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Does the colorline still exist in the 21st century: examining racial climate on the campus of a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) as perceived by a group of African American college s...

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Content Running head: DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 1

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST IN THE 21st CENTURY:
EXAMINING RACIAL CLIMATE ON THE CAMPUS OF A UNIVERSIY WITH A
DIVERSE STUDENT BODY (UDSB) AS PERCEIVED BY A GROUP OF AFRICAN
AMERICAN COLLEGE STUDENTS
by

Princess Jasmine Charles-Johnson
_____________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

December 2013

Copyright 2013 Princess Jasmine Charles-Johnson

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 2
Abstract
This qualitative study employs three theoretical frameworks as the source of its
foundation, covering literature from Acting White, Stereotype Threat and Campus
Climate. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the perceptions of Racial Climate as
perceived by African American college students attending a University with a Diverse
Student Body (UDSB) in order to support the retention and success rates of Black
students attending UDSBs. Participants attended a large, urban, university located on the
West Coast of North America, and is known for its diversity. Using a 65 item interview
guide, driven by the theoretical frameworks, 5 African American females and 5 African
American males, with a matriculation status of Junior or higher, were interviewed
individually. Participant selection was conducted through the assistance of the
university’s black student union. Findings revealed that there is a burden to being a Black
student. Black students sought to avoid confirming any stereotypes, or being negatively
viewed while on campus. Participants perceived that other Black students chose their
majors due to ease of the coursework, or to uncover social injustices, yet reported they
selected their own majors because of personal goals. This study helps to uncover the
perceptions of Black college students, and reveals areas of growth and change that must
be implemented by universities in order to promote the retention and success rates of
Black students attending UDSBs.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 3
Dedication
God has paved the way for me to travel a road less taken. Despite pitfalls and
worries, God has always picked me up and placed my feet on solid ground. I dedicate this
work to those that God has placed in my life to help mold me into the person I am today.
To my heart, my love, my husband, Dwaine Anthony Johnson, thank you for loving me
for me, supporting me unconditionally, having the fortitude to make sacrifices for me,
and always staying by my side. You have shown me that life is so much sweeter when
you have the right life-mate. I love you always!
To the wind beneath my wings, no longer alive, Linda Ann Sharpe-Brown, a
mother beyond mothers, who always sacrificed and asked for nothing in return, and
simply wanted me to succeed. I hope you see me from heaven and that you are smiling.
You always gave me your all. I never heard you complain, never saw you cry, you just
made magic happen! Thank you!
To Tamura, and Little Marvin, who were there for me when I was up late doing
projects; when I wasn’t sure I would ever walk again; when my back was too debilitated
to even move; you two were right there for me every step of the way. Throughout the ups
and downs, we are family always and forever. I love you both so much. Thank you!

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 4
Acknowledgements
I would like to extend an especially heartfelt thank you to Dr. Reynaldo Baca.
You are not only my dissertation chair, but a true source of guidance and direction for my
goals. You have guided me into a deeper level of inquiry and research and transformed
my skills into an upper echelon. You always sacrifice for all of your students. Thank you
for all of the Saturdays and evenings that you so generously stayed on campus just to
accommodate not only myself, but tons of other dissertation students. Thank you for the
time you spent allowing me to get to know you, when we just sat and laughed at your
jokes, tasted bacon salt, watched video clips of basketball superstars (LeBron vs. Kobe,
vs. Abdul Jabbar), and the many pianist jazz legends. Thanks for molding me into a
stronger professional, thinker and doer.
To my dissertation committee, Dr. Linda Fischer and Dr. Gisele Ragusa, thank
you both so very much for supporting me in reaching my goals. Your influence has
allowed me to achieve a lifelong goal. I will use what I have learned to help improve the
quality of lives of others. Thank you all for your guidance and wisdom.
To the University of California, Riverside, thank you for giving me the foundation
to seek to investigate issues of diversity and education across nation. I cherish the
insights I gained while being a student at UC Riverside. To Dr. Ralph Crowder, an
outstanding professor at UC Riverside, who prompted me to seek a higher education
beyond undergraduate studies, thank you.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 5
Table of Contents
Abstract ...............................................................................................................................2

Dedication ...........................................................................................................................3

Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................4

List of Tables ......................................................................................................................8

Chapter One: Overview of the Study ..................................................................................9
Introduction ................................................................................................................9
Statement of the Problem .........................................................................................10
Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................11
Need for the Study ...................................................................................................12
Research Questions ..................................................................................................13
Definition of Terms ..................................................................................................13
Summary of Introduction .........................................................................................15
Chapter Two: Literature Review .......................................................................................16
Introduction ..............................................................................................................16
Campus Climate Theory ...........................................................................................16
Introduction to Campus Climate Theory ........................................................16
Campus Climate Theory Research ...................................................................16
The Acting White Model ..........................................................................................47
The Acting White Model Introduction ............................................................47
The Acting White Model Research .................................................................47
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 6
Stereotype Threat Theory .................................................................................................52
Stereotype Threat Introduction .......................................................................52
Stereotype Threat Research ............................................................................52
Chapter Three: Methodology ............................................................................................76
Introduction ..............................................................................................................76
Campus Selection .....................................................................................................77
Sampling Framework ...............................................................................................78
Interview Guide .......................................................................................................79
Research Questions and Related Interview Items ....................................................80
Chapter Four: Results of the Study ...................................................................................85
Introduction ..............................................................................................................85
Research Question 1 ................................................................................................92
Acting White/Cultural Ecology Theoretical Background ...............................92
The Burden of Being Black ............................................................................95
Summary of Responses .................................................................................112
Research Question 2 ..............................................................................................113
Stereotype Threat Theoretical Background ..................................................113
The Easy Route: Feeling the Threat ..............................................................114
Summary of Responses .................................................................................122
Research Question 3 ..............................................................................................123
Campus Climate Theoretical Background ....................................................123
Diversity or Division .....................................................................................124
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 7
Summary of Responses .................................................................................137
Chapter Summary ...................................................................................................138
Chapter Five: Conclusion and Recommendations ..........................................................143
Discussion ..............................................................................................................143
Key Findings .........................................................................................................146
Finding 1: The Burden of Blackness ............................................................146
Finding 2: Feeling the Threat ........................................................................151
Finding 3: Feeling the Racial Climate ..........................................................154
Implications for Practice ........................................................................................158
Recommendations for Research .............................................................................160
Conclusions ............................................................................................................162

References .......................................................................................................................163

Appendices
Appendix: Interview Guide .....................................................................................168
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 8
List of Tables
Table 1 Tinto’s Student Integration Model ..................................................................18
Table 2 Davis’s Model of Mediating Factors for College Outcomes ...........................30
Table 3 Hurtado’s Campus Climate Framework Evaluation ........................................35
Table 4 Sampling Frame ...............................................................................................78
Table 5 Research Questions and Theoretical Framework ............................................79
Table 6 Research Questions and Related Interview Items ............................................80
Table 7 Research Questions and Theoretical Framework ............................................85
Table 8 Research Question and Theoretical Framework Overview ...........................146
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 9
CHAPTER ONE
OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Racial diversity is growing in America. Minorities are expected to make up 47 %
of America’s population by the year 2050. With this growth in racial diversity in
America, it is expected that there be a commensurate growth in the demographics of
colleges across America (Szelenyi, 2001). Statistics have shown that between 1976 and
1994, minorities accounted for over 50% of the total enrollment growth at the college
level (Aragon, 2000). During this timeframe, enrollment increased by 30%. Thus, a
transition in college and university demographics has already taken place, with an
expected continuance in change in demographics. Colleges and universities will
transition from their historical roots of either a Traditionally White Institution (TWI) or
Historically Black College and University (HBCU), and will become what I call the
University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB). The UDSB represents the ever growing
presence of college campuses in the 21
st
century, which now enroll more students of
color than their previous enrollment numbers during the 20
th
century (cite). It is important
that the UDSB is able to shed the initial segregating roots and principles that it was built
upon, and become a campus that is perceived by its minority student body as
accommodating and non-threatening (cite). Significantly fewer African Americans are
completing undergraduate degrees in comparison their White counterparts (cite).
In his 1897 essay, “The Conservation of Races”, W.E.B. Dubois asserted that the
color line was the problem of the 20th century. Dubois made it known that the issue of
race would persist as long as minorities continued to be perceived negatively. Over 100
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 10
years later, the color line continues to be the problem of the 21
st
century. This color line
is remarkably evident in academia. African Americans remain further behind their White
counterparts in collegiate success and socioeconomic status. The graduation rates of
minorities in comparison to those of Whites differs to a great extent, thus illuminating the
fact that there is a definite color line that still persists in higher education (Almanac of
Higher Education, 1995). Whether intentional or unintentional, college campuses and
universities may still be suffering from both structural and interpersonal issues with the
way in which the policies and strategies, and overall campus climate have been
established.
Problem Statement
Student retention amongst African Americans undergraduates is not only an issue
but a serious problem that is facing African American college students in the 21
st
century.
Once students are unable to return to the college, there is loss of equity for the college on
several levels. Loss of equity impacts the campus, the minority student population,
administrators, decision makers and donors. The issue of retention has persisted since the
1980’s, and has been particularly low amongst minority students (Lau, 2003). This
means that there is something that fuels or affects the presence of minorities in
institutions of higher education. Ultimately, colleges and universities are not graduating
a proportionate number of Black students that have been accepted into these institutions.
The University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) is now catering to a more
diverse campus. I believe that it is the duty of the UDSB to provide the proper resources
necessary for its diverse study body to succeed. Thereby, the UDSB forges the way to
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 11
become a forefront in the educational attainment of all cultures and ethnicities, hence
holding true to its representation of a diverse school. A UDSB cannot simply have
diverse students enrolled, but must also show that these students are retained and
graduate.
Purpose Statement
This study qualitatively researched the perceptions and views of a group of
African American students attending a UDSB. Though this group of student perceptions
cannot be generalized to the rest of the population, their perceptions provided insight into
the views of a group of African American students attending a UDSB. It is possible that
the student views may give campus stakeholders and other decision makers, an
opportunity to get a clearer understanding of the views of African Americans attending a
UDSB. It is also possible that the UDSB may or may not be as accommodating to
diversity as its numbers of enrollment represent. It may be that the UDSB may or may
not continue to perpetuate a perceived racially tense campus climate. The only way to
truly gain insight will be by documenting the interviews of the perceived real-life
experiences given by African American students attending a UDSB.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the perceived factors that allow African
Americans to effectively retain enrollment and performance in the UDSB. This study
sought to uncover the types of experiences a UDSB provides for African American
students. This study used the researched experiences of African Americans at
Traditionally White Institutions (TWIs) and Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs) as a reference point for comparison. As college campuses increase in diversity,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 12
more research is needed to evaluate and identify the impact of campus environment on
the perceived experiences and outcomes of its students.
The goal of this study was to collect high quality enriched data provided by a
group of African American Students through qualitative analysis. I endeavored to gain
insight on the perceived experiences of African American students attending a particular
University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB).
If the student retention and success rates of African American students remain
unresolved, the UDSB may merely reflect a societal issue, in which there is diversity, but
reiterate African American negative perceptions of an equal, racially non-threatening
America. African American attrition rates may represent a societal issue of poorly
preparing African Americans to succeed academically. If the aforementioned issues are
not addressed by UDSBs, theses campuses may unknowingly perpetuate the same
outcomes of the past. In turn, reiterating that the color line is a serious problem that
plagues higher education.
The retention and success rate of Black Students in higher education remains
quite low in comparison to their White counterparts. Little research has been performed
to evaluate performance and perceptions of campus climate possessed by Black students
at a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB). Numerous studies evaluated the
performance and outcomes of students at Traditionally White Institutions and Historically
Black Colleges and Universities. The UDSB represents a new type of college
environment emanating due to the impact of societal diversity. This study is needed
because it will give college administrators and stakeholders an opportunity to understand
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 13
how this new college environment affects its minority students. This study may possibly
show that different tools and methods need to be employed for Black students attending a
UDSB.
The three Research Questions which guided this study are as follows:
1. Do African American students experience the Burden of Acting White on a
campus with a diverse student body?
2. Does Stereotype Threat impact how African American students select their
majors?
3. How do African Americans perceive racial climate on a campus with a diverse
student body?

