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Latina elected officials in California: a call to action to prepare and pipeline Latinas into the political process
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Latina elected officials in California: a call to action to prepare and pipeline Latinas into the political process
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Running head: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 1 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS IN CALIFORNIA: A CALL TO ACTION TO PREPARE AND PIPELINE LATINAS INTO THE POLITICAL PROCESS by Erica L. Jacquez A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA GRADUATE SCHOOL In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF POLICY, PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT December 2013 Copyright 2013 Erica L. Jacquez LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 2 Table of Contents List of Tables 5 Abstract 6 Chapter One: Introduction 7 Research Purpose 8 Research Problem or Need for the Study 9 Status and Trends 9 Literature Review Preview 9 Women as Political Candidates 10 Latinos in the United States as Political Participants 11 Latinas in the United States as Political Participants 12 Research Methods 13 Identification Process 13 Information Gathering Process 14 Conclusion to Chapter One 15 Chapter Two: Women in US Politics 16 Introduction to Chapter Two 16 Awaiting Madame President 17 Perception Meeting Reality 18 Women in the 113th Congress Shattering the Glass Ceiling 18 When Women Run, Women Win 19 Women Presidential Appointees in the Obama Administration 20 Women in the California State Legislature 21 How Women Voted in the 2012 Presidential Election 22 Do Female Legislators Differ from Their Male Counterparts? 22 Understanding the Policy Impact of Electing Women 23 Chapter Three: Literature Review, Latinos and Politics 25 Latino/a 26 Latino Immigrants 27 Latino Civic Participation 27 Latino Youth 28 Naturalized Latinos 31 Political Elites 32 Issues Important to Latinos in the 2012 Presidential Election 32 Latinos’ Role in the 2012 Presidential Election 32 Latinos in the US Senate, Congress, and State Politics 33 State of California 34 California’s Latino Population and 2012 Redistricting 34 Latinos in California Elected Office: 1996–2011 35 Chapter Four: Literature Review, Latinas as Political Participants 36 Latinas Effect on Population Growth and the Electorate 36 Latina Voting Patterns in Presidential Elections 37 Latina Elected Officials in California 38 California State Legislature 38 Term Limits in California: Opportunity or Barrier? 40 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 3 Congresistas of California 41 Issue Advocacy 42 Latinas’ Role in Politics 43 Grassroots 43 Connectedness 43 Employment Activism 45 Family as a Political Force 46 Development of Self 46 Desire to Lead 46 The Power of Connection 47 Political Training Tools for Latinas 48 Conclusion to Chapter Four 51 Chapter Five: Research Methodology 53 Collecting and Comparing Research Data 54 Measurements 55 Survey 55 Information Gathering Process 55 Interviews 56 Interviewing 57 Respondent Demographics 57 Data Analysis 57 Origin Context 58 Population/Sample Description 60 Sample Determination 61 Key Assumptions 61 Reliability 61 Sample Size 62 Method 63 Surveys 63 Step-by-Step Process 63 Chapter Six: Results 65 Project Survey Results 65 Origin/Self-Identification 65 Role Models 67 Strong Male Figure 69 Exposed to Politics 70 Education Attainment 72 Madrinas Politicas 74 Self-Motivated or Encouraged to Run for Office? 76 Why They Sought Political Office 77 Elected Positions 78 Criticisms/Apprehensions/Barriers 79 Lessons Learned 82 Qualities and Characteristics Latinas Need to be Politically Successful 83 Term Limits: Barrier or Opportunity? 85 Legislative Impact 87 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 4 Encouraging Latinas to Become Madrinas Politicas 89 Advice 90 Mentoring/Grooming 92 Summary 92 Chapter Five: Discussion, Conclusions, and Recommendations 94 Candidate Pool/Strategic Mapping 95 Strategic Mapping 96 Political Training Curriculum 97 Support System and the Issue of Self 97 Mentoring 99 Political Fundraising 99 Rapid Response Team 100 Madrinas Politicas 101 Preparing and Pipelining the Next Generation of Latina Leaders 102 Conclusion to the Study 104 References 105 Appendix A: Subjects Interviewed 117 Appendix B: Survey 118 Appendix C: Letter Requesting Interview 120 Appendix D: Political Trainings and Resources 121 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 5 List of Tables Table 1: Percent of Women Office Holders in the United States 10 Table 2: Representation of Women in the Senate, 2003 vs. 2013 22 Table 3: Latinos and Latinas Holding Office 39 Table 4: Open Seats in the California Legislature, 2014 and 2016 97 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 6 Abstract This research project is a cumulative and qualitative inquiry into the Latina elected officials who legislate in the State of California. The study provides details of their political journeys as well as a blueprint to empower and encourage Latinas to seek elected office and Madrinas Politicas as political stewards within their communities. Data include political obstacles, victories, community organizing, and legislative impacts. Themes of significance include a need for political mentors, barriers to fundraising, developing the issue of self, and creating a pipeline for Latinas to run for office. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 7 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Recently, the State of California deemed that it no longer has a minority group. Although the Latino population has reached parity with the White non-Hispanic population, Latinos lag on income compared to their White cohorts. Political parity in the state legislature between women and women of color compared to males is at issue in this research project. The State of California’s enacted term limits have created a prime opportunity to prepare and pipeline qualified minorities to seek elected office at local, state, and federal levels. The sheer number of the Latino population and its collective impact as a voting bloc was well documented in the 2012 presidential election. This research project will focus on Latinas in politics and the need to pipeline Latinas into elected office and provide a strategy to meet the opportunities presented by term limits. My secondary focus will be on engaging the Latina “matriarch”—“Madrina Politicas,” who are the trusted gate keepers of the community—and utilizing them as a tool to reach out to and enable this powerful political voting bloc to become players within the political strata. This dissertation will be both a scholarly and practical review and analysis of Latina elected officials in the State of California, examining their political journey and providing practical tools to pipeline Latinas into the political process. This doctoral project will address the following questions: How do we prepare, encourage and pipeline Latinas to run for office? In addition, how do we engage Latinas to be a part of the political process? The outcome of this project is to produce a template for empowering Latinas to seek elected office in California. This project offers practical recommendations and advice from past/current Latina elected officials in California and will demystify the political process, discuss obstacles and create a path way for Latinas to utilize to seek elected office. A secondary goal will be to further empower, engage LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 8 and create a paradigm shift for Latinas to become political participants within the Latino community and all levels of government. I chose to focus on Latinas as political players, as there appears to be a lack of representation per population capita in comparison to non-Latina elected officials and their Latino male counterparts. This paper will conclude with a call to action, providing practical advice from current and past Latina elected officials and offering recommendations on how to create a pipeline for qualified Latinas to run for elected office within the State of California. The research is grounded on interviews of Latina elected officials within the State of California. These subjects included Latinas represented at the California Assembly, State Senate and Congress. This research excluded focusing on Latino males as elected officials. Rather, I focused on the Latina elected official’s journeys, obstacles and demonstrate the importance of engaging the Latina matriarch (Madrinas Politicas) into the political process directly impacting the Latino community as a whole as a tool to engage them as political players. Research Purpose The purpose of this project was threefold: 1. I administered interview surveys with current and past Latina elected officials within the context of the State of California’s legislature, U.S. Congress members, Los Angeles Unified School District Board (LAUSD) members, and Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, discussing their political journeys, obstacles, triumphs, legislation, and pearls of wisdom along with their unique perspectives on the Latino agenda; 2. I interpreted their answers from the survey and put them into practical best practices to help educate, inspire and lay out a blueprint for other Latinas to seek elected office; and LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 9 3. I utilized the voices and experiences of these Latina elected officials to develop programming and political recommendations. Research Problem or Need for the Study The goal of this project is to focus attention on the significant impact Latinas have made through elected office and as community leaders. This study reflects my background both professionally and personally, thus qualifying me to speak about this specific population. For this study, I utilized data from the surveys—in addition to cross referencing with the literature—to produce a document that reflects the practical knowledge of these unique women; inspire the next generation of Latina Leaders; and formulate a strategic blueprint that will enable developing, preparing, and funding future Latina elected officials within the State of California. Status and Trends One aim of this project was to provide practical data, as most studies in this area are minimal and/or dated. This research project provides a different context: a reflective perspective from Latina legislator pioneers along with following outcomes of the Madrinas Politicas. It will also present special characteristics and trends that I identified during the research. Literature Review Preview The literature review will examine several marginalized communities and consider the effects that gender and race have on civic engagement and political leadership, identify trends, and compare and contrast barriers/obstacles to seeking elected office. Research on Latinas, women, and Latinos will be presented with regard to background, political leadership, and civic engagement. The literature review also presents data on the growing US Hispanic community and its direct correlation to political influence. It will also discuss trends among these demographics, including background, beliefs, political activity, and organizing. A list of some existing political leadership training programs for women and Latinas is also provided. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 10 The literature on Latinas in politics in the U.S. is very limited. But the significant impact Latinos and Latinas had in the 2012 election revealed this demographic to be one of the most courted “swing” groups. The modest research that does exist on Latinas shows that they continue to be even less represented in positions of leadership, earn less money, and deal with obstacles related to color, language, culture, and socioeconomic status than their nonminority female counterparts (Leon 2008). Women as Political Candidates Although we have made great strides in terms of women’s representation in elected office, women in positions of political power in the United States has not kept pace globally; 90 nations now surpass the U.S. in the percentage of women in the national legislature (Union, Inter- Parliamentary. "Women in national parliaments." 2010). According to Women & Politics Institute, American University, and The Center for American Women and Politics, Rutgers University, women in politics have not met the criteria of parity as identified in Table 1, below. Table 1 2012 Percent of Women Office Holders in the United States Women Office Holders in the U.S. % US Senators 20.0 Members of the US House of Representatives 18.3 State Legislators 24.2 Mayors of the 100 Largest Cities 12.0 Studies throughout the literature address several factors, but one specific issue that appears to be a continuing trend is the reluctance of women to seek elected office. Currently, researchers have shown that when women run, women win (Fox & Lawless, 2012). The question is thus: If it is an opportune time to seek elected office, why are women not pursuing this political path? Many LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 11 studies have shown that women are deterred from seeking elected office because of perceived and self-imposed barriers, including fundraising, not seeing themselves as knowledgeable enough to hold elected office, impacts on their family, and not having the political support from their political party. Given the persistent gender gap in political ambition, we are a long way from political parity. Recruiting female candidates and disseminating information about the electoral environment can help narrow the gender gap in ambition and increase women’s representation. But many barriers to women’s interest in running for office can be overcome only with major cultural and political changes (Fox & Lawless, 2012). Therefore, we are at an opportune historical moment in history for woman to have a fair shot in seeking elected office—and winning, as demonstrated by the historic number of women serving in the 113 th Congress with success in the 2012 election. Training, support and political action money is needed in order to assist women seeking elected office. Latinos in the United States as Political Participants The sheer size of the Latino population and its political impact is key for Latinos to become active political participants. The record number of Latinos who cast ballots in the 2012 presidential election provided the leading edge of an ascendant ethnic voting bloc that is likely to double in size within a generation, according to a Pew Hispanic Center analysis based on U.S. Census Bureau data, Election Day exit polls, and a new nationwide survey of Hispanic immigrants (Taylor, Gonzalez-Barrera, Passel, & Lopez, 2012). The nation’s 53 million Hispanics comprise 17% of the total US population but just 10% of all voters this year, according to Pew’s national exit poll. In addition, the Latino share of the electorate will rise quickly for several reasons: Hispanics are the nation’s youngest ethnic group, LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 12 with a median age of 27 years—and just 18 years among native-born Hispanics—compared to 42 years for White non-Hispanics. If Hispanics’ relatively low voter participation rates and naturalization rates were to increase to the levels of other groups, the number of votes that Hispanics actually cast in future elections could double within two decades (Taylor, Gonzalez- Barrera, Passel, & Lopez, 2012). These factors present an opportunity for Latinos to take an active role in the political process and push toward political parity. So, how do you educate, activate, and mobilize the Latino community to become civically engaged? Latinas in the United States as Political Participants Hispanics are the fastest growing population in the U.S. (The U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2008). Yet, Latinas remain scarce in the private sector—and scarcer in public sector leadership positions (Leon, 2008). A study performed by Takash (1993) looked specifically at elected Latina officials in California. The study consisted of a survey of 50.6% of the 150 Chicana/Latina elected officials in the early 1990s, and revealed that, “proportionally, more Latinas serve as elected officials than women in general”(341), and that “64% participated in campaign work, 61% claimed community activism, and 70% served as board members of local organizations” (344). Takash (1993) also indicated that 67% of these women had won in large elections for local office; 68.2% were the first Latinas to serve in their positions; and that, although over 80% of Latina officials supported feminist goals, just over 50% actually labeled themselves feminists. Takash (1993) found that these officials seemed more concerned with issues affecting Latinos generally than with those that might be considered women-specific (Fraga & Navarro, 2004). The literature review presents a positive outlook for Latina/os as political participants. It also demonstrates the need to empower Latinos to become civically engaged and demonstrate their political power—at an opportune time for Latinas to consider seeking elected office as a LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 13 viable option. With the sheer size of the Latino population and the positive views of minority women seeking elected office, and opportunities created due to term limits means it is time to develop and pipeline Latinas into the political strata to seek elected office. Research Methods This project utilized a qualitative approach, but will report quantitative and qualitative data in order to illustrate the unique characteristics possessed by identified Latina legislators relating to their childhood, personal political stories, opinions, political party, ethnicity, age, and family factors, among others. This project also reports sage political insight and advice to identify and define the population under discussion. I also compared the trends from the surveys of the Latina elected officials to findings from the literature. I utilized additional qualitative research methods that captured the experiences, opinions, and ideas for Latina elected officials in order to provide a blueprint to prepare other Latinas to run for elected office and to engage Latinas in general to become politically active. I introduce a program with a set of recommendations for Latinas that will create a paradigm shift and may change the political lives of Latinas. Identification Process I interviewed Latina elected officials (current and past members) from the California State Legislature, Assembly, and Senate. I also interviewed Latina congressional members who represent districts within the State of California and Latina Los Angeles Unified School District elected board members. The data gathered from the interviews in addition to the literature review will serve to assess the qualities, characteristics, leadership, and grassroots activism that will assist Latinas in becoming political participants. My strategy of inquiry was qualitative in LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 14 nature and utilized survey, interviews, observation, examples from case studies, and grounded theory based on the experiences of the participants. All interviews were conducted via phone conference calls with interviews averaging approximately 45 minutes to one hour. The survey addressed the following topics: 1. Childhood: Birthplace, parents’ birthplace, role models, exposure to politics; 2. Education: Leadership, public/private education, level of education attainment; 3. Organizing: Issues Driven topics, seeking elected office, barriers, experiences; 4. Legislative Impact: Legislation introduced and passed, biggest lessons learned, and how to be politically effective; 5. State of California Term Limits: Pipelining, barriers, or opportunity? 6. Strategy: Candidate Pool, qualities to be electable, best practices for Latinas to run for office, elected position held, engaging Latinas to be political participants; 7. Self-Identification: Ethnic identification, political affiliation. Information Gathering Process All Latina elected officials within the California state legislature—current and previous— were issued a request to participate in a survey. The fifteen identified subjects were given a letter along with the questions proposed via mail and email. Twelve participants who agreed to participate were interviewed. The survey topics focused on their childhood, education, organizing, legislative impacts, discussions of the State of California’s term limits, self- identification, and strategies for Latinas to be successful candidates seeking elected office. In addition, participants were asked for permission to have the interview taped and informed that interviews were to be utilized exclusively for this dissertation. All subjects agreed. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 15 The Internal Review Board (IRB) deemed these interviews as exempt. During the interview process, subjects were asked to speak candidly about their lives, political experiences, and community organizing, and discussed political lessons, offering wisdom to enable, encourage, and inspire Latinas to seek political office. Conclusion to Chapter One Term limits in the state provides a unique opportunity for Latinos and women to participate in elected office. This issue affords the opportunity to study the growth of the Latino population, and to address the issue of political representation. This project studied Latina political representation, including the specific traits/characteristics these women had to offer to the political system, obstacles they may have faced as candidates, and recommendations on preparing, developing, and recruiting Latina leaders into the political pipeline. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 16 CHAPTER TWO: WOMEN IN US POLITICS Introduction to Chapter Two This chapter focuses on the political realities women in the U.S. face in seeking elected office. The current political climate affords women the opportunity to seek elected office; however studies have demonstrated that per capita, the amount of women seeking elected office does not equal that of their male counterparts. Studies showing that women candidates are equally competitive as men; it supports the notion that “when women run, women win.” Thus the scarcity of women candidates—rather than the poor performance of women candidates—seem to explain the lack of gender parity in office holding (Lawless & Fox, 2005). This chapter will establish examples of women’s quest to seek political parity in the White House, U.S. Congress, and the State of California Legislature as well as discuss their political contributions. It will also illustrate how women are a powerful voting bloc that can swing an election, as demonstrated in the 2012 presidential election of Barack Obama. Finally, this chapter will offer examples of how women differ in terms of the legislation they introduce. According to the Rutger’s University Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) Eagleton Institute of Politics, the past 30 years has seen dramatic change, not only in the number of women serving in Congress, but also within their strong commitment to representing the needs and interests of American women. Although congresswomen continued to hold markedly diverse views about what women need and how best to advance women’s interests in the policy process, in Hawkesworth et all study, their subjects reported having a steadfast commitment to undertaking the political work necessary to advancing a political agenda for women (Hawkesworth, Casey, Jenkins, & Kleeman, 2001). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 17 A 2011 study by the Barbara Lee Family Foundation found that to win elected office, women must be likeable, be perceived as having and setting the right priorities, and be seen as good at problem solving. They must also be regarded as agents of change and show mastery of the economy. Awaiting Madame President In 1872, Victoria Woodhull, representing the Equal Rights Party ticket, became the first woman to seek election as president of the United States. In the 2008 presidential election, Hillary Clinton became the closest any woman has come to earning the nomination of a major party for president. Lawrence and Rose (2010) studied Hillary Clinton’s race for the White House, and identified significant and deeply entrenched cultural attitudes associating the presidency with masculinity. However, sex stereotypes are not insurmountable barriers to political advancement for women. Noting strong patterns of support for female candidates expressed in public opinion polls, actual polling about women and the presidency indicates that should a woman run for the presidency her sex is unlikely to keep her from office. In their study analyzing female presidential candidacies, Lawrence and Rose (2010) discussed three interlocking variables, including gender stereotypes, media routines, and candidates and their contexts. They concluded that together these three dimensions form the climate in which any woman seeking to be president must compete (Lawrence & Rose, 2010). For women, entry into the US political arena has proven to be a difficult and antagonistic process that has gradually become more acceptable over the years. Until now, women in the political field have been mavericks who have endured a contentious, male-dominated profession, yet they have persevered in opening doors for other women to enter the political system. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 18 Perception Meeting Reality Studies by Political Parity have revealed that in addition to bringing about improved policy outcomes, women have an advantage over their male counterparts. For example, the American public rates women above or equal to men in seven of eight traits considered crucial for leadership. Women are perceived as outgoing, hardworking, honest, intelligent, creative, compassionate, and ambitious. Women are ranked higher in public polling than men in five of seven key policymaking areas, including working out compromises, keeping government honest, standing up for what they believe in, and representing constituents’ interests. Political Parity also reported on women’s legislative impacts, stating that on average, women sponsor and cosponsor more bills than do men and are able to enlist more cosponsors. They are also 31% more effective at advancing legislation and see continued success farther into the legislative process. Congresswomen deliver 9%—or roughly $49 million—more per year in federal programs to their home districts than do congressmen. Women across the political spectrum are more likely than their male counterparts—of either party—to prioritize issues affecting women, families, and children on their legislative agendas. Regardless of party affiliation, women have voted more consistently in favor of environmental protections and policies than men have over the past 25 years in both the House and the Senate (Foundation, 2011). Women in the 113th Congress Shattering the Glass Ceiling Success in the elections earned 2012 praise as the “Year of the Woman.” The 113th Congress has the most women serving ever in US history. For example, 20 US Senators (16 D, 4 R) are women. Continuing the trend of pioneers, this election demonstrated newly elected representatives, including Democrats Elizabeth Warren, Tammy Baldwin, and Mazie Hirono, all LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 19 are first female senators from their respective states. Mazie Hirono is the first Asian American woman in the Senate, and Tammy Baldwin is the first openly gay senator-elect (Bassett, 2012). When Women Run, Women Win According to Rutgers’s Center for American Women and Politics Eagleton Institute of Politics, the House of Representatives have also broken the record with the most women serving in Congress: 78 women served as congresswomen, which breaks the previous record of 73. Among the newly elected to the 113 th Congress, two were pioneers; Congresswomen Tulsi Gabbard and Tammy Duckworth both possessed a military background. Congresswoman Gabbard was the first Hindu in Congress, and both Gabbard and Meng were elected as congresswomen under the age of 40. There was also an increase in the number of congresswomen of color. As of 2013, the new record is 28 women of color (26D, 2R) in the House: African Americans (13D); 9 Latinas (7D, 2R); 6 Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders (6D) (Rutgers Center for American Women and Politics 2013). In 2012, a surge of women ran for Congress in the general election—an all-time high in US history. According to the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), a total of 181 women were on the ballot for the 2012 election—163 women were nominated by their parties for the House of Representatives and 18 women for the US Senate. Another record shattered was with 141 female congressional nominees (88 Democrats/53 Republicans) in 2010 and 14 (6 Democrats/5 Republicans) in 2004(Rutgers Center for American Women and Politics). In addition, on the Democratic side, women and minorities, a key demographic to President Obama’s reelection, helped elect women. For the first time in US history, collectively minorities and women will outnumber White male Democrats. