the other businessmen, and find common ground on a personal level. Interestingly
Jorge managed the differences in opinion within his own immediate family. His father viewed
Pidgin as a way to connect, and his mother viewed Pidgin as a substandard use of language. He
admits that he embraces the Pidgin language, and finds value in using it when conversing with
other Locals.
Jamie, a 19-year old Filipino female, explained the divide regarding the use of Pidgin as,
“Rich families tell their children: Don’t speak Pidgin, it’s going to make you look dumb.” Jamie
went on to elaborate about how private school students usually do not use Pidgin as often as their
peers in public school due to higher education standards. On Oahu, the student body at most of
the private schools reflects a majority of students who are from higher socioeconomic status
groups, with some exceptions through scholarships, and other means of support. However, when
discussing the perceptions Local students have regarding not speaking Pidgin, Jamie said,
“Public school students would probably be like… ‘oh, they act too mainland-ish, or too haole.’ It
would be a negative thing to speak proper English.” She went on to say that her rationale is
because “the mainland is a whole different culture from Hawai‘i.” Jamie also differentiated the
high schools by ranking, as “some public schools are really good, and others are way down on
the ranking. Usually if it’s one of the lower ranking schools, then private school people would
look down on them.” This ranking is a reflection of the stratification of socioeconomic statuses
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within the realm of high school students, and how certain groups do not want to be associated
with others. Jamie was discussing how students on the lower end of the stratification would see
students on the higher end of the stratification as acting “too mainland-ish” or “too haole” if they
spoke Standard English regularly. Inversely, students on the higher end of the stratification
would see students on the lower end of the stratification as substandard, if they spoke Pidgin
regularly.
“Kicking it off” – code-switching Pidgin.
As many participants have referenced using Pidgin, some participants discussed code-
switching, and the meaning around using or not using Pidgin. Jamie discussed the importance of
code-switching from Standard English to Pidgin.
Pidgin… some people are full on pidgin speakers, and some people switch it on and off.
We learned that Pidgin was always frowned upon, because back in the plantation era, if
you only knew Pidgin, you were considered dumb, because you couldn’t speak proper. I
guess that’s how it is; it’s still kind of like that. If you speak Pidgin, then people kind of
look down on you, because you can’t speak the right way. You would use Pidgin with
your friends or people you are comfortable around. But then if you’re in the educational
or professional setting then you would use proper English.

Jamie was not the only participant who referenced an appropriate time to use Pidgin, and when
Standard English should be used instead. All who discussed code-switching shared how they
associated Pidgin use with conversations among family or friends, and Ikaika shared that “in
some situations Pidgin is appropriate, and some it’s not. If I hook up with my brother guys or
something, I’ll be like Pidgin to da max, all da way!” Standard English use was associated with
more formal affairs, in the classroom, or when there would be a need to appear educated.
However, a few participants have also referenced Pidgin being divisive, as illustrated by Ikaika’s
statement about not being able to ‘kick it off’:
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All Locals have some level of Pidgin, and they can kick it on or off whenever they need
to or not. Some can’t kick it on and off, that’s all they know. Again that goes to
educational levels. Some people just never learned to speak proper English. It’s because
their family or economic background… it’s just… they never had the opportunity.

As a result of not being able to “kick it off,” these individuals are not able to capitalize on
society’s perception and definition of being educated and articulate. Cultural norms seem to have
perpetuated from the plantations, when Pidgin was tied to an assumption of an unintelligent
population. As Ikaika states, low socioeconomic status groups are usually not able to take
advantage of opportunities to learn to speak proper English. In addition, this ties into Jamie’s
mention of different socioeconomic status groups not wanting to affiliate too closely with one
another, in regard to using Pidgin. Due to cultural norms within groups, it is possible that neither
group supports an environment where use of the other language is encouraged.
“Even if they don’t speak Pidgin…” – specific words, phrases, and tone.
Aside from the use and understanding of Pidgin, the substitution for certain words or
phrases emerged, as another important factor of language with the Local culture. When
describing the difference of Locals in Hawai‘i, compared to those not from Hawai‘i, Carol
stated, “even if they don’t speak Pidgin, people from Hawai‘i have a certain way of talking,”
referring to the different intonation. As Marvin, a 22-year old Local male stated, “Local people
tend to use different words or different ways of saying things.” While Carol and Marvin did not
elaborate on this area, Marvin was able to identify that there was a difference in communication
and word choice; thus, language use being another marker for the Local identity. Stephanie, a 21-
year old Local female described the use of Pidgin and the use of different words into a bit further
detail: “We don’t always say everything in English. We have Pidgin, and every once in a while,
we throw in some Hawaiian words, making it hard to communicate sometimes.” Some examples
she gave were “kuleana,” “pau,” “makai,” “mauka,” and “paina.” As a result of speaking with
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specific words and phrases, the use of language can be used to filter those who do and do not
understand the mode of communication.
In reference to different inflection and emphasis, Ryan described the linguistic difference
as, “mainland people talk in the same voice all the time, and their grammar is super good
compared to Hawai‘i.” This description of “same voice” is related to tone with relatively little
inflection. Melissa was able to identify a Local accent, as she reflected on the linguistic
differences between different sides of her family, “they talk Pidgin, but on my mom’s side, we
talk Local, but not with the accent.” John was able to describe a difference as “the tone or rhythm
of their voice, or the words they use.” Also, some participants tied being “super Local” to
speaking “moke,” which means that the use of Pidgin is extremely strong, and with a thick
accent, which is difficult for those not attuned to Pidgin to understand. While these participants
all discussed different observations, the common ground is that they were able to identify a
difference in pitch or a certain demarcation, which seems to be another indicator of the Local
culture.
“That aloha spirit…” – attitude and behavior.
The Local culture was repeatedly described as very laid back, and as Keoni, a 20-year old
Hawaiian and Local male described the lifestyle, “You just gotta have those traits, and those
ways, that mentality. It’s that way of thinking, that caring, that aloha spirit.” While this
description is vague and non-specific, this was a common occurrence during the interviews. It
seemed to be difficult for many participants to clearly articulate the specific attitude and behavior
associated with the Local culture. Many descriptions were general terms, lacking specific
qualities or characteristics, but rather associated with an unspoken and learned behavior a person
has to adapt to over time.
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Kekai, a 19-year old Hawaiian and Local male, with ancestry tracing back six generations
in Kailua, characterized the adaptation of attitude and behavior as, “You just have to adapt to the
way that we do things. Just learn how we talk, and how we operate in our basic things in life.
That’s what makes us Local… and just our entire charisma about us.” In reference to the idea of
the Local culture similar to a melting pot, John, a 28-year old Korean-Caucasian Local described
it as, “Having the culture in you. It’s kind of like all the cultures are mixed together into a
specific way of thinking or way of acting, so it has its own identity, I guess.” Again, the
description is an intrinsic and internal understanding, not characterized as a specific attitude or
behavior. However, there are certain demarcations such as a “throwing a shaka,” which is to
have a fist with the pinky and thumb fingers extended, which is a non-verbal cue for appreciation
or recognition.
Lindsay, a 22-year old Hawaiian and Local female described the Local behavior as a
feeling, “The ohana feel. Really welcoming… open arms type of thing. Friendly faces, most are
friendly, not in any rush to go anywhere. They’re just so chill.” As Lindsay did, many
participants chose to define how the Local behavior is externally displayed, through examples,
but seemed to have a difficult time describing it in other ways.
“Oh, I wouldn’t, but most local people would” – passive judgment.
During the follow up member checks, participants were given scenarios about a fictitious
person, and asked to rank the fictitious person on “how Local” they were, and also asked to rank
the person on “how Local” other Locals would assume the person to be. Most of the participants
indicated answers that were more generous and less judgmental than what they indicated other
Locals would likely think. This discrepancy in judgment can be either due to the participants
feeling they have a higher level of understanding and awareness, or not feeling comfortable to
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admit that they may inherently be more judgmental than they are willing to freely admit. There
were a few participants who indicated the same ranking for both their own beliefs and others.
When discussed further, these participants felt that their opinions would align with other Locals,
because they felt their sense of the Local culture is what they valued as well.
“Hello?? Google Earth??” - knowledge of Hawai‘i.
Most participants suggested a knowledge base of Hawai‘i and its history as another
important factor to being Local. More than one participant shared an example of conversations
during visits to the continental United States, people would mention the use of grass huts. Ikaika
described his reaction, “you just scratch your head and wonder what rock they crawled out from
under, cuz I mean… it’s the Internet generation, people! Hello?? Google Earth?? You can zoom
in on the town!” Another participant funneled her frustration into sarcasm:
Yes, they still think we live in grass huts. I just came back from Utah, neva seen snow in
my life… somebody actually asked me, “Did you drive here?” I said, “Yeah, the
underwater tunnel was just finished and we were able to test it out. I traded my coconuts
for these ski pants, and they said I can get ‘em back when I’m done.