Definition of Terms
This section defines terms that will be continuously used throughout this study.
1. Expectations: One’s personal perceived view of what is needed or demanded of
them in the educational setting. A student can have expectations placed on them
by their parents, school, faculty, and overall campus environment (Hurtado, 1992)
2. UDSB: Abbreviated for a University with a Diverse Student Body, a UDSB is a
college or university campus whose enrollment numbers reflect racial diversity in
the 21
st
century in comparison to its previous 20
th
century enrollment numbers for
racial diversity. Retention. The ability for a student to maintain their student status
at a collegiate university, working towards the end-goal of graduation.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 14
3. Success: Defined in this study, success is the ability for a student to effectively
maintain their matriculation status (ie. not on probationary status), and be on track
to graduate from a four-year collegiate institution. In essence a student who has
completed more than 1 semester or quarter of college matriculation. The end-goal
is graduation success, in which a student graduates from a four-year collegiate
institution.
4. Drop-outs. Students who elect to no longer attend the collegiate institution the
student was attending, thereby terminating their matriculation. Despite causation
for drop-out, ie. hardship, disinterest or any other reason, the student is still
classified as a drop-out.
5. TWI: Abbreviated for Traditionally White Institution, a TWI is a college or
university campus that was founded with the original intent to serve on particular
racial demographic, White students.
6. HBCU: Abbreviated for Historically Black College or University. The HBCU is a
college or university campus that was founded with the original intent to serve a
specific racial demographic: African American/Black students.
7. University: A collegiate institution of higher learning.
8. Voluntary Minorities: Minorities who have been placed in America due to
slavery, by force, not by choice (Ogbu, 1990).
9. Involuntary Minorities: Minorities who have chosen to come to America by their
own free will (Ogbu, 1990)

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 15
Summary
Racial diversity is growing in America. Minorities are expected to make up 47 % of
America’s population by the year 2050 (Aragon, 2000). With this growth in diversity as a
society, it is expected that America will see a commensurate growth in the demographics
of colleges across America (Szelenyi, 2001). The problem lies in the fact that a
disproportionate amount of Black students are graduating from universities in comparison
to their White counterparts, signaling that something is not being properly addressed in
the college campus environment, and illuminates the concept that the color line is still a
problem in the 21
st
century. With the rise in racial diversity on college campuses,
institutions have already begun to transition in to what I call the University with a
Diverse Student Body (UDSB). Since the University with a Diverse Student Body is now
catering to a more diverse campus, I believe that it is the duty of the UDSB to provide the
proper resources necessary for the entirety of its diverse study body to succeed. Thereby,
the UDSB forges the way to become a forefront in the educational attainment of all
cultures and ethnicities, hence holding true to its representation of a diverse school. A
UDSB cannot simply have diverse students enrolled, but must also show that these
students are retained and graduate.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 16
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
The following areas of literature are the components for this chapter: Campus
Climate Theory; the Acting White Model; Stereotype Threat Theory; Black Students
attending Traditionally White Institutions (TWI); and Black Students attending
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUS). Campus Climate Theory, the
Acting White Model and Stereotype Thereat Theory will serve as the theoretical
frameworks for this study, and combined, are able to illustrate that the color line is still a
major issue in the 21
st
century in regards to education. The experiences of Black students
attending the TWI or HBCU campuses gives additional insight on the factors that
influence the perceptions of Blacks at these different campuses. This literature review
will serve as a tool for juxtaposition between the described experiences of participants in
this study in comparison to the data collected by the researchers in this literature review.

Section 1: Campus Climate Theory
In the following section I will present literature I have collected about the Campus
Climate Theory. Essentially, this theory is based upon the concept that each campus
environment has its own unique setting. Thereby, it is proposed that based upon the
environment of that campus, that setting has the capability to molding, impact and
possibly redirect the outcomes of perceived student experiences. The most prominent
researchers that have evaluated the Campus Climate Theory include: Tinto, Davis and
Hurtado. Each of these researchers will be presented in this portion of the literature
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 17
review. The following literature on Campus Climate Theory that I have reviewed for this
study share a connectedness in their findings. The findings of these researchers aren’t
identical, yet they do link to one another. Similarly, the findings all reveal that African
American student perceptions of racially hostile and tense campus climates existed.
Perceptions were impacted by the personal views, experiences, and backgrounds of the
participants. The main aspects that I will present in this portion of the literature review is
that the campus climate is capable

Tinto (1975, 1987, 1993)

In order to truly understand Campus Climate Theory, a review Tinto’s (1975)
Student Interaction Theory is necessary. Ascending from the Durkheim Theory of
Suicide used by Spady (1970), Tinto (1975) utilizes this theory as a foundation for his
Student Integration Theory. According to Spady (1970), students elect to depart from
social settings like college campuses as the result of a multifaceted course of actions.
These actions are linked to the following factors: background, compatibility with the
setting’s standards, support, academic progress, level of social integration, degree of
commitment and gratification with the college campus. Tinto (1975) takes Spady’s theory
and molds it to fit his own suppositions, by adding two additional variables: background
characteristics and motivation as demonstrated by commitments. Initially, Tinto’s theory
covers five dynamics that he asserts are contributors to student retention (Table 1). These
five dynamics are comprised of the following:
1. Background: According to this dynamic the student’s background factors such
as academics and socio-economics are linked to student retention raters
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 18
2. Goals: According to this dynamic Tinto (1975) posits that internal aspects of
the student such as personal goals the student aims to accomplish at their
college of attendance can impact student retention rates
3. College Campus Experiences and Commitment: Tinto (1975) suggests that the
perceived interactions between students and their peers, administrators and
faculty, have the potential to affect the retention rates of college students.
4. Outside Commitments: Tinto (1975) suggests that external demands, such as
work and other commitments can affect student retention rates.
5. Integration (Social and Academic): According to this dynamic, the extent to
which the student is or isn’t able to integrate on campus both socially and
academically, has the potential to affect student retention rates.

Table 1: Tinto’s Student Integration Model

Factors Descriptors
Pre-College Factors Socio-economic status, gender, ethnicity, test
scores, academic grades
Goals Level of interest to complete degree,
Level of dedication to student’s own academic and
career goals.
College Campus Experiences and Commitment to
Campus
Level in which the student is committed to their
campus and their willingness to devote the time and
effort required to reach their goals at that campus.
Outside Commitments Level in which the student must devote time to
outside factors such as work, family and other
obligations.
Integration (Social and Academic) Faculty relations, course grades, build friendships
According to Tinto (1975), college dropout is not a sign of weakness on the
student’s part. He suggests that drop out is not a decision based on shortfalls. Instead,
drop out is a longitudinal progression based on the following influencing factors: race,
socioeconomic status, and high school performance. Furthermore, these factors have both
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 19
direct and indirect impacts on the student’s preliminary dedication to both the campus
and the academic standards of that campus. According to Tinto (1975) the student’s
preliminary levels of dedication towards their college campus also impact the depth of
their social and academic integration on that campus. It is this integration that has a direct
impact on the student’s choice to drop out or to either continue attending the collegiate
institution. Therefore, Tinto (1975) suggests that if the student chooses to continue at the
institution, integrates on social and academic levels, then dedicates themselves to the
goals and the campus, interactions with peers, administrators and faculty are then made
more favorable. Thus, as each area of the dynamics is intensified, the student will also
become more integrated socially (once they are academically successful, and take part in
more interactions and experiences).
Tinto (1975) asserts that the college setting is divided into two sectors: academic
and social, which both possess certain formal and informal compositions. Tinto (1975,
1987) also incorporates additional theories from Van Gennep. Tinto (1975) refers to rites
of passage and the shift from high school to college. This shift requires a gradual and
continual process of transition when going from one setting to the next. Thus, the
student’s integration (both social and academic) are impacted by their perceived campus
experiences. Thus, according to Tinto (1975, 1987), this gradual and continual process of
transition from high school to college can be mediated by the experiences that the student
encounters during this time of gradual transition.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 20
Tinto (1987) posits that feeling a sense of belonging is perhaps the one of the
most significant factors in student retention. In his more current model, Tinto (1993)
creates seven categorized bases for student drop out. These bases are the following:
1. Challenges to meet the academic standards of the campus.
2. Unsuccessful transition from high school to the college setting.
3. Inability to clearly set and focus on student’s goals.
4. Lack of motivation to devote the required time and effort and/or outside
commitments that displace student attention away from academic endeavors.
5. Lack of finances
6. Lack of a sense of belonging either on an academic and/or social level.
7. Sense of isolation from peers or faculty.