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 20 Women Presidential Appointees in the Obama Administration President Obama’s first term led to the representation of women and women of color in high ranks within the administration. In 2008, the United States came close with a presidential bid from then-Senator Hillary Clinton. Although she did not win the election, she was credited with instituting 18 million (voters) cracks in the proverbial glass ceiling. From 2009 to 2013, she was appointed and served as the 67th United States Secretary of State, and previously served New York as a US Senator from 2001 to 2009 (National First Ladies Library 2013). On February 24, 2009, Secretary Hilda L. Solis was confirmed and served as Secretary of Labor until 2013. Prior to confirmation, Secretary Solis represented the 32nd Congressional District in California, a position she held from 2001 to 2009. Valerie B. Jarrett is a Senior Advisor to President Barack Obama. She is also the Chair of the White House Council on Women and Girls. Cecilia Muñoz is Director of the White House Domestic Policy Council. Prior to that, Muñoz served as the White House Director of Intergovernmental Affairs. A longtime civil rights advocate, she worked as Senior Vice President for the Office of Research, Advocacy and Legislation at the National Council of La Raza (NCLR), a nonprofit organization established to improve opportunities for Hispanic Americans, overseeing advocacy activities that cover issues of importance to immigrants (The White House, Office of the Press Secretary 2012). History was also made in the Supreme Court. In May 2009, President Barack Obama nominated Sonia Sotomayor to the Supreme Court to replace retired Justice David Souter. Her nomination was confirmed by the Senate in August 2009 by a vote of 68–31 (Desjardins, Keck & Mears 2009). On the court, Sotomayor has proved a reliable member of the liberal bloc when the justices divide along ideological lines. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 21 Women in the California State Legislature The State of California has fared well in terms of women’s representation in elected office. According to the Rutgers Center for American Women and Politics analysis, currently, the State of California is represented by two female US Senators: Feinstein and Boxer; there are nine women in the State Senate and 21 in the House of Representatives. According to the State of California’s Legislative Women’s Caucus, on the statewide side, Debra Bowen is the current Secretary of State and Kamala Harris holds the position of Attorney General (Rutgers University, Ready to Run 2013) . The number of women of color representation has begun to decline over the years. According to Close the Gap (2013), women make up more than 50% of the population of California but only 26% of the legislature. In 2003, the California State Legislature ranked 6th in the U.S. for women’s representation; a decade later California has dropped to 19th. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 22 Table 2 Representation of Women in the United States Senate, comparison 2003 vs. 2013 2003 2013 0 African American women in Senate 0 African American women in Senate 0 African American women in Assembly 3 African American women in Assembly 6 Latinas in Senate 1 Latina in Senate 6 Latinas in Assembly 5 Latinas in Assembly 0 Asian Pacific Islander in Senate 1 Asian Pacific Islander in Senate 4 Asian Pacific Islander in Assembly 1 Asian Pacific Islander in Assembly Note. Figures taken from Close the Gap <http://closethegapca.org/about-us/what-we-do/#8> How Women Voted in the 2012 Presidential Election According to CNN’s exit polls, 55% of women voted for Obama, whereas only 44% voted for Mitt Romney. Men preferred Romney by a margin of 52 to 45%, and women made up about 54% of the electorate. In total, the gender gap on election day, 2012, added up to 18%—a significantly wider margin than the 12-point gender gap in the 2008 election(Bassett 2012). Women’s strong support in the swing states also gave Obama a significant advantage over Romney(CNN Politics Election 2012 Results, 12/10/12). Women in California mainly voted for President Obama (64%) and for Romney (34%). Do Female Legislators Differ from Their Male Counterparts? In psychological tests, females typically score higher on affiliation and lower on power, achievement, and motivation. Women view power as a means to promote change, whereas men view power as a means of having influence over other people (Jones, 1983). Carol Gilligan (1977) developed a theory of moral development that featured the distinctive voices of women on relationships and caring. She stated that a woman approaches decision making by considering others; morality consists of the protection of individual rights, which manifests in the differences between male and female legislators (Gilligan & Attanucci, 1988). In 1989, less than 5% of the LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 23 directors of large corporations were women, and of the executives listed in Standard and Poor’s Executive Registry, women constituted only 16% of all corporate presidents and 13% of executive vice presidents (Forbes, Piercy, & Hayes, 1988). Women in state legislatures in the 1970s were older—in their 40s—when elected to office (Johnson, 1978). In an analysis of the 88th and 91st Congresses, Gehlen (1977) found that female members supported traditional liberal initiatives, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, more than their male colleagues and that more female members cosponsored the Equal Rights Amendment and other liberal initiatives (Gehlen, 1977). Two 1985 studies by Poole and Zeigler confirmed that female members in the House of Representatives were still more liberal in voting and more supportive of women’s issues. In one study, Welch (1985) concluded that the liberal gap between male and female members’ voting records had lessened. A study at the congressional level found that female members were more supportive of social welfare legislation and less supportive of defense spending and interventionist foreign policy than males (Antolini, 1984). At the minimum, then, female legislators continue to represent women by emphasizing women’s issues, and serving as catalysts for changes in the content and direction of public policy (Becker, 1991). Understanding the Policy Impact of Electing Women Female legislators may devote special attention to the interests of women, children, and families. Additionally, women may exhibit a different style of leadership that will have consequences in every process by which public policy is made. The evidence demonstrates that women serving in the state legislature exhibit unique policy priorities, particularly in the area of women’s issues. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 24 Scholars have found that in comparison to men, female legislators are more liberal in their policy attitudes and exhibit a greater commitment to the pursuit of feminist initiatives and legislation incorporating issues of traditional concern to women, including education, health, and welfare (Berkman & O’Conner, 1993; Saint-Germain et. all 1991; Thomas, 1994). Female legislators expressed a sense of responsibility to represent the interests of women and were more likely than men to view women as a distinct part of their constituencies (Reingold, 1992; Thomas, 1994). They exhibit a distinctive way of thinking about policy problems. For example, Frankovic (1982) noted that women favor rehabilitative initiatives whereas men prefer alternative remedies, including punishment. Thomas (1994) and Saint-Germain (1989) maintained that the presence of a women’s caucus provides women with resources beyond their numbers, thus reducing the negative effects of tokenism. In Congress, women are expanding the agenda to include gender-related concerns by sponsoring and cosponsoring more legislation concerning feminist issues and issues that reflect women’s traditional roles as caregivers than their male colleagues (Swers, 2000; Vega & Firestone, 1995). Female legislators also demonstrate higher rates of participation in floor debates on women’s issues, speaking with a distinctive voice. The research has shown that we now live in a political climate accepting of women in elected office. The idea that when women run, women win is evident, as in the case of the 2012 Congressional elections; however there is an issue with political parity. Women elected officials offer different views and advocacy for women, and tend to legislate and use their political power to promote change versus their male counterparts, who use their status as a means of having influence (Jones, 1983). Therefore, encouraging, recruiting, developing, and pipelining female candidates is paramount. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 25 CHAPTER THREE: LITERATURE REVIEW, LATINOS AND POLITICS In the 2012 presidential election, Latinos proved to be a significant “swing vote” in reelecting President Obama. The Latino population continues to grow and has found an opportunity for political participation in US politics. Although Latinos have made great strides in terms of voter turnout, voter apathy continues to be a challenge. This literature review focuses on the Latino vote, civic engagement, and focus on their influence as a voting bloc. It is a critical time to address social inequities that challenge Latinos, as they constitute one of the fastest growing populations in the country. It is well documented that Latino communities, along with other marginalized communities, face significant disparities in health care, education, and economic indicators. Therefore, political representation and influence are critical for this population to advance. The Latino population has grown at an exponential rate in the United States, making it a potentially powerful voting bloc. According to Pew Hispanic Center (2012) projections, Hispanics will account for 40% of the growth in the eligible electorate in the U.S. between 2013 and 2030, at which time 40 million Hispanics will be eligible to vote—up from 23.7 million. Latinos are the nation’s largest minority group. In addition, in 2011 51.9 million Latinos were in the U.S., making up 16.7% of the nation’s population (Pew Center, 2012). That Latinos reside in states with large numbers of electoral votes—including California, Texas, New York, New Jersey, and Florida—is of the utmost importance in creating a powerful voting bloc. Studies have predicted that due to their sheer numbers, Latino population growth will transform local and national politics. For example, one study estimated that Latinos accounted for 90% of all newly registered voters in California from 2003 to 2013 (Fraga Martinez-Ebers, Ramirez, & Lopez, 2003). According to the US Census Bureau, the estimated LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 26 Hispanic population of the United States as of July 1, 2011 was 52 million, making people of Hispanic origin the nation's largest ethnic or race minority. In 2011, Hispanics constituted 16.7% of the nation's total population. In addition, there are 3.7 million residents of Puerto Rico, a Caribbean US territory. By July 1, 2050, the Hispanic population of the United States is projected to be 132.8 million, constituting 30% of the nation's population. (U.S. Census Bureau, March 24, 2011). This number presents an opportunity for the Latino community to be politically active participants, therefore ensuring their political power. Latino/a The term Latino is preferred as a means of uniting Latino groups whose identity is socially constructed by US foreign policy (Hayes-Bautista & Chiapa, 1987). Although there are different cultures within the Latino community, Latinos have the potential to unite these groups around collective action. Community leaders have popularized the term Latino to represent the collective concerns of the Spanish-speaking population in response to common structural conditions in the area of education, politics, and economics (Padilla, 1985). These groups tend to identify themselves as something other than American to oppose English-only proposals, to support bilingual education, to sympathize with new immigrants, to see America as a country built on diversity, and to work to promote that diversity in the development of the community (Calderon, 1991). Although cultural factors such as a common language and religion are assumed to provide a natural basis for Latino commonality, an array of structural barriers prevents greater Latino solidarity. As a group, Latinos have protected status in most civil rights legislation and are acknowledged as a group by most public and private entities (Kaufmann, 2003). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 27 Latino Immigrants Since immigration law passed in 1965 ending quotas on immigration from South and Central America and the Caribbean, millions of Latinos have entered the United States, diversifying previously dominant Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Cuban communities. As immigrant communities settle in, younger generations develop different cultural practices and mores with their musical tastes, political orientations, and even religious beliefs. In most cases, when educated in the American school system, they are exposed to American culture. In most cases, they adapt to their cultural surroundings, sometimes losing their native tongue and religion. Latinos come from over a dozen countries, as varied as Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. According to Suarez-Orozco and Paez (2002), Latinos are the “oldest” Americans, the ancestors of those who settled in the Southwest and spoke Spanish before there was a United States. They also state that Latinos are the “newest” Americans because two thirds of Latinos are immigrants or parents are immigrants (Suarez-Orozco & Paez, 2002). Latino Civic Participation According to a Pew Hispanic Center analysis based on US Census Bureau data 2012, the record number of Latinos who cast ballots for president in the 2012 election is the leading edge of an ascendant ethnic voting bloc that is likely to double in size within a generation. Hispanics will account for 40% of the growth in the eligible electorate in the U.S. between now and 2030, at which time 40 million Hispanics will be eligible to vote—up from 23.7 million now (Taylor, Gonzalez-Barrera, Passel, & Lopez, 2012). Historically, from 1972 to 1992 presidential elections, Latino voter registration and Latino voter turnout more than doubled. The increases in voter registration and turnout for LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 28 congressional elections are even more dramatic, with 1994 Latino figures two and one half times those of 1974 (Shaw; de la Garza; Lee 2000). The geographic concentration of Latino voters has led to a significant effect on election outcomes at state and local levels. The number of Latinos in the population gives them the ability to affect the political landscape significantly. However, the inability to engage these votes offers a lost opportunity for representation. There are 5 million Latinos eligible for citizenship who have not yet been naturalized. If Latinos had the same participation rate as White America, 2.7 million new voters would be added. Once registered, Latino voters are approximately as likely to cast ballots, as are African American voters (Shaw; de la Garza; Lee 2000). Research on voting and elections has generally found that Latino foreign-born citizens turn out to vote at lower rates than native-born Latinos and non-Latinos. Studies have shown that voter registration is symbiotic with socioeconomic status. Primarily as a result of lower levels of education, income, and English language skills, immigrant voters have demonstrated low levels of political participation. Socioeconomic factors, including age, education, income, and marital status continue to be indicators of propensities in voting and civic engagement. Immigrant populations tend to continue to be interested in their country versus assimilating into the US political system. Latino Youth Another important finding in the Pew Research Center study, “An Awakened Giant: This Hispanic Electorate is Likely to Double by 2030 (2012) is that the Latino population is by far is the nation’s youngest ethnic group, with a median age of 27 years—and just 18 years among native-born Hispanics—compared to 42 years for that of White non-Hispanics. According to US Census Bureau data, although the Latino population grew exponentially LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 29 between 2008 and 2010, the number of registered Latino voters fell by approximately 600,000. Since 1986, the number of Hispanic registered voters has more than doubled, reaching a record 11.6 million in 2008. However, in 2010, according to an analysis of data from the Voting and Registration supplement of the November CPS supplement, the number of Hispanic registered voters was 11.0 million, down from the record 11.6 million in 2008 (Hugo Lopez & Gonzalez- Barrera, 2013). These findings indicate that the Hispanic/Latino population will continue to be a key influential political demographic. Thus it is crucial to target and cultivate this young population and instill in it the importance of being political players in all elections. For now, political apathy persists. The Pew study revealed that 11.2 million Hispanic adults who were eligible to vote chose not to vote in the election. The estimated 44% to 53% turnout rate of eligible Hispanic voters in 2012 is in the same range as the 50% who turned out in 2008. There is an opportunity to garner the youth vote, as it will be a key factor in the future. Specifically, 17.6 million Hispanics in the U.S. are currently under the age of 18. Of Latino youths, 93% is U.S.-born citizens and will become eligible to vote once they turn 18. On average, Hispanic young adults are the least engaged, with a percentile rank of 42.5 (Hugo Lopez & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013). This statistic reveals that 57.5% of young adults in the United States are more engaged citizens than the average Hispanic young adult (Jacobsen & Wilder Linkow, 2012). The issue that thus arises is how to engage the Latino Youth to register to vote and to vote in elections at every level. Today, approximately 800,000 Latinos turn 18 each year; by 2030, this number could grow to 1 million per year, adding a potential electorate of more than 16 million new Latino voters to the rolls by 2030 (Hugo Lopez & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2013). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 30 However, the turnout rate of eligible Latino voters has historically lagged behind that of Whites and Blacks by substantial margins. In 2008, for example, 50% of eligible Latino voters cast ballots, compared to 65% of Blacks and 66% of Whites (Lopez & Taylor, 2009). This was the only significant decline in the number of Latino registered voters in the past two decades. The Latino youth vote is critical to ensuring the political influence and status of the Latino community. According to VotoLatino, Latino youth play a major factor in the political spectrum for several reasons, including: (a) there are roughly 9 million American Latino youth in the U.S., but only a small fraction votes; (b) 50% of all eligible Latino voters are under 40, and 33% is between 18 and 34; (c) by 2050, Latino youth are expected to comprise 29% of the US youth population; (d) 50,000 American Latinos turn 18 every month; and (e) 90% of American Latinos under 29 consume information in English (Cardenas & Kerby, 2012). In addition, Latinos make up more than 10% of the electorate in 11 states: Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Nevada, and Texas (VotoLatino 2013). Given all of this information, the question proposed in this study is: How do we engage Latino/as into the political process? One suggestion is to bring them together on issue-driven topics. Pachon (1998) conducted a study that stated, “[A]s the Latino population continues to grow in local communities, increasing conflict will occur over policy issues such as welfare, affirmative action, immigration, and education” (p. 6). Mobilizing Latinos on specific political issues, rather than around political parties, is critical to the kind of participation that will result in more long-term political behavior. Another study suggested, “If Latinos are to have significant impact on national politics as we enter the new millennium, a broad mobilization strategy may be LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 31 needed to increase the long-term impact of the Latino electorates” (de la Garza & DeSipio 1999, 6). Naturalized Latinos The key to reaching Latinos is at the grassroots level, mobilizing around an issue. In addition, close attention should be paid to naturalized Latinos. For example, naturalized Latinos are more apt to vote because of their involvement in US politics during their naturalization experience. Some studies have found that recently naturalized Latinos might participate at equal or higher rates than the native-born Latinos (Pantoja, Ramirez, & Segura, 2001). In his study, DeSipio (1996) noted that naturalized voters offer great promise for increasing the Latino electorate, and that if more aggressive mobilization campaigns are targeted at immigrant voters, their turnout rates may grow. In aggregate, Latinos voted at higher rates than native-born Latinos and, in some instances, at rates higher than non-Latinos. DeSipio (1996), Wattenberg (2002), Pantoja, Ramirez, and Segura (2001), and Segal (2002) provided a model allowing naturalized Latinos to vote at higher rates than native-born Latinos and even non-Latino citizens. Native- born citizens have been socialized into the process of uncompetitive elections, negative candidate images, and low levels of political efficacy; not voting has become a learned behavior. DeSipio (1996) has illustrated that the naturalization process system includes becoming familiar with US institutions, learning to fill out extensive paperwork, passing a basic course of civic responsibility, and gaining confidence as new citizens in the American political process. Surveys in two studies of immigrants found that the number one reason for seeking citizenship was to get the right to vote (DeSipio, 2002; Pachon et. all 2002). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 32 Political Elites The political elites—the first and second generation Latinos—cause a paradigm shift for Latinos in respect to politics. They are educated and moving into positions of power in the realms of politics, nonprofit organizations, business, and government. They tend to be educated and have inherited the ability to mobilize around social justice issues (Gomez, 1992). They will single-handedly change the face of Latinos in politics and redefine the way the rest of the nation perceives the Latino population in the twenty-first century. This generation will serve as the transition point between previous country politics and American politics. Issues Important to Latinos in the 2012 Presidential Election Many believe that Latinos’ number one issue in the 2012 presidential election was immigration reform. But, as I have learned, Latinos are interested in basic quality of life issues like all other Americans. In 2013, ImpreMedia (2013) and Latino Decisions performed a study surveying 5,600 Latinos identified as voters in the 2012 election. They found that 53% of Latino voters surveyed listed job creation or the economy as their top issue; 35% said immigration reform was their major concern. Education and health care came next as the priorities. Latinos’ Role in the 2012 Presidential Election As predicted in many publications, including Time Magazine’s “Why Latino Voters will Swing the 2012 Election” (Schrer, 2012), Latinos were a key demographic needed to win the 2012 presidential election. As the number of Latino eligible voters have grown, so too has the number of Latinos casting votes in presidential elections. Latinos voted for President Barack Obama over Republican Mitt Romney 71% to 27%, according to an analysis of exit polls by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of the Pew Research Center. Obama’s national vote share among LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 33 Hispanic voters is the highest seen by a Democratic candidate since 1996, when President Bill Clinton won 72% of the Hispanic vote. Latino voters demonstrated clear support for President Obama’s reelection. Latinos comprise a greater share of the nation’s eligible voters than they did just a few years ago—11% this year, up from 9.5% in 2008 and 8.2% in 2004 (Lopez & Taylor, 2009). According to the Pew Hispanic Center, the Latino vote was strong among all major demographics; however, Hispanic women supported Obama more than Hispanic males—76% versus 65%. The record number of Latinos who cast ballots for the president represented a year of the leading edge of an ascendant ethnic voting bloc likely to double in size within a generation, according to a Pew Hispanic Center analysis based on US Census Bureau data, Election Day exit polls, and a new nationwide survey of Hispanic immigrants. The nation’s 53 million Hispanics comprise 17% of the total US population but just 10% of all voters this year, according to the national exit poll. (Pew Center, 2012) . Among eligible Latino voters, 58% is of Mexican origin, 14% is of Puerto Rican origin, 6% is of Cuban origin, and 22% is of Central American, South American, or other Hispanic origin, according to the Pew Hispanic analysis. These statistics differ from the overall Hispanic origin distribution of the general US Hispanic population, in which some 64% is of Mexican origin, 9% is Puerto Rican, and 5% is of Cuban origin. Latinos in the US Senate, Congress, and State Politics The Latinos’ role in the political process is slated to have a significant effect on local, state, and national electoral politics in the future (Affigne et al., 1999). According to the National Association of Latino Elected Officials (NALEO), as a result of the 2012 elections, 28 Latinos occupied seats in the 113th US Congress (23 identifying as Democrat). Nine members are predicted to be from California and six from Texas. Three Latinos will join the US Senate (two LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 34 identifying as Republican). In addition, Latinos have increased their share of the electorate to 10%, making them the U.S.’s largest minority. All three senators are of Cuban descent. State of California Latinos in the State of California currently hold a powerful voting bloc represented in the Latino Caucus (State of California Latino Caucus). Today, the Latino Legislative Caucus is comprised of twenty four members: eight Senators and sixteen Assembly Members. It is one of the most influential organizations within the State Legislature. However, currently out of the 24 members of the Latino Caucus Assembly, five members are Latinas (20%) and in the State Senate, out of eight members, there is one Latina represented as State Senator (12%) (Rutgers University, Facts on Women of Color in Elective Office 2013). According to the State of California Latino Caucus, Latina legislators comprise 24% of the Latino Caucus membership. Although, the California Latino Caucus has grown exponentially, Latina representation has not reached the level of parity within the caucus in terms of representation. After Proposition 140 was enacted in 1990, there appeared to have been an increase in Latina representation— however, the numbers have dwindled over the past decade. Is there a pipeline for Latinas to run for office? Is the goal of the Latino Caucus to help bring in parity? California’s Latino Population and 2012 Redistricting Between 2000 and 2010, California’s population grew from 33.9 million to 37.3 million, an increase of 10%. During the same period, the Latino population grew from 11.0 million to 14.0 million, an increase of 27.8% (PODER PAC 2013). In 2011, a new Citizens Redistricting Commission drew the lines for California’s Congressional and state districts—in the past, the state legislature had redistricting authority. The Commission’s Congressional map created two new districts in which Latinos have a strong opportunity to elect the candidates of their choice LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 35 (i.e., opportunity districts). One is Congressional District 29 in the San Fernando Valley area, and the other is Congressional District 51, in the Imperial County/San Diego area. In the 2012 113th Congressional Election, two Latinos were elected to serve in these two districts: Tony Cardenas (D) and Juan Vargas (D), respectively. In addition, Raul Ruiz (D) unseated Mary Bono Mack (R) and Gloria Negrete McLeod (D) unseated Rep. Joe Baca (a Latino male incumbent) in Southern California’s San Bernardino Valley. Latinos in California Elected Office: 1996–2011 According to NALEO’s report Latinos in Elected Office in California, as of January 2011, 1,306 Latino elected officials served in California, 28 of whom were serving as members of Congress or state legislators. Most officials (98%) were serving at the local level, including county, municipal, school board, judicial, law enforcement, and special district officials. This literature review demonstrated the impact Latinos have on the electorate. Although Latinos have made great strides in seeking elected office; the challenge is how to engage more Latinos in the political process. The literature demonstrates that Latinos are best engaged on specific grassroots quality-of-life issues. One study suggests targeting naturalized Latinos, as they are more apt to want to be a political participant (Pantoja, Ramirez, & Segura 2001). Therefore engaging, empowering, and activating this pivotal cohort will promote Latino political activism. Engaging the political elites can also aid in creating a powerful Latino voting bloc. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 36 CHAPTER FOUR: LITERATURE REVIEW, LATINAS AS POLITICAL PARTICIPANTS This chapter studies Latina political representation, including the specific traits/characteristics these women have to offer to the political system; obstacles they may face as candidates; and recommendations on preparing, developing, and recruiting Latina leaders into the political pipeline. Latinas are in a unique position to embrace opportunities to advance politically and within the ranks of society. They have demonstrated gain in higher education and higher earnings, which are shifting Latinas toward the middle class and beyond (Nielsen Latina Power Shift, 2013). In Bejarano’s book, The Latina Advantage she points to the American National Election Study data from 1992 to 2008, where White voters are 11.6% more likely to vote for a minority legislative incumbent if she is female. Minority voters are 10% more likely to vote for White incumbents if they’re women (Bejarano, 2013). Therefore, it is an opportune time to prepare, encourage, support, and pipeline qualified Latina political candidates. This chapter will examine Latina’s roles in current political spectrums, including civic engagement and voting power. It will discuss their participation in grassroots politics and examine the issue of political parity with the Latino counterparts in terms of elected representation. Latinas Effect on Population Growth and the Electorate Latinas are a key growth demographic of the US female population and are expected to become 30 %of the total female population by 2060, making Latinas an influential key demographic in the realm of politics (US Census Bureau, 2012). According to NALEO Education Fund’s study on 2012 projection of Latina voters: [D]uring the last decade, the Latina population was the nation’s fastest-growing female population group, and Latina growth exceeded half of the overall increase in the female LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 37 population. In the last four presidential elections, Latinas have comprised slightly more than half of all Latino voters, and have thus contributed significantly to the decisive impact of the Latino electorate. Their study utilizing the 2010 US Census illustrates that between 2000 and 2010, the nation’s female population grew from 143.4 million to 157.0 million, an increase of 9.5%. During the same period, the Latina population grew from 17.1 million to 24.9 million, an increase of 45.0%, with a projected vote in 2012 at 6,367,000 (8.4% of the share of the female vote) (NALEO Educational Fund’s study on the 2012 Projection of Latina voters). Latina Voting Patterns in Presidential Elections In the last four presidential elections, since 2000 to 2012, the Latina share of all female voters increased from 4.8% in 1996 to 7.3% in 2008. In the last four presidential elections, the turnout rate of Latina adult US citizens ranged from 46% to 52 %, and slightly exceeded the turnout rate of Latino males (US Census Bureau’s 2010 American Community Survey [ACS]) (NALEO 2012). According to The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), a youth research organization at Tufts University, young Latinas and African Americans were President Obama’s biggest supporters among voters between 18 and 29 years old in the 2012 presidential election. Black women gave Obama the most support, with 98% saying they voted for him. The next group that was supportive of Obama among young voters was Latinas, with 82% voting for him (Center for Information & Research on Civic Engagement 2012). The CIRCLE study also illustrated that young Hispanic women form a strong Democratic base. With Hispanic men, Hispanic women represent a formidable voting bloc because they represent a larger proportion of the population than Black men and women. Hispanic women LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 38 represent 8.4% of the citizen 18–29 population—the largest ethnic minority/gender group. This finding represents a shift from 2008, when Hispanic women represented just 6.7% of the eligible youth population (Cardenas & Kerby, 2012). According to NALEO’s study, votes casted by Hispanic women increased within the youth electorate, from 8% in 2008 to 9% in 2012. Of young Hispanic women voters, 65% identified as Democrats, 15% Republican, and 20% independent or something else. The highest among all youth groups, 45% considered themselves liberal and 17% identified as conservative. Compared to older Hispanic women voters, young Hispanic women were more likely to vote for Obama (82% vs. 73%) and identify as liberals (45% vs. 29%). Like Hispanic men, Hispanic women voters were younger than other groups—67% of young Hispanic voters were 18–24. Over half (53%) had children and 21% was married. Sixty-nine percent had at least some college experience and 31% had completed college. Forty-two percent was Catholic and 30% Protestant (including Evangelical). Compared to older Hispanic voters, young Hispanic women voters were less likely to claim Catholicism as their religion, which may reflect on young Hispanic women’s liberal ideology (NALEO Educational Fund’s study on the 2012 Projection of Latina voters). Latina Elected Officials in California California State Legislature Latinas have a proven record of excelling in and significantly affecting the California legislature. The first Latina was elected to the California State Assembly in 1982. In 2013, currently, six members of the twenty four California Latino Caucus members are Latina. This number raises the following question: If Latinas have been successful entering political office LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 39 with the opportunity created by term limits, why is the number of Latina legislators not reflected in terms of representation at 4.6%? Table 3, below, shows that there was a wave of opportunities for Latinas to hold elected office in the State of California Legislature; however, once the first large wave of Latinas left office due to term limits, they were not replaced with Latinas but Latino males. Table 3 Latinos and Latinas Holding Office in the State of California’s Latino Caucus from 1982-2013 Year Latino Latina 1982 7 1 1987 6 1 1992 7 5 1994 8 5 1996 7 5 2000 15 10 2002 16 10 2006 23 13 2008 18 10 2010 21 7 2012 25 6 2013 18 6 *Source: California Latino Caucus Hardy-Fanta (1993) described and defined Latinas’ roles in politics, including Latina women as candidates, and why Latinas have prominently figured in voter registration in party politics and in political education, illustrating that Latina women even discussed voting slightly more than their Latino male counterparts. Latinas have historically been involved in social activity and have often gained significant leadership roles in the community. Their participation has been most carefully studied within the context of three distinct types of organizations: labor, community- based organizations, and electoral organizations (Fraga et al., 2003). Latina feminism has LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 40 traditionally grown out of—and continues to be influenced by—grassroots and student efforts, labor and immigration issues, and anticolonial and anti-imperialist activism (Affigne et al., 1999). Term Limits in California: Opportunity or Barrier? In 1990, California Proposition 140, or the Limits on Terms of Office, Legislators' Retirement, Legislative Operating Costs Amendment, was on the California general election ballot and was approved. Proposition 140 limited the number of terms that California state senators and representatives can stay in office. Members of the California State Assembly were limited by its provisions to three two-year terms and members of the California State Senate to two four-year terms. It also imposed a lifelong ban against seeking the same office once the limits were reached. Term limits in California presented the overall opportunity for Latinas to enter the political realm. Term limits legislation creates opportunities for women and people of color to increase their representation in public office (Hawkesworth et al., 2001). Hawkesworth et al.’s (2001) data on the effects of gender on term limits reveal opportunities for women and minorities to move into state legislatures—although, of course, the mere existence of an opportunity does not guarantee the achievement of a desired outcome. Their study of the 1998 elections in six term-limited states showed that although women gained seven senate seats opened by term limits, African American women and Latinas were adversely affected and particularly hard hit. Currently, the State of California Legislature has term limits. In June 2012, voters approved Proposition 28, which allows legislators to serve a maximum of 12 years without LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 41 regard to whether the years are served in the State Assembly or the State Senate. Legislators first elected on or before June 5, 2012 are restricted by the term limits approved in 1990, which limited legislators to three terms in the State Assembly and two terms in the State Senate (The White House Project 2012). Although the issue of term limits may present a bleak scenario for current legislators, it also presents an opportunity for other Latinas to enter the political field. This, then, creates a need to develop qualified Latinas for political service. In the 2013 Los Angeles City Council race, Nury Martinez became the only woman and the only Latina elected to the council in a quarter century (Castro, 2013). The first Latina elected to the Los Angeles City Council was Gloria Molina, who served in 1987 (Vasquez 1990). The need for women representation within the L.A. City Council is paramount. Congresistas of California In the State of California, five of the nine Latina congresswomen serve districts in Southern California, including Congresswoman Roybal-Allard, Congresswoman Gloria Negrete McLeod, Congresswoman Napolitano, Congresswoman Loretta Sanchez, and Congresswoman Linda Sanchez. Four of these five congressional representatives served in an elected official position or were appointed in local government prior to being elected to Congress. All of these women also have a history as community leaders prior to serving in Congress; all have held influential positions, as enumerated below. Congresswoman Roybal-Allard, a political pioneer, became the first Mexican American woman elected to Congress, in 1992. Before that, she represented the 56th Assembly District of California for 6 years. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 42 Congresswoman Napolitano began her political career as a member of the Norwalk City Council, winning her first election in 1986. She was elected in 1992 to the California Assembly, and in 1998 was elected to Congress. Congresswoman Loretta Sanchez attended Chapman University, in Orange, California, where she was selected in January 2002 to serve as the university’s first Latina member of the Board of Trustees. She began her congressional career in November 1996 and is the highest-ranking woman on the House Armed Services Committee. Gloria Negrete McLeod unseated Rep. Joe Baca in Southern California’s San Bernardino Valley in 2012. A Los Angeles native, she previously served in the California State Senate. Congresswoman Linda Sanchez was sworn into office on January 7, 2003 to represent the newly created 39th Congressional District of California. She also serves on the Committee on Government Reform. These Latina congress women demonstrate that Latinas who run for Congress have been successful in Southern California. Their success also presents an opportunity to consider a pipeline for future Latina viable candidates. Issue Advocacy Latina women tend to congregate over issue-driven policies. Issue advocacy serves as a substantial political base for candidates who emerge from these ranks (Hawkesworth et al., 2001). Latina women see connections between the problems they face personally and community issues stemming from government policies. The first steps toward a political life are making connections between the problems in their daily lives and institutional policies and taking a stand against oppression from any source. It creates a passion for politics (Fraga et al., 2003). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 43 Latinas’ Role in Politics Latinas have historically been involved in social activity and have often gained significant leadership roles in the community. Latina participation has been most carefully studied within the context of three distinct types of organizations: labor, community-based organizations, and electoral organizations (Fraga et al., 2003). Latina feminism has traditionally grown out of—and continues to be influenced by—grassroots and student efforts, labor and immigration issues, and anticolonial and anti-imperialist activism (Affigne et al. 1999). Grassroots Throughout history, Latinas have served in politics at the grassroots level. Latinas have a long history of being political actors, dating as far back as the Mexican Revolution. Garcia and Marquez’s (2001) study delineated the increasing presence of Latinas in electoral politics as activists, candidates, and elected officials. They argued that Latinas approach political participation on a mainstream level differently than their White female counterparts because of their unique experiences and political history as minority women (Garcia & Marquez, 2001). Issue-oriented factions have driven many of these women. Pardo (1990) argued that grassroots politics—as distinct from electoral politics—“happen at the juncture between larger institutional politics and people’s daily experiences.” Women play a central role in the often-unrecorded politics at this level (Fraga et al., 2003). The ability to mobilize communities tends to be more of a characteristic of Latinas than of Latino males (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). Connectedness There may be a distinct perspective to the politics of Latinas, as compared to Latinos (Fraga et al., 2003). Latinas are more prepared, understand the issues that affect their communities, become involved more readily, and are often social agents of change. The vision LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 44 of Latina women is based on connectedness rather than personal advancement; collective methods and collective organization rather than hierarchy; community and citizenship generated from personal ties rather than from formal structures; and consciousness raising rather than a response to opportunity (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). These findings demonstrate how effective Latinas are in the realm of grassroots politics. Latinas have a solid history of making change at the grassroots level, specifically when it is an issue-specific situation that will affect their communities. Pardo (1990) has described the transformation process for Mexican American women in East Los Angeles, stating: [W]omen have transformed organizing experiences and social networks arising from gender related responsibilities into political resources and attributes this political development to women’s concerns. In this process, women meet other mothers and begin networks that focus on mutual concerns for the welfare of their children. (Pardo 1990). The critical role of Latinas in neighborhood organizing is demonstrated in Pardo’s analysis of the organization the Mothers of East Los Angeles (1990). These Latina leaders mobilized for lights and recreational leaders at local parks. Later, they became critical to preventing the placement of a prison in East Los Angeles (Fraga et al., 2003). Another example of Madrinas Politicas in action was demonstrated in the case of nonconsensual sterilizations of Latinas with large families, which was a common practice at Los Angeles County Hospital. This struggle played a major role in Los Angeles Supervisor Gloria Molina's personal political awakening and that of other Latinas throughout Los Angeles including the members of Comisión Femeníl Mexicana Nacional, a Chicana feminist organization. Ultimately, Comisión Femeníl filed a class action lawsuit against LA County in 1975 to stop the sterilizations of Latinas. Although they didn't win the court case, they did win "informed consent," which means that a patient must sign a LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 45 sterilization consent form in a language she understands (and not while in labor) before the procedure can take place (Castillo, 2005). Employment Activism Both Latinos and Latinas have been plagued by disparities with respect to employment. The workplace has served an arena in which Latinas have had central roles in organizational leadership. In California, Dolores C. Huerta was the cofounder and first vice president emeritus of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO (UFW). Delores described that the lessons she learned from her mother’s community activism had motivated her and taught her to be outspoken. After high school, Dolores attended the University of Pacific’s Delta Community College and received a teaching degree. After teaching at a grammar school, Dolores left her job because, in her words, “I couldn’t stand seeing kids come to class hungry and needing shoes. I thought I could do more by organizing farm workers than by trying to teach their hungry children.” (Dolores Huerta Biography 2013). Through her work with the UFW, Huerta was instrumental in leading the fight for field workers against toxic pesticides that threaten farmworkers, consumers, and the environment. She also knew the importance of working with political candidates who she felt would represent the needs of the community. Robert F. Kennedy acknowledged her help in winning the 1968 California Democratic Presidential primary just moments before he was assassinated in Los Angeles. Delores Huerta is a prime example of how a community leader exercises her social capital to mobilize other Latinos around an issue, successfully making positive social change. In LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 46 2012, Ms. Huerta was awarded the Medal of Freedom by President Obama. Her legacy and leadership has passed through many generations. Family as a Political Force The role of the family is frequently cited as one of the most influential factors in political development. The family affects the acquisition of participant values; these values then determine subsequent levels of political activism, party identification, political knowledge, and sense of political efficacy. Exposure in the home to political talk and activism is linked to future political behavior (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). Many Latina elected officials in my study agreed that they all had to seek “permission” from their families before they embarked on their political campaigns. Development of Self Hardy-Fanta (1993) defined the development of the personal self as “a woman with new capacities, as someone who can take action with others, is intimately linked with the development of the political self” (189). I define the development of the self as also addressing the importance of self-esteem and leadership development. Many of the participants in this study revealed that they wondered if they were smart enough to lead. They believed that they had to be the most educated person in the room. Desire to Lead Several reasons explain why, given all of the negative externalities—including obstacles, hardships, and sacrifice of family life—Latinas continue to feel compelled to lead in the political realm. I believe it stems from an inner calling, a woman’s views on issues that deeply affect her quality of life rather than a thirst for political power. For women, empowerment means, “the LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 47 ability to act with others to do together what one could not have done alone” (Ferguson, 1987, 221). Latina women tend to be advocacy-issue-driven with a specific intent or result in mind. For example, Hardy-Fanta (1993) has revealed, “For Latina women, politics is a process; the connection themselves are as important as the product; self-interest is subsumed under the community interest” (p. 73). Takash (1993) also suggested that Latinas perceive politics and power differently, stating that whereas Latinos generally define the political as what happens in electoral realms and concentrate their energies within those realms, Latinas focus on a broader, more participatory politics focused around “connectedness, collectivity, community and consciousness” (Cohen, Ones, & Tronton, 1997; Takash 1993). The Power of Connection Latinas thrive on working with one another and are often successful as a collective force. Their social capital has afforded them the distinct ability to support candidates and mobilize at the grassroots level. Hardy-Fanta (1993) has defined “connectedness” as “connecting people to each other, developing and building upon personal relationships, and blending personal ties with political purposes” (p. 40). Hardy-Fanta (1993) suggested that Latina women were able to create a more participatory model of political mobilization precisely because of their different perceptions of the nature of politics. Their emphasis on connectedness, everyday needs, and the interpersonal process of political mobilization—rather than on political positions and personal status—strengthens their ties to the community and builds political networks (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 48 Political Training Tools for Latinas There have been several political leadership trainings introduced to inspire, encourage, and discuss the necessary tools for women to run for office. According to Garcia and Marquez (2001), one factor that contributed to the increased political representation of Latinas was the early involvement and support of Latina organizations. Organizations such as Comision Femenil Mexicana Nacional and Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE), both nonpartisan women's leadership organization based in Los Angeles, prepare Latina women for political office. Other organizations, such as the National Hispana Leadership Institute and the Mexican- American Legal Defense Fund, offer leadership training for Latinas (Garcia & Marquez, 2001). I had the great fortune to participate in several political trainings, including all of those listed below with the exception of The Wish List. All trainings were similar, with the basic premise of identifying yourself as a candidate, messaging, fundraising, and putting together a political plan. Some of the organizations are affiliated with Political Action Committees (PACs). However, In the case of Hispanans Organized for Political Equality, the PAC could be working in tandem with the organization as it would jeopardize their 501(C) 3 status. Hispanas Organized for Political Equality Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE) is a non-profit, non-partisan organization committed to ensuring political and economic parity for Latinas through leadership, advocacy, and education to benefit all communities and the status of women in general in California. HOPE believes that knowledge of the political process, coupled with active participation, will fuel a powerful and necessary engine of change. HOPE’s goals are directly designed to empower Latinas with political knowledge through town hall meetings, debates, educational seminars, and practical workshops. HOPE’s vision is: “Latinas inspiring, empowering, and engaging leadership to strengthen all communities.” Founded in 1989 by a dynamic and politically influential group of Latinas representing the full spectrum of business, political, and social tenets, HOPE’s vision of inspiring, empowering, and engaging Latinas to strengthen all communities was enacted by incorporating a leadership training course for California Latina leaders. In 1995, HOPE created Latina Action Day, an annual event that rallies women’s groups and civic and LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 49 community organizations. In 1998, HOPE received a grant from The California Endowment intended to increase the capacity and the leadership skills of Latinas across the state, and to advocate issues concerning the status of Latino health. As a result, in February of 1999, they launched the HOPE Leadership Institute (HLI). Former HOPE president Elmy Bermejo stated, “As a driving force in California both economically and demographically, Latinas are assuming leadership roles throughout the state by advocating on behalf of programs that give promise for the future of all Californians.” Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) at Rutgers University Elección Latina CAWP and Latinas United for Political Empowerment (LUPE), together with a steering committee of leaders in the Latino/a community, sponsor Elección Latina, a preconference session of the New Jersey Ready to Run™ Campaign Training for Women. Elección Latina participants attend a half-day session that targets issues of particular interest to Latinas running for political office. Elección Latina participants then attend Ready to Run™ the next day to learn about the nuts and bolts of working on a campaign. Ready to Run™ offers a unique opportunity for potential women candidates to hear directly from prominent elected and appointed leaders, campaign consultants, and party officials about how to get Ready to Run™. Topics covered include fundraising, navigating the political parties, working with the media, and developing a campaign plan. Emily’s List Political Opportunity Program (POP) EMILY’s List’s Political Opportunity Program (POP) was created in 2001 for women— qualified, pro-choice Democratic women ready to wage and win campaigns for state and local offices. Between 2001 and 2010, POP has held over 180 trainings in 36 states and trained over 6,300 people. POP’s goal is a steady and sustainable increase of women in the political pipeline, where they gain the leadership and legislative skills necessary to be effective in their current offices and—if they wish—prepare for statewide or federal campaigns. The Wish List The WISH List works continually to recruit, train, support, and elect more mainstream Republican women. This nationwide initiative is embodied in our America’s WISH program—so named because that simple title sums up the dream that drives us...a dream that more pro-choice GOP women will win election to Congress, the U.S. Senate, state legislatures and public offices all across America! Through America’s WISH, The WISH List focuses heavily on the recruitment, training, and election of pro-choice Republican women running for state legislative seats across the country. The WISH Stars Across America eventually will advance to higher offices such as U.S. senator, congressional representative, or governor. (U.S. Census Bureau’s 2010 American Community Survey [ACS]; NALEO, 20) LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 50 Political Action Committees (PACs) Raising money is a critical aspect needed to have a viable campaign. Studies have shown that one of the common apprehension women/Latinas have is if they can raise the funds needed for a political campaign. Several organizations have created PACs with the intent of providing funding for Latina candidates. There are several PACs but I have chosen to focus on Latina PACs in California and on a nationwide level. PODER PAC for Latinas by Latinas PODER PAC was created out of the passion that the creators had and saw in so many Latinas across the US. They wanted to harness that passion and create an entity that would help our Latina sisters achieve elected status to all levels of government. Thus, PODER PAC by Latinas for Latinas was born. PODER PAC will provide Latina candidates with resources to help them launch winning campaigns. They understand some of the additional obstacles that Latinas face in running for office. The PAC will link candidates to a national fundraising network and help them build more effective campaign organizations. By connecting candidates with an experienced network of Latinas who have been on the frontline of campaigns from raising money, to managing campaigns, registering voters, to working on important issues in their communities we will help elect more Latinas into public office. HOPE PAC HOPE Political Action Committee is the state’s only political network that raises campaign contributions specifically to assist Latinas running for public office. We are a nonpartisan organization committed to promoting and increasing the active participation of Latinas to elective office at the local, state level, on public, and private policy-making boards, commissions, and in all aspects of the political process. HOPE Political Action Committee endorses and contributes to Latina candidates who work toward creating effective public policies that empower Latinas, their families and their communities throughout the state of California. HOPE Political Action Committee raises money to help make Latinas credible contenders in a political campaign. It provides essential dollars at the beginning of a campaign when financial support is critical, particularly in a first run for office. Their underlying principle is to invest our dollars to truly make a difference in a Latina campaign. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 51 PAC assistance to Latinas is critical to electing Latina candidates. The funding can assist Latina candidates in their political campaigns, therefore mitigating the initial apprehension these candidates have with respect to raising political capital. Conclusion to Chapter Four With the Latino population growing significantly in the United States and its impact as political participants, this is an auspicious moment in history to invest in political leadership development for Latinas. This chapter has demonstrated that women have made great strides in seeking political office. In most cases, when women run, women win. In the 2008, the Latino population—along with the woman and youth vote—was a critical base that secured victory for President Obama. Therefore, focusing on Latino political leadership development is critical to ensuring a strong voting bloc. This review has established the need Latinas have for political leadership development programs, specifically for supportive tools, including a political PAC to provide seed money to run, to address their political apprehensions, and to provide training to assist in their political journeys. This data may be helpful to organizations that provide Latina political leadership programs for Latinas. The growth of the Latino community in California will dramatically affect the political realm at large. Term limits present an opportunity for Latinas to serve in the legislature. In this particular study, Latinas proved to be a key demographic and gatekeeper for their community, mobilizing and advocating on grassroots-oriented causes. This involvement presents an interesting phenomenon to prepare and pipeline Latinas as political participants. Latinas have fared better than Latino males in utilizing their gift of mobilization and educating the masses on political issues. They also tend to vote in higher percentages than their male counterparts. This finding presents another unique opportunity, as a large number of LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 52 children who are raised by Latina woman can directly shape and influence political thought for generations to come. Latinas also differ in the drive to be political. They are attracted to politics by an inner calling to solve social ills versus getting involved because of political power like their male counterparts. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 53 CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY This research project is a qualitative study that follows a phenomenological tradition of inquiry. It was conducted from a subjective perspective and developed using a feminist theoretical context (Thompson, 2003). The qualitative method of inquiry is an “inductive, naturalistic inquiry strategy of approaching a setting without a predetermined hypothesis” and its strength lies in allowing “understanding and theory [to] emerge from field work experiences . . . grounded in the data” (Patton, 2002, 129). This study involved an initial survey of the population and in-depth interviews with the selected subject sample. Participants’ stories are personal in nature because the history each individual brings has been impacted by her own political journey and unique experiences, which has enabled her to emerge as a Latino political leader. Hence, a qualitative approach to this study is germane as it takes into account the individuality of each Latina elected official and juxtaposes an imperative understanding of the elected dynamic. Utilizing these unique experiences through expressive, detailed narratives produced information that would be difficult to obtain through a quantitative approach. Patton (2002) has proclaimed, “Even the quantitative scaling of quality attributes is an inadequate way of capturing either program quality or the effect of a program on the quality of life experienced by participants during and after the program” (p. 150). This phenomenological inquiry sought to understand how the political realm has shaped these Latina legislators into political and community leaders. Patton (2002) stated that this type of inquiry “requires methodologically, carefully, and thoroughly capturing and describing how people experience some phenomenon— how they perceive it, describe it, feel about it, judge it, remember it, make sense of it, and talk about it with others” (p. 104). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 54 Collecting and Comparing Research Data Qualitative research is best accomplished with an intense study of a small group of subjects (Patton, 2002). This study used an initial survey of the entire population, which collected a broad perspective regarding the population’s political journey seeking elected office. However, the core of the study’s research lies with the in-depth interviews with identified Latina elected officials, who indicated they were interested in a follow-up interview. Phenomenological reflection is retrospective introspection and is a recollection of lived experiences. Latina elected officials recalled unique experiences in which encounters had occurred and influenced/shaped their political pathway. These interviews are based on the individual’s own political journeys, lessons learned about the political process, and their legislative impacts. Survey and interview feedback was used to determine what is required to be politically viable, and to recognize obstacles and promote political victories. I utilized a methodological approach whereby the behaviors and interactions of the research subjects are directly observed, and respondents are encouraged to tell their own stories and reflect on their day-to-day experiences (Bowen, 2005). These introspective reflections have proven useful qualitative data. In focusing on what has qualified Latina leaders—from their childhood experiences to their tenure in their political career—a feminist orientation provides an opportune lens through which to tell these rich narratives. Their specific narrative is “using knowledge for change, especially knowledge about women that will contribute to women’s liberation and emancipation” (Patton, 2002, p.129). This thesis will provide a gateway to encourage, create, and inspire Latina leadership that will create change and political awareness within their respective communities. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 55 Measurements Survey A survey (see Appendix A) was distributed to the entire population of former and current Latina elected officials in California; sample characteristics included State Assembly Members, State Senators, Los Angeles Unified School Board Members, and Los Angeles County Supervisor. The intelligence retrieved from these surveys; provide a contribution to the literature on Latinas in politics by utilizing rich data gathered from the interviews. The focus will assess the qualities, characteristics, leadership, and grassroots activism that will assist Latinas in becoming Madrinas Politicas/political participants. My strategy of inquiry was qualitative in nature and utilized surveys, interviews, observations, examples from case studies, and grounded theory based on the experiences of the participants. All interviews were conducted via phone conference calls or in person, and averaged 45 minutes to one hour. Information Gathering Process All Latina elected officials within the state legislature—both current and previous—were issued a request to participate in a survey. The 15 identified subjects were given a letter along with the questions proposed, via mail and email. Twelve participants who agreed to the process were interviewed. Two declined and one agreed to participate in the survey but she passed away before the interviews were conducted. The survey included topics focusing on their childhood, education, organizing, legislative impacts, the State of California’s term limits, the Latino community and the Latino agenda, self-identification, and strategies for Latinas to be successful in seeking elected office. In addition, each individual was asked permission for the interview to be taped and for the interviews to be utilized exclusively for this thesis. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 56 A survey was sent along with an interview invitation to the Latina elected officials via email. An invitation was extended to each participant asking her to review the questions and determine if she wanted to participate in a taped interview. One participant opted to fill out the survey and return it, three participants agreed to meet in person, and the rest opted for a conference call interview. This information-gathering tool has proven to be a valid and reliable instrument. It also presents an intimate forum in which participants feel open to express their own ideas. The study’s survey is original and self-created, and was subject to the University of Southern California’s Institutional Review Board (IRB). All participants who agreed to the survey were chosen for the dissertation project. All interviews were conducted by the surveyor and recorded with the permission of the subjects. All collected data are reviewed in the findings section of the thesis. Interviews The two respondents who indicated that they would not be interested in a follow-up interview are excluded from the sample selection. However, all survey answers received were tabulated and presented. All respondents who participated in the interview process are considered the sample. The individuals in the sample were contacted by telephone and/or e-mail to arrange for an in-person (or telephone) interview that was conducted with their written permission. The interviews were recorded if permission was granted at the time of the interview. If the interviewee declined to be recorded, the research notes were relied on to augment post interview data collection. The recorded interviews were transcribed verbatim. Topics and issues discussed in the interview were organized via an original, self-created, open-ended 32-question interview LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 57 guide. In addition, the interview followed up to specific answers given on the initial survey, and these interviews ranged from thirty minutes to one hour. The interview guide was crafted and presented to the original chair of my doctoral committee, Harry Pachon, PhD. He reviewed, modified, provided suggestions, and approved the final draft of questions in the survey. All collected data will be reviewed in the findings section of this thesis and all results will be presented as a summary in the appendices. This guide allowed the interviewer to decide the sequence and wording of questions during the course of the interview, as appropriate. Interviewing At the conclusion of the interview, the surveyor checked the survey to determine completion. After reviewing the notes, additional information was obtained to clarify any answers or to retrieve missed information where intelligibility was required. Finally, in the presence of the respondent via the conference call, the surveyor thanked the participant and stopped recording the interview. Respondent Demographics Interviews were conducted with 13 respondents, and Latinas accounted for 100%of the surveyed cases. Of the 13 participants, five identified themselves as Mexican, five listed that their parents were immigrants, and the remaining eight identified themselves as Latinas, that is Americans of Latino descent. In addition, two Latina respondents claimed to have mixed Latino ancestry. Data Analysis Data collected through in-depth interviews was subject to content analysis: “Content analysis is used to refer to any qualitative data reduction and sense-making effort that takes a LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 58 volume of qualitative material and attempts to identify core consistencies and meanings” (Patton, 2002, p. 453). The transcribed interviews were analyzed to identify patterns or themes that emerge. Key words, ideas, thoughts, and/or feelings expressed by interviewees were coded and classified according to identified key elements in the mission and outcomes. Unidentified themes that emerged from the data were also being categorized and presented in the study’s results (Leon, 2008). Recurring words or themes that appeared in the interview text are suggestive of potential elements within the data. Patton (2002) has recommended evaluating data for internal homogeneity and external heterogeneity. Internal homogeneity refers to the extent that data “belong[ing] in a certain category hold together or ‘dovetail’ in a meaningful way” (Patton, 2002, p. 465). External heterogeneity examines the “extent to which differences among categories are bold and clear” (Patton, 2002, p. 465). Baseline elements of the Latina legislators’ journeys and outcomes, as reported by the interviewed participants, were linked to the literature and qualified in a manner that illustrates trends. Common themes that were identified through the individual interviews were compared to program activities through a secondary coding system. The frequency and intensity of instances were tabulated and compared to each other. The predominant patterns and themes that emerged from an analysis of the collected data determined the extent to which their learned lessons, obstacles, and legislative impact impacted the political process. Origin Context Term limits in the State of California provide a unique opportunity for Latinos, women, and other minorities to participate in elected office. This issue also affords the opportunity to study the growth of Latina representation and to illustrate how they become political players. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 59 This chapter will study Latina political representation, including the specific traits/characteristics these individuals offer to the political system, as well as obstacles they may face as candidates, and recommendations on preparing, developing, and recruiting Latina leaders into the political pipeline. The sheer size of the Latino population in California clearly displays that they are a key demographic impacting the political process. NALEO Education Fund’s study on the 2012 Projection of Latina voters demonstrated that during the last decade, the Latina population was the nation’s fastest-growing female population group, and Latina growth exceeded half of the overall increase in the female population. In the last four presidential elections, Latinas have comprised slightly more than half of all Latino voters, and have thus contributed significantly to the decisive impact of the Latino electorate(P. 1). NALEO Education Fund’s study utilized the 2010 US Census, which illustrates that between 2000 and 2010 the nation’s female population increased from 143.4 million to 157.0 million, an increase of 9.5%. During that same period, the Latina population grew from 17.1 million to 24.9 million, an increase of 45%, with a projected vote in 2012 at 6,367,000 (8.4% of the share of the female vote)(NALEO Education Fund’s study on the 2012 projection of Latina voters 2012). Between the 1996 and 2008 presidential elections, the number of Latina voters nearly doubled, growing from 2.7 million to 5.1 million, an increase of 90.5%. Whereas the number of Latina voters in each election exceeded the number of male Latino voters, the number of male Latino voters increased at a faster rate over the entire period. Between 1996 and 2008, the male Latino vote grew from 2.2 million to 4.6 million, an increase of 106.4%. In four presidential elections (1996 to 2008), the Latina share of all female voters increased from 4.8% to 7.3%. In the presidential elections from 1996 to 2008, the turnout rate of Latina adult US citizens ranged from 46% to 52%, and slightly exceeded the turnout rate of Latinos. Brown and Irby (1995) have LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 60 maintained that the challenges of the twenty-first century can be better met by transforming current systems of exclusion to those of inclusion, citing female leadership skills as key resources in this transformation. Patton (2002) has stated that in a qualitative study, the “researcher’s own perspective must also be made explicit, as must any other tradition or perspective brought to bear when interpreting meanings” (p. 129). Researchers often have the gifts of trust and confidence, and serve as the gatekeepers in their communities. I would like to utilize this base and assist in utilizing this document to catapult these individuals into leadership positions. This researcher held various leadership positions as the District Director for a California State Senator, Field Director for a Los Angeles County Supervisor, in addition to creating and leading two Latino organizations: one for young Latino politicos and the other for young Latino members of a university. In addition, the researcher has spent numerous hours working on campaigns at the local, state, federal, and presidential level. The researcher believes that she has earned political and community equity by way of earning their trust and support, therefore, making the interviews in-depth and rich with their candor. This experience provided the researcher the opportunity to build a relationship with these Latina legislators. Having already built ties with the study participants is fortuitous because “without empathy and sympathetic introspection derived from personal encounters, the observer cannot fully understand human behavior” (Patton, 2002, p. 49). Population/Sample Description Thirteen participants made up the selected population. The criterion was that they had to have been elected to the California State Legislature, Los Angeles Unified School Board, Los Angeles County Supervisor, or have been a California Congressional member. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 61 Sample Determination A purposeful random sampling procedure was used to select the final participants for the interviews, which made up the principle data collection activity for the study. This type of procedure is not a random selection of cases; rather, it is a random selection with “advance knowledge of how the outcomes would appear” based on the comprehensive collection of data through the initial survey (Patton, 2002, p. 241). In this particular study, a survey was distributed electronically to all subjects. Subjects willing to be interviewed made up the entire sample for the interview analyses. Key Assumptions This project focused on individuals who have undergone their own political journey, either political or union/community organizing by leadership development, nurturing, and naturally striving to understand how this Latina leadership is developed and invoked. Data content analysis provided direct evidence, whereas open dialogue and observations during interviewing produced indirect evidence. However, the philosophy of post positivism declares that any observation of a phenomenon is inherently biased because of the experiences and world views that an observer invariably brings to the study (Leon, 2008 and Trochim, 2005). In this study, research focused on political leadership among Latinas was conducted by a Latina female political leader, creating a strong assumption from the start of the inquiry that knowledge is gained by being able to describe that which we experience (Leon 2008 and Trochim, 2005). Reliability Several political leadership trainings specifically focus on women seeking elected office in California. Although the subjects were prime candidates to attend these types of political leadership programs, not one of the subjects utilized these forums. In addition, a few political LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 62 action committees focus on providing the subjects with seed funding in which the majority of the subjects were direct beneficiaries. Sample Size Although an optimum number of 15 potential participants for the sample were desired, the study was designed to accommodate all respondents. The goal was to have at least 10 in the final sample. At the time of their participation, 10 of the subjects held the position of elected office, and two had retired from public service; however, there was difficulty reaching the ones who no longer held an official position. The others were agreeable, but their busy schedules dictated the pace of conducting interviews. Method The following topics were addressed in the survey: 1. Childhood: origin, parents’ origin, self-identification, role models, exposure to politics; 2. Education: leadership, public/private education, level of education attainment; 3. Organizing: issues-driven specifics, seeking elected office, barriers, experiences being a woman of color; 4. Legislative Impact: legislation introduced and passed, biggest lessons learned, politically effective, legislators, and family; 5. State of California Term Limits: pipelining, barriers or opportunities; LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 63 6. Strategy: candidate pool, qualities to be electable, best practices for Latinas to run for office, barriers past local elected office, and engaging Latinas to be political participants. Surveys All current and former Latina California State Legislators, Congressional Members representing California, Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, and Los Angeles Unified School Board Members elected officials were issued a request to participate in a survey. The 15 identified subjects were given a letter along with the questions proposed, via email. Fifteen participants who responded agreed to the process and were interviewed (86.6%). One declined; one agreed but had scheduling conflicts, so the interview did not occur; one agreed to participate in the survey but passed away before the interviews were conducted. The final sample group consisted of 13 participants. The sample group was sent the survey via e-mail with an invitation to be interviewed. Interviews were scheduled from 2010 to 2013. One participant filled out the survey and emailed it back. After all interviews were completed, a transcriber was hired to transcribe the recorded interviews. Coding and theme analysis was completed by the researcher. Survey included topics focusing on their childhood, education, organizing, legislative impacts, and a discussion of the State of California’s term limits, barriers/obstacles, self-identification, and strategies for Latinas to be successful candidates in seeking elected office. In addition, each individual was asked permission for the interview to be taped and for the interviews to be utilized exclusively for this study. Step-by-Step Process 1. The researcher sent out letters of inquiry along with a questionnaire to identified target population; LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 64 2. Participants who agreed to be interviewed responded to the inquiry; 3. An in-person/conference call was scheduled. One participated filled out the survey and returned it to the researcher. 4. The researcher interviewed and recorded the subject with expressed permission to do so. Interviews were conducted in person and/or over the phone. 5. Taped interviews were transcribed. 6. The researcher organized a matrix to identify common themes. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 65 CHAPTER SIX: RESULTS This project sought to find significant themes/patterns of the subjects by tracing their personal political journeys. Themes of significance were derived by examining topics, including their childhood leadership, exposure to politics, and factors that had served as catalysts to propel individuals into the political strata. It also focused on their shared stories of political strife and triumph in addition to revealing their political contributions through in-depth interviews. The themes and patterns found in the interviews were quantified and categorized to present trends that are inherent to Latinas with respect to their community and political leadership. The focus of this inquiry remained on measures that examined a participant’s personal journey and legislative impact. The qualitative nature of this study brought an added personal story to the results that, in the end, may provide insight into Latina political leadership. It is the researcher’s hope that this study may encourage and inspire Latinas to consider seeking political office as a result of identifying with common threads presented in the participants’ shared testimonies. The findings from this project present data collected from a quantitative survey and follow-up qualitative interviews with Latina Elected Officials in California. The purpose of this data collection was to find common themes, obtain personal political stories, and gather common reflective practical advice on seeking elected office. The participants were very candid in their responses and provided clear, unique examples in each subject category. Project Survey Results Origin/Self-Identification More than 200,000 lawful immigrants from Mexico—the largest contingent of immigrants from any nation—came to the United States in 2001. Persons of Mexican ancestry LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 66 comprise the largest Latina/o national origin group in the greater Los Angeles area (Johnson, 2003). The following questions of origin were posed to the subjects: 1. Where were you born? 2. Where were your parents born, if immigrants from what country? All study participants were born in the United States. Six of the Latina elected officials (38%) had parents who were immigrants; five were Mexican immigrants (38%), and one was a Canadian (.07%) immigrant. Eleven participants (84%) were born in California. The majority of the participants were of Mexican descent. The question posed under the self-identification category included: 34. What is your political affiliation? All participants (100%) self-identified as Democrats. The literature has discussed that women who are elected to the legislature typically fight for legislation on equality for women’s rights. The question posed to the subjects was 32. Do you consider yourself a feminist? Eleven (84%) participants identified themselves feminists. The two subjects that did not identify themselves as feminists had other alternative thoughts: one was concerned with protecting the rights of women, and the other focused on fairness and equality. One stated that she did not identify herself as a feminist: “No, but I fight for my granddaughters and everybody else's daughters. I would be hard pressed to legislate that my daughter and my granddaughter and their future would be told by anybody what to do with their body” (Congresswoman, 2011). One also remarked, “I was raised in a society that everybody should be given equal rights” (California State Senator, 2010). LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 67 The findings from the interviews were candid, informative, and offered practical political advice. Several common threads tied together the Latina elected officials’ political journeys from childhood to entering political office. In addition, there were consistent findings on what is needed for Latinas to be successful in seeking elected office. Common themes consist of role models in their childhood, their education attainment, their roles as Madrinas Politicas in their communities, legislative impact, views on term limits in California, and advice on strategies for Latinas to successfully seek elected office. Latina matriarchs, whom I have entitled Madrinas Politicas, are Latinas who function as trusted gatekeepers in their respective communities, mobilizing around grassroots political and social justice issues. These women monitor the political pulse and push the proverbial needle of political influence and power. Role Models The question posed regarding the subject’s role model was listed under the category of childhood: 5. Who was your biggest role model growing up and why? The study revealed the family matriarch was influential in Latina leaders’ formative years. There was also a correlation among the participants who looked to their mothers as their role models and were inspired that they were strong individuals who overcame adversity. Nine participants (75%) listed their mothers as their role models growing up. One commented: My mother’s one of the most amazing women. She only had a third grade education, but one of the things that my mom instilled in my sister and I is to be independent, to pursue education and fend for ourselves. My mom has an incredible sense of worth and confidence and that’s pretty amazing. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 68 Another commented: My Mom was filled with the spirit of the possible and a lot of courage, a lot of faith, and she absolutely was clear she wanted a family and she would do anything and everything she could to offer us a good life, I think she was very successful at that. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) Courage and strength were also core attributes admired by the participants. One commented, “My mother was a very strong person” (State Senator, 2010). Another participant stated: My mother was a businesswoman in a period when that wasn’t as common, especially for Latinas. So in terms of working full-time, being a full-time working mom in an executive position –which was pretty unusual, both for Mexicans and women at that time. (State Senator, 2010) In some cases, the participants’ mothers were Madrinas Politicas who demonstrated the need to be involved in their community as activists. One remarked: My mom was very politically active in a very activist sense. She was a bilingual aide and then went back to college to become a teacher, and she fought – she joined an organization, the Association of Mexican American Educators and they were really fighting for language appropriate instruction for immigrant children, because there was very little being offered to immigrant children who didn't speak English when they entered schools. She would take me to meetings and conferences and whatnot. (Congresswoman, 2011) One participant looked up to American former world number one professional tennis player Billie Jean King as her role model growing up. She remarked, “I enjoyed playing tennis and she was a very prominent woman tennis player. I remember reading magazines at a young age it was very inspiring” (California State Assembly Member, 2010). The matriarch’s presence continued to be a theme, including grandmothers as role models. “I was so impressed how efficient and effective and commanding she was” (LA County Supervisor, 2013). One participant looked up to both of her parents as her role models stating, “My parents didn’t have much education but were the smartest people I know and the strongest. They raised their family with no public assistance and ensured that we had a good upbringing” (Assembly Member, 2010). Therefore, LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 69 one can conclude that the subjects were impressed with strength and overcoming adversity as important characteristics they sought to emulate. Strong Male Figure Parents who encourage their children to consider running for office exert a dramatic impact on their children’s political ambitions. Parental encouragement to seek elected office has the potential to be a great equalizer with respect to encouraging both girls and boys to consider entering politics as a career path. According to Lawless and Fox’s (2013) study, male and female college students who were regularly encouraged by their parents to think about seeking elected office it was revealed that women received less parental support to pursue a career in politics— from both mothers and fathers running for office were equally likely to articulate interest in a future candidacy. Despite comparable levels of political exposure and discussion in the households when they grew up, by the time they attend college; young men report higher levels of parental encouragement to run for office than do young women (Lawless & Fox, 2013). This study posed the following question posed under the category childhood: 6. Did you have a strong male figure in your life? A large majority of participants had had a strong male family presence in their lives. Based upon the data, although they saw their mothers as their role models, they had a strong male presence in their formidable years. Eleven participants (84%) stated that they had strong male figures in their lives. One explained, “My father and grandfather were both strong male figures . . . my dad had 2 jobs. He came from the Bracero program before the family came over and they definitely took responsibility and authority at heart” (Los Angeles Unified School District School Board Member, 2010). Another participant explained, “My father and uncles were strong . . . they were involved in the teamsters” (State Senator, 2010). A third stated, “My father modeled everything LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 70 even as an elected official” (Congress Member, 2010). Although the majority of respondents listed their mothers as their role models, a trend of a strong male presence in these Latinas lives also emerged. The subjects demonstrated that having the balance between their mothers as a role model and a strong male figure were important factors in their becoming strong, independent women. Exposed to Politics David E. Campbell and Christina Wolbrecht’s (2006) study found that, over time, the more women politicians are made visible by national news coverage, the more likely adolescent girls are to indicate an intention to be politically active. Similarly, in cross-sectional analysis, they found that where female candidates are visible due to viable campaigns for high-profile offices, girls reported increased anticipated political involvement. An increased propensity for political discussion, particularly within families, appears to explain the role model effect (Campbell & Wolbrecht, 2006). According to Lawless and Fox’s 2013 study, “Girls Just Wanna Not Run,” political socialization in the family is a fundamental agent in the development of young people’s political attitudes and behavior. Early political experiences can instill in many individuals the belief that they have the power to take part in the democratic process, whether by voting, engaging in other forms of political participation, or ultimately running for office (Lawless & Fox, 2013). A majority of this study’s participants had been exposed to politics in childhood either from their families or in school. The question posed to the participants under the category of childhood was: 8. How and when were you exposed to politics during your childhood? LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 71 Some participants’ parents were not too politically active, however discussing the issues around the kitchen table and/or exposing them by taking them to vote provided a first glimpse of political life and served as important factors in the subject’s political upbringing. Eleven participants (84%) were exposed to politics in their childhood. Nine (77%) were exposed to politics via their parents. One mentioned, “My parents were activists, we would talk about politics at dinner” (Congress Member, 2011). One participant was exposed to politics through her father’s work in the journalism field. “My father was a journalist in the 90’s elections and he used to take me and my sisters down to the election headquarters and introduce us to the Mayor and police chief when I was in elementary school” (State Assembly Member, 2010). One participant saw first-hand the political realities while growing up, as her father was a former elected official. “When my dad first ran for office I was 5 . . . when he ran again and got elected I was 7, so basically all I knew was life in a fishbowl, in a political arena” (Congress Member, 2010). One discussed that watching the Democratic Convention had caused the spark in her political activism career: It was at age 16 when my parents were watching the Democratic National Convention and then Governor Jerry Brown was speaking and it caught my ear and my political activism was born. I got on a bus and found the Democratic Headquarters and from then on I was politically active. (Assembly Member, 2010) Two of the 10 participants (20%) were exposed to politics in school. One participant remarked, “My 4th grade teacher gave us a run-down of democrats vs. republicans” (LAUSD School Board Member 2010). One explained, “We were exposed to politics when Kennedy was elected. It was something that was very dramatically important” (Los Angeles County Supervisor, 2013). Sonia Garcia’s study (2008) of Latinas discussed their political socialization, indicating that their respective families had a major impact on their political socialization. Therefore, learning the importance of being a political participant and creating social change in the community served as LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 72 political foundation to them as children. Exposure to these civic engagement actions instilled the importance of being a political steward of the community. Education Attainment According to Lawless and Fox’s (2013) study, school, peers, and the media are key agents of political socialization beyond the family. A primary contributor to the gender gap in political ambition is the political context into which students immerse themselves. Regardless of whether we focus on academics, extracurricular activities, peer relationships, or media habits, female respondents were less likely than male respondents to be surrounded by political discussion and information. Men were approximately two-thirds more likely than women to belong to either the College Democrats or College Republicans. Men were significantly more likely than women to have run for and held student government positions in college. This gender gap in student government marks a contrast to respondents’ experiences in high school; women and men were equally likely to have participated in student government prior to college (Lawless & Fox, 2013). The question posed to the subjects focused on the grammar school and high school under the category of education: 9. Where did you attend school (private/public)? In this study, eight participants (61%) attended public school; one attended both a private and public school and four (30%) attended private school. A question was posed on their level of degree attainment. 11. What degrees do you hold & from what institutions? They held varying degrees of education attainment, with (76%) possessing a bachelor’s degree and advanced degrees. Three participants (23%) pursued a Jurist Doctorate Degree; four (30%) LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 73 pursued a master’s degree; three (23%) earned a bachelor’s degree; two (15%) attended community college, and one’s highest education achievement was the completion of her high school diploma (.07%). In addition, a question was asked of the subjects regarding their involvement of student leadership under the education category: 10. Did you hold a leadership position in school? Seven of the 13 (53%) were in student leadership in elementary and high school. With over 50% of the population surveyed having served in student government/leadership, one must question whether leaders are born or made—or is it a combination to the two? My sample disputes the Fox and Lawless study (2013) in that four participants began their political journeys in school. Seven of the participants (53%) served on their elementary or high school student council or college student organizations. Of the four participants, one became involved in a teacher’s strike, two participants walked precincts in high school for a candidate who was the challenged for an incumbent; one was a participant in her local YMCA student government program and later worked on a friend’s Los Angeles Unified School Board race. One became active with her local city government as she was asked to host an exchange student. One was appointed by President Bill Clinton to serve on the Border Environment Cooperation Commission’s Advisory Council. She later volunteered on campaigns and was elected at the local community chair for the San Diego Chapter, San Diego Democratic Party. One became a member of the National Lawyers’ Guild, where she moved and opened a law office, which prompted her to run for community college school board. One was a staff member for a former state senator. Two became active participants of the Comision Femenil, a Latina social justice civil rights grass roots organization in Los Angeles, California. One was LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 74 encouraged by the Comision Femenil to seek political office. One became involved with her local union and later sought political office. The participants were political Madrinas Politicas. The majority of the participants could be qualified as “political elites” who were active in various campaigns and paid their political dues. The following question was posed under Latina organizing: 17. Did you work on political campaigns? Ten out of the 13 participants (76%) had worked on political campaigns prior to seeking elected office. The importance of having awareness of what they were getting themselves into and determining if this path was, in fact, what they wanted was a critical component before seeking elected office. Madrinas Politicas Madrinas Politicas in the community continued to be a political force for the 2012 presidential election. One reason that these Madrinas Politicas supported the president’s reelection was his appeal to them on education, the economy, and health care (Soto, 2012). These Madrinas Politicas not only constitute a powerful voting bloc but also possess political tendencies that appear to be innate, and manifest through issue advocacy, grassroots organizing, and activism, commitment to family, issues of self to be addressed, a desire to lead, and utilizing the power of connection with their communities. Many of the Latina interviewees had a desire to solve social inequities within their communities. They were all driven to social topics that needed to be remedied. In Garcia’s (2008) study, Latina elected officials serve as connectors for their communities. She also found evidence that they had a strong cultural identity and focused on policies that assist families, LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 75 women, and the Latino community. They also demonstrated certain attitudes and characteristics, such as drawing from their families and cultural networks (Garcia, 2008). In my study, the subjects were asked the following questions under the category Latina organizing: 12. How did you get involved in organizing? 13. What event in your life prompted you to get involved? What is your organizing story? 14. When did you realize that you wanted to lead a movement? Two participants were focused on electing a new congressional member in their district. One focused on fixing her local government. One was dedicated to educating her community on HIV prevention. One operated a local law office focused on immigration, where she assisted her community. One was involved in union issues. One was involved in redistricting to ensure Latino representation. One focused on the issue of living wage. One focused on environmental issues and the other focused on stopping a prison from being built in the district. Education attainment has historically been an issue the Latino community. However, from 2009 to 2010, Latinos enrolled in college nearly doubled, from 13% to 27 per share of young Latinos. Although the number of Latinos attending college has grown, 32% of 18- to 24- year-olds), they continue to lag in comparison to all other racial and ethnic groups. Blacks (38%), Asians (62%), and young White adults (43%) continue to be more likely to attend college than Hispanics. In 2010, only 13% of Latinos between the ages of 25 and 29 held at least a bachelor’s degree (Cardenas & Kerby, 2012). In this study, four (30%) participants were focused on education equality, including the implementation of A-G requirements in high school. One subject was community activist, a member of the Comision Femenil Mexicana Nacional de Los Angeles while in college. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 76 She remarked, I was involved as a Chicana activist . . . trying to figure out why Latinas weren't being trained for jobs. I advocated for the rights of Chicanas. I was introduced to the "student movement" at the Chicano Moratorium, the antiwar movement and everything else. But, certainly, when I was at East L.A. College and going to school and being part of the school walkouts and everything else that was going on, you couldn't help but attach yourself to what was going on at the time and being part [of it]. . . . At that time, I was part of a group called MASA, the Mexican-American Students Association (LA County Supervisor 2013). These women have been credited for being nonconformists in their community, bringing awareness to issues impacting their communities and, in most cases, creating social change. Hardy-Fanta (1993) discussed that Latinas emphasize “connectedness, collectivity, community, and consciousness [that] promotes a participatory model of politics” (p. 153). Similarly, Pardo (1998) argued that grassroots politics—as distinct from electoral politics—“happens at the juncture between larger institutional politics and people’s daily experiences. Women play a central role in the often unrecorded politics at this level” (p. 5). Latinas, like feminists, stress collective, nonhierachial political organization, consciousness raising, and less-formal leadership, and encourage interdependence and cooperation (Montoya, Hardy Fanta, & Garcia 2000; Warren & Bourque 1985). Therefore, to best reach the Latino community in terms of political access would be to utilize the Madrinas Politicas network as they are the trusted, honored gatekeepers of the community. They are the heart of the community and hold significant political capital. Self-Motivated or Encouraged to Run for Office? Encouragement to run for office motivates many young women and men to consider a future candidacy. Women are substantially less likely than men to receive this encouragement at all, much less to have it come from multiple sources (Lawless & Fox, 2013). This study posed the following questions Latina organizing: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 77 17. Were you self-motivated or did someone encourage you to become an organizer? Did you have a political mentor? If yes, who? Of the 13 participants interviewed, eight (61%) were self-motivated to run for office; thus no one approached them to seek political office. They were driven and self-motivated to seek political office on their own accord. Five (38%) of the participants had a political mentor encouraging them to seek political office, which included two state senators, a community leader, and one political mentor. Garcia’s (2008) study cited that all of the subjects in her study were encouraged to pursue a political career. They all credited established networks that helped them overcome barriers with persistence and perseverance with the support of family and friends (Garcia, 2008). “I think it goes without saying whether it’s a male or a female running, you’ve just got to have that backing, because somebody’s got to be there to pick up some of the slack when you’re not around” (Congress Member, 2010). The traditional political paradigm of having a male political “king maker” was not evident. These subjects were Latina mavericks who were pioneers and blazed the political trail against the odds. Why They Sought Political Office Garcia and Marquez (2001) study of Latinas in California and Texas revealed that Latinas share a common set of motivations for becoming politically involved. They enter into mainstream politics with a set of experiences grounded in community-based politics, and cultural cues and networks. These identified Latinas offered insight to their communities as roles models and social agents of change (Morrow & Redrick 2012). Reasons listed for why they sought political office ran the gamut but most seemed to fall in line with their own personal convictions about wanting to change their communities to be equitable, embracing Lincoln’s message of a “government of the people, by the people, for the people.” The following question was posed to subjects focused on their own individual stories: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 78 13. What event in your life prompted you to get involved? What is your organizing story? One participant stated, “I wanted more transparency in my local city council” (Congress member, 2010). Another stated: I wanted to run when I realized what was on the line and I had something a voice to contribute. I chose LAUSD (Los Angeles Unified School District) because it turned out to be really the only place that elected life makes sense because what I knew was school and kids. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) Another participant ran for the California State Assembly in the 2002 midterm elections because she wanted a woman Democrat to have the seat (Assembly Member, 2010). One participant sought political office because, as she explained, “I knew I could do more for her community by running for the political office” (LAUSD School Board Member 2010). Another remarked that when she worked for a state senator, she realized that significant legislation directly changes the lives on constituents—this recognition really excited her (State Senator, 2010). Despite facing racial, class and gender barriers, Latinas are being elected to political office and bringing with them their personal conviction about the need for responsive government (Montoya et al., 2000). These Madrinas Politicas channeled their personal convictions on a social issue and utilized them to catapult onto the political stage and create legislative remedies. Elected Positions With respect to California Latinas in politics, the proverbial political trajectory was to run for local office, for example the school board or city council, with the intent of seeking a higher political position in the California Legislature and/or in Congress. In this study, many participants followed the traditional “woman entering political office” arc by seeking local elected office and later a higher elected office to run for in their political futures. On this subject, the question posed to the subjects was: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 79 19. What elected positions have you held? Three members (23%) were first elected to city council. Three (23%) were elected to the school board and one (.07%) was elected to community college. Four (30%) were elected to the State Assembly. Two (15%) were elected to Congress. Seven of the 13 (53%) participants continued to seek additional political offices, climbing up the political ladder. One member was first elected to city council and later to the Los Angeles Unified School District. One was elected to the State Assembly and later to Congress. One school board member was elected to the State Senate. One State Assembly member was elected to Congress. One was elected to the State Assembly, followed by Los Angeles City Council, and Los Angeles County Supervisor. One was elected to city council then to the State Assembly and State Senate. Seven of the participants (53%) said they would like to run for a higher position. Studies have suggested that Latinas perceive politics and power differently than Latinos and also select different political strategies (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). Latinas focus on broader more participatory politics (Hardy-Fanta; Montoya et al., 2000). Incrementally climbing the political ladder has proven successful in these subjects’ political career. Therefore, it is imperative to cultivate a political pipeline to fill the vacancies created by their political mobility. Criticisms/Apprehensions/Barriers A few reasons why women choose not to run are that their roles as wives and mothers may interfere with their candidacies. They also tend to have less money, fewer political contacts, and less suitable employment histories. The issue of self is another important factor to examine as a self-imposed barrier, particularly one’s self-esteem and personal insecurities. Many of the participants—and confirmed by the literature—discussed the apprehension women have when they experience a sense of inadequacy. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 80 Aside from choosing not to run, other reasons explain why women are underrepresented in United States politics; these are referred to as barriers that need to be overcome. Some of these barriers are social and gender stereotypes, incumbency, sex discrimination, and the political system itself. These barriers often deter women from running for office and prevent the women who do run from succeeding. Women have successfully navigated many of these barriers but there is still progress to be made to reach political parity (Nankervis, 2012). This study posed the following question: 25. What barriers do women face when seeking political office? Did you have any apprehensions? Participants verified findings in the literature regarding apprehensions that potentially undermined their candidacies. Twelve of the 13 (92%) participants agreed that they were apprehensive when seeking elected office. The one who did not have any apprehensions stated, “No, I was naïve” (State Senator, 2010). The other participants cited several reasons; the main one appeared to be the issue of raising political capital to fund a campaign (50%). For example, they stated, “I was worried that couldn’t raise the money” (State Assembly Member, 2010). One also cautioned about the personal sacrifices, “If you knew what you were getting into or going into, you probably wouldn't do it, whether child birth or marriage or anything” (State Assembly Member, 2010). One stated, “I was scared . . . didn’t know if I could raise the money or if I could get votes” (State Senator, 2010). Two were concerned about their families, and two had their own insecurities. “I was worried about the personal attacks. I developed thick skin but it bothers me to see how my family reacts” (Congress Member, 2010). One participant shared a criticism she received while she was pregnant and running for office by a community member about her choice to run for office while pregnant: Shouldn’t you be home raising your baby? I was 36 when I was running, they just pulled me to the side and say are you sure you want to do this, what is this going to look like for you. The first year is a bonding year. (LAUSD Board Member, 2010) Therefore, the issue of self-confidence must be addressed for Latinas to overcome this self-imposed barrier. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 81 Having a strong political self is critical to successfully navigating the political waters. One discussed how important her family was in making the decision to run for office: My family, like my parents are a big, big, big factor in making that decision. Then the scary part is just raising the money that it takes to actually run a viable campaign. That is very scary . . . especially when you’re not used to asking people for stuff (State Assembly member 2010). One participant expressed that gender had a large impact, “[G]ender, especially from Latino males . . . you should be home taking care of a husband and family type attitude or you don't have enough brains to be able to do it effective enough” (Congress Member, 2010). One explained her insecurities of living up to the political expectations: What did I know about running for office? It was my father who was out there giving the speeches, my father that was getting all the hits, and then there was, “Oh, my God, all of a sudden the realization that the pressures were now on me to perform, and that was scary.” (Congress Member, 2010) One also stated, “I had many apprehensions, time commitment, having my life on public display, raising millions of dollars to run, the pressure” (Assembly Member, 2010). Fox and Lawless’s (2013) study showed that young women are significantly less likely than young men to believe that they will meet the qualifications for office. Women’s’ self-doubts are important because they play a substantial role in reducing the likelihood of considering candidacy. Studies of adults in the candidate eligibility pool revealed that a central barrier to women becoming as candidates pertained to self-perceptions of qualifications to run for office. Women were more than twice as likely as men to rate themselves as “not at all qualified.” These gendered perceptions existed despite women and men’s comparable educational and occupational backgrounds and professional success (Lawless & Fox, 2013). One participant was a political maverick who followed her own personal political compass: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 82 I think I was pretty self-motivated. In fact, I think most people discouraged me from running for office. I encountered a lot of resistance; number one, because I was young, no doubt because I was female, and certainly because I was Latina. Well-intentioned people told me things like, “You're too young. Wait your turn.” Somebody told me . . . start slow. Why don't you run for school board? Women care about education. Very patronizing things that were very well-intentioned but only sort of motivated me to do it that much more. (Congress Member, 2011) The Latina leaders shared a commonality of addressing the external and internal barriers. In addition, they succeeded in conquering the obstacles—therefore other Latina leaders interested in seeking elected office can learn from the subject’s experiences. Lessons Learned The subjects of this study shared various lessons from their political tenure. Their lessons stemmed from the importance of having confidence in oneself and being prepared; the importance of being a good listener; and how the value of community organizing is critical to being an effective legislator. 19. What was the biggest lesson learned? The importance of having self-confidence and trusting one’s judgment is critical to being in elected office. As one participant explained: There are a lot of lessons, but I think the biggest lesson learned is to – if you have confidence in your own gut. You have to have a sense of what you want to do. You have to have a sense of goals that you want to accomplish. And I think having confidence in that, it’ll help you to be more effective and more successful. (Los Angeles County Supervisor, 2013) That one must always feel prepared was a palpable and reoccurring theme in this research. The general consensus was that these women wanted to be the most knowledgeable on subject issues when they entered their respective political venues. One explained: Knowing your stuff. It’s so important to just always be prepared and knowledgeable. I just always feel as a Latino, not that I have to be the smartest person in the room, but I carry the weight of my entire community on my shoulders. And the fear of letting them down and not knowing my stuff is always something that – I’ll stay up all night if I have LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 83 to, to read up on something. Maybe I don’t have all the answers, but I’m going to give it a shot. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) One legislator commented on lessons that are innate to Latina elected officials in terms of having a moral compass: I think – and it's very interesting, because I think this about women in general – women have an innate sense of what is fair and what is right and wrong and we don't deviate too much from that. I think women are more resistant to bending or capitulating on something that they really, really believe in. And so, most Latinas that I know are very determined people, and when they set their mind to something they’re very successful. (Congress Member, 2011) The importance of being politically whole is important, especially in the case of not being supported by one’s political party. “Politics is an ugly game and sometimes it is your own party who works against you” (Assembly Member, 2010). The art of listening is also critical especially when representing one’s community: You got to hear people out, and so listening is probably the biggest skill. I think more politicians nowadays, we learn how to talk; we forget how to listen. And listening – understanding what the real issue that somebody is concerned about is. Then you can find ways to make them okay with something because you can find an amendment, you can find a way of approaching it. (State Senator, 2010) The common thread on lessons learned was to have a strong sense of self, a strong political gut, and always be prepared. In addition, listening to the community you serve is a critical to being successful. The importance of being a Madrina Politica organizing the community is paramount in the quest to achieve political success: My biggest lesson learned is that there's a lot of power in organizing. Even when I was a 6-1 minority here at the School District, when my allies in the community can activate their votes, we can still get things done. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) Qualities and Characteristics Latinas Need to be Politically Successful Characteristics needed to be politically successful, as described by the Latina elected officials, included understanding their community, having an advanced degree, having heart, being honest and dedicated, and having a good sense of understanding policy. The symbiotic LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 84 relationship between the head (legislative) and the heart (community) must be evident in order to be politically successful. Being a trusted Madrina Politica is key. The question thus posed was: 25. What qualities does a Latina have to possess to be considered a qualified candidate, electable? One participant responded: I think knowing her community and a sense of where she’s from is important. I think being genuine is so important. I mean it’s not just about having the perfect hairdo and the perfect makeup and the perfect black suite. I really think you need substance. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) The Latinas interviewed looked at paying political dues and contributing to the community in addition to being educated as vital characteristics for being efficacious. 20. What characteristics does a Latina need to be politically effective? One participant responded: It is helpful to have the right background so education, advanced education is always a plus. You have to pay your dues; not necessarily inside a party structure, but to your community. People want to know what you have done, and so I think you have to put in the time working in your community on issues that you care about but that are also issues for the community that you hope to represent. (Congress Member, 2011) Characteristics of trust, transparency, and being held accountable by the community were a trending theme within this subject group. They appeared to hold themselves to a higher ethical standard because their communities entrusted them to represent them with integrity and accountability. “The Heart, they want to make a change to live things better than we find them; to be honest and open I would say be transparent as much as you can because if you had problems that will come out” (Congress Member, 2010) Questions addressed the issue of what qualities were needed: 24. What qualities does a Latina have to possess to be considered a qualified candidate, electable? One participant responded: LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 85 Being electable you have to be honest, trustworthiness, knowledgeable, dedicated. Electable means that you can communicate with a group of voters which often are different from the residents or the consumers of a given district. Good sense of policy and understanding of how complex systems work in government and you need to have enough energy to be out there interacting with people on the ground, your constituent, and in the business community and the nonprofits. (LAUSD School Board member, 2010) Being an effective communicator was also critical to being politically effective: “It means that you can communicate with a group of voters” (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010). Having a deep understanding of the issues was also deemed critical: Well, first of all, I think she’s got to know her stuff. I know if I interview Latinas, they got to know what they’re talking about. They got to be prepared to answer all questions. They got to be square on their feet. They got to know the issues. (Los Angeles County Supervisor, 2013) The importance of understanding what a candidate is getting into was also important, as a lot of personal sacrifice goes into this type of vocation. The importance of having a realistic, clear expectation of what one undertakes as an elected official was also critical. One congresswoman remarked: Most successful are the ones that, when they go into it, they go into it realistically and understanding there’s going to be tremendous sacrifice, and even when you do that, it’s not the same as actually living it. It was scary but I think the one thing about being a woman, being Latina is that were used to scary. We’re always put into situations that are new to us and we have developed toughness and a determination that were going to work through it. We’re going to succeed and not only are we going to show that were good and as good as everybody else but that were better, and all those things came into play. (Congress Member, 2011) Term Limits: Barrier or Opportunity? Scholars have argued that term limits might well lead to more diverse legislatures by increasing the participation of previously underrepresented groups. Caroll and Jenkin’s (2001) study found that Latinos may continue to benefit from term limits if strong Latino candidates LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 86 who can appeal to primarily White constituencies continue to come forward. The reviews were mixed from this study. The question posed was: 22. Do you see term limits as a barrier or opportunity for Latinas? Although many were able to seek elected office as a result of term limits that had created vacancies, some that had conflicting views and did not like the effects of term limits created in California due to Propositions 140 and 28. For example, one stated: Term limits are an opportunity for Latinas to get into office. Term limits are a barrier for real long-term work. Term limits put the focus on an election versus on the work of public service and that's a problem for everyone. When I think about grooming, I'm very proud that my chief of staff is running for office and he was my campaign manager and we have been allies for over ten years and increasing graduation so I always think about my staff folks as potential candidates and I do think – it's not a Latina, but it is a Latino. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) One member had conflicting views on term limits, stating, Both . . . A lot of us would not have the opportunity to serve if not for term limits. Since term limits were too short, so harder to keep up a pool; barrier to us in the leadership positions because we did not have the time. It’s kind of been both. (State Senator, 2010) Another stated: Well ironically it’s hard to say, I opposed to term limits when it was passed, and I oppose it today, I oppose it for many reasons terms but ironically term limits allowed me to replace two white males but term limits also had 2 white males follow in my Assembly and Senate seats . . . So you know term limits are bad for a lot of reasons: 1 how they there’s a little blip on the increase of women in general and a little blip in Latino and Latinas getting elected in non-Latino seats but I’m sure it has bounced back to the status quo you know non-Latinos and you know some term limits is bad because you’ve got people coming through all the time that don’t have the sensitive institution memory and it makes a bad institution worse by people proposing things that have been tried and failed for reasons that new members have no idea. (State Senator, 2010) Some deemed political camps developing and identifying their successors as disadvantageous: You know, again, it can work both ways, term limits within itself, it could be positive because you’re moving people in and out of the system and, hopefully, you’re getting new people, new blood in there. But, what we’re finding is that, at least under those terms limits kind of thing; you find a lot of cronyism. We’re not getting the best thinkers and we’re not getting the best leaders. (Los Angeles County Supervisor, 2013) LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 87 Legislative Impact Any full determination of the political incorporation of Latina and Latino legislators must consider how successful they have been in getting their most important legislation enacted. Meaningful political incorporation for both Latina and Latino legislators should result in broad and sustained changes in the distribution of benefits to Latino communities that come from public policy (Fraga et al., 2003). Among the Latinas interviewed, their impact was a result of landmark legislation actualized at the local, state, and federal levels. The question posed about their legislative impact was: 18. What was your biggest legislative impact on all levels in elected office e.g. legislation, projects? One participant stated: Well, on the city, it really is about projects, not so much about policy because the city council’s very different than the district. I inherited a number of projects that were falling apart that I kind of, sort of like make whole and actually produce something and point to something. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) The Latinas interviewed all appeared passionate about a cause or issue; the legislation they proposed was an extension of their vision and an effort to improve quality of life for their constituents and to empower their communities. Qualifying the statement, women serve in the legislature to fix something. One member focused on environmental issues: I've taken environmental issues, energy efficiency, we introduced a bill to bring the energy to start reading in commercial buildings so you can compare during the market via building, you can compare energy consumption which I hope will encourage people to invest in cultivation, and technology in buildings. (State Assembly Member, 2010) One participant was successful in blocking a jail that the governor of California had set his intentions to build. She explained: The one that I’ve had most impact is by not citing a jail, a state prison in my district, which led to then killing a lot of my legislation and not being successful in the thing that I was most passionate about. With that, came a sense of empowerment to the community; a LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 88 sense of, we don’t have to take it anymore. We don’t just get dumped on anymore. So, while it wasn’t an impact from the standpoint, I changed this law, I brought more resources to this issue, instead, it was, I empowered a community. I was a part of empowering a community who now, you know, because of it, I think, now has – feels more stronger, has much more confidence and has not been – has not allowed itself to be dumped on. I think that the community has felt empowered ever since then. (Los Angeles Supervisor, 2013) Education equality appeared to be a trending issue of concern for the participants. Education has been recognized as a gateway to success and a great equalizer. One Latina elected official saw the social inequities within the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD) and ran for the LAUSD School Board to remedy the issue. She explained: Though we have changed laws like rules in Sacramento around funding and construction, I think the greatest impact though is being part of the A-G movement where we, you know, said "Diplomas for all" and I think that absolutely hit at the culture of this organization and made people respond differently. So, in 2005, we did the A-G and then in 2007, I authored a resolution that said "Diplomas for All," which put the accountability on the system. (LAUSD School Board Member, 2010) The underutilization of mental health services by Latinos has been an issue with the Latino community and the healthcare field and has become increasingly important as the population of Latinos in the United States rapidly rises and evidence that many are not receiving needed mental health services accumulates (Kouyoumdjian, Zamboanga, & Hansen 2003). One Congress member was concerned about Latinos in her community and the need for mental health services: Mental health, I think we have tried to put a lot more emphasize on the stigma we have tried to destigmatize the local, label of mental health, especially for kids. They start at an early age being able to recognize that they are kids and so they have a lot of issues. (Congress Member, 2010) One focused on the health of NFL players: I’ve took by the horns, and it's garnered a lot of attention and a lot has changed because of it, is the issue of concussions in football. The NFL kept denying that there was a link between brain damage and multiple concussions suffered, and we finally gotten them to reverse their belief on that and to try to get compensation for the players who have things LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 89 like early-onset dementia and Alzheimer's; a lot of cognitive problems because they played for many years and suffered multiple concussions and were never told not to get back in the game. (Congress Member, 2010) Latino farmworkers in the United States constitute a population at risk for serious environmental and occupational illness and injury as well as health disparities typically associated with poverty. The pesticides to which farmworkers are exposed are a major source of occupational injury and illness (Arcury, Quandt, & Russell 2002). A State Assembly member focused her efforts on rectifying the social justice issues and the rights of farm workers: I did a lot with farm worker housing, even when I did represent farmer workers in the senate, I represent more of the farm communities, in the assembly, I didn’t. But I still did a lot of work of farmer worker housing and these questions of getting the immigrant citizenship money and English language learner, adult education, was always important to me, and that went with my immigrant client kind of background. (State Assembly, 2010) This study demonstrated that Latina legislators introduced legislation to improve the quality of life for their constituents by addressing a social inequity issue. Encouraging Latinas to Become Madrinas Politicas The subjects were all asked what advice they could share for future Latinas who were interest in seeking elected office. The question posed was: 27. What is the best way to engage women into the political system? For example, how do you encourage them to go from behind the scenes to the front? The participants shred advice to encourage Latinas to become Madrinas Politicas. The trending themes included the importance of being supportive, women staking out their “own turf,” community empowerment, and mentorship. One participant explained: One of the toughest things that we do, again, we – and it is a hard one, because we have a tendency to just be so loyal and supportive without question, without any kind of thing. We assume that by helping, they will recognize us and then, we’ll turn around and help us. Men do not think that way at all – at all. We don’t stake our turf. And I think that’s something we need to learn to become better at. It’s hard for me as well, because it’s really bold and very, very assertive. But, at the same time, I’m finding that the way politics is working today, women today really need to stake out their turf very early in the LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 90 game because the guys are doing it all day long. And that’s why we’re not seeing more and more women in the legislature, in the city council and so on, and, in many instances, why there are small city councils, there are small school boards and then aren’t given the opportunity to step up. (Los Angeles County Supervisor, 2013) One participant discussed encouraging Latinas to become active Madrinas Politicas so that they could empower their community: What I tell even my neighbors and some of the people is start asking questions because if they don't know you how are you going to be able to formulate a relationship the way you need assistance somebody that recognizes that you are a valid citizen and its, creates relationships built on them, whether it’s through college, whether it’s through work, whether it’s through volunteer work build those relationships. (Congresswoman, 2010) Community empowerment is the cornerstone of the civic engagement phenomenon. It is important to educate the community on issues and legislation that will directly impact quality of life. Advice The participants shared several variables needed to be successful as an elected official. These topics included the importance of having family support, the need to be aggressive, and the importance of being smart and strong. With respect to advice for a Latina seeking elected office, the participants provided several recommendations. Being decisive and expeditious in terms of staking one’s political ground was a factor: If you’re going to do it, work hard quickly. Put your team together, do the fund-raising, reach out to the people that you need to reach out to, but don’t sit around and wait. Start immediately is my best piece of advice if somebody were interested in an elected position. (Congress Member, 2011) Family is also a factor for a woman who is married and/or has children and the personal sacrifices one must take: You don’t stop being a wife or a mother or a daughter, where with men it’s the wife who assumes that responsibility. I think that’s one of the biggest pieces of information that I think women and Latinas have to understand, because otherwise it can be very devastating to your personal life if you don’t understand what you’re getting into. So, LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 91 first of all is to understand what it means to be in the political arena in a very realistic way and the sacrifices that need to be made, but you have to have a passion for it. The second piece of advice is . . . don’t confuse the trappings and the privileges of the office with who you are as a person. (Congresswoman, 2010) A couple of respondents discussed the need to emulate some characteristics from their male counterparts including being aggressive and strong. “You got to be aggressive as men, because the moment a person sees you, they must agree you are the best” (State Senator, 2010). Strength and intellect were also necessary characteristics for political viability: Number one, you have to be very strong. You have to be smart enough to figure out that there’s a strategy to achieve these goals no matter how many barriers there are to it. You have to have that confidence in yourself and in your ability to do that. You have to be, besides being tough and that, you’ve got to be knowledgeable. You’ve got to be strategic. “You have to know how to kiss butt and you have to know how to kick butt and you got to know the difference between them and know how to use that well.” And then you’re handed a defeat, you’ve got to look at it as, “Why? How can I change that? I’m going to go at it again and I’m going to make it – get a different outcome.” You can’t just look at any defeat as not a learning experience. (LA County Supervisor, 2013) The importance of working hard, having a keen political gut and trusting in it, and having a solid understanding of policy were also critical attributes in succeeding politically: You need to be, have a good sense of policy and understanding of how complex systems of work in the government and you need to have enough energy to be out there interacting with people on the ground, your constituent, and in the business community and the non-profit community. The qualities to be electable really are, can you make a positive impression to the voters and reach out the voters in a way to give a message to them because the bottom line is that, the people who are qualified are the ones to get more votes that their opponents. It's not like any other aspiring position where you say, I have this degree and that background and this . . . it's not about that at all and there are people who I think get elected all the time as many people would say that person is really all qualified but they are not but they had good loyalty, they had a family name. (State Assembly, 2010) Being aggressive, strong, and trusting in one’s political gut are important to finding success in the political world. To succeed in a political world created and dominated by males, women find themselves having to conform, assimilate, and take on male characteristics. One Congresswoman LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 92 encouraged women to be aggressive like other male elected officials. “They got to be willing work for it. Nothing is given out; you have to work for it. You got to be aggressive as men, because the moment a person sees you, must agree you are the best (Congresswoman, 2010). Mentoring/Grooming Lack of access to mentors was cited as the most threatening developmental disadvantage encountered by women. Individuals with mentors reap many benefits from the mentoring relationship (Perrewe & Nelson, 2004). Participants were asked if they were mentoring their successor: 23. Are you taking any action to groom the next person to succeed you? Will it be a Latina? One Congressional member discussed the need for mentoring: I think mentoring other women electeds, talking to them. I think people encouraging them so that if there is this seat that suddenly opens up, not just one person goes to that woman and says, “We really think you’d be great here and we really want you to do this.” I think that whole support system early on is really critical for women being comfortable with doing that. (Congress Member, 2011) In this study, 11 of the 13 (84%) participants stated that they were grooming women and/or Latinas to succeed them once their term limit came to a conclusion. In two cases, the members opted for alternatives. One stated that she would support whoever was qualified, not necessarily a woman or Latina. One stated that she was supporting a Latino male. Seven of the 13 (53%) participants stated that they had had political mentors prior to seeking elected office that encouraged them to run for office. Therefore a political mentor is important to help, guide, support, and assist a Latina on her political journey. Summary The purpose of this study was to examine the political life and journey of Latina elected officials in California to determine if any trends and common patterns linked them as women, LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 93 Latinas, and elected officials. The study also served its purpose in examining the obstacles and barriers presented to these women and how they overcame them in becoming elected officials. The study also illustrated ways Latinas could become active Madrinas Politicas in their communities. The interviews completed by participants had a large base of commonalities, including origin—with 84% born and raised in California—and political affiliation—with 100% categorizing themselves as Democrats and 84% identifying themselves as feminists. Discussions revealed some common themes among the group; among them are (a) role models, (b) education attainment, (c) leadership in school, (d) examples of being Madrinas Politicas in their communities, (e) legislative impact, and (f) views on term limits in California. They also shared their own personal stories on lessons learned and advice for future Latinas running for elected office. Through these results from the interviews, we may obtain a better understanding of the challenges one must take on in order to seek elected office. The metamorphosis from a humble Madrina Politica into a political warrior is quite remarkable. In this study, I was amazed to see that many of these subjects shared the same story of humble beginnings with their Latina constituents, making them identifiable. These women were mavericks who were tested by “political fire” and proved to victorious by pushing the political needle and changing the face of leadership. It is the researcher’s hope that Latinas and women of every culture utilize this study as a tool to encourage, inspire, and find practical tools for seeking elected office. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 94 CHAPTER FIVE: DISCUSSION, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS This project is a cumulative cross-sectional study utilizing a survey methodology of Latina elected officials in California as subjects. The purpose of this study was to examine their political life and journey to compare, contrast, and decipher what linked them as women, Latinas, and elected officials. This researcher undertook the study with the intent of inspiring and encouraging Latinas to seek elected office in California, as opportunities present themselves as a result of term limits with the passage of Propositions 140 (1990) and 28 (2012). Term limits in the State of California provide a unique opportunity for Latinas to participate in elected office. This topic affords the opportunity to study the growth of the Latino population, and to address the issue of parity in political representation. This project studied Latina political representation, including the specific traits/characteristics these women have to offer to the political system; obstacles they may face as candidates; and recommendations on preparing, developing, and recruiting Latina leaders into the political pipeline. Latinas present a powerful voting bloc in the State of California and the United States as well. The opportunity for Latinas to seek elected office appears to be ripe for political success. Studies have shown that when women run, they win. According to Christina Berjarano’s Latina Advantage, minority women face some advantages when seeking elected office as they can secure diverse public support by appealing to a vast array of communities and voting blocs. In addition, they are often better prepared for holding, and White voters perceive them as less threatening than other minority candidates (Bejarano, 2013). The subjects of this study are true testaments to how Latinas can pursue elected office and successfully win seats sometimes without the support of their party and political machines, thus defying the odds. Those who go on to seek elected office are successful; however, many are dissuaded by barriers that appear LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 95 daunting and force them to manage insecurities around perceptions of the self. Barriers include effects on the family, fundraising, issue of self, and/or lack of knowledge to run a viable political campaign. Although many are political players known as Madrinas Politicas within their communities, a small number choose to pursue elected office but these barriers make the political quest unattainable. This chapter presents a discussion of the study’s results as well as conclusions and recommendations. Presented is a list of recommendations for Latinas who are interested in becoming Madrinas Politicas and seeking elected office. Tangentially, systems must be in play to assist Latinas in their political quest in obtaining elected office. My recommendations will include candidate selection, addressing the issue of selfhood, accessing and utilizing the political systems in play, undertaking strategic planning due to term limits, assembling a rapid response team of campaign experts to guide the candidate through the process, political mentorship, and the utilization of political PACs. In addition, I will discuss the importance of pipelining the next generation of Latina leaders by exposing, encouraging, preparing, and educating Latinas into the political world. Candidate Pool/Strategic Mapping I recommend that a political institution like Hispanas Organized for Political Equality to create a pilot program with a select sample group of participants who have voiced the desire to run for office and have the following suggested qualifications based upon the literature review and interviews. 1. A degree; 2. Experience as a Madrina Politica in their communities and possession of a community base; LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 96 3. Passion about improving the quality of life and clear expectations of the sacrifices that will need to be made once elected into office; 4. Has addressed the issue of self to make the candidate whole; 5. Has a support system in place Strategic Mapping A tangential activity of the candidate pilot group would be to focus on areas within the State of California where vacancies will arise due to term limits or other factors. Therefore, investing and developing a political “farm team” of successful Latina candidates with ties to the identified strategic communities is critical in the planning stages of the pilot. A strategic plan identifying open seats should be set forth, and select participants should be called upon to utilize supportive networks throughout the State of California. Rutgers recommends finding new ways to form women’s organizations (such as women of color sororities), which HOPE and Emily’s list have successfully performed. Rutgers also suggests preparing women for leadership positions. Newly elected women legislators must be groomed to take advantage of opportunities for leadership. A pipeline must be established to bring newly qualified Latinas into the system and to institute a succession plan. Currently, the organization close the gap CA is mapping out potential seats and is making a concerted effort to increase women’s representation. There is a statewide campaign to increase the number of women in the legislature by recruiting talented, community-based, policy-focused women to run for open seats in 2014 and 2016. Close the gap CA will identify women whose skills and records of accomplishment will make them effective leaders in the California Legislature (Close the Gap 2013), and currently projects and has identified 57 seats that will be open due to term limits in 2014 and 2016. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 97 Table 4 Open Seats in the California Legislature, 2014 and 2016 Note. Figures taken from close the gap, August 2013 Political Training Curriculum There are numerous political trainings for women and women of color. The researcher has had the opportunity to participate in great political programs, including Emily’s List, Nation Women’s Political Caucus, Hispanas Organized for Political Equality, and Rutger’s University Center for American Women and Politics’ Elecion Latina. All trainings were for women. Some trainings were specific for Latinas, and others focused on developing democratic prochoice candidates. All programs were exceptional. The researcher discovered no significant differences among the curricula. Each program discussed the basics of any campaign, covering the following base of topics: fundraising, media training, developing a campaign strategy, crafting a political message, understanding how to navigate within the party, understanding the intricacies of organizing a campaign, and mobilizing support and endorsements. Support System and the Issue of Self Latinas possess many talents and are certainly capable of becoming successful politicians. They have a proven record of being social agents of change at the local level for time immemorial. To be successful politically, qualified Latinas must continue to work on issues of selfhood. They must be secure enough within themselves so that when they declare their candidacy, they are prepared for any negative political attacks. They are successful when Open Seats in California 2014 2016 Senate 7 10 Assembly 16 24 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 98 working together; therefore, it is imperative that they continue to network, develop, and utilize a support system to excel in the political field. I suggest that political leadership training should offer a component addressing the issue of “self.” This focus would foster in Latina participants the confidence to endure a negative campaign and emerge courageous and noble no matter the outcome. Rutgers has discussed the importance of a support system for women candidates: “Many women who might consider a candidacy are hesitant, suggesting various support systems that might increase the comfort level for a potential candidate (Hawkesworth, M. and Kleeman, K. 2001).” For Latinas, to declare that they are candidates is a very personal decision. Many participants confided that they were averse to becoming a political candidate because they felt that their personal life would be on display for all to see. The recommended pilot program’s curriculum would continue with the same basic training components listed above. Based upon the literature and study, I would suggest including three critical components that can assist Latinas in their political journeys. The first would include addressing “issues of the self.” In most cases, the Latina candidate’s insecurities appeared to be truly self-imposed barriers. The interviewer participated in the National Hispanas Leadership Institute (NHLI) Executive Leadership training, which focused specifically on Latina’s issues of self and leadership. This work was not a political training per se; however, it provided the tools necessary for the Latina participants to move beyond self-imposed barriers. The NHLI model also asks that each participant agrees to mentor at least two Latinas. NHLI’s training curriculum was a four-week program that addressed the following issues related to the self: Week I: Understanding Yourself and Others focuses on learning about leadership strengths and areas for development, cross cultural communication, conflict resolution, team building, the development of support networks and setting development goals. Week II: Effective Change Through Public Policy and Management is a specially- designed certificate program by the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 99 University for NHLI. This program week highlights public management, negotiation skills, and strategic management through a case study approach. Week III: Leadership Development Program is conducted at the Center for Creative Leadership, the top corporate executive leadership institute in the country, and combines lectures, group exercises, assessment questionnaires and individual feedback sessions to provide participants with information about their leadership, behavioral and decision- making styles. Week IV: Bringing Leadership Home focuses on how public policy impacts all communities and specifically the Hispanic Community. Participants will focus on their individual endeavors to impact and reinvest in their local Hispanic community. This fourth and final week culminates with the attendance of the 2013 national conference and graduation ceremony. Mentoring In this study, the subjects expressed the need for political mentorship for Latinas running for office. The recommended mentors should be Latinas who serve or have served as elected officials. The participants in the pilot should also be assigned to Latina elected officials who will serve as their mentors. Latinas who are willing to serve as an elected official should be groomed to be political candidates. These participants should, in turn, agree to mentor another Latina who is seeking elected office; hence, creating a pipeline of mentorship and support. Political Fundraising Political fundraising is another variable described by many Latinas as an obstacle/barrier to seeking elected office. They are aware of the importance of raising money in a political campaign, but believe that women tend to have to work harder to secure funding compared to their male counterparts. Rutgers has explained with respect to candidate funding that early money is a necessity to ensure a candidate’s viability. The suggested efforts to enhance existing fundraising mechanisms include developing new statewide women’s PACs to support legislative candidates. For example, Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE) has addressed raising funds for political candidates through PAC. HOPE-PAC was founded in 1991 as a LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 100 statewide nonpartisan organization committed to promoting and increasing the active participation and recognition of Latinas in all aspects of the political process and within public and private sectors. HOPE-PAC endorses candidates and contributes to Latina candidates who work toward creating public policies that empower Latinas, their families, and their communities throughout the State of California. HOPE-PAC is dedicated to the advancement of Latino/Latina Candidates seeking public office. PODER PAC was created i to empower Latinas who want to run for office and make a difference in their communities. PODER PAC has supported many women running for the first time and celebrates the courage and dedication it took for them to do so. Therefore, it is crucial to set up a political PAC for this pilot group to offer seed money at the beginning of their campaign to show that they are viable candidates. This money can also be utilized to leverage additional PAC funds from various supporting organizations. (See appendix for list of PACs supporting women.) Rapid Response Team A political rapid response should be assigned to assist the candidate in running her campaign. The rapid reaction team will aid the candidate with respect to raising money, press inquiries, mailers, and overall strategy. Therefore, political entities should consider identifying Latinas who are interested in being trained to run campaigns and can assist in areas, including fundraising and media, as well as providing campaign managers to support Latina candidates. This effort will serve several purposes. First, it will provide a collective force of support and trust. The candidate will feel a sense of safety and encouragement from her peers. A rapid response team will also serve as an instrumental tool in the continuing effort to develop other Latina candidates. A Latina rapid response team should utilize successful political trainings like LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 101 EMILY’s List Winning Edge program. EMILY’s List has an excellent training program for women interested in learning the political skills needed to run an effective campaign. The Winning Edge: EMILY's List Training Program and Job Bank arms candidates and key campaign staff with the skills they need to gain an advantage in any political situation. Participants get real-world guidance on how to handle any campaign challenge that may come their way. Once participants go through the program, the EMILY’s List Job Bank connects trainees and other political professionals to Democratic campaigns and progressive organizations looking for staff (Emily’s List 2013). Madrinas Politicas Empowering and educating the Latino community is imperative because of the sheer size of the population, and the voting and purchasing power this demographic possesses. The gateway to the Latino community is through the Latina Matriarch, the Madrinas Politicas. Therefore, it is important to recognize their value, insight and trust and, to develop political programs for this dynamic demographic. The program will ideally utilize the “Promatora (train the trainer)” curriculum in terms of educating and mobilizing on the issues, voting, and holding their elected officials accountable. I recommend replicating The Comisión Femenil Mexicana Nacional throughout the State of California, which began in October 1970. During the National Chicano Issues Conference of that year, a group of women expressed their worries about issues that were important to Chicanas. They felt, however, that the conference participants were more worried about other issues—such as immigration—than about solving problems that affected women. The Comisión supports the Chicana/Latina and promotes her issues from birth to her future careers and aging. Today local chapters are active, but the national organization is defunct (U.C. Santa Barbara Library, October 30, 2013). There are other Latino civic engagement LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 102 programs, including the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) LULAC Democracy Initiative; LULAC’s civic engagement initiative seeks to cultivate understanding of the long-term connection among positive public policy, civic participation, and voting on Latino communities through issues advocacy thereby strengthening democratic participation in the United States. Civic engagement programs include English language instruction, civic literacy courses, non-partisan voter registration efforts, and civic participation training (League of United Latin American Citizens 2013). Preparing and Pipelining the Next Generation of Latina Leaders Mentoring and preparing young Latina women is critical to ensuring a political pipeline that will create the next generation of Latina leaders. Mentoring is critical in this pursuit. Latinas need to see other Latinas who have been successful in the political realm. Due to the volume of the Latina youth base, these young women must be exposed to the political strata and encouraged to be political players by working on campaigns, staffing elected officials, seeking position in policy, and running for elected office. They can also benefit from the Madrinas Politicas by leading their communities and encouraging them to be political players via exercising their right to vote, mobilizing their communities, and holding elected officials accountable to address social ills. I recommend putting together a pilot program for college-bound Latinas, ages 18–24. The program for Latina youth should be encouraged to identify participants in a political rapid response team to seek guidance and training on how to win a political campaign. Here is also an opportune moment in which young Latinas can begin to address issues of selfhood. Belinda Leon’s (2008) evaluation of the National Hispana Leadership Institute (NHLI)’s Latinas Learning to Lead found that Latina participants in the LLL program had a path of self- LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 103 knowledge and were able to establish a strong sense of cultural identity—something that several struggled with in applying to a program exclusively for Hispanic females (Leon, 2008). The National Hispana Leadership Institute’s LLL program’s objective is to help young Latinas stay in school and to prepare them for the workforce. It selects 22 18–24 year-old college-enrolled Latinas each year. NHLI’s Latinas Learning to Lead Program promotes and fosters the career and educational development of young college-aged Latina leaders through training, mentoring opportunities, and access to national networks and by providing tools to create community impact through their leadership projects. Session topics include effective communication and presentation skills, advocacy training, public policy issues affecting the Latino community, and other professional and leadership development topics, such as financial literacy and career opportunities. Therefore, a program like the LLL, in coordination with a political curriculum with a Madrinas Politicas–community focus would be ideal in preparing future Latina elected officials. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 104 Conclusion to the Study This project has presented evidence of a need to pipeline Latinas into the political pipeline in addition to preparing Madrinas Politicas to be social agents of change in their communities. By way of a survey that focused on commonalities and trending topics, and then in-depth interviews that discussed in more detail the experiences of Latina elected officials, data were collected to illustrate trends and words of advice from the practitioners to develop a practical plan for Latinas to seek elected office. The researcher believes the goals and outcomes of this project have been completed. By joining quantitative data with the qualitative findings, the researcher arrived at conclusions beyond the prime objective of collecting the subjects’ personal political stories and finding trends that can be utilized to identify and inspire Latinas to seek elected officials. Other benefits achieved were identifying the barriers that each participant faced and practical solutions they utilized to overcome them. In addition, a common trend like addressing the issue of self was a critical prerequisite to be addressed for other Latinas to seek elected office. As the research has demonstrated, the numbers of Latina elected officials at the State of California–level has dwindled over the years due to term limits. The researcher recommends additional research into this topic, as the literature for Latinas and elected office is minimal and outdated. The researcher recommends creating a pilot program as a result of a call to action to pipeline Latinas into seeking elected office due to vacancies created by term limits. In addition, cultivating the Madrina Politicas as active political participants is essential to the success of Latino participation in the political process. The Madrina Politica is the trusted gatekeeper in the community and can assist in transforming the Latino political presence in the community and in improving the quality of life for all Latino communities. Leave no Latinas Behind! LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 105 References Arcury, T. A., Quandt, S. A., & Russell, G. B. (2002). 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University of California, Los Angeles, for the State Government Oral History Program. Vega, A., & Firestone, J. M. (1995). The effects of gender on congressional behavior and the substantive representation of women. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 213-222. VotoLatino.org, (2013). Retrieved from < http://www.votolatino.org/about>. Welch, S. (1985). Are Women More Liberal Than Men in the US Congress?.Legislative Studies Quarterly, 125-134. Women of the year issue. (1985, January). Ms. Magazine. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 117 Appendix A Subjects Interviewed 1) Congresswoman Linda T. Sanchez 2003-current 2) Congresswoman Grace Napolitano 1998-current; State Assembly 1992-98 3) Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard-1992-current; State Assembly 1987-92 4) Congresswoman Gloria Negrete McLeod-2013 to current; State Assembly 2000-06; Senator 2006-12 5) Congresswoman Loretta Sanchez-1997 to current 6) Assemblymember Lori Saldaña 2004 – 2010 7) Assemblymember Sarah Reyes 1998-2004 8) Senator Denise Ducheny Assemblymember 1994-2000, Senator 2002-2010 9) Senator Deborah Ortiz Assemblymember 1996-1998, Senator 1998-2006 10) Los Angeles County Supervisor Gloria Molina 1991 to current; State Assembly 1982-87; Los Angeles City Council 1987-91 11) Los Angeles City Councilwoman Nury Martinez 2013 to current; Los Angeles School Board Member 2009-13 12) Los Angeles Unified School Board Member Monica Garcia 2006 to current 13) Los Angeles Unified School Board Member Yolie Flores 2007-2011 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 118 Appendix B Interview Questions for DPPD Project Questions for Latina Legislators Childhood 1. Where were you born? 2. Where were your parents born, if immigrants from what country? 3. How many siblings are in your family? 4. Where did you reside? 5. Who was your biggest role model growing up and why? 6. Did you have a strong male figure in your life? 7. Were your parents actively engaged in politics if so how? 8. How and when were you exposed to politics during your childhood? Education 9. Where did you attend school (private/public)? 10. Did you hold a leadership position in school? 11. What degrees do you hold & from what institutions? Latina Organizing 12. How did you get involved in organizing? 13. What event in your life prompted you to get involved? What is your organizing story? 14. When did you realize that you wanted to lead a movement? 15. Did your experience in organizing differ because you were a woman? 16. Did your experience differ because you were a woman of color? 17. Were you self-motivated or did someone encourage you to become an organizer? Did you have a political mentor? If yes, who? Legislative Impact LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 119 18. What was your biggest organizing impact on all levels in elected office e.g. legislation, projects? 19. What was the biggest Lesson learned? 20. What characteristics does a Latina need to be politically effective? 21. How does being a wife and mother impact your work if at all (if applicable)? 22. How does being the first Latina elected to the City Council and L.A. County Supervisor shape your political agenda if at all? Pipelining: State of California term limits. 23. Do you see term limits as a barrier or opportunity for Latinas? 24. Are you taking any action to groom the next person to succeed you? Will it be a Latina? Strategy: Candidate Pool 25. What qualities does a Latina have to possess to be considered a qualified candidate, electable? 26. What barriers do women face when seeking political office? Why do many of them not go beyond the local levels i.e. local city council/school board? 27. What is the best way to engage women into the political system? For example, how do you encourage them to go from behind the scenes to the front? 28. What are Latinas strengths that are innate to them? Latino Community 29. How do you engage and motivate Latinos to become civically engaged? 30. What do you consider the Latino agenda? 31. As a political pioneer, do you see that the Latino agenda has progressed regressed or is status quo. Self-Identification 32. Do you consider yourself to be a feminist? 33. How do you define yourself ethnically? 34. What is your Political affiliation? LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 120 Appendix C Letter Requesting Interview Dear Assembly Member, I hope you are well. I am respectfully requesting an opportunity to interview you for approximately 30-35 mins for my dissertation on Latina Leaders. I am currently a candidate for the Doctorate in Policy, Planning and Development at the University of Southern California in addition to serving in L.A. County Supervisor Gloria Molina ’s executive management team as the Director of Field and Unincorporated Services. The focus of my study is Latina Elected officials. I am studying under Dr. Harry Pachon from the Tomas Rivera Institute at the University of Southern California. I would like to ascertain from you your first-hand knowledge and experiences as a Latina elected official. I am confident that your contribution will greatly benefit the next generation of Latina leaders. Due to term limits in the State of California I believe it presents an opportunity for women to run and win elected office at the State and Federal levels. It would be an honor to interview you for this project and I believe you are best suited for this interview. Please advise if this request is possible. I am also sending you the proposed questions. Thank you for your consideration. Best Regards, Erica Jacquez LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 121 Appendix D Political Trainings and Resources (Source: Rutgers Center for American Women and Politics Eagleton Institute of Politics) Campaign Trainings for Women California List Founded in 2002, California List works to protect Democratic women incumbents facing tough re-elections and recruits strong candidates to run for promising open or viable seats in the California State Assembly and Senate. A fundraising network modeled after EMILY’s List, California List identifies and recommends outstanding women candidates to its members. California List partners with EMILY’s List and Emerge California to provide candidate and campaign trainings. For more information: Bettina Duval, Founder California List 212 26th Street Suite 150 Santa Monica, CA 90402 info@californialist.org (310) 458-9355 California Women Lead Founded in 1974, California Women Lead is a non-partisan, non-profit organization dedicated to providing leadership and campaign trainings, networking opportunities, and policy discussion forums for women interested in or holding elected and appointed offices at the state or local level. California Women Lead has nine chapters hosting training events throughout the state. Leadership trainings prepare women for political involvement, either running for office or serving in appointed positions. In addition to leadership trainings, California Women Lead provides over 30 appointments trainings annually to teach women about the responsibilities involved and application process for positions on governmental boards and commissions. Finally, California Women Lead organizes “women’s dialogues” on issues that affect women, including obstacles that women of both major parties face in running for office. Additional networking and training events throughout the year conducted by individual chapters are posted on the California Women Lead website. For more information: Rachel Michelin, Executive Director/CEO California Women Lead rachel@cawomenlead.org (916) 551-1920 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 122 Emerge California Sponsored by Emerge America Emerge California, an affiliate of Emerge America, is a political candidate training program for Democratic women in California who want to pursue careers in politics at the local and state levels. The Emerge mission is to inspire and prepare Democratic women across the state to run for and win public office by providing comprehensive training and access to powerful political networks. Twenty-five to thirty applicants are chosen annually to participate in once-monthly weekend workshops over the course of seven months. For more information: Kimberly Ellis Emerge California kimberly@emergeca.org contact@emergeCA.org (510) 593-0731 Pipeline to Leadership: Securing Spots on Boards and Commissions Sponsored by the Lawyers Club of San Diego Pipeline to Leadership: Securing Spots on Boards and Commissions features a panel of representatives discussing the many opportunities to serve on boards and commissions, the application process, the benefits of serving on boards, and more. The training is sponsored by the Lawyers Club of San Diego which seeks to advance the status of women in the law and in society. For more information: Lawyers Club of San Diego 701 B Street, Suite 224 San Diego, CA 92101 info@lawyersclubsandiego.com Phone: 619-595-0650 Political Boot Camp Sponsored by Run Women Run Run Women Run was founded in 2008 as a nonprofit, non-partisan organization with a mission to inspire, recruit, train, mentor and support pro-choice women for elected and appointed office in San Diego County. The group sponsors educational and networking seminars on women and politics, donates to pro-choice women candidates as a political action committee, and sponsors political boot camps in concert with local organizations to provide information on the facets of running for political office from campaign fundraising to honing your message. For more information: Michelle Burton, President Run Women Run 8140 Lost Vallecitos Boulevard LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 123 San Marcos, CA 92069 president@runwomenrun.org The Marian Bergeson Series Established in 2004, the Marian Bergeson Series is a nine-month series aimed at preparing Republican women for their next level of public involvement, including elected and appointed office. Selected Fellows participate in monthly trainings in various locations throughout the state on political history and processes, running successful campaigns, and philosphy and ethics. They are presented additional networking opportunities with Republican leaders through meetings in Sacramento and Washington, DC. The Marian Bergeson Series is an expansion program of the Richard C. Lugar Excellence in Public Service Series, founded in 1989 to encourage, mentor, and prepare selected women leaders for new levels of involvement in government and politics. For more information: Ann Rommel, Executive Director The Marian Bergeson Series 8 Fresian Coto de la Caza, CA 92679 info@thebergesonseries.com (949) 589-3871 Ventura County Women's Political Council The Ventura County Women's Political Council is a multi-partisan organization whose objective is to achieve equality for all women. The organization encourages, recruits, trains and supports diverse women candidates who support the goals of VCWPC and will bring a woman's perspective to every issue, foremost including reproductive health; the environment and social, educational and economic justice. For more information: Ventura County Women's Political Council P.O. Box 6603 Ventura, CA 93006 vcwpcouncil@gmail.com Campaign Trainings (women and men) Campaign Academy Sponsored by the California Democratic Party The California Democratic Party regularly hosts two-day comprehensive campaign trainings for grassroots activists across the state with locations throughout the state. Trainings are not necessarily geared towards candidates, but candidates do attend and have called the programs very beneficial in starting to plan their campaigns. For more information: Chris Masami Myers, Managing Director California Democratic Party LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 124 1401 21st Street Suite 200 Sacramento, CA 95811 chris@cadem.org (916) 442-5707 Contra Costa Republican Party The Contra Costa Republican Party holds an annual Candidate Boot Camp open to individuals interested in working on a campaign or running for office. For more information: Contra Costa Republican Party PO Box 5079 Walnut Creek, CA 94596 (925) 930-9551 Leadership Training Programs For Women California Issues and Trends Program Sponsored by Leadership California Founded in 1988, Leadership California is a non-partisan network of women leaders dedicated to advancing the leadership role of women in California. Since 1992, its California Issues and Trends Program (CIT) has educated women on public policy issues, challenges, and demographic trends facing California. Sixty women are chosen annually to participate in quarterly sessions around the state where experts provide them the knowledge necessary to take leadership roles in California’s public and private sectors. For more information: Leadership California 253 North San Gabriel Boulevard Suite 101 Pasadena, CA 91107 info@leadershipcalifornia.org (626) 793-7384 California Women Lead Founded in 1974, California Women Lead is a non-partisan, non-profit organization dedicated to providing leadership and campaign trainings, networking opportunities, and policy discussion forums for women interested in or holding elected and appointed offices at the state or local level. California Women Lead has nine chapters hosting training events throughout the state. Leadership trainings prepare women for political involvement, either running for office or serving in appointed positions. In addition to leadership trainings, California Women Lead provides over 30 appointments trainings annually to teach women about the responsibilities involved and application process for positions on governmental boards and commissions. Finally, California Women Lead organizes “women’s dialogues” on issues that affect women, including obstacles that women of both major parties face in running for office. Additional LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 125 networking and training events throughout the year conducted by individual chapters are posted on the California Women Lead website. For more information: Rachel Michelin, Executive Director/CEO California Women Lead rachel@cawomenlead.org (916) 551-1920 Leadership Training Programs (women and men) Leadership L.A. Sponsored by the Southern California Leadership Network and the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce Established in 1987, the Leadership L.A. (LLA) program includes nine monthly, full-day sessions devoted to key community issues and personal development exercises. Selected Fellows are active community leaders throughout Los Angeles County who will benefit from the first- hand experiences and education about issues like water, education, health care, public safety and arts, culture and the creative economy. Participants get an in-depth knowledge of L.A. city and county and build strong and lasting relationships with one another and with organizations they encounter. For more information: Taleen Ananian Leadership L.A. Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce 350 South Bixel Street Los Angeles, CA 90017 scln@lachamber.com (213) 580-7524 Leadership San Francisco Sponsored by the Leadership Institute Leadership San Francisco (LSF) is an organization dedicated to educating and developing community trustees who will make significant contributions to strengthen and transform our community. The LSF program develops future community leaders who are both knowledgeable about the city and concerned with its well-being. Individuals selected to participate in Leadership San Francisco explore community trusteeship, the ambition to work for the common good and serve the primary needs of others by holding their community in trust. Ten full-days monthly sessions are held from September through June. Sessions explore topics that include, but are not limited to, government, housing, transportation, health, social issues, education, regionalism, nonprofit organizations, the media and the effect these sectors have on the economy, jobs and quality of life. For more information: Diane Easton LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 126 Leadership San Francisco Leadership Institute 235 Montgomery Street, 12th Floor San Francisco, CA 94104 deaston@leadershipsf.org (415) 352-8826 Leadership Southern California Sponsored by the Southern California Leadership Network and the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce Leadership Southern California (LSC) enrolls approximately 40 interviewed and selected mid- to senior-level executives annually in a 10-month leadership development program to expose participants to regional public policy issues across Los Angeles, Orange, San Bernardino, Riverside, Ventura and San Diego Counties. Fellows also travel to Sacramento and Mexico for classes featuring leaders from private industry, government and the non-profit sector. For more information: Taleen Ananian Leadership Southern California Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce 350 South Bixel Street Los Angeles, CA 90017 scln@lachamber.com (213) 580-7526 National APAWLI Signature Fellowship Sponsored by the Center for Asian Pacific American Women The National APAWLI Signature Program (Fellowship) selects Asian Pacific American women with 8+ years of work/community experience and who are already viewed by their organizations, communities, and/or families as capable and talented high achievers to participate in a seven- month leadership development program. APAWLI fellows convene for three sessions that move participants from self-reflection to preparation for leadership roles. For more information: Rosie Abriam, President and CEO The Center for Asian Pacific American Women 1750 Montgomery Street San Francisco, CA 94111 info@apawomen.org (415) 310-6978 New Leaders Council Los Angeles New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 127 life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. For more information: mriddle@newleaderscouncil.org edesobe@newleaderscouncil.org New Leaders Council Orange County New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. For more information: Adel Syed, Co-Director and Co-Founder New Leaders Council Orange County asyed@newleaderscouncil.org Angelica Ramos aramos@newleaderscouncil.org New Leaders Council Sacramento New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. For more information: Dayanna Macias-Carlos dcarlos@newleaderscouncil.org nlcsac@nlcsac.org LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 128 New Leaders Council San Diego/San Diego Leadership Alliance New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. For more information: Colin Parent, Co-Director colin@colinparent.com New Leaders Council San Francisco New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. New Leaders Council Silicon Valley New Leaders Council (NLC) was formed in 2005 to train and support the next generation of progressive political entrepreneurs—young professionals in their twenties and thirties who are leading industries, setting trends, and building institutions that support robust civic and political life in a global America. NLC accomplishes this mission primarily through the NLC Institute - a political entrepreneurship training program held 10 days over a five-month period that builds local teams of young professionals in 19 cities across the nation. NLC Fellows learn entrepreneurship, leadership, and political management skills from over volunteer faculty from relevant industries. Fellows are also paired with career mentors, join a national alumni network, and agree to fundraise to support the next class of Fellows. For more information: nlcsiliconvalley@gmail.com Organizations Committed to Political Parity Black Women Organized for Political Action Founded in 1968, Black Women Organized for Political Action’s primary goals are to activate, motivate, promote, support, and educate African-American women about the political process, encourage involvement, and to affirm commitment to and solution of those problems affecting LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 129 the African-American community. Through its statewide chapters in seven states, including California, BWOPA works to articulate collective positions on issues affecting African Americans while providing leadership, training and mentoring to engage members in the political process. For more information: Black Women Organized for Political Action 920 Peralta Street Suite 2A Oakland, CA 94607 staff@bwopa.org (510) 763-9523 California Federation of Democratic Women The National Federation of Democratic Women (NFDW) supports the inclusion of women’s voices in the Democratic Party. With 32 chapters nationwide, the NFDW promotes Democratic Party goals and candidates and works to unite women party members behind them. NFDW chapters recognize potential women candidates and encourage their candidacies for office. Members attend meetings, organize educational and political events, volunteer for campaigns, and support candidates for office. For more information: Lyn Shaw-Hilfenhaus, President California Federation of Democratic Women 9732 Via Siena Burbank, CA 91506 camember@nfdw.com California Federation of Republican Women The California Federation of Republican Women, a chapter of the National Federation of Republican Women, promotes an informed public through education and activity, works to increase the effectiveness of women in the cause of good government, promotes knowledge of the principles and policies of the Republican Party, encourages active citizenship, and coordinates with the California Republican Party to support Republican candidates. For more information: Mariann Hedstrom, President California Federation of Republican Women 1029 J Street Suite 340 Sacramento, CA 95814 president@cfrw.org (916) 442-4084 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 130 California List Founded in 2002, California List works to protect Democratic women incumbents facing tough re-elections and recruits strong candidates to run for promising open or viable seats in the California State Assembly and Senate. A fundraising network modeled after EMILY’s List, California List identifies and recommends outstanding women candidates to its members. California List partners with EMILY’s List and Emerge California to provide candidate and campaign trainings. For more information: Bettina Duval, Founder California List 212 26th Street Suite 150 Santa Monica, CA 90402 info@californialist.org (310) 458-9355 California NOW Sponsored by the National Organization for Women Founded in 1966, the National Organization for Women (NOW) is the largest organization of feminist activists in the United States whose goal is to take action to bring about equality for all women. NOW is a multi-issue, multi-strategy organization that takes a holistic approach to women's rights. The organization's official priorities are winning economic equality and securing it with an amendment to the U.S. Constitution that will guarantee equal rights for women; championing abortion rights, reproductive freedom and other women's health issues; opposing racism and fighting bigotry against lesbians and gays; and ending violence against women. NOW has over 550 chapters in all 50 states that participate in education and advocacy activities. Information on state and local chapters of NOW is available on the national NOW website and through state chapters. For more information: Patty Bellasalma, President California NOW 915 L Street, Suite C245 Sacramento, CA 95814 president@canow.org (916) 442-3414 California Women 4 Women The mission of California Women 4 Women is to increase the awareness of women in the political process and support women for election to public office. For more information: Gwendolyn Cross Founder LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 131 25920 Iris Ave., Ste. 13A #328 Moreno Valley, CA 92551 californiawomen4women@gmail.com Fax: (951) 485-4531 California Women's Leadership Association The California Women's Leadership Association (CWLA) is a statewide organization committed to bringing together influential women to effect meaningful change in our communities and government through education and advocacy. CWLA believes in free market principles that emphasize: smaller government and the role of government as a facilitator, not a regulator Individual freedom responsibility and accountability; and economic growth through lower taxes and entrepreneurship. CWLA identifies and assists women with opportunities for involvement in significant decision making opportunities and positions, including financial assistance from the group's PAC arm. For more information: California Women's Leadership Association P.O. Box 60235 Irvine, CA 92602 cwla@cwla.us (949) 858-7448 close the gap CA Close the gap CA is a statewide recruiting campaign to find talented, progressive women to run and win seats in the California legislature in 2014 and 2016. Over the past 10 years, women's representation in our state legislature has declined from 30% to 25%; women of color dropped from 44% of women legislators to just 32% today. In 2014 and 2016, nearly 50% of Assembly and Senate seats will open up. Progressive women can win many of them. Working with women's political and civic organizations, past and current legislators and with Educate Our State, Planned Parenthood Affiliates of CA and women in the forefront of anti-poverty efforts, we can identify, recruit and connect promising prospects to the resources that will enable them to run and win. For more information: close the gap CA 555 Bryant St #241 Palo Alto, CA 94301 (650)326-2216 – Voice Mailbox #3 alice@closethegapca.org LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 132 National Women's Political Caucus California Sponsored by the National Women's Political Caucus The National Women’s Poliltical Caucus California works to increase women’s participation in the political process and to identify, recruit, train and support feminist women for election and appointment to public office. Group efforts focus on education, endorsements, and fundraising. The California Women’s Political Caucus is a chapter of the National Women’s Political Caucus. For more information: Teray Stephens 220 Newport Center Newport Beach, CA 92660 (866) 936-1917 president@nwpcca.org Run Women Run Run Women Run was founded in 2008 as a nonprofit, non-partisan organization with a mission to inspire, recruit, train, mentor and support pro-choice women for elected and appointed office in San Diego County. The group sponsors educational and networking seminars on women and politics, donates to pro-choice women candidates as a political action committee, and sponsors political boot camps in concert with local organizations to provide information on the many facets of running for political office, from campaign fundraising to honing a message. For more information: Michelle Burton, President Run Women Run 1531 Grand Avenue Suite D San Marcos, CA 92078-2463 president@runwomenrun.org San Francisco Women's Political Committee Established in 2002, the San Francisco Women's Political Committee (SFWPC) is a multi-party organization that works to engage women in all dimensions of the political process. SFWPC makes female and male candidate endorsements, initiative endorsements and presents the only woman's slate card in San Francisco. The committee advocates for policy improvements that support the empowerment of women, girls and community. For more information: Jaynry Mak FPPC #1243711 PO Box 191783 San Francisco, CA 94119-1783 jaynry@sfwpc.org info@sfwpc.org LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 133 The Center for Asian Pacific American Women The Center for Asian Pacific American Women (formerly known as Asian Pacific American Women's Leadership Institute, APAWLI) is dedicated to the holistic development of women who come from Asian and Asian Pacific Islander backgrounds. The Center's vision is to be the place where every Asian and Asian Pacific Islander American woman can come together to hear each other's voices, celebrate accomplishments and find the support to embark on personal and professional growth, at whatever stage in life. The Center offers members a variety of development programs, conferences, seminars and networking activities that address the emerging needs of Asian and Asian Pacific Islander American women, including the National APAWLI Signature Program that provides leadership development to selected fellows annually. For more information: Rosie Abriam, President and CEO The Center for Asian Pacific American Women 1750 Montgomery Street San Francisco, CA 94111 info@apawomen.org (415) 310-6978 Ventura County Women's Political Council The Ventura County Women's Political Council is a multi-partisan organization whose objective is to achieve equality for all women. The organization encourages, recruits, trains and supports diverse women candidates who support the goals of VCWPC and will bring a woman's perspective to every issue, foremost including reproductive health; the environment and social, educational and economic justice. For more information: vcwpcouncil@gmail.com Women’s Political Action Committees (PACs) Antelope Valley Women in Action - PAC Antelope Valley Women in Action PAC is composed of individual Democratic women independent of any political party, organization, officeholder or candidate with a common purpose to support the election of Democratic candidates, particularly but not exclusively female candidates, to partisan and non-partisan office in the Antelope Valley and surrounding areas. At the group’s discretion and as resources permit, they may support Democratic candidates, or oppose non-Democratic candidates, anywhere in the state of California, as well as support or oppose measures on local or state ballots. For more information: Antelope Valley Women in Action - PAC lyndavon@roadrunner.com (661) 435-5057 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 134 Black Women Organized for Political Action State PAC (BWOPA) Founded in 1968, Black Women Organized for Political Action’s primary goal is to activate, motivate, promote, support, and educate African-American women about the political process, encourage involvement, and affirm a commitment to, and solution of, problems affecting the African-American community. The organization created a political action committee in 1999 to help achieve its political goals. For more information: LaNiece Jones, Executive Director Black Women Organized for Political Action State PAC (BWOPA) 920 Peralta Street Suite 2A Oakland, CA 94607 staff@bwopa.org (510) 763-9523 California List Founded in 2002, California List works to protect Democratic women incumbents facing tough re-elections and recruits strong candidates to run for promising open or viable seats in the California State Assembly and Senate. A fundraising network modeled after EMILY’s List, California List identifies and recommends outstanding women candidates to its members. California List partners with EMILY’s List and Emerge California to provide candidate and campaign trainings. For more information: Bettina Duval, Founder California List 212 26th Street Suite 150 Santa Monica, CA 90402 info@californialist.org (310) 458-9355 California Women's Leadership Association PAC The CWLA Political Action Committee is a separate 527 organization that endorses and financially supports candidates for state and local office, with a special focus on developing and promoting viable women candidates who share CWLA’s principles. For more information: California Women's Leadership Association PAC P.O. Box 60235 Irvine, CA 92602 cwla@cwla.us (949) 445-4600 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 135 California Women's Political Caucus Sponsored by the National Women's Political Caucus The National Women’s Political Caucus of California works to increase women’s participation in the political process and to identify, recruit, train and support feminist women for election and appointment to public office. Group efforts focus on education, endorsements, and fundraising. The California Women’s Political Caucus is a chapter of the National Women’s Political Caucus. For more information: Melissa Fox 49 Bolinas Irvine, CA 92602 President@nwpcca.org (949) 683-8855 Democratic Activists for Women Now (DAWN) Founded in 1992, Democratic Activists for Women Now (DAWN) supports the election and appointment of progressive Democratic women candidates to office. The group also provides scholarships to women interested in attending Emerge California, a political training program for women. For more information: Carla Collins, President Democratic Activists for Women Now (DAWN) P.O. Box 6614 San Jose, CA 95150 (408) 275-6981 Democratic Women of the Desert The Democratic Women of the Desert are dedicated to promoting social, economic and political policies that reflect the priorities of women by: educating members about women's issues increasing political awareness and participation of all women in the community actively recruiting young women; and raising campaign contributions for Democratic women candidates. The group serves the entire Coachella Valley of California including: Palm Springs, Cathedral City, Rancho Mirage, Palm Desert, La Quinta, Indian Wells, Coachella, Desert Hot Springs and surrounding areas. For more information: Ingrid Pratt, Membership Chair Democratic Women of the Desert ingrid2r@yahoo.com (760) 218-0377 LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 136 Democratic Women of the San Fernando Valley Democratic Women of the San Fernando Valley works to promote issues of importance to women by amplifying their voices in the creation of policy for the California Democratic Party. The group seeks to engage, mentor, promote and empower women to participate in the Party's activities, in addition to training and educating qualified Democratic women to run for public office and seek appointment to boards and commissions. For more information: Lyn Shaw, President Democratic Women of the San Fernando Valley c/o Lyn Klein 5210 Zelzah Avenue #216 Encino, CA 91316 Hispanas Organized for Political Equality Political Action Committee (HOPE PAC) HOPE Political Action Committee is a non-profit, non-partisan political action committee committed to promoting and increasing the active participation of Latinas in elective office at the local and state levels, on public and private policy-making boards and commissions, and in all aspects of the political process. Beyond financial assistance, HOPE PAC plans to provide training for Latina candidates and policymakers in conjunction with other organizations. For more information: Marisa Perez, Board President Hispanas Organized for Political Equality Political Action Committee (HOPE PAC) hopepacboard@yahoo.com Los Angeles African American Women PAC Founded in 1991, the Los Angeles African American Women Political Action Committee (LAAAWPAC) is dedicated to endorsing and supporting California African American Women running for national, state, and local offices. For more information: Los Angeles African American Women PAC 8306 Wilshire Bouelvard Beverly Hills, CA 90211 jyh@dslextreme.com (323) 547-7748 National Women's Political Caucus California Sponsored by the National Women's Political Caucus The National Women’s Political Caucus California works to increase women’s participation in the political process and to identify, recruit, train and support feminist women for election and appointment to public office. Group efforts focus on education, endorsements, and fundraising. The California Women’s Political Caucus is a chapter of the National Women’s Political Caucus. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 137 For more information: Teray Stephens 220 Newport Center Newport Beach, CA 92660 (866) 936-1917 president@nwpcca.org National Women's Political Caucus of California, Los Angeles Westside PAC The National Women’s Political Caucus of California’s Los Angeles Westside Political Action Committee meets throughout the year to interview candidates for local commissions, city council, California Assembly and Senate candidates who request the organization's endorsement. Individuals interested in an NWPC endorsement can contact the organization for an application and interview. For more information: Lindsay Bubar National Women's Political Caucus of California, Los Angeles Westside PAC lindsay.bubar@gmail.com (818) 516-4697 San Francisco Women's Political Committee Established in 2002, the San Francisco Women's Political Committee (SFWPC) is a multi-party organization that works to engage women in all dimensions of the political process. SFWPC makes female and male candidate endorsements, initiative endorsements and presents the only woman's slate card in San Francisco. The committee advocates for policy improvements that support the empowerment of women, girls and community. For more information: Jaynry Mak FPPC #1243711 PO Box 191783 San Francisco, CA 94119-1783 jaynry@sfwpc.org info@sfwpc.org Santa Barbara Women's PAC The Santa Barbara Women's Political Committee is a non-partisan political action committee dedicated to furthering gender equality and feminist values through political and social action, and education. The Santa Barbara Women's Political Action Committee works to recruit, promote and support progressive women for political office. They endorse the candidacies of feminist candidates (women and men) who actively support group goals and promote a feminist agenda. For more information: Jane Gray, Board President LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 138 Santa Barbara Women's PAC P.O. Box 90618 Santa Barbara, CA 93190-0618 info@sbwpc.org Ventura County Women's Political Council The Ventura County Women's Political Council is a multi-partisan organization whose objective is to achieve equality for all women. The organization encourages, recruits, trains and supports diverse women candidates who support the goals of VCWPC and will bring a woman's perspective to every issue, foremost including reproductive health; the environment and social, educational and economic justice. For more information: vcwpcouncil@gmail.com Women Building for the Future - The Future PAC Though in 2008 more African-American women voted than any other group in the United States, few hold elected offices because of lack of financial support. The Future PAC is the first national political action committee designed to provide support and funding to African-American women seeking public office at the federal and state levels of the United States government, and when deemed strategically advantageous, also at the local level. For more information: Joy Atkinson Women Building for the Future - The Future PAC 4201 Wilshire Blvd., Suite 615 Los Angeles, CA 90010 futurepac@womenbuildingforthefuture.com (323) 954-3777 Women in Leadership Founded in 1993, Women In Leadership is a bi-partisan organization dedicated to electing pro- choice women to public office. WIL supports candidates at the local, state and national levels who share a commitment to ensuring access to reproductive health care for all women. In addition to financial support for women candidates, WIL holds a series of luncheons to introduce supporters to women leaders and candidates. For more information: Women in Leadership c/o Pam Gilmour 2 Singletree Drive Newport Beach, CA 92660 info@womeninleadership.com LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 139 Women's Political Committee Established in 1977, the Women's Political Committee supports progressive women candidates, primarily in California, who are seeking elected office at all levels of government. Candidates must support the National Feminist Agenda that includes choice, pay equity and civil rights. For more information: Kathryn Kerfes Amira, co-chair Valerie Wisot, co-chair Political Appointments Projects California Women Lead Founded in 1974, California Women Lead is a non-partisan, non-profit organization dedicated to providing leadership and campaign trainings, networking opportunities, and policy discussion forums for women interested in or holding elected and appointed offices at the state or local level. California Women Lead has nine chapters hosting training events throughout the state. Leadership trainings prepare women for political involvement, either running for office or serving in appointed positions. In addition to leadership trainings, California Women Lead provides over 30 appointments trainings annually to teach women about the responsibilities involved and application process for positions on governmental boards and commissions. Finally, California Women Lead organizes “women’s dialogues” on issues that affect women, including obstacles that women of both major parties face in running for office. Additional networking and training events throughout the year conducted by individual chapters are posted on the California Women Lead website. For more information: California Women Lead admin@cawomenlead.org (916) 551-1920 Women’s Legislative Caucuses California Legislative Women's Caucus Formed in 1985, the Legislative Women's Caucus represents and advocates on behalf of the diverse interests of women, children and families throughout California and seeks to increase participation and representation of women in state government. The Legislative Women's Caucus is bipartisan, open to all women members of the California Legislature, and embraces the goal of empowering all women to be self-sufficient, independent, and equal partners in their homes, communities, places of work and government. LATINA ELECTED OFFICIALS 140 For more information: Elizabeth Fuller, Assembly Consultant and Bryn Sullivan, Senate Consultant California Legislative Women's Caucus 1020 N St., Room 156B Sacramento, CA 95814 bryn.sullivan@sen.ca.gov elizabeth.fuller@asm.ca.gov Fuller: (916) 319-3564, Sullivan: (916) 651-1540
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
This research project is a cumulative and qualitative inquiry into the Latina elected officials who legislate in the State of California. The study provides details of their political journeys as well as a blueprint to empower and encourage Latinas to seek elected office and Madrinas Politicas as political stewards within their communities. Data include political obstacles, victories, community organizing, and legislative impacts. Themes of significance include a need for political mentors, barriers to fundraising, developing the issue of self, and creating a pipeline for Latinas to run for office.
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Jacquez, Erica L.
(author)
Core Title
Latina elected officials in California: a call to action to prepare and pipeline Latinas into the political process
School
School of Policy, Planning and Development
Degree
Doctor of Policy, Planning & Development
Degree Program
Policy, Planning, and Development
Publication Date
12/04/2013
Defense Date
10/16/2013
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
Latina elected officials in California,Latinas in politics,Latinos in Politics,OAI-PMH Harvest,women in politics
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Suro, Roberto (
committee chair
), Natoli, Deborah (
committee member
), Torres, Helen Iris (
committee member
)
Creator Email
erica.jacquez3@gmail.com
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-355433
Unique identifier
UC11295958
Identifier
etd-JacquezEri-2201.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-355433 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-JacquezEri-2201.pdf
Dmrecord
355433
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
application/pdf (imt)
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Jacquez, Erica L.
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
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University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
Latina elected officials in California
Latinas in politics
Latinos in Politics
women in politics