While humorous, this sarcasm is a reflection of the ignorance that Locals feel currently exists
about Hawai‘i, its development, and its people. Many Locals have a lot of pride about being
from Hawai‘i, and many participants have had to explain themselves when encountering those
who are not from Hawai‘i.
Melissa described her feelings regarding those who do not appreciate the importance of
understanding the Local culture, and the people of Hawai‘i:
I don’t like it when people from the mainland or wherever they’re from, come here and
feel like they already know everything and don’t want to understand why the people from
Hawai‘i are the way they are. Makes me feel like they’re in their own ignorant bliss.

While it seemed to be a frustrating experience for the participants who had to explain the
current absence of grass shacks, some acknowledged that there is a lack of information
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taught in the education system of the continental United States, about Hawai‘i and its
history.
The importance of history is captured through the opinion of Keola, a 19-year old
Hawaiian and Local male, “Definitely learning about the overthrow is something that contributes
to being Local because you live here, and you definitely want to help perpetuate what is still
here, and what came before you, and what is right and wrong.” Many other participants simply
associated living in Hawai‘i with a high importance of knowing a little about Hawai‘i. Due to
public schools in Hawai‘i teaching history about Hawai‘i, Local students are raised with a
general knowledge base that they do not need to seek, but rather is provided for them in school.
Some cited language, others cited history, and others simply cited a general knowledgebase
about Hawai‘i.
Rooted in Hawaiian Values
Many participants referenced Hawaiian values as the anchor for the Local values. Keanu,
a 20-year old Hawaiian and Local male described the Local culture as,
Branching off from the Hawaiian culture would be respecting others, respecting the land,
providing for your family, and giving back. Getting along, and being accepting of each
other, no matter where they’re from, you can just take them in and welcome them.

This definition of Local values is important, as there was multiple mentions about respect for the
land or aina, family or ohana, care for one another or aloha, and collectivism.
Land.
The value and respect of the land, or aina, was raised by many participants, as care for
the land is a large component to the Hawaiian culture. Keahi, an 18-year old Hawaiian-Korean
and Local male from Molokai described the sustainability, “taking care of our aina is the most
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important thing because we’re surrounded by water.” This mention of caring for the land is
emphasized as an importance for survival, as the land is limited.
Ikaika, a Hawaiian and Local 35-year old male tied care for the land to perpetuating the
culture, “People who care about the land, care about the culture, and do things to keep the land
and what it is so that we can keep the culture going. Without the land, we lose our culture.” This
would pertain to Hawai‘i no longer having a place, without the islands. The culture is tied to the
place, and its unique character is important to preserve the culture of Hawai‘i. To care for the
land is a large definition, which is some of the following, but not limited to harvesting crops and
foliage, minimizing litter, preserving the landscape by not building on open spaces, and being
cautious of chemical and liquid spills. These examples are demonstrated through various
activities on the island, protests, and current events that bring awareness to the care for the land.
Family.
The importance of family, or ohana, was raised as another important factor to the Local
culture. Some had related family to a feeling, or a welcoming environment, circumstances
beyond blood lineage and relation.
Kekai, a 19-year old male describes how he perceives Hawai‘i family relationships to be
different from families in the continental United States: “The family relations are different. You
hear stories of people on the mainland where people Instant Message each other to come eat
dinner, or that sort of thing, where there’s a lot of disconnect.” Kekai went on to discuss how
important family relationships are to him. His family will engage in daylong events, where
individuals will gather to bond and eat all day.
Also, beyond the nuclear family, the importance of extended family was raised as well.
Many participants cited both their families and their friend’s families highly valued family
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friends as an extension of the family. Various participants related the importance of family to
different areas of influence. One participant related the importance of family to the living
environment of Hawai‘i: “Everybody’s kind of like family. It’s a small island, so everybody
knows everybody.” Frank related the family importance to Hawaiian culture: “In Hawaiian and
Local culture, over time friends become a part of the family and we have big families because
our friends also become family.” This extension of family is also embedded within the context of
addressing older individuals. Older individuals in Hawai‘i are referred to as “Auntie” or “Uncle,”
even if the younger person does not personally know the older individual.
Steve tied a family focus to the rationale of being a good person, as an individual’s action
can have an impact beyond the person, and extenuate and impact the family.
Well, because if your life is family centered, you’re not going to want to do anything to
hurt your family. Which means, you’re not going to want to do bad things – like deal
drugs, or do crimes to get sent to prison, because that will hurt your family.