Hurtado (1992)
Hurtado (1992) presents a study about campus climate, with the goal of
identifying contexts for racial conflict. The study collects data from a cohort of students
who have attended predominately white universities within the timeframe of 1985 to
1989. Hurtado (1992) asserts that racial conflicts took place on many college campuses
during the timeframe of 1985 to 1989. The fundamental argument of her study is that
such racial conflicts are part of a greater spectrum of campus climate problems that need
to be attended to. Furthermore, she asserts that a good deal can be learned about campus
climates by investigating Black, Chicano and White student perceptions in institutional
environments related to racial tensions experienced on campus.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 21
Social psychology principles serve as the theoretical framework for Hurtado’s
(1992) study. Pulling the theory from R. Jessor’s (1981) work on perception within an
individual’s environment, Hurtado (1992) operationally defines distal and proximal
measures to present her hypothesis. According to social psychology principles, the
environment and its properties become part and parcel to shaping social interactions as
well as one’s behavioral and attitudinal responses which are elicited in that environment.
These properties are characterized as the following in social psychology: contextual
variables or distal characteristics. The distal measures used in this study are: size,
selectivity, ethnic enrollments, and campus expenditures. The proximal measures are:
student perceptions of the campus’s priorities that reveal the campus’s commitment to
cultural diversity, resource allocation, and student-centered orientation. In short, the
proximal measures represent student perception of their college campus environment.
Based on social psychology theory, Hurtado’s (1992) study hypothesizes that the
proximal measures (student perceptions of the campus) have a greater influence than the
distal measures, on student perception of racial tension on their college campuses. This
concept reflects the social psychology theory that proximal measures have been shown to
mediate the effects of distal measures on other results.
The principal data for the study was collected using a four-year longitudinal
survey of student responses to both the 1985 Freshman Survey and the 1989 Follow-up
Survey (FUS). These surveys were administered as part of a project of the Cooperative
Institutional Research Program (CIRP) and the Higher Education Research Institute at
UCLA. The Freshman Survey was administered using a stratified random sample of full-
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 22
time freshman survey participants. Four years later, the FUS was mailed to these same
participants. Hurtado (1992) noted that the minority student population in the study was
rather small. Thus, a second process was performed in which several four-year
institutions were also selected to take part in the study, in order to increase the number of
randomly selected minority participants. Twenty-one independent variables were
analyzed. Student views of the racial campus climate were studied using bivariate
analyses of national normative data.
According to the data, 88%of the participants disagreed with a presented
statement, “racial discrimination is no longer a problem in America” (Hurtado, 1992, p.
551). Hurtado (1992) affirms that disagreeing with this statement on race shows that the
majority of the study’s participants – undergraduate students - acknowledged the
presence of racial discrimination in America. On the other hand, there was a broader
range of participant responses when it came to measuring perceived campus racial
relations between the four-year college campuses. Hurtado (1992) suggests that there is a
dichotomy between the student participants. Though the participants are aware of the
presence of racial discrimination in America, their responses to perceptions of race
relations on campus may vary. This variation is attributed to their diverse personal
experiences in their varying campus settings. 59 % of private, and 61% of public
university participants agreed with the statement that, “students of different ethnic origins
communicate well with one another” (Hurtado, 1992, p. 551).
Furthermore, data showed that 36% of students who attended public and 39% of
private universities in comparison to other four-year institutions were more prone to
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 23
report distrust between minority students and campus administrators. The data reflects
and supports the evidence that racial issues that took place at public and private
universities between 1985 and 1989. Private four-year colleges were less likely to report
racial climate issues, with Catholic institution students reporting even less racial conflict.
Approximately 82% of students attending Catholic institutions reported that minorities
communicated well with one another. Additionally, over 66 % of this same group of
students reported faculty sensitivity towards minorities – more than any other participant
group.
The most dichotomous data reported between the institutions was in regards to
campus priorities to diversify the student, faculty and administrator population. Forty-
seven % of public four-year college, and 40 % ofpublic four-year universities were more
prone to report that their campus had a high or highest priority to recruit minorities.
Perceptions that the campus setting fosters a culturally diverse environment, was reported
as a high priority amongst the institutions by less than half of the participants. Each of the
racial groups showed significant differences in regards to their backgrounds, and
perceptions of their surroundings. The average family income reported by Chicanos was
approximately $27, 850. Chicanos reported lower social self-confidence than Black or
White participants. Furthermore, Chicanos also reported lower levels of education, and
political liberalism. Black participants reported significantly higher social self-confidence
than Chicanos. Blacks were also more apt to take part in campus rallies and protests,
indicating high political liberalism. Additionally, Blacks highly respected the need to
encourage racial acceptance. White participants reported much higher family incomes
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 24
than either of the groups, with an average of approximately $42,100. Unlike the Black
participants, Whites were less likely to report any interest in taking part in endorsing
racial understanding. Returning to collect data four years later, Hurtado (1992) finds a
shift in the perception of Black participants. Reports of experiences and perceptions of
the campus climate became even more racially critical for Blacks.
Moreover, Black students reported greater racial tension four year later.
Furthermore, Black students also had a decline in reporting that their campus’s focus was
on enhancing diversity within that environment. Student-centered focus from the
campuses was least likely to be perceived by Chicano students. However, across the
groups, there was not much variation in the perception that their campus placed priorities
on building their perspective institution’s reputation and capital.
Individuals that were likely to perceive racial tension on their campus were those
who reported political liberalism. Furthermore, political liberalism was mostly reported
by the following: White women, Blacks, as well as Chicanos and White students who
intended to become involved with political issues on campus such as protests. Hurtado
(1992) discusses that it may be that these particular groups are likely to perceive racial
tension on campus because of their prior experiences, which have exposed them to the
issues of societal and racial unfairness. Hurtado (1992) points out that perceived racial
tensions stem from situations that are experienced at any particular campus, thus
overriding the concept that racial tension is only perceived by a certain race.
The study also showed limited variation in terms of perceptions of low racially
hostile environments across the groups, amongst institutions that reported high priorities
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 25
for student-orientation. The allocation of campus funds also revealed a negative
relationship with perceived racial hostility for Blacks and Whites in regards to student
services, and Chicanos and Whites in regards to financial assistance. Additionally, data
revealed a negative relationship between perceived campus commitments towards
diversity, and racially hostile campus climates amongst Chicanos and Blacks. In terms of
reputation and resources, it was discovered that Chicano and Black participants that
perceived that their campus had a high reputation, were likely to perceive high racial
hostility as the campus’s climate. There is a negative relationship between the perception
of racial hostility amongst Whites and the number of Blacks that are enrolled at their
institution, but positively related to the number of Hispanics that are enrolled. Hurtado
(1992) suggests that this difference in perceptions with Whites regarding Black and
Hispanic student enrollment could be attributed to a theorized concept that Whites may
students may be threatened by the growing enrollment of Blacks on campus.
Overall, the study revealed that though a greater number public universities and
four-year colleges have attempted to improve diversity, these campuses still have greater
reports of racial tension than private four-year colleges. Participants that attended four-
year private colleges were more likely to have a better perceived view of racial relations
than those attending public colleges. Also, this group was more likely to have a better
perception of the campus prioritizing the creation of a diverse environment. According to
Hurtado (1992), the data reveals that campuses may unknowingly promote a racially
hostile environment when they fail to focus on building diversity. Students were more
likely to perceive their campus climate to be racially hostile when the campus seemed to
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 26
place high emphasis on selectivity of entrants, as well as resources and reputation.
Hurtado (1992) presents the possibility that campuses may expend more energy creating
a well-resourced and highly reputed and selective campus in order to maintain a sort of
imbalance or inequality. This expenditure of energy sends a message to the community
that this is a high quality campus. This message can be perceived by others that this is
an elitist institution. The elite setting therefore urges the existence of a group that lacks
much diversity in order to maintain its level of quality and esteem. Meanwhile, Blacks
and Chicanos that perceive the campus to place diversity as a priority are less likely to
report perceptions of a racially hostile campus climate. Hurtado (1992) discusses the
likelihood of minorities heightened awareness of the presence of a racially hostile
environment. Hurtado (1992) attributes this heightened awareness to the historical and
social contexts of race in America and TWI settings.
Key findings in the study include the heightened perception of racial tension
amongst students when they believe that the campus fails to display concern for each
student as an individual. Thus, if the students perceived that the campus had high concern
for student-centered needs, then perceptions of racial tension were lowered. Moreover,
Hurtado (1992) proposes that perhaps once students view that certain groups are given
favoritism, over other groups, racial tensions will be elevated. Thus, she recommends
that campuses should provide a fair dispersion/allocation of certain student services,
funds, and resources across all racial groups on campus. Hurtado (1992) also
recommends that campuses should cater more to student-centered needs. Once these
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 27
changes are done, then possibly, students would have better social and academic
outcomes, linking to the lowering of racial tensions on campus.
Hurtado (1992) concludes the discussion of her study by acknowledging that there is no
one single factor that can be attributed to the perceptions of a racially tense campus
climate. Instead, there is an amalgamation of factors which can either heighten or lower
the perceptions of a racially tense campus climate. These factors include: external factors
i.e. history, the relationships of groups on campus (a group identity); institutional;
individuality; and institutional values and beliefs.
Hurtado (1992) presents several key points about understanding the development
and existence of a racially tense campus environment. The data tells the reader that not all
institutions or racial groups view or perceive the existence of racially tense campus
environments in the same way. Moreover, Blacks and Chicanos are more likely to view
their campus as racially tense because of their predisposed knowledge of the history of
racism, and individual experiences with racism. Hurtado (1992) is able to show that the
campus has the ability to perpetuate a racially tense environment by merely failing to
show a vested interest in student-centered goals and interests. Also, the campus setting
fails to employ an active stand on increasing diversity through students, faculty and
administrators. Furthermore, simply the act of increasing the enrollment of Blacks at
Traditionally White Institutions has the ability to ignite perceptions of a racially tense
environment for Whites. One downfall of this study is that it fails to gather data for more
than three racial groups. Data collection was only focused on the perceptions of
Chicanos, Blacks and Whites, which does not fully reflect the gambit of actual college
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 28
going students in America. Hurtado’s (1992) hypothesis is proven, showing that there can
by many distal characteristics that can mediate proximal measures of the student
perception of racial tension on a college campus. In other words, there are certain factors
and criteria within the campus environment that can mediate a student’s perception of
racial climate.
Moreover, the data shows that despite a student’s personal view of the presence of
racial tension on campus, an overwhelming majority (88 %) disagreed with the concept
that racism is no longer an issue in the United States. Thus, these students acknowledged
that racism is still prevalent in the United States. In short, the study does not examine
other college campus settings. It fails to answer which distal factors (within the campus
environment) are able to mediate the proximal measures of perceptions of racial tension
on non-TWI campuses. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, the study fails to collect data
from a more ethnically diverse pool of participants.
Davis (1994)
J.E. Davis (1994) performs a college environment study with the purpose of
identifying ways to better understand the relationship between the following factors: 1.
Background of the student; 2. College factors; 3. Academic performance. Each of these
three factors is analyzed in terms of how they divergently affect African American males
that attend HBCUs in comparison to their counterparts that attend TWIs. Davis’s (1994)
study also attempts to examine the perception of campus support and its impact on
student achievement. In this comparative analysis, Davis (1994) collects pre-existing
data and assesses it through hierarchical regression analyses. The pre-existing data used
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 29
by Davis (1994), comes from a survey of the experiences of college going student that
was collected in a study by Nettles (1988). A sample size of 4,094 students from 30
different colleges and universities located in the Southern and Mid-Atlantic States
completed the Student Opinion Survey. Davis (1994) utilizes a subsample of the study’s
participants, 742 Black males that attended Traditionally White Institutions (45%) and
Historically Black Colleges and Universities (55%).
Using college grades as a measure of academic achievement, the independent
(predictor) variables defined in the multiple regression analyses are put into three group
factors: 1. Personal/academic; 2. Racial congruency; 3. College environment (Table 2).
The conceptual framework that Davis (1994) utilizes is adapted from theory presented by
Pascarella and Terenzini (1991), in which they created a conceptual model about the
outcomes that college produces on undergraduate students. Accordingly, there are
inputted variables that lead to outputted outcomes. Davis (1994) conceptualizes GPA as
an outputted variable of school interest based upon the input of ten variables, which were
divided into three categories.
Personal Background:
1. Socioeconomic Status (SES),
2. High stakes test scores (SAT)
3. High school performance by means of GPA (HSGPA)
4. Degree goals – level of the highest degree student intends to obtain Racial
Congruency
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 30
5. Race congruency in high school in comparison to the college the participant
attends – meaning is the racial connection the same at the student’s collegiate
institution as their high school and prior community College-level factors
6. School support
7. Integration into the campus – based on reported satisfaction with their campus
8. Application of study skills/habits,
9. Relationship with peers
10. Academic skills- determined by cumulative GPA.

Table 2: Davis’s Model of Mediating Factors for College Outcomes
Factors Descriptors

Personal Background

Socioeconomic status (SES), test scores i.e.
SAT, high school grade point average,
college degree goals

Racial Congruency

Congruency of the racial composition of
student’s high school in comparison to the
college the student attends.

College-level Factors

School support, campus integration,
application of study skills, peer
relationships, grade point average

According to Davis (1994), the objective of the analyses was to serve two
purposes. The first purpose was to demonstrate that Black male performance in college
is mediated by their respective college campus environments. This would be
accomplished by evaluating Traditionally White Institutions in comparison to
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 31
Historically Black Colleges and Universities. The second purposed was to demonstrate
how pre-collegiate variables, racial congruency, and campus climate impact the Black
males in this study. Each of the examined variables, expect for relationships with peers,
all showed significant differences between Black males that attended TWIs, in
comparison to Black males that attended HBCUs. Data also showed that Black males at
HBCUs reported significantly higher GPAs than their counterparts that attended TWIs.
In terms of variables that represent pre-collegiate (personal background) factors,
Black males that attended TWIs reported lower means of the following: age, degree
goals, racial congruency between high school and their college campuses. This indicated
that Black males at TWIs were more likely to come from high schools and communities
that were mainly White, in comparison to their HBCU counterparts. Data revealed that
most of these students came from communities and high schools that were mainly Black.
However, the data for this same group of Black males also revealed higher means in the
following: SAT scores, High school GPAs (HSGPA), and higher Socioeconomic status
(SES). Additional student background categorized variables that were significantly
related to academic performance were the following: Those who reported better High
School GPAs, were drastically more prone to have better college GPAs, also, those who
reported higher degree goals had higher college GPAs.
In terms of college campus factors, that data revealed that Black males at HBCUs
reported higher levels of campus integration, had higher GPAs, and viewed their college
as more supportive in comparison to Black males attending TWIs. Yet, Black males at
TWIs reported better study skills. Both samples reported similar levels of peer
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 32
relationships. After performing regression analyses of academic performance three
categories of predictor (independent) variables were formulated. The first predictor
variable is racial congruency. The second predictor variable is the background of the
students. The third predictor variable is college factors. The findings indicate that racial
congruency had the least amount of variance on academic performance, followed by
college factors. Davis (1994) asserts that the data revealed student-background
contributed to a large amount of variance in dependent variable of academic
performance. Though Davis (1994) expected that the data would reveal that perceived
support by their college campus, would be significantly related to the academic
performance of Black males attending TWIs, it was not, even when the perception was
positive. Study skills/habits, despite having good study habits, as well as reported
relationships with peers were also not significantly related to academic performance of
Black males attending TWIs. The only college factor categorized independent variable
that was a significant predictor of academic performance for Black males attending TWIs
was academic integration, which identified student feelings toward being satisfied with
their campus environment.
In terms of variables related to racial congruency, data revealed a significant
relationship between the academic performance of Black males attending TWIs and
racial congruence of their former community/high school versus their college campus.
Black males attending TWI college campuses that were more similar in terms of racial
composition had a positive effect on their academic performance. This finding indicates
that those from predominately White high schools performed better academically at the
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 33
TWI. On the other hand, Black males attending TWIs that came from high schools that
weren’t mainly White, had a negative effect academic performance, indicating lower
grades.
Davis (1994) presents findings that illustrate significant differences between Black
males that attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities, in comparison to Black
males attending Traditionally White Institutions. Student background, racial congruency
and college environment factors all had varying levels of effect on the academic
performance of Black males that attend college in two separate types of college
environments. As Davis (1994) contests, the data revealed in the study beneficial in
addressing the following two questions:
1. How do Black males that attend TWIs differ from Black males that attend
HBCUs?
2. Do differences exist in the predictors of academic achievement between the two
groups?
The data reveals that different racially comprised college campus environments can affect
levels of academic achievement in varying ways. Furthermore, as Davis (1994) points
out, predictors of academic achievement between Black males that attend HBCUs and
Black males that attend TWIs vary. The study highlights the fact that backgrounds of
HBCU attending Black males is quite different from the backgrounds of TWI attending
Black males. Differences in college preparedness, socioeconomic status, or even SAT
performance (with Black males attending TWIs having at least a 100 point increase in
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 34
scores than those at HBCUs) were evident between the two groups. Yet, black males
attending HBCUs still performed significantly higher than those at TWIs.
Hurtado et al (1998)
Hurtado et al (1998) construct a paper with the purpose of allowing others to
understand how policies and practices in education can be improved by evaluating and
utilizing research and literature regarding camps climate. Furthermore, the paper
emphasizes the importance and necessity for institutions of higher education to continue
efforts to enhance diversity on campus. Hurtado et al (1998) create a meta-analysis of
literature and studies that are centered on campus climate. Hurtado et al (1998) begin by
presenting a framework for understanding campus climate. The framework consists of
four aspects. Originally, this framework was used to understand campus climate for
Latino students. The four aspects are the following:
1. The institutional context historical legacy of inclusion or exclusion
2. Structural diversity and its impact on students
3. The psychological dimension of climate and its impact on students
4. The behavioral dimension of climate and its impact on students
Each of the four dynamics is presented, and then followed by implications for educational
policies and practices (Table 3).