While these are all different examples and opinions on the importance of family, the
commonality is that the participants all have interwoven reasons and examples for valuing the
family system.
Care for one another.
An extension of the extended family mentality is caring for one another, and this
philosophy overflows into the overall Local culture. Keoni, a 20-year old Hawaiian and Local
male described it as, “everybody just taking care of one another and not stepping on anybody’s
toes to move forward.” Multiple participants referenced the importance of caring for one another
as a difference between Local culture, and the lifestyle on the continental United States. This
value can be seen as related to the extended family system, and living on a small island, as the
spheres of separation are not likely to be widespread.
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Pua, a 53-year old Hawaiian and Local female described the care for one another through
an example:
If you’re standing in a very long line, most people are patient. If you have one or two
items, they’ll ask you, ‘Oh would you like to go ahead of me?’, and then you goin’ know
they’re from Hawai‘i cause I’m sure they don’t do that in the mainland.

While a simple example, the latter statement reinforces the belief that the continental United
States has a different value system and lifestyle, much different than the Local culture in
Hawai‘i.
Collectivism.
Kekai, a 19-year old Hawaiian and Local male described how families will work
together, and help one another:
I feel over here we have a strong sense of relation where we will do things together as a
family, and it’s not so much an independence thing. We all work together. We have more
of a laulima kind of charisma about us. We pretty much help each other out, and there’s
less independence. It’s more about working together.

Even when describing working together, Kekai uses the term laulima, which he defined as a
Hawaiian term for “many hands.” This example reinforces how Hawaiian values are interwoven
into the Local culture. Kekai further described his example of collectivism as,
The perfect example of laulima that I have is an imu. We all get together and we’re all at
one person’s house, and it’s not just one person doing things, its people from all over. My
uncle comes from Waianae and drives out to Kailua to help out. It’s everybody coming
together to do one thing, and it benefits everybody.

Kekai’s example of an imu, is about the process in which a pig is cooked in an underground pit,
which is created by multiple people assisting to dig the pit. The benefit to everybody is a meal
shared by all. This practice of collectivism can be seen as a reflection on the values surrounding
care for one another and family.
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“Then You Like Real Food, Right?” – Different than the Continental United States
Many participants referenced the differences between the Local culture and the
continental United States. These differences were found in a wide range of areas, such as food,
attitude, courtesy, and behavior. In this theme, many participants shared their feelings of
difference through examples, and also their thoughts on the examples. The difference in
language, participants referenced the difference in grammar and ability to speak proper English.
Also attire was mentioned, as Hawai‘i is known for its more casual culture. Behavior was
mentioned, as many participants felt people were very rude and inconsiderate. The collectivism
of the culture in Hawai‘i was also noted to be lacking, whereas the continental United States has
a culture of more individualism.
Even at the most basic level of food, Nancy discusses her experience with the
cuisine she was exposed to at Disneyland:
When we was ready fo go home, we call my odda sista, say “eh! We comin’ home, cook
da rice! The SPAM! When we get home, we like eat!” You know what I mean? I was
frickin’ starving up there! Like… everyting dey put… like Mexican food? Like, I dunno,
taco stuff? Was junk! We went to one place, only so much hamburgers you can eat,
and… corn dogs, and chips. Only so much of dat, then you like real food, right? Was
junk! So I could tell I was different, we act different. We did not feel comfortable, at all.

It is interesting to note that Nancy referenced a desire for “real food,” because she felt a
threshold for consuming hamburgers, hot dogs, and chips. Some examples of common
dishes in Hawai‘i at a large-scale venue would be SPAM musubi, fried noodles, loco
moco, or a plate lunch consisting of macaroni salad, rice, and a fried or grilled portion of
seafood or livestock. Her experience and thoughts capture her feelings of not identifying
with something as basic as food, and likely also played into her sentiments of being
different and not comfortable.
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Language.
When referencing experiences on the continental United States, participants often cite
language as a point of difference. Keoni described the language as a barrier to communicating
with his cousins on the East Coast: “Sometimes they can’t understand me, because of my Local
Pidgin talk,” and Melissa described not realizing there was a difference from others when she
was engaging with other students not from Hawai‘i: “People told me I have a Hawaiian accent. I
was like, what are you talking about? Hawaiian people don’t have accents.” While both
examples are different in self-awareness, it is important to acknowledge that a difference was
identified in their language compared to others.
Attire.
Multiple participants described a difference in attire, when visiting the continental United
States. Some referenced their adaptation to the climate change, or others referenced the
difference in appearance and fashion. Frank, a 18-year old Local male, described his interaction
with family members who live in California:
When I went to California, I stayed at my cousin’s house and in Hawai‘i we dress in
rubber slippers and shorts a lot. So, over there… that’s kind of like your pajamas,
wearing slippers, and walking around in shorts and a t-shirt. They’re like, ‘Oh, how come
you’re in your pajamas?’ I’m like, ‘What do you mean? This is how I dress,’ and they’re
like, ‘Oh dude, no… you can’t dress out like that in LA,’ so I had to change. I felt weird.
I think people on the mainland judge more on looks than who you are.