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 35
Table 3: Hurtado’s Campus Climate Framework Evaluation
Aspect Descriptors Implications for Policy and
Practice

The institutional context
historical legacy of inclusion or
exclusion

Racism in education has
influenced the campus climate for
diversity at the collegiate level.

History is relevant, and cannot be
changed, and must therefore be
utilized as a reference point to
assist in making changes. College
campuses must acknowledge
their past beliefs in order to move
forward.

Structural diversity and its impact
on students

Increasing campus/structural
diversity is a key factor in helping
to enhance the campus climate.
Lack of minority presence on
campus can lead to stereotypes.

One major move towards
enhancing a diverse campus
climate is to increase the intake of
minority students, faculty and
administrators. The collegiate
institution needs to show society
that college is available for all.

The psychological dimension of
climate and its impact on students

The perceptions, beliefs, views
and responses of both the
students and the campus itself, in
terms of racial campus climate.
Depending on one’s role in a
collegiate environment, the
views, experiences that one
possesses can influence others to
varying degrees.

Campuses need to focus on
socializing their settings, then
allowing the psychological
climate to be improved. Campus
leaders can do this by creating
and enforcing a program for all
that are on campus.

The behavioral dimension of
climate and its impact on students

There are approximately three
components that create the
behavioral dimension of climate:
1. Reports of interaction, 2.
Interaction between individuals
from different racial groups,
3.The nature of the interactions
between groups. Their literature
reveals that each of the
aforementioned dimensions is
poor or low.

In order to build better, positive,
interrelations amongst and
between racial/ethnic groups,
campuses should be willing to
create positive chances for
students to interact across races,
both in and out of the classroom.

The Institutional Context Historical Legacy of Inclusion or Exclusion
Hurtdao et al (1998) assert that America’s history of racism and segregation in
education has influenced the campus climate for diversity at the collegiate level.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 36
Examples of this historically based dynamic are reflected in the policies and practices
used at Traditionally White Institutions, which have not been updated to fit the needs of a
diverse student body. By continuing to enforce these non-diverse practices, the campus
climate reinforces a separatist environment, in which racial groups maintain interactions
solely within their own groups. Due to the maintaining of these old views of racially
segregated policies and practices, certain races and groups receive special attention in
comparison to other groups on campus. Desegregation’s role was to end these racially
separate views. Whites who attended desegregated schools are said to be more tolerant
of other races, and less likely to fear interracial camaraderie. Hurtado et al (1998) assert
that TWIs tend to have a special agenda of exclusivity when it comes to access and
graduation. Being historically exclusive has the proclivity to affect the campus climate as
well as policies and practices.
The campus’s intentions and feelings towards incoming minorities have the power
to influence the campus climate. Students who attend school that cater particularly to
their racial groups have reported higher levels of satisfaction in terms of support, the will
to persist, and their social and psychological wellbeing and development. An example of
a college setting that is geared to a particular racial group is a HBCU or American Indian
Colleges. Nevertheless, that fact remains that most college going students attend TWIs.
Hurtado et al (1998) point out that is an environment that had to undergo desegregation,
and may still hold onto those policies and practices from long ago.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 37
Hurtado et al (1998): Implications for Policy and Practice
Hurtado et al (1998) suggest that history is something that remains constant,
meaning that what happened in the past, cannot be changed, nor should its existence be
denied. Campus leader ought not to infer that everyone is aware of, or truly understands
the histories that took place in education, or that educating others about its histories will
cause uproars amongst others. Instead, it is recommended that college campuses
acknowledge their past beliefs about exclusivity, in turn allowing for the chance to
improve campus diversity, and thereby improve campus climate. If goals for diversity
are clearly communicated across the campus, this will also help to enhance campus
climate. Hurtado et al (1998) urge college campuses to take a deeper look at their
infrastructure to see if certain groups still seem to prevail or have greater access than
others. For instance, college organizations such as sororities and fraternities differ
greatly across groups. White Greek organizations have more vested involvement with the
campus, and access to goods. On the other hand, Black Greek organizations seem to
struggle to even find a place to hold meetings, as opposed to White Greek organizations
that have houses for their members to live in. Hurtado et al (1998) point out that the
difference between these two groups is just one of many examples of the embedded
benefits possessed by certain groups. Thus, the maintenance of an exclusive, segregated
infrastructure is reflected. Hurtado et al (1998) highlight the concept that college
campuses are only as likely to improve diversity and the overall climate. This likelihood
is based on if the state that the campus is in also has a vested interest in maintaining a
commitment to enhance diversity.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 38
Hurtado et al (1998): Structural Diversity and Its Impact on Students
According to Hurtado et al (1998), increasing campus /structural diversity is a key
factor in helping to enhance the campus climate. When a campus is a TWI, there is less
likelihood that much interaction will take place between races, thus inhibiting
opportunities for learning in a socially diverse setting. In addition, low numbers of
minorities cause an overstated understanding of their presence on campus, thereby
causing the minorities that are present to be looked at as more of a token than a student.
Thus, stereotypes ensue partly due to the lack of diversity on campus, creating racial
tensions and hostility. Hurtado et al (1998) point out their literature review shows that
merely increasing diversity on campus may still cause additional issues on campus, such
as controversy over which racial groups are receiving greater funds and resources.
According to Hurtado et al (1998), the greater the presence of minorities on a campus, the
greater the perception of racial tensions by Whites, thus, student-centered, instead of
race-centered focuses should be campus priorities. Structural diversity should be
implemented on campuses, yet it is possible effect on current student populations should
be evaluated in terms of how they contribute to campus racial climate.

Hurtado et al (1998) Structural Diversity: Implications for Policy and Practice
Hurtado et al (1998) assert that one major move towards enhancing a diverse
campus climate is to increase the intake of minority students, faculty and administrators.
The collegiate institution need to show society that college is available for all. Hurtado et
al (1998) asserts that two arenas should be revolutionized in order to enhance positive
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 39
outcomes: The policies and practices of both financial aid and admissions. Hurtado et al
(1998) compile literature that discusses the need for undergraduate and graduate
programs. It is suggested that colleges deemphasize the importance of standardized tests.
Hurado et al (1998) also suggest that colleges focus more on incoming GPAs and the
personal desire and drive that is possessed by each applicant. In addition, it is
recommended that colleges perform a lottery to select candidates. This lottery would be
based on: an agreed base-level GPA; entering the names; more than once; of those who
are thought to me an asset to the school. Students who would have multiple name entries
might be those who have persisted despite obstacles, those with certain skills, exceptional
academic skills, etc. Hurtado et al (1998) agree that no single method will instantly fix
the need to enhance diverse campus climates. In terms of financial aid, Hurtado et al
(1998) suggest that federal funding needs to be increased, deemphasizing loans.

Hurtado et al (1998): The Psychological Dimension of Climate and Its Impact on
Students
The psychological dimension encompasses the perceptions, beliefs, views and
responses of both the students and the campus itself, in terms of racial campus climate.
Depending on one’s role in a collegiate environment, the views, experiences that one
possesses can influence others to varying degrees. Furthermore, depending upon how a
student view their own ethnic identity can cause varying views of campus climate within
the same racial/ethnic group of students. Hurtado et al (1998) discuss that it is more likely
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 40
for Blacks to feel a sense of alienation and harassment, and were more likely to perceive
discrimination by campus administrators.

Hurtado et al (1998) Psychological Dimension: Implications for Policy and Practice
If campuses focus on socializing their setting, the psychological climate can be improved.
Campus leaders can do this by creating and enforcing a program for all that are on
campus. One focus of the program is to uncover the stereotypes that are found on
campus, and confront those issues, with the hopes of improving interactions across races.
Moreover, institutions need to clearly state their policies and practices regarding on
campus discrimination. Ethnic organizations have been noted as a source of help for
students of color that attend Traditionally White Institutions. Faculty members also
possess a great level of power and influence on the attitudes, beliefs and values of
students.

Hurtado et al (1998): The Behavioral Dimension of Climate and Its Impact on
Students
According to Hurtado et al (1998), there are approximately three components that
create the behavioral dimension of climate: 1. Reports of interaction, 2. Interaction
between individuals from different racial groups, 3.The nature of the interactions between
groups. Their literature reveals that each of the aforementioned dimensions is poor or
low. Hurtado et al (1998) states that social grouping based on race is viewed by White
students as a form of racial segregation, while minorities deem it as a form of support.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 41
Minorities tended to report more interracial interaction in daily happenings such as
eating, or socializing, while Whites tended to report hardly any interracial interaction
with the same type of activities. A lack of interaction across races has the ability to
influence the ways students view one another, how they get involved on campus, and
their educational performance. The lesser the interaction between Whites and non-
Whites, the higher the likelihood increased that Whites would be less positive towards a
diverse college campus environment. In contrast, Whites who were more involved with
interaction between races by means of cultural awareness programs, or co-mingling with
diverse students, were more likely to support and value creating a diverse campus
environment. Hurtado et al (1998) points out studies that discuss the importance of
student participation in student based racial groups/organizations. These groups may be
helpful in building the student’s identity and interest in both their own culture, as well as
the cultures of others.

Hurtado et al (1998) Behavioral Dimension: Implications for Policy and Practice
In order to build better, positive, interrelations amongst and between racial/ethnic
groups, campuses should be willing to create positive chances for students to interact
across races, both in and out of the classroom. Hurtado et al (1998) emphasize that this
interaction should take place on a regular and consistent basis, and should be viewed by
all as fair, and cooperative rather than competitive. Having students take part in
cooperative learning opportunities that foster diversity amongst students may allow
students to build intergroup relationships and friendships. Furthermore, it is
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 42
recommended that campuses remove the element of competition both in and out of class.
Campus multicultural centers should be highly supported and utilized by the faculty as a
means to connect students to one another. Hurtado et al (1998) point out that by building
relations between races, growth in conflict will also occur. However, as Hurtado et al
(1998) points out, conflict is necessary, and can be beneficial in a community setting, due
to its ability to motivate others to become creative.