Frank tied his experience to attire as a focus for judgment on others, compared to getting to know
whom the person is, aside from external observations.
Marvin, a 22-year old Local male, who attended a professional conference, shared his
feelings of difference: “They weren’t as courteous. Also, I dressed different. People were
wearing suits and I was wearing an Aloha shirt. When I was out casually, I was wearing slippers
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and people were wearing shoes.” Marvin illustrates how his preconception of appropriate attire
seemed to be at a more casual level, in two different environments.
Behavior.
Many participants who have visited the continental United States voiced their sentiments
regarding how different the Local culture is through examples. A consistent trend was that
people felt the continental United States had a culture that was more rude, aggressive, and
judgmental. Lindsay, a 22-year old Hawaiian and Local female described the differences she
observed while on a recent trip to New York City:
On the mainland, people aren’t as welcoming, or smiley, or helpful. Usually if you see
something or someone needs help, a lot of people here would ask if you need help. But
on the mainland, I don’t really see that. We just went to New York, and people are just
banging into you, and they don’t even care that you’re right there, and it’s so rude.

Ryan, an 18-year old Japanese Local male described his experience and how it made him feel:
“Some thought I was Mexican or Filipino because of my skin color. I guess in the mainland they
judge you by your skin color.” Keoni, a 20-year old Hawaiian and Local male described how his
Caucasian relatives who live on the East Coast think: “They think about success, about having
the best things, and about being the best. Having the newest, nicest, most expensive materials.
They’re so extreme. They have the total different level.” In these examples, and others not
mentioned, the theme of differences in behavior was frequently apparent. The participants did
not seem to welcome the difference, but rather seemed to respond negatively to the behavior they
have observed first hand, during visits to the continental United States.
Jennifer, a 23-year old female, described an experience from a trip to Washington, D.C.:
I went to DC once… and it was just so fast paced. When I was on the escalator, I didn’t
walk down it, and people were mad because I just stood there. Didn’t feel like they
wanted to get to know me. There wasn’t a warm feeling, they don’t say anything.

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Again, Jennifer expresses a negative experience, and describes a lack of a “warm feeling,” and
notes that casual conversation and greetings seemed to be missing.
Nancy, further described her trip to California many years ago, where she felt
very uncomfortable about multiple situations she encountered:
Once when I was 25… when we went to Disneyland. We were young, we just didn’t like
it over there! Here, we have a space distance, do you know what I mean? Whea… you no
come in my space. Right? There, they don’t have no space difference. You bang me, you
better say sorry. There is a lack of being polite, people are not polite in the mainland,
people are polite here. You have to say sorry, when you cross lanes, you gotta “like that”
[waves arm], you know what I mean? But people are not polite up there. Almost got into
fights. “Why you? I just seen you touch her!” I mean… we was like that, wit me and my
sistah, and somebody bang um. Then it’s like, “Eh! You suppose say sorry!” She wen
look at dem, and they just look at you funny, yah? I say, “I jus seen you bang her! You
neva say sorry!” That happen like five times to us. Too much people up there!

So yeah, and the food was junk, neva have no rice. Too much traffic, people so rude! So,
to contrast, to be Hawaiian you cannot be rude. You know what I mean? You betta not
be, somebody gonna call you out if you rude. So, we neva like the rude, we neva like all
the traffic. Umm... yeah, we look different. We talk funny too. We’re so stuck in our
ways, we was acting like country people.

Nancy illustrates the thought process around politeness, and how it was lacking in her example.
She compares and contrasts the observable differences, and ties the differences back to the
Hawaiian culture and expectations of others. As a result, when people from Hawai‘i are not in an
environment that maintains Hawaiian values and Local values, it seems to be a negative
experience, and the lack of courtesy is apparent.
Individualism.
Steve, a 19-year old Hawaiian and Local male described how the Local culture is
different from the continental United States, and how he did not want to be associated with a
different set of values:
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I don’t want to be labeled as someone who’s from the mainland. Just because I know the
values of being friendly and doing what’s right, and helping other people out. A lot of
bad things happen on the mainland. I feel like because they don’t care about each other,
and they don’t have the aloha spirit, that’s why bad things happen.

Steve’s distaste for being “labeled as someone who’s from the mainland,” is a clear example of
how the Local culture does not seem to blend in easily to the values and customs of the
continental United States. Not only do the cultures not mesh well, but also individuals will
clearly state they do not want any association.
Research Results – Influence of HAP Issues Course on Local Identity
Validation
Many participants explained a sense of validation for being Local, and these explanations
were communicated through examples of experiences from the HAP Issues course.
Course aligning with identity of self.
One student experienced a sense of validation through being able to easily connect with
the course content, compared to other classmates who were not Local. Melissa, a 23-year old
female, described her interaction with the content as a validating experience:
A lot of the stories just clicked with me, and it seemed like my classmates were
struggling to understand and I guess that kind of showed me how much I actually knew
and how you can’t just teach someone right there what it means, and pick it up. It’s
something that you have to be exposed to for a while, and kind of have it relate to your
life, in order to understand it.

This experience captures a self-reflecting moment, when Melissa was made consciously aware of
the amount of information she knew as a Local, and why she was able to relate to the course
content, more so than her peers who were not from Hawai‘i. She expresses that her ability to
understand is complex, and is not something that can be taught in a small amount of time.
Rather, the understanding comes with a long duration of exposure and the ability to reflect on
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prior experiences, to fully capture its meaning. As a result, she felt that her life experience as a
Local gave her a stronger platform to easily navigate the literature in the course.
Jamie, a 19-year old Filipino Local female, stated that she and her classmates felt very
impacted by how closely the course content related to a sense of self: “What you read kind of
makes you think that you might know somebody… or you know, that could be you. That’s what
a lot of us in class were saying.” Although these brief comments amongst one another could be
dismissed as casual conversation, at a deeper level these comments have an important meaning
to the course impact on the students who related to the course content.
While it was important to see how some participants could pinpoint specific instances
during the course when they felt a sense of validation, on a broader level, some participants felt
the course overall, impacted pride in their Local identity. Ikaika, has grown up in Hawai‘i, is of
mixed races, and has constantly had to face judgment and assumptions about his identity, as he
looks to be a predominantly Caucasian male. He took multiple HAP Issues courses, and reflects
on how the course impacted him:
I think just the experience and the overall course, any one of them, or all of them
together, have helped reaffirm my identity and my confidence in my identity and my
knowledge of my culture. It’s helped me see myself as a person of mixed ancestry. A
Local/Hawaiian growing up in Hawai‘i, of mixed White blood was always an issue. Just
seeing, or being reaffirmed that the king himself, his grandchildren were half White helps
me to be more positive and solid in myself and my beliefs and the things I say, knowing I
can throw a fact in anybody’s face. So, it just gives me that extra level of confidence.
Also, it’s a great tool for me to help get across and bridge people’s ignorance about a
subject.

Ikaika describes how the HAP Issues courses he has taken validated his identity as an
individual who looks predominantly White, who is also of Hawaiian ancestry. He also
describes not only how the course impacted him, but also how he can use this information
beyond the course, and utilize the knowledge gained as a useful tool.
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Earlier Frank had discussed his experience of his cousins communicating to him that his
attire was not acceptable in Los Angeles. When he has visited them, or they have visited
Hawai‘i, Frank was constantly given messages of how his lifestyle was not seen as acceptable:
It’s given me a new sense of proud, to be Local… cause before I thought maybe Local
was a bad thing, just because we were different from the rest of the United States.
Hawaiian Studies made me feel more comfortable being Local.

Frank discusses how the course has given him a sense of pride and validation to be comfortable
as a Local in Hawai‘i. Prior to the course, Frank seemed to feel a sense of uncertainty, in regard
to the differences about the Local culture in Hawai‘i in comparison to “the rest of the United
States.”
Course reinforcing prior knowledge.
The impact the course had on participants varied. A few participants felt that the course
taught information they had already learned in earlier years of K-12 education, and it was not
new information.
Other participants were able to use their own knowledge base to explain course content to
fellow classmates who were not Local. During these times, participants felt a sense of validation
to their sense of self. Jamie shared an example of when the spectrum of being Local emerged in
the classroom, as some students had a more comprehensive knowledge base regarding certain
topics than others. She experienced a sense of unexpected pride, as she was able to explain more
of the content to the non-Local students, in comparison to some of her other Local peers:
All the Local students would explain the book to the non-Local students. Some Local
students didn’t really do that many Local things, so they were restricted to what they
could explain, but some other people could explain everything about the culture, the
Pidgin, and all that stuff.

This experience of unexpected pride is important in relation to the impact of the HAP Issues
course on Local identity development. The pride emerged as Jamie was able to share her prior
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knowledge about the Local culture, in relation to the book they were reading, and the importance
of her knowledge base was confirmed, as others were not able to speak as widely on the topic.
In addition to participants experiencing a sense of validation through learning about the
Local culture in the classroom, some participants experienced a sense of validation through using
their prior knowledge of the Local culture to assist with the teachings in the classroom.
Course expanding on prior knowledge.
As stated earlier, language proved to be a constant focal point for the Local culture.
Through the HAP Issues course, Kekai was able to increase a sense of validity regarding the
Pidgin spoken in Hawai‘i:
I learned that not only did the Americans and English people affect the Pidgin language,
but also from the Japanese culture, the Filipino culture added into that. We all had the
same mix type that brought us together and makes us into that one Local identity, because
we all speak it, understand it, and use it everyday. Since we all impacted its development,
we can all relate back to it. So, it’s like an intermediary between all the cultures.

This lesson on the history of Pidgin seemed to be an important piece of the curriculum to Kekai.
He highlights the importance of Pidgin as a unifying tool among groups, as multiple groups have
contributed to its construction, similar to the construction of the Local culture.
Earlier, the story about Jorge’s parents being divided on the issue of using Pidgin was
discussed. In taking the HAP Issues course, Jorge learned how Pidgin is viewed as a legitimate
language, and had another discussion with his mother about using Pidgin. “I was trying to tell her
that it has its own dialect and rules… and I think that’s where I won the argument, cause that’s
my way of communicating with everyone else as a Local.” He felt his method of communication
was validated, and the value of it was strengthened, based on what he learned in class.
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Course increasing interest and awareness.
Aside from the course impacting identity development, the course also seemed to
increase an interest or awareness with some participants. Carol, a 19-year old Palauan Local
female describes how the course increased her interest in other cultures:
The part that I liked the most was that we learned not only Hawaiian culture, but Maori
culture, there’s similarities. I liked how we learned about migration. It makes me think
that we’re all related in a way, because we have such similar cultures. Especially in
language, like counting is very similar in Samoan, Hawaiian, Maori, and Tahitian. That’s
pretty cool that we got to learn about that. I know I’m not Maori, but I really want to go
to New Zealand, because the way that my teacher talked about it was so interesting.

As Carol was able to relate different cultures to one another, she increased an interest for
learning not only how they were similar, but how they were different. It seems that the idea of
exploring another culture may be more comfortable if a person can draw on prior knowledge,
and build upon it.
Anthony, a 35-year old Local male, described how his interest in the Hawaiian culture
was increased by the course:
It has made me more interested in learning about Hawaiian culture. It has made me more
interested in the world and the origins of other people and other cultures. I find it so
fascinating and have opened my mind up to the origins of other cultures, their
backgrounds and has brought me closer to the human race.

This expansion of interest is important to recognize, as the intent of the course is to educate
students on specific cultural groups, and the ways in which they intersect. However, if a Local
student clearly references the impact of the HAP Issues course as a reason for an increased desire
to learn more about the Hawaiian culture, it is likely that the interest in the Hawaiian culture can
indirectly impact the development of the Local identity; as it was noted by the data that the Local
culture seems to be rooted in the Hawaiian culture.
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Discussion of Research Question
As illustrated through the themes that emerged through the data collection process, and
the examples that support each theme, a clear definition of the Local identity is actually rather
grey and ambiguous. The process of becoming Local seems to also vary, as some participants
referenced the importance of being born in Hawai‘i, or having Hawaiian ancestry. Many noted
that it is a process of adaptation to a lifestyle and value system rooted in the Hawaiian culture.
Some common facets mentioned to identifying the Local identity were surrounding use of
language, Knowledge of Hawai‘i, and attitude and behavior. The Hawaiian values seemed to
anchor many of the values mentioned as important for the Local culture. Also, the continental
United States provided a platform for many participants to share how they felt different, their
observations about differences, and their opinions on those differences. While these differences
were stark for many participants, there seemed to be a negative underlying tone, in which
participants felt uneasy and uncomfortable in the said environments and situations.
The HAP Issues course seems to have influenced the Local identity of participants in an
overall positive way. While there were few participants who felt that they were indifferent to the
course, it is also possible that these individuals do not strongly identify with their ethnic sense of
self as a primary marker for their own identity. There were multiple instances and references
supporting a theme of validation that emerged from the data. Aside from a sense of validation,
the course seemed to increase interest and awareness for the Hawaiian culture and other cultures
of the world. This is also important, as one of the purposes for the course is to capitalize on the
rich multiethnic groups of people found in the Hawai‘i archipelago.
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Summary
In summary, this study found that participants identified the Local culture as an
adaptation to the lifestyle, being rooted in Hawaiian values, and being different than the
continental United States. In relation to the influence diversity coursework can have on Local
identity development, themes of validation and an increase in interest and awareness emerged.
This study does not comprehensively and fully represent all who identify as Local. This focus of
this study was to identify the Local culture as the participants identified and defined it, and also
examine the impact of a diversity class such as the Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific Issues course on
a community college student’s sense of self, and identity development.