Cabrera et al (1999)
Cabrera et al (1999) perform a campus climate study with the objective of
investigating how the college adjustment process for African American and White
students are affected by their personal views of the presence of a racially discriminatory
campus environment. The study is guided by four allegations that are made by the work
of Tinto (1987, 1993) and Tierney (1992). The first three claims are made by Tinto
(1987, 1993) and are comprised of the following:
1. Whites and Blacks differ in their behavior to persist at the collegiate level because
of their prior academic preparedness for college (Tinto 1987, 1993).
2. The ability to perform successfully in college requires the act of removing oneself
from their connectedness with their family and former communities (Tinto, 1987)
3. The ability to perceive prejudice and discrimination is an experience that is
uniquely tied to minorities. In addition, determining one’s level of persistence
when one is a minority is developed by their experiences exposure to a
discriminatory environment (Tinto, 1987).
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 43
The fourth and final allegation that is driven by the Cabrera et al (1999) study comes
from assertions made by Tierney (1992) which states the following:
4. College adjustment models that are used by today’s institutions do not
successfully depict the campus experiences of minorities.
Methodology for the study consisted of surveying a sample of incoming freshman at a
total of 18 college and university institutions that had taken part in a longitudinal study
called the National Study of Student Learning (NSSL). The purpose of the NSSL was to
explore the aspects that mediate college student learning and development. A total of
1,454 students participated, with 1,139 Whites and 315 Blacks which all attended
institutions during the fall of 1992. The actual sample size for the study was 2,416,
however the exact number of participants by ethnic group were only determined for two
groups, White and Black. In order to avoid self-reported misinformation, GPAs and
enrollment status information was collected from participant transcripts. Two models
were used to develop measurements for the study: the Student Adjustment Model which
suggests that student experiences stem from their social and academic relationships in the
academic setting, and the Perceptions of Prejudice-Discrimination Model.
This model hypothesizes that student performance, campus commitment, and overall
social and cognitive development can be formed by their campus/social based
experiences. The three major positive outcomes are the following: Campus commitment,
academic performance, and commitment to graduating. If these three take place during
the student’s freshman year, it is plausible that students will maintain their attendance at
their perspective college campuses. The model also hypothesizes that freshman
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 44
performance is mediated by pre-existing academic performance prior to attending
college. This pre-existing ability is able to have an influence on the academic persistence
of college students, and deems to be notably higher on Blacks in comparison to those that
are not minorities. Furthermore, the model also hypothesizes that the role of parent
involvement may vary based on the student’s pre-existing (pre-college) academic
abilities. Cabrera et al (1999) hypothesize that student performance both socially and
academically can also be directly affected by their perceptions of racial or discriminatory
experiences on campus. The posited outcomes of these perceptions are a decline in one’s
commitment to their campus, and an overall decline in one’s motivation to reach their
academic goals.
Measures consisted of the following: persistence, pre-college ability, parental
support, perceptions of prejudice-discrimination, academic experiences, social
experiences, academic/intellectual development, academic performance, goal
commitment and institutional commitment. All constructs were measured using Likert
scales. The study’s findings were not consistent with the hypothesized expectations. In
addition, the findings were also inconsistent with findings from the College Adjusment
Model, which served as an example of past validations for the study. To begin, Blacks
and Whites did not differ greatly in regards to how they perceived prejudice and
discrimination. The study attributes this issue to the number of Black participants that
attended HBCUs (approximately 59 %). The sample from the HBCU population reported
significantly lower perceptions of a racial or discriminatory campus climate, as opposed
to their counterparts who attended TWIs (t= -5.6, p<0.001). Only 128 Black participants
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 45
from Traditionally White Institutions took part in the study, which made it difficult to
further breakdown the analyses. Cabrera et al (1999) acknowledge that the study collects
data from many campuses, each having their own set of unique experiences, requirements
and people. Because of this study uses several institutions to study a set of constructs, it
is suggested that the internal validity of the study may be questionable. Nevertheless,
Cabrera et al (1999) suggest that despite issues of validity and limitations, the study still
examines and illustrates that affect perceived prejudice and racism on Blacks and their
college adjustment. No support was found for each of the four claims that the study’s
theoretical framework was based upon. Thus showing the following four findings:
1. Data did not support the notion that levels of persistence in college amongst Black
students are directly affected by pre-college ability (despite the fact that most
Blacks reported lower pre-college preparedness than Whites).
2. Data did not support the notion that it is necessary to remove oneself from their
connectedness to their family and community in order to succeed academically.
Instead, the opposite is more plausible, with data showing that encouragement
from parents for both Black and White students was able to enhance a more
successful ability to adjust to college, both socially and academically. In fact,
familial support plays an important role in persistence levels for Black students.
3. Data did not support the notion that perceiving prejudice and discrimination is
uniquely experienced by minorities. Perceptions of campus climate and prejudice
and racist experiences were reported by both Blacks and Whites in the study.
Though prejudice and discrimination reported by Blacks and Whites was similar,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 46
the intensity of these perceived experiences were greater for Blacks than Whites.
This perception of campus climate has the ability to affect campus commitment
by Blacks more than Whites.
4. Data did not support the notion that college adjustment models that are used by
today’s institutions do not successfully depict the campus experiences of
minorities.
Moreover, Cabrera et al (1999) assert that their study shows that college
adjustment is quite similar for minorities and non-minorities. Additionally, the study
found that a combination of pre-college preparedness, positive campus experiences,
positive parental involvement, and academic success are all able to influence campus
commitment to persistence amongst both minority and non-minority groups. Also,
Cabrera et al (1999) found that commitment to the campus was affected by experiences
with prejudice and racism for both minorities and non-minorities, emphasizing that
campus may need to cater to student needs, rather than student race/ethnicity. Last, the
study found that college adjustment despite race is based on campus climate.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 47
Section 2: The Acting White Model
The Acting White Model is the focal point of this portion of the literature review.
The Acting White Model posits that minority students are faced with the burden of
“Acting White” in the academic setting. According to the collected literature, the
causality of this burden is because minority students believe that the educational system
functions on the cultural dimensions of White America. Thus, African American students
believe that the school system is structured for White America, and the only way to truly
succeed is by following the norms of academia, which equate to the norms of White
Americans. Thus, African Americans fear becoming ostracized by their peers for acting
White, and consequently elect to deny taking part in academic success in order to
maintain a connection to their own culture. Furthermore, the literature presents the
concept that voluntary minority groups perceive race in the educational setting in a
different manner than involuntary minority groups. The literature in this section iterates
this concept in an interconnected manner. The most prominent researchers on the Acting
White Model include: Ogbu, Fordham, Howard, Cokley, Mickelson, and Simons, all of
whom are included in this literature review.
African American students are subjected to a burden in the academic setting. This
burden has been denoted as “Acting White” (Ogbu, 1993). The burden of acting White is
theoretically known as the Acting White model. According to Ogbu (2003), acting White
is a sign of conformity for African Americans who elect to remain loyal to the
educational system and the way it operates. This model is built upon the notion that
African American students must possess a double identity while attending school. This
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 48
double identity takes place when the student takes on the characteristics of White
students in order to attain academic success in the school setting (Ogbu, 1993; Fordham
& Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Ogbu (1993) asserts that African American
students view academic achievement and success as a source of acting White. According
to the Acting White model, if an African American student is following the policies and
practices to become an academically successful student, then they are identified as trying
to act White by their peers. Yet, Ogbu (1993) discovered that African American students
constructed ways to counterbalance the stigma of being identified as acting White by
their peers in order to guard their own identity. To avoid being ostracized by their peers,
African American students attempted to evade behaving in ways that may reflect White
cultural norms (Ogbu, 1993).
According to Ogbu (1993), there are two types of minority groups: voluntary
minorities and involuntary minorities. Each group perceives their educational journey
differently because of their group status. Voluntary minorities embrace the opportunity to
gain an education in America that is typically equipped with better access and overall
quality than the schools in their native lands. However, voluntary minorities acknowledge
the presence of racism in America. Rather than internalize the racism, voluntary
minorities perceive the presence of racism as merely a challenge they must conquer in
order to be afforded the opportunities that America possess in comparison to their native
lands. Though there is a dichotomy that exists between America being both a place of
innumerous opportunities and conversely a country where racism exists, voluntary
minorities rather focus on the opportunities than the racism. Ogbu (1993) asserts that
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 49
involuntary minorities are unable to compare the pros and cons of their native lands to
America. Involuntary minorities cannot rationalize the dichotomy between racism and
education in America because they lack the ability to compare it to another country.
Thus, involuntary minorities do not view school as a profitable opportunity. Ogbu (1993),
states that the only point of comparison for involuntary minorities is to juxtapose their
educational opportunities to those of White students. In this case White students are
viewed as attending schools that are granting the greatest educational experiences. In
turn, African American students conceptualize that the schools they attend lack quality
and are therefore inferior. Moreover, African Americans deem that difference in
educational quality is based on race.
Though African American students must understand White norms in the school
setting, this does not diminish the level of achievement for African American students
(Cokely, 2003). Instead, African American students maintain high levels of self-esteem
and concept as well as a value for education. Paradoxically, their academic performance
does not reflect their high levels of self-esteem and concept (Cokely, 2003). According
to Mickelson (1990), this dichotomy for African Americans in the educational setting is
known as an attitude-achievement paradox. As a result, African American students fall
short academically because they are unable to identify outcomes that reflect the same
magnitude of effort that was put forth by their White middle-class counterparts. Thus,
African American students do not view the academic setting as a fair, leveled playing
field for all. In turn, African American students do not feel enthralled to achieve at higher
levels because they acknowledge the existence of inequalities in the school setting.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 50
Overall, this lack of equality and perception of inferior schooling causes African
Americans to maintain a lack of trust for the educational system (Fordham & Ogbu,
1986). Conversely, Whites maintain a trust for the educational system, which causes this
particular group to perform according to set norms of the school system. This irony
causes African Americans to deem that achievement and success in education are
measured by White standards. Consequently, African Americans believe that the
education system is structured for Whites, and therefore reflects the culture of Whites.
While African Americans believe that the educational setting does not relate to
their own culture or norms, some will still attempt to follow the cultures and norms of the
educational system in order to succeed academically (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Thus,
acting White means that the student is practicing the policies and procedures of the
school with fidelity, because the educational system is aligned to the cultural norms of
Whites. Otherwise, African Americans will not achieve academic success if they do not
choose to act White. Yet, Ogbu (1993) suggests that African American students elect to
totally deny taking part in certain behaviors that are identified as acting White. As a
consequence of this choice, African American students are also electing to deny taking
part in academic success because it would equate to supporting a group they deem has
subjugated their own minority group. In order to maintain fidelity with their own cultural
group, numerous African American students choose to totally reject making cross cultural
connections in order to not assimilate to White norms.
Ogbu (1993) presents the notion that African Americans possess an oppositional
culture. According to this oppositional culture, African Americans totally reject cultural
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 51
norms and connections that link to Whites, because they are not befitting for African
American cultural norms and connections. Consequently, African American students
must also snub the educational system because it is aligned with the norms and values of
White culture (Ogbu, 1993, 2003; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Thus, decreasing academic
performance through underachievement allows African American students to maintain
fidelity to their own culture and at the same reject the culture of the majority (White)
group. Howard (2003) also made comparable conjectures about African American
student underachievement, asserting that it helps the student not lose their own cultural
awareness.
Ogbu (2003) reaffirms that if a student elects to yield to the educational system, it
represents a type of conformity that could lead to seclusion from one’s peers. Ultimately,
if the student chooses to engage in this conformity in the African American community,
the student will experience disconnects from their own cultural/social groups on campus.
Student responses gathered by Ogbu (2003), revealed that African American students
believed that underachievement heightened their ability to connect to social groups on
campus. Yet Ogbu (2003) conjectures that underachievement isn’t done merely to
increase one’s social status on campus, but to ultimately snub anything connected to the
dominant culture, including academic performance, and career goals. Therefore students
African Americans choose to underachieve in order to remain loyal to their own culture,
rather than be identified as supporting the majority group.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 52
Section 3: Stereotype Threat Theory
In order to gain a deeper insight about the perceived experiences of the student
population that will participates in this study, I will have also evaluated literature on
Stereotype Threat. Prominent literature on Stereotype Threat includes research from
Steele, Aronson, Hudley and Irving, all of whom are included in this literature review.
This section reveals that African American students face a dilemma in the educational
setting, by which they attempt to remove themselves from racially stereotyped situations.
However, this removal process leads to a detriment in their personal academic successes.
The literature posits that ultimately African American students are thwarted to totally
remove themselves from academic settings in order to avoid facing the stereotype threat
situations.
Stereotype threat is a psycho-social phenomenon by which the minority group
feels compelled to totally reject acting in a manner that will validate the racial stereotypes
that exist about their minority group. As a consequence, this model presents a distinct
issue for African American students in the academic setting, leading a negative outcomes
and effects achievement levels (Aronson & Steele, 1995; Steele, 1997). African
American students come to school equipped with certain beliefs about their own
capabilities in comparison to those of other races such as White and Asian ethnic groups.
These beliefs are rooted in racial stereotypes they have been exposed to
throughout their lives. In order to avoid becoming a representation of the racial
stereotypes in their school settings, African American students will attempt to avoid
validating them by purposely lessening the level of effort they will exert academically,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 53
thereby leading to academic failure (Irving & Hudley, 2005). According to Steele (1995),
stereotype threat can take place in a particular setting, such as during an in-class setting.
In this setting the African American student may feel thwarted to combine both their
fears about racial stereotypes along with their need to perform in the classroom setting,
and thereby are unable to focus on the performance, and consequently perform poorly.
Moreover, academic performance can ultimately be impacted for African Americans
because of stereotype threat (Steele & Aronson, 1995; Irving & Hudley 2005). In order to
reject the stereotypes, African Americans may totally disconnect from the academic
setting because they believe others view them as inferior in the school setting (Steele,
1997). Steele (1997) calls this disconnection a disidentification process, by which the
African American student is attempting to both shield themselves from the stereotype
threat and at the same time remove themselves from academia because it ultimately links
to the stereotype experiences they are attempting to avoid.