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CHAPTER 6
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
The Local culture has a passive and unspoken character, as many participants stated that
it was a learned culture, yet not a topic often discussed and defined. The participants were able to
clearly define how the Local culture is different than the continental United States. Participants
also discussed how they have learned to filter at different levels, with a subconscious method of
discerning over the cues in determining how a person may or may not be Local, or the level of
being aligned with the Local culture.
Kapi‘olani Community College offers a course that meets a University of Hawai‘i at
Manoa graduation requirement, the Hawaiian, Asian and Pacific Island (HAP) Issues course.
This course curriculum examines the Hawaiian culture at the point of intersection with the Asian
and/or the Pacific Island cultures. This course focuses on racial groups that mirror the racial
majority of the Local culture, and due to the course being a graduation requirement; many
students who identify as Local take the course.
Through a phenomenological analysis, which “seeks to grasp and elucidate the meaning,
structure, and essence of the lived experience of a phenomenon for a person or group of people”
(Patton, 2002, p. 482), the definition of the Local culture was examined, and the impact on sense
of self the HAP Issues course had on individuals who identify as Local.
This impact is important to examine, as there is a large population of individuals who
identify as Local in Hawai‘i, yet do not have the Local identity substantiated through genealogy,
nationality, or other measures of identity. The influence of this course on Local identity
development can be helpful for stakeholders in education to understand how the HAP Issues
course can be meaningful to those who identify as Local in Hawai‘i.
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The Phenomenon of the Local Culture
The Local culture in Hawai‘i is one that is ambiguous by nature, as the Hawai‘i
archipelago experienced a large influx of immigrants in response to a call for plantation laborers,
who had to adapt to a multiracial population, with different cuisine, languages, values, and
cultural norms, within the context of an established society built on Hawaiian values and cultural
norms (Okamura, 1994).
The Hawaiian culture has been cited as the underpinnings of the Local culture (Okamura,
1994) as many of the Hawaiian values can be observed in the Local cultural norms and practices
(Hall, 2005). There is a variation on the definition of the Local identity, as Kwon (1999)
references that the Local culture is exclusive to specific ancestral lineage to certain racial groups,
other literature suggests that it is a more complex definition (Young, 2004; Edles, 2004).
Contributing to the Existing Literature on the Local Culture
While the data analysis of this study does support the ties to the Hawaiian culture, and
certain racial groups over others, another theme emerged and specifically focuses on how the
Local culture is different. Most participants were able to describe observable differences between
the Local culture of Hawai‘i, and the culture of the continental United States. While this does not
specifically cite what the Local culture is, it does describe what the Local culture is not, which is
a reverse approach to honing in on the definition of the Local culture in Hawai‘i. Participants
seemed to be able to more clearly and easily articulate examples, and observations about how the
culture on the continental United States is different than the Local culture in Hawai‘i.
While the ambiguity of the Local culture seemed to persist through the interviews with
participants, some common topics were mentioned, thus organized into the themes mentioned in
the preceding chapter. Adapting to the lifestyle was an overarching theme, with subthemes of
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language, knowledge of Hawai‘i, and attitude and behavior. Another theme of the Local culture
being rooted in Hawaiian values emerged, with subthemes of land, family, care for one another
and collectivism. The third theme that emerged when defining the Local culture was feeling
different than the continental United States. These themes do not seem to fully encompass the
definition of the Local culture in its entirety; however it appears to be a common opinion by
most of the participants who participated in the study.
The Importance of Studying the Local Culture
Relative to the diversity and multicultural education literature, the Local culture is unique
and draws from a different historical background than other groups. The Local culture and those
who identify with it are not frequently represented in the literature surrounding multiethnic
identity as most of the educational research is analyzed through the perspective of “the culturally
disadvantaged and assimilationist Anglo-Eurocentric perspectives” (Bennett, 2001, p. 173).
The Local culture is unsubstantiated by genealogy or nationality, yet is an identity that a
large population of people identify with throughout the Hawaiian Islands (Okamura, 1980;
Trask, 2000). The cultural norms and practices are learned and passed on through the
generations, and among social groups. Aside from learning about the Local culture through oral
tradition and learned behavior, the Local culture is not addressed on a large scale in academia, as
other cultures may be captured and represented in academia.
In gaining a greater understanding of the Local culture, this information can assist
professionals in Student Affairs and faculty who teach HAP Issues courses to have an increased
insight to the student perspective of the Local culture and the influence the course has on identity
development associated with the Local culture. This information can be particularly helpful to
Student Affairs professionals or faculty who are not familiar with the Local culture, and might
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work with students from Hawai‘i who identify with the Local identity. Also the information may
broaden a base of understanding that some students may be experiencing a struggle in navigating
their way in a new structure of societal values on the continental United States. In comparison to
the continental United States, Local students grow up in a passive and humble society, with more
collectivism interwoven in the fabric of society, and as a result may have to learn how to
navigate two different environments.
Overall self-esteem in college students is an important aspect, as self-esteem has been
related to an achieved ethnic identity (Phinney & Alipuria, 1990; Phinney & Chavira, 1992).
Identity
Choice.
The Local identity is a voluntary group to identify with, as it is not tied to gender, race, or
ethnicity, or any group that is pre-determined for the individual. The Local identity is tied to a
place, and beyond this central focus, the definition can become convoluted, as the definition
varies by individual. The important aspect to highlight is that the Local identity is voluntary, and
individuals choose to identify with the group, and others in the group may challenge that choice.
Theory applied to findings.
Ogbu and Simons (1998) examined student success through the lens of history, and the
way in which groups may or may not perceive their current status to be imposed or forced upon
them. Ogbu and Simons (1998) disaggregated students into groups, and examined their academic
performance based on if they identified with groups that he defined as “voluntary” or
“involuntary” minorities. These two classifications are not tied to race or ethnicity, but rather “a
general framework that explains the beliefs and behaviors of different minorities, regardless of
race or ethnicity, and how these beliefs and behaviors contribute to school success or failure”
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(p. 168). Ogbu and Simons (1998) found that “voluntary” minorities “do not experience long-
lasting school performance difficulty and long-lasting cultural and language problems” (p. 164).
While the ethnic diversity of Hawai‘i is rich, the students are often multiethnic, they may
identify with one of their ethnicities over another ethnicity. Depending on the ethnic group the
student identifies with the strongest, it may indicate the ways in which they view the world, and
the ways in which Ogbu and Simons (1998) would examine and explain their academic success.
To compare Ogbu and Simons (1998) to the findings from this study, all participants
identified as “Local,” which Ogbu and Simons (1998) would define as a voluntary minority.
However, in contrast, many of them also identify as Hawaiian, which Ogbu and Simons (1998)
would define as an involuntary minority due to the annexation of Hawai‘i. As a result,
application of Ogbu and Simons’ (1998) Voluntary and Involuntary Minority Theory to the
findings from this study is complex, because individuals identify with multiple ethnic groups that
Ogbu and Simons (1998) define as either “voluntary” or “involuntary” minorities. The impact of
these would depend on the group the student identifies with, and whether or not Ogbu and
Simons (1998) would define the group as “voluntary” or “involuntary.”
Some who identified strongly as Hawaiian voiced their opinions of the Western influence
over Hawai‘i. For example, Nancy stated:
The way we learn here at the university is not the way we learn as Hawaiians. We are
learning Hawaiian concepts in a Western way. You learn in the classroom. You don’t
have hands-on experience doing stuff. We’re in their world now, this is what we gotta do.