Section 4: Black Students attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCU) versus Black Students attending Traditionally White Institutions (TWI)
This section is dedicated to reviewing the prominent literature about Black
students who attend either Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU) or
Traditionally White Institutions (TWI). An HBCU is a college or university campus that
was founded with the original intent to serve a specific racial demographic: African
American/Black students. A TWI is a campus that was founded with the original intent to
serve on particular racial demographic, White students. The literature found in this area
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 54
allows readers to understand the perceived experiences that Black students have reported.
It attempts to allow researchers to understand the factors, variables and possible
correlations that have impacted the views and overall academic success of Black students
attending a TWI compared to those at HBCUs. The rationale for including this body of
literature in this study’s literature review is to allow an opportunity for the juxtaposition
and evaluation of past literature in this area. It also serves the purpose to see if there are
any significant similarities and differences found in the reported perceived experiences
and views of students who attend a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB).

Fleming (1981)

Fleming (1981) conducts a study to evaluate and compare the stresses and
satisfactions experienced by Black students that attend two large urban southwestern
universities, one an HBCU, the other a Predominately White Institutions, and how these
experiences affect student development at each of the aforementioned campus
environments. Contesting that the age range is college students (18-21) is a fragile
developmental timeframe; Fleming (1981) utilizes the human development Eriksonian
theory as her theoretical framework. According to Eriksonian theory, the adolescence
period (between childhood and adulthood) is unnaturally extended. This extension leads
to an exaggeration of the perceived roles of adulthood. Thus adolescence places two
major obstacles upon the individuals going through this developmental stage. The first
obstacle of adolescence is to obtain a sense of self – an identity, and a sense of solidarity
on a social level. Fleming (1981) interjects that for Blacks on Predominately White
campuses, social solidarity is a major issue, and thereby frustrates this developmental
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 55
adolescence stage for Blacks in this particular setting. The second obstacle of
adolescence is to become competent in tasks, and when combined with interpersonal
relationships, prepares adolescents for academic performance at the collegiate level. Due
to uncertainty of roles, self, and future goals, adolescents then become highly influenced
by their peers.
Fleming (1981) states that evidence shows that White campus settings may lend
to heightened feelings of uncertainty and anxiety and ultimately interfere for the
development stage for Blacks students at these particular campuses. Due to feelings of
alienation and hostility, Black students will redirect their focus from academics to self-
assertion, based upon Eriksonian theory, as posited by Fleming (1981). The rationale for
this redirection of focus is that a climate of hostility or negativity will lead to
psychological needs of an adolescent who is seeking to confirm adulthood. Fleming
(1981) utilizes more psychological theory from Kysar, stating that Black students are
more likely to suffer from identity disorders, thus, regardless of whether or not the social
setting is perceived to promote acceptance or rejection, it is still valuable for the
development of Black students during this stage.
Methodology for this study comes from a larger cross-sectional study of fifteen
college campuses that had already been performed. The subject pool began with a total of
779 Black students, of whom 455 were in the Black college campus, and 324 were in the
White college campus. A total of 118 Black students were contacted by phone to
participate (58 attending the Black college campus, and 60 attending the White college
campus). These 118 students were asked to participate in a 45 minute taped session, in
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 56
which they were interviewed by same sex members of the research team. In terms of
gender, from the Black college there were: 15 male freshmen and 15 male seniors; 13
female freshmen and 15 female seniors. From the White college there were: 13 male
freshmen and 17 male seniors; 15 female freshmen and 14 female seniors. Four trained
staff members conducted the interviews (2 male, 2 female). The interview covered life as
a college student, and focused on key areas: source of stresses and satisfactions, and
happiest and most upsetting experiences for each student. Utilizing a procedure for
evaluating stress, created by Abigail Stewart, interviewers asked students to elaborate on
a time in their lives that they thought was their most unhappy. The study later went on to
ask them to also discuss a time in their lives that they thought was their most happy. They
were told that they could discuss any time frame - it didn’t just have to be in the time
frame of their college career.
Data was isolated into six categories of stress, eleven categories of satisfaction,
and four styles of response to stress. Chi square comparisons were used in the
comparison of responses of Blacks at Black college campuses to Blacks at White college
campuses and differences between freshmen and senior responses. According to findings,
Fleming (1981) asserts that reports about experiences with stress with and sources of
unhappiness were quite similar across the participants in both college settings. Though
there was a difference in academic performance (with higher scores reported by those
attending the White campus) there were comparable issues that employed negative
feelings. School-related issues with academic performance and relationships with faculty,
staff and administrators were reported as the most serious source of unhappiness, with 30
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 57
% of students reporting problems in this area. Fleming (1981) posits that these findings
revel just how important the students deem their academics, so much so that experiencing
problems in the area of academics ignites extreme insecurity. Intrapsychic issues, such as
issues with internalized focus, and helplessness, were reported by 17 % of the
participants. A combination of three other categories that made up 34 % of the worst
experiences was connected to interpersonal weaknesses spanning traumatic
uncontrollable events, to lack of friendship. Another 10 % of issues reported came from
interpersonal struggles with significant others. Nine percent of the reported issues were
social issues, such as being able to adapt to a new setting were people were different. The
last 8 % of reported issues were caused by constraint, directly related to finances.
Fleming (1981) points out that one of the most surprising findings for sources of
unhappy experiences was the similarity between the Black students at each campus.
Another surprising finding was that the college campus itself had a small impact on the
types of stress that was revealed by the participants. Students at the Black college were
less apt to report issues of interpersonal stress, such as issues with significant others, yet
those at the White college were more apt to report interpersonal stress. Of the nine
examples reported by students from the Black college, eight of these reports came from
freshman. Of the nine incidents reported by students at the White college, six came from
seniors. Fleming (1981) proposes that since the students from both colleges came from
similar backgrounds, it is more reasonable to suggest that the campus setting affects both
the recall and perception of crisis incidents. Perceptions are affected to the extent that
interpersonal issues are less prone to be perceived as crises by the Black students
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 58
attending the Black college. On the other hand the Black seniors attending the White
college are prone to view interpersonal issues as the source of their most unhappy times
of their lives. Fleming (1981) also suggests that experiences at the White college may
create a weakness towards experiences with interpersonal stress. On the other hand the
Black college may actually operate as a defense against interpersonal stress such as the
pressures of disappointed significant others in their lives.
Fleming (1981) was also surprised by the ways in which students coped with their
most unhappy stressing times. A reported 47 % of the participants coped with their issues
by making some sort of positive action, such as making changes in a positive way.
Passive coping strategies were reported by 16 % of the participants, who made hardly any
change at all. No significant different was found between participants on both campuses
in relation to their coping strategies with their most unhappy moments. Yet when it came
to coping with instances of trouble, there were differences. Those attending the Black
college were more apt to employ other means to solve issues by communicating with
others, as opposed to their peers at the White colleges. Only 9.5 % of students at the
White college used communication with others as a coping mechanism in comparison to
23 % of the participants at the Black college. Fleming (1981) notes there were no
significant differences between influences of college campuses in dealing with stress.
Yet, there was a significant difference between the ways the students at the Black college
dealt with stress. Those at the HBUC dealt with stress by unifying with others. In
comparison, those at the TWI dealt with stress by trying to mentally repress the incident.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 59
Findings on experiences of the happiest moments revealed that academic
performance was the highest reported source of happiness, with 20 % of the happiest
moments related to instances of improving in school and other academic performance
achievements. Happiest moments were also connected to interpersonal relationships, of
which 13 % of responses were linked to this. An additional 11 % of happiest moments
were connected to extra-curricular activities. Ten % reported happiest moments to be
connected to family related incidents. Additional factors included: high school graduation
(7%), maturation (5%), incidents from childhood (2%), accomplishments not academic
related (4%), travel (5%) and religion (1%). Six % attributed their happiest moments to a
lack of experiencing problems, and 11 % presented events that were not very clear. Just
as the findings with the unhappy moments, the colleges themselves had almost no impact
on student perception of their happiest moments. Males at the Black college were less
apt to report interpersonal causes as sources of happiness. In comparison, males at the
White college were more likely to report interpersonal causes. This trend remained even
when solely reporting moments during their college careers. According to Fleming
(1981), males at the Black college employ a reduction in vulnerability to interpersonal
stress to separate their positive feelings in the same areas. Fleming (1981) asserts these
finding indicate that Black men at the Black college had better capability to control their
feelings in the area of interpersonal connections.
Findings also indicate that his group is even stronger as seniors. They are perhaps
so much stronger that they may even maintain a macho type of personality in some
instances. Fleming (1981) suggests that Black males attending the White college have
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 60
less resources and exposure to their race. These factors diminish their sense of
environmental protection. Consequently, this group looks toward interpersonal gains
more than those attending the Black college in the study. A significant difference was
also indicated with high school graduation. More White college campus Blacks were
likely to report moments of happiness with their high school graduation in comparison to
the Black college campus students. Data also revealed that female participants attending
the Black college were more likely than their peers at the White campus, to happily recall
their high school years. Those at the Black colleges seem less likely to need to relish in
the happiness of their past. Males were more likely to report unclear instances of
happiness. The males attending the Black college were more prone to report unclear
sources in comparison to their peers at the White college. This lack of clarity may be
linked to an interpersonal detachment according to Fleming (1981), and could be
representative of the tools needed to survive for the students that attend the White college
and use clearly defined interpersonal sources more often. Across the data, college years
were revealed to be the more stressful/unhappy times than happy times, as reported by
the participants.
Data for the female participants revealed that 50 % of the stressful incidents took
place during college, yet only 23 % of the happy events happened during college. For
those women attending the White college, 67 % of the stressful incidents took place
during college in comparison to 39 % of the happy incidents reported during college.
Fleming (1981) interprets that the finding revel that the White college campus does not
seem to encourage very happy experiences for Black males. On the other hand, the Black
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 61
college campus does not seem to encourage very happy experiences for Black females.
Moreover, freshman females reported more stress than male participants on both
campuses (17% in comparison to 50%). Overall, males attend the Black college reported
the highest happy moments during college (40%). More senior females at the White
college reported their worst experiences in college, with 88 % reporting their worst
experiences during their college career. This same group of senior females also reported
their most happy experiences during their college career, with 52 %, as opposed to 16 %
reported by male participants in the same college setting. Fleming (1981) asserts that
college seems to more times for experiences (both the best and worst) as perceived by
Black women that attended the White college.
Fleming (1981) concludes that her study confirms Erikson’s theory regarding
competency and interpersonal needs for adolescence as they develop, and that students
need certain personal securities to allow for the development of higher-ordered intellect.
Fleming (1981) points out that the data makes it clear that the college career was not the
optimal time for the Black students in the study. She also confirms that transitioning from
adolescence to adulthood is a crucial stage. Fleming (1981) recommends that society
become more accountable in comprehending the psychological outcomes of being a
minority, and must thereby make changes in policies which impact the identity formation
of Black students.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 62
Allen (1985)
Allen (1985) performs a study to analyze how Black students that attend White
college campuses successfully adjust to their campus environment, by examining the
following correlates of successful outcomes: Structural, interpersonal and psychological.
Participant data is collected from a total of state funded, majority White universities. The
study is guided by a key question, which asks what factors allow for the successful
adjustment of Blacks into a majority White institutional setting. Allen (1985) presents a
sociologically based theoretical framework, with particular focus a multivariate student
attrition model that was originally presented by Vincent Tinto (1975). Allen (1985)
analyzes five groups of variables, with each group comprised of additional subgroup
factors, in order to see if there are any causal relationships between them, and Black
student outcomes. The five variable groups are divided as follows:
1. Background: pertains to the educational levels of parents and siblings.
2. High School Experiences: pertains to the participant’s high school GPA, and
the number of Blacks that attended their high school.
3. Social Interaction on Campus: pertains to participant’s relationship with
professors, races, and involvement with Black student support groups.
4. Student Views: pertains to the views of participants regarding themselves,
religion, accomplishments, and race.
5. Academic Success Outcomes of Black Students: academic performance and
career goals.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 63
The model hypothesizes five variable groups directly and indirectly impact Black
students and their academic performance, career goals, and overall adjustment. More
specifically, Allen (1985) presents four hypotheses for the study that are based upon
findings from past research on Blacks students at the collegiate level which are as
follows: 1. A significant and positive inter-correlation between social involvement, career
goals, and academic performance. 2. Students who possess a more positive attitude
towards race relations on campus, have better interactions with faculty, were exposed to
more majority white educational environments (i.e. high school and elementary school),
and higher socio economic backgrounds, are more likely to be involved socially on
campus. 3. Students who have better interactions with faculty, possess a more positive
attitude towards race relations on campus, possess more economic access, are younger,
and are male, will have the highest academic performance. 4. Students who have better
interactions with faculty, possess a more positive attitude towards race relations on
campus, have better interactions with faculty, are younger, and are male, will have the
highest career goals.
Methodology for the study entailed data collection by way of a fifteen page
survey/questionnaire that gathered information over the time span of February through
June of 1981. The questionnaires were mailed to Black students who attended the
following majority White universities: University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hill; University of California, Los Angeles; Memphis State
University; Arizona State University; and State University of New York, Stony Brook.
The selected universities for chosen for several reasons which included the representation
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 64
of a diverse group of regions, their enrollment of Black students, and their accessibility
for the study. Student selection was done by way of random sampling, in combination
with interval selection. Participants were chosen by using a database of student
enrollment information provided by the registrar’s office at each of the selected
campuses. The sample size consisted of a total of 695 Black undergraduate students. A
total of 35 % of the total sample size returned the questionnaires, in order to reflect that
an estimated population of 392,484 Blacks that were attending four year institutions
during 1980. Any questionnaires that were not fully completed were also eliminated from
the study. Thus, Allen’s (1985) reported findings are based upon a total of 327 student
participants. The questionnaire was sent along with a reply envelope, follow up letters
which were sent one and two weeks after participants were mailed the questionnaire.
Allen (1985) analyzes the data in three phases, with the final phase utilizing a
multiple regression analysis. Empirical measures of Black student success outcomes
consisted of social involvement, college GPA, and career goals. The following four items
served as predictor variables:
1. Background: measured by gender, matriculation status, university location,
family, and socioeconomics.
2. High school experience: measured by racial dynamics of high school, time
participants attended desegregated schools, and school size.
3. Campus experience: measured by faculty interactions, view of race relations
on campus, view of campus support, and involvement in Black student
groups.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 65
4. Student views: measured by self-views, racial and religious views, and
performance.
Allen (1985) takes time to provide a more detailed review of the participants in
the study, indicating that over half (65 %) of the questionnaires were responded to by
females. Allen (1985) asserts that though more females attended the sampled universities,
the skewed number of female to male responses was not suggested by the gender ratio of
participants, but rather that less males responded to the questionnaires. A total of 44 % of
the respondents attended universities located in the Southern region, 34 % attended
universities in the Northern region, and 22 % attended universities in the Western region.
In terms of matriculation status, distribution across the universities was fairly even, with
27 % freshman, 23 % sophomore, 24 % junior, and 25 % senior. In terms of their majors,
44 % if the participants had professional majors such as pre-law, pre-med. Social science
majors were reported by 23 % of the participants, with 13 % in the natural sciences, 14 %
undecided and 6 % in the humanities.
Collected data revealed that almost half (45 %) of those that responded indicated
very limited, or even no involvement with campus life. Approximately 12 % of the
respondents indicated that they felt highly involved socially on campus. The median GPA
was 2.58, based on a four-point scaling system, with an even higher median GPA for high
school of 3.4. Over 70 % of the respondents indicated plans to further their education
after completing their undergraduate degrees, revealing that well over half of participants
possess high goals. In order to analyze participant career goals based upon their level of
prestige, Allen (1985) incorporated the use of an upgraded version of Duncan’s (1961)
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 66
100-point occupation prestige scale. Out of a total score of 100, the median score was
71.2, indicating that a great deal of the student participants intended to attain career goals
that were quite prestigious such as law, or business. A total of 25 % of the participants
had occupational prestige scores of at least 85 or higher. Additionally, 52 % of the
student participants reported very high drives for their goals, such as not stopping to
persist until their reached the ultimate position in their field of choice.
In terms of socioeconomic status, the respondents reported much higher levels
than those possessed by most Blacks in America during this era. More than 70 % of
students had parents with high school diplomas, and more than 25 % had parents with
college degrees. Fourteen percent reported family incomes of $50,000 and above.
Twenty-five % reported family incomes under $12,000. The median income reported by
respondents was $20,000. Approximately 50 % of the respondents attended high schools
comprised of about a 40 % Black student population. Only 17 % of students reported
attending high schools that were proportionally similar to the Black to White student ratio
at their current university campuses. The majority of the student respondents reported
high performance in their high schools. Over 50 % indicated their GPAs in high school
were at least a B+ average. Over 50 % were in the top tier of the class upon graduating
from high school.
After performing statistical analyses, the data revealed some significant findings
that were contradictory to the hypotheses that were originally presented before the study
began. In the hypotheses, Allen (1985) conjectured that success related outcomes would
have a significant inter-correlation, yet the data failed to show any significant inter-
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 67
correlations. In terms of career goals, students that reported greater social interaction,
also had higher reported career goals, with a correlation of .15 (r = .15). Furthermore,
Allen (1985) asserts that integration into the campus setting was not a necessary factor to
determine academic performance for the Black students that participated in this study.
Allen (1985) presupposed that social involvement would have a significant relation to the
factors of racial composition of the student’s high school as well as their campus race
relations. However, this was not the case.
Thus, Allen (1985) rejects the second hypothesis that he presented for this study.
On the contrary, students that had been presumed to engage significantly lower levels of
campus involvement (namely Black males that had high levels of involvement in Black
organizations), were actually engaged in high levels of general campus involvement.
Allen (1985) goes on to clarify this finding, and explains that there are gender differences
in the attitudes and values of Blacks throughout each stage of educational environments.
Moreover, Allen (1985) makes an assertion that it has been continuously found in studies
that males value social involvement over academics, possibly leading to poor academic
performance. Allen (1985) interprets his findings, by first addressing the need to clearly
understand that since males value social involvement to a great deal, participating in
Black student organizations is another outlet and opportunity for Black males to engage
in social involvement. Initially, Allen (1985) proposed the “acculturation” hypothesis.
After analyzing the data, Allen (1985) decides to reject this hypothesis, and opts for what
he calls the “interpersonal accomplishment” hypothesis. According to the “interpersonal
accomplishment” hypothesis, Black students who have stronger interpersonal
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 68
accomplishments will engage in more socially involved activities. Thus, these students
who are interpersonally accomplished, are equipped with stronger social skills, and are
thereby able and more likely to partake in better relationships with students, and
professors regardless of race.
Allen (1985) also hypothesized that males would have higher grade point
averages if they had greater economic access, and high career goals. The data failed to
prove this grade point average hypothesis. The data did confirm the hypothesis that
students which had better relationships with professors as well as greater years of school
did have better academic performance, as indicated by grade point averages. Higher
college grade point averages were also reported by students that had higher high school
grade point averages, and went to schools not located in the South. The data also failed to
prove that there was any significant relationship between social status and high school
performance in relation to college performance. Allen (1985) provides several possible
reasons for the regional differences in performance. One possible cause is that lowered
socioeconomic status could signal fewer educational opportunities in early education for
Blacks in the South. Another causation Allen (1985) presents is the possibility of a
stronger, more blatant use of racial discrimination by faculty members at Southern
college campuses.
The homogeneity hypothesis is supported by the data Allen (1985) has collected,
demonstrating that most (81 %) of the sample of Black students in this study, who were
selected for college admissions, ranked in the tope tiers of drive for achievement and
socioeconomic status.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 69
Allen (1985) also attests to finding what he calls a mutual attraction cycle. In this
cycle, students who maintained better relationships with their professors earned higher
grades. Conversely, professors were more likely to attend to students who earned higher
grades. Students who perceived professors as non-threatening were more likely to engage
in creating closer relationships with their professors. Moreover, students who were older
also had better academic performance.
Not able to fully support his fourth hypothesis, Allen (1985) points out the finding
that student career goals declined as they got older, with a notable decline represented by
two sub-groups: females and students with lower socioeconomic access. Allen (1985)
identifies what he calls a depressor-effect which causes students in the two
aforementioned sub-groups to lower their career goals, attributing the decline to the
student’s realization of the presence of factors of limitation which include sexism, racism,
and classism.
Concluding the findings, Allen (1985) reaffirms the purpose of his study, to find
out which factors influence Black students on college campuses, evaluating whether
success is found for Black college students by institutional factors, of individual factors,
or a combination of the two. Allen (1985) asserts that a combination of the two is
necessary when evaluating Black student success on Traditionally White Campuses, and
notes that Black students on a college campus are highly diverse, and criteria for what
denotes success varies. Last, Allen (1985) points out the need for longitudinal studies on
this topic, and also the need to look more closely at the differences that exist amongst
Black students, as well as Blacks versus other students of color.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 70
Allen (1992)
Allen (1992) performs a study with the premise of analyzing and better
conceptualizing proximal factors such as racial relations on college campus, and their
effects on both the campus and Black students who attend that campus. In Allen’s (1985)
previous study, he solely focuses on data collection from Black students that attend
Predominately White institutions. Allen (1992) adds an additional phase to this study, by
creating the same multivariate analyses that he performs in 1985, yet he adds an
additional group to the study: Black students that attend Historically Blacks colleges and
universities. Data is collected in 1983, and encompasses reports from each level of
matriculation at their perspective college campuses. There are a total of eight HBCUs that
are evaluated: North Carolina Central University; Southern University; Texas Southern
University; Jackson State University; North Carolina A&T State University; Central State
University; and Florida A&M University. The incorporation of Black students attending
HBCUs serves as additional data for Allen (1992) to compare with the reported data he
collected from Black students attending Predominately White institutions. A total of 935
students attending HBCUs were utilized in the study, as well as 1,578 students attending
Predominately White institutions (whose data was collected and reported in Allen’s 1985
study). In total the study provides an opportunity to gather information from more than
2,500 Black college going students. Allen (1992) asserts that the findings of this study
cannot and should not be generalized across the entire population of Black college
students. Instead, the findings provide a glimpse into the outcomes of Black students
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 71
who participated in the study. These participants attended a total of 16 different college
campuses.
In order to analyze the multivariate data, Allen (1992) performs a correlation
analysis, followed by a multiple regression analysis. As defined in Allen’s (1985)
previous study, his 1992 study hypothesizes five variable groups directly and indirectly
impact Black students and their academic performance, career goals, and overall
adjustment. More specifically, Allen (1992) presents four hypotheses for the study that
are based upon findings from past research on Blacks students at the collegiate level
which are as follows: 1. A significant and positive inter-correlation between social
involvement, career goals, and academic performance. 2. Students who possess a more
positive attitude towards race relations on campus, have better interactions with faculty,
were exposed to more majority white educational environments (i.e. high school and
elementary school), and higher socio economic backgrounds, are more likely to be
involved socially on campus. 3. Students who have better interactions with faculty,
possess a more positive attitude towards race relations on campus, possess more
economic access, are younger, and are male, will have the highest academic performance.
4. Students who have better interactions with faculty, possess a more positive attitude
towards race relations on campus, have better interactions with faculty, are younger, and
are male, will have the highest career goals.
Findings indicated that Black students who attended HBCUs reported higher
goals regarding their occupations, academics, and socialization in comparison to their
counterparts at Predominately White institutions, thus indicating that the racial
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 72
composition of the campus was a predictor in student outcomes. Moreover, Allen (1992)
asserts that his findings suggest that Black student outcomes are influenced by the
immediate surrounding social context, while interpersonal relationships represented a
bridge between individual predispositions and the institutional setting or context. Student
involvement was also impacted by the racial demographics on the campus. Those who
attended Predominately White Institutions reported lower levels of campus involvement
in comparison to their counterparts attending HBCUs. The highest levels of social
campus involvement were reported by students who believed they had selected a college
that was the best choice for them, and had also reported positive views about their
relationships with faculty as well as positive view about their peer relationships,
regardless of the race of their peers. Allen’s (1992) findings also reveal a positive
relationship career goals and educational goals, indicating that those who had high career
and educational goals were more apt to possess higher confidence and also have better
relationships with faculty members. A correlation was found between campus racial
demographics and academic performance, faculty relationships and high school
performance. Black students that attended Predominately White Institutions reported
higher high school grades, lower college grades, fewer positive relationships with faculty,
and were younger than their counterparts attending HBCUs. According to Allen’s (1992)
findings, predictors of college outcomes also included gender and economic background.
In terms of gender, Black females reported higher grades from high school as well as
higher confidence in comparison to Black males, indicating a significant association
between gender, high school performance, and confidence. In terms of economic
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 73
background, findings indicated that students who came from more economically stable
backgrounds reported somewhat higher career and education goals, though Allen (1992)
asserts that this finding was not a significant correlation to student outcomes. Allen
(1992) asserts that the multiple regression analysis and model, effectively explains
student involvement, but is not as effective in explaining student career goals.
Campus racial demographics are the strongest predictor student outcomes in terms
of social campus involvement and career goals, according to Allen’s (1992) findings.
Furthermore, Allen (1992) uncovers that campus racial demographics are the second
strongest predictor in student outcomes in terms of academic performance. Students
possessing better relations with faculty in combination with higher high school
performance had higher academic performance in college. The next strongest predictor of
student outcomes in terms of campus involvement was the student’s perceived
relationship with White students, and the belief that they had selected the campus that
best suits them. If the students felt that their fellow Black peers were unified on campus,
and were able to successfully carry on relationships with faculty, then social campus
involvement was more likely to occur by Black students in the study.
Career goals were minimally related to the predictor variables in Allen’s (1992)
model. Though he agrees that across studies, data shows that gender has been
consistently correlated to career goals, with Black females reported significantly lower
career goals than Black males, this data is not a predictor variable in Allen’s (1992) study
in relation to student involvement or academic performance.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 74
Allen (1992) interprets his findings to indicate that outcomes for Black students
are impacted by the direct social surroundings the students are immersed in. Moreover,
Allen (1992) affirms that interpersonal relationships serve as a link between the campus
environment and each individual. Therefore, interpersonal factors combined with campus
setting lead to perceived experiences. Perception and reaction towards the experiences
and campus setting are part and parcel to molding each student’s outcomes, as each
student’s perceptions and reactions will vary, thereby leading to either a positive or
negative view of one’s college experiences. Overall, college experiences and outcomes
were reported more positive and successful for those attending HBCUs, indicating the
significance of campus racial composition for the perceived college experience of Black
students based on the measured outcomes of Allen’s (1992) study. Allen (1992) reminds
readers that past research indicates feelings of a hostile environment, alienation and
discrimination as reported by Black students that attend Predominately White
Institutions, while those who attend HBCUs have reported in past literature feelings of
acceptance, engagement and connectivity. Allen (1992) asserts that there are social-
psychological impacts for Black students depending upon the racial composition of their
campus environment, because human develop posits that supportive environments are
perceived to be supportive, accepting and socially inclusive thus allowing humans to feel
more like humans. Thus, HBCUs provide more positive and gratifying social and
psychological human connections for Black students in comparison to Predominately
White Institutions. Allen (1992) poses the rationale that HBCUs possess greater social
networks, outlets and positive relationships, and thus lends to greater psychological
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 75
outcomes such as esteem, confidence, empowerment, and connectedness because the
campus is viewed as their own. Accordingly, if these social and psychological factors are
at their best on a HBCU campus, it is possible that student performance is likely to be
most favorable. However, Allen (1992) conjectures that other factors can also contribute
to student performance and outcomes such as drive, competition, and other personal
factors, and recommends that further studies be conducted about social interaction and
student outcomes.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 76
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY

This is a qualitative comparative study of the social adjustment and educational
progress of upper division African American and African Immigrant college students at a
Southern California university with a diversified student body. Three theoretical
frameworks shaped the study: (1) Ogbu’s cultural ecological thesis on involuntary and
voluntary minorities and the burden of acting white, (2) Steele’s theory of stereotype
threat, and (3) Hurtado’s theory of campus climate and race. These theoretical
frameworks form the basis for the development of an interview guide of twenty upper
division students divided equally among African American men and women and African
immigrant men and women. The study will be conducted in a university based in
Southern California.

The California University of Diversity (CUD): Why was CUD selected?

This qualitative comparative study is evaluating student experiences of students
attending a diverse college campus. The California University of Diversity (CUD) has
been identified as one of the nation’s most diverse universities. According to the
newspaper LA Times, writer Richard Paddock (2007) stated, “While campuses like
UCLA and UC Berkeley struggle to attract students from underrepresented minority
groups, California University of Diversity increasingly enjoys a reputation as one of the
most ethnically diverse research universities in the nation.” California University of
Diversity is ranked 5
th
in the nation for the most diverse universities according to the
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 77
2010 U.S. News & World Report. The Princeton Review’s America Best Value Colleges
(2009) also identified California University of Diversity as one of the most diverse
universities in the nation. Moreover, California University of Diversity has been
nationally identified as one of the most diverse campuses. The university’s mission
statement reaffirms its diversity with its introduction sentence stating:
The California University of Diversity serves the needs and enhances the quality
of life of the diverse people of California, the nation and the world through
knowledge – its communication, discovery, translation, application, and
preservation (http://www.CUD.edu/about/mission.html).

What is CUD’s student body racial/ethnic composition?
The California University of Diversity was selected for this study because of the
extent of its diversity that has been recognized on both a local and national level. The
demographics of this campus are: African American 7.1%, Asian/Asian American 36.4%,
Chicano and Latino 25.3%, Native American 0.4%, White/Caucasian 19.3%, other 2.4%,
International/Decline to state 9.1%. (California University of Diversity, 2009). In fall
2008, California University of Diversity’s enrollment numbers were 18,079, of which
15,708 were undergraduates and 2,371 were graduates. In addition, this university has a
forecasted its enrollment to increase to approximately 25,000 by 2015. This university
reflects the emerging presence of universities across the United States of America that I
call the University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB).

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 78
Sampling Framework

I have developed a sampling design that allows for between and within group
comparison of African American male and female students. It is a purposive sample of
students who are at least of junior standing and have attended the university for at least
two years. The black student union office at the university will assist in the identification
and recruitment of students.

Table 4: Sampling Frame

Sampling Frame

Involuntary African American Heritage Students

Men

Women

5

5

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 79
Interview Guide
I developed the interview guide to address my three research questions. Each interview
item stems from one of more of the three theoretical frameworks shaping this study. The
interview guide is appended in Appendix.
Table 5: Research Question and Theoretical Framework

Research Questions

Theoretical Framework
Do African American students experience
the Burden of Acting White on a campus
with a diverse student body?
Acting White/Cultural Ecology
Does Stereotype Threat impact how
African American students select their
majors?
Stereotype Threat
How do African Americans perceive racial
climate on a campus with a diverse student
body?
Campus Climate

For each research question, responses to the following items will be used to address the
research questions. The questions from the structured interview guide were designed to
uncover whether the burden of acting white, dual frame of reference, stereotype threat,
and campus racial climate played a significant role in the college experiences, progress,
and trajectory of these cohorts of students.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 80
Table 6: Research Questions and Related Interview Items

Research Questions

Related Interview Items
Do African American students experience
the Burden of Acting White on a campus
with a diverse student body?

1. Where are you from?
2. Where were you raised?
23. Do you find yourself acting differently
at home than you do when come to this
campus?
25. Do you maintain the same personality
with your friends on campus as you do
with your friends and family at home?
26. Is there a need to fit in with certain
racial/ethnic groups here in order to
succeed?
27. Do you believe that you have to act like
certain racial/ethnic groups here in order to
succeed on this campus?
28. Do you believe that you can not or
should not act like certain racial/ethnic
groups here in order to succeed on this
campus?
29. Which racial/ethnic group to you relate
to the most?
30. What racial/ethnic group do you
believe receives the strongest support on
campus?
31. Do you feel the need to act a certain
way because of your racial/ethnic group?
32. Do you believe that students of other
races and ethnic groups expect your
racial/ethnic group to act a certain way on
this?
33. Do you believe that campus staff and
faculty expect your racial/ethnic group to
act a certain way?
Does Stereotype Threat impact how
African American students select their
majors?

5. What is your major?
6. Why did you select this major?
7. Do you believe certain races/ethnic
groups choose to enroll in certain majors
and classes?
1. Where are you from?
2. Where were you raised?
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 81
8. Do you believe certain racial/ethnic
groups are expected to be enrolled in
certain majors on this campus because of
their racial/ethnic group?
10. What was your high school grade point
average?
11. Prior to attending CUD, were your high
school and/or community racially diverse?
19. What racial/ethnic group do you
believe performs the best academically on
this campus?
21. What majors do you believe most
African American students are enrolled in
on this campus?
22. What majors do you believe most
African Immigrant students are enrolled in
on this campus?
29. Which racial/ethnic group to you relate
to the most?
32. Do you believe that students of other
races and ethnic groups expect your
racial/ethnic group to act a certain way on
this?
33. Do you believe that campus staff and
faculty expect your racial/ethnic group to
act a certain way?
54. Do students of similar races and
ethnicities spend more time on campus
socially with one another?
How do African Americans perceive racial
climate on a campus with a diverse student
body?
4. What year are you in school?
5. What is your major?
10. What was your high school grade point
average?
42. Do you believe that the campus staff
and faculty treats all students fairly and
equally at this university?
43. Do you feel comfortable at this
campus?
44. Do you feel a sense of belonging at this
campus?
45. Have you ever felt that you shouldn’t
be attending this campus?
46. Is there someone on campus who has
been a mentor to you?
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 82
47. When you have problems in class or at
school is there someone on campus that
you can trust, who helps you?
48. Has anyone helped you learn more
about ways to succeed at this campus?
49. Have there ever been times when you
felt excluded from campus activities
because of your race/ethnicity?
50. Do you believe that the campus has
enough programs, classes and activities to
reflect diversity?
51. Has there ever been a time that any
students, staff, or faculty made you feel
that you don’t belong on the campus
because of your race/ethnicity?
52. Do you believe that the campus gives
all students respect?
53. Does the campus provide chances for
you to learn more about other cultures?
54. Do students of similar races and
ethnicities spend more time on campus
socially with one another?
55. Have financial issues ever made you
feel like dropping out?
56. Have any of your colleagues dropped
out because of financial issues?
57. Is there anyone on campus that you
trust, who you turn to when you are facing
financial issues?
58. Does the campus promote racial unity?
59. Do you believe the campus supports the
academic success of African American
students?
60. Do you believe the campus supports the
academic success of African immigrant
students?
61. Have you ever heard any students, staff