Maile described an awareness of Western influence: “It made me think of how we’re so
Westernized and how we don’t incorporate our culture as much as we should.”
In addition to the theme of Western influence, multiple participants who strongly
identified as Hawaiian stated that they do not identify as strongly as some of their other
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ethnicities. Some stated they felt a pressure to perpetuate the Hawaiian culture, due to the general
lack of knowledge about their cultural practices. Others felt that it was due to their family values,
and their families actively engaged in Hawaiian cultural practices.
Other participants who identified as Local and not Hawaiian, did not mention the
Western influence as a point of tension for themselves. Some mentioned their family history of
migration was associated with the hopes and dreams of a life with more opportunities for
success, whether it was associated with the plantation era, or more current generations of
immigrants.
Phinney (1989) has broken down the stages of ethnic identity, beginning with diffuse,
foreclosed, moratorium, and lastly achieved. The findings show examples of how participants
seemed to vary on these stages, as some seemed very appreciative of learning additional
information about the Local culture, whereas others did not seem to find the information as
valuable or important. When discussing the Local culture, many participants seemed to align
with Phinney (1989), in regard to the first stage of Ethnic Identity: Diffuse. This stage is defined
as “little or no exploration of one’s ethnicity and no clear understanding of the issues.”
This stage was repeatedly illustrated as many participants found it challenging to explain
the Local identity, and the issues surrounding the culture. Multiple participants stated that no one
had asked such questions before, and it was difficult to articulate their thoughts on the subject.
Some participants shared that the interview prompted them to want to explore and discuss the
issues with friends or family. One participant stated, “Wow, that felt good to get that out!”
Diversity Requirements within General Education
Diversity requirements are on the rise, as over sixty percent of the institutions that
responded to the millennial survey from the Association of American Colleges and Universities
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indicated that their campus had a diversity requirement, or it was being created (Nelson Laird &
Engberg, 2011). The current percentage of diversity requirements is likely to be higher, as the
survey was conducted over ten years ago. Diversity courses have been defined as “coursework
that focuses on racial/ethnic and/or gender diversity, with relevant distinctions about the type of
courses noted when appropriate” (Bowman, 2010, p. 544). A more simplistic and broad
definition is “courses that have content and methods of instruction that are inclusive of the
diversity found in society” (Nelson Laird, Engberg & Hurtado, 2005, p. 450).
Bennett’s Genres of Multicultural Education
Bennett (2001) constructed a model of research in multicultural education. The structure
is built with four clusters: Curriculum Reform, Equity Pedagogy, Multicultural Competence, and
Societal Equity; and grouped under the four clusters were three genres that related to the overall
cluster. The genres under Curriculum Reform were historical inquiry, detecting bias in texts and
instructional materials, and curriculum theory. The genres under Equity Pedagogy were school
and classroom climate, student achievement, and cultural styles in teaching and learning. The
genres under Multicultural Competence were ethnic identity development, prejudice reduction,
and ethnic group culture. The genres under societal equity were demographics, culture and race
in a popular culture, and social action.
Bennett as a Framework for the Influence of the HAP Issues Course
In examining the extent the HAP Issues course influences the Local identity, the
theoretical framework used was Bennett’s (2001) Genres of Multicultural Education, specifically
cluster three, genre seven; or Multicultural Competence and Ethnic Identity Development,
respectively. Bennett (2001) defines ethnic identity as:
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the degree to which a person feels connected with a ‘racial’ or cultural group, one’s
familial ethnic group while growing up. It is a complex cluster of factors such as self-
labeling, feelings of belonging or feeling set apart, and a desire to participate in activities
associated with the group. (p. 192)

The HAP Issues courses were aligned with the facets of Bennett’s model, and confirmed through
an analysis of course syllabi. This alignment process allowed for the theoretical framework to be
identified as a foundation for data analysis and research design.
Implications
The University of Hawai‘i at Manoa General Education requirements discuss the HAP
Issues Course, and reference its original inception to address the importance that
all students who attend UHM achieve a basic understanding of how the Native culture of
Hawai‘i is similar to and different from the diverse cultures of other Native Pacific
Islanders or the Asian countries. (University of Hawai‘i, 2007)

The data analysis from this study indicates that beyond a basic understanding of the similarities
and differences between the Hawaiian culture and others in the Pacific Rim, there seems to be an
intrinsic awareness and validation that is occurring for students who have completed an HAP
Issues course, and identify as Local in Hawai‘i.
In discussing the impact the extent the HAP Issues Course influenced the participant’s
sense of self, in regard to the Local identity, themes emerged from the data: Validation; and
Increased Interest and Awareness. Within the theme of validation, there seemed to be two
subthemes of the course aligning with identity of self, and the course reinforcing prior
knowledge.
These findings support the hypothesis that while Kapi‘olani Community College is
enforcing a course requirement for graduation, the course has provided an uncalculated formal
education setting for Local students to explore their sense of self in relation to the Local identity.
The course has indicated that many participants feel a sense of validation and pride in their
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115
identity, as a result of completing the HAP Issues course. The formal education setting validates
their sense of self, in regard to an ambiguous identity that many in Hawai‘i adapt to, and pride
themselves to be associated with on a regular basis.
As a required focus area of General Education curriculum, this validation is even
supported further, as Kapi‘olani Community College cites this knowledge base as extremely
important and pertinent enough to be a requirement for all who choose to earn the Associate in
Arts of Liberal Arts, the largest major on a campus of roughly 9,000 students.
These findings also assist Student Affairs Professionals and faculty who teach HAP
Issues courses understand the influence the course may have on students who identify as Local.
With this awareness, stakeholders in education can influence and support the identity
development of Local students in Hawai‘i by supporting and expanding the access of HAP Issues
courses. Also, the focus on Local culture allows for stakeholders to gain a better grasp on the
importance of the Local culture to Local students, and not dismiss this aspect of their identity.
This would be particularly helpful for stakeholders who are not in Hawai‘i, yet serve students
from Hawai‘i who identify with the Local identity, and must learn how to navigate through two
environments.
Limitations of Study
While the study examines a participant’s self-evaluation on the extent the course
influenced their sense of self in relation to the Local identity, the study is limited to an analysis
based on self-evaluation, rather than a standardized and quantitative instrument used to analyze
the influence equally. While referenced here as a limitation, it can also be seen as a strength, as
the variation and variety of perceived influence is specific to an individual, and not applied to a
standard instrument.
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116
Also, the study did not conduct a pre and post process; which may have helped with the
analysis of measuring the extent the HAP Issues course influenced the participant’s Local
identity development.
Strengths of Study
The aim of this study was to focus on the extent of influence a course could have on a
student’s identity, specifically a HAP Issues course on the Local identity. The study allowed
students to explore their own definition of the Local culture and identity in Hawai‘i. Many felt
the interview was a positive experience, and felt that there was a high level of self-awareness that
occurred during the interview. Participants identified the sense of self-awareness particularly in
relation to the subconscious process a Local person in Hawai‘i may experience, to filter the ways
in which another person fits or does not fit into their definition of a Local person.
Most participants referenced the fact that this was a topic not often discussed, and the
interview design asked for specifics regarding the ways in which an individual would filter
through defining the Local culture, requiring participants to reflect on their own beliefs and
assumptions about the topic.
Summary
Through this study, the extent to which the HAP Issues course influenced the
development of the Local identity was analyzed, and through the data analysis it was found that
there was an overall perceived positive influence by the participants in relation to their identity
as a Local in Hawai‘i. The development of a student’s sense of self is critical in self esteem
(Cole, Matheson & Anisman, 2007; Syed, Azmitia & Cooper, 2011) and overall student success.
There were a few participants who felt indifferent to the course, as it is possible the
content did not resonate with them as they may identify with the Local identity but it may not be
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117
their primary sense of identity. Some who were indifferent felt that the course curriculum was
too basic, which may be related to a higher sense of identity development in relation to the Local
identity. However, those who were indifferent admitted they had also taken courses that were
higher-level courses associated with the Hawaiian culture, and felt the content to be more
beneficial and engaging.
Overall, it is important to note that students who identify as Local in Hawai‘i are
receiving a positive message about their proclamation of an identity that has been repeatedly
defined as ambiguous and politically charged. The legitimacy of the Local culture and identity is
not the aim of the study, but the extent to which the course influences a student’s identity
development is important for awareness and implications for future practice, planning, and
research.

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Abstract (if available)

Abstract As diversity coursework throughout the continental United States increases in presence at post-secondary institutions, the composition of ethnic diversity within the archipelago of Hawaii is different. The dominant group is non-white, and the diversity coursework requirement of the University of Hawaii system is designed to highlight the unique culmination of cultures that intersect in the Hawaiian Islands. This phenomenological research study examined the influence of the Hawaiian, Asian, and/or Pacific (HAP) Issues courses on the Local Identity Development of thirty student participants at Kapi‘olani Community College who self-identified as Local. The participants were asked to engage in 45-60 minute interviews, to share their definition of the Local culture, and how the course influenced their identity as a Local in Hawaii. The data analysis indicated that most participants felt the course validated their sense of self, in relation to the Local identity. The analysis refers to quotes and observations the participants shared in their interviews.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Sakamoto, Shannon K. (author)

Core Title An awareness of local identity: influence of Hawaiian, Asian, and Pacific (HAP) issues course at Kapi‘olani Community College

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publication Date 11/05/2013

Defense Date 04/11/2013

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag community college,diversity curriculum,diversity requirements,Hawaii,identity,local,local culture,local identity,OAI-PMH Harvest,student development

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Cole, Darnell G. (committee chair), Sundt, Melora A. (committee member), Venegas, Kristan M. (committee member)

Creator Email sakamoto.shannon@gmail.com,ssakamot@usc.edu

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-343625

Unique identifier UC11295336

Identifier etd-SakamotoSh-2130.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-343625 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-SakamotoSh-2130.pdf

Dmrecord 343625

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Sakamoto, Shannon K.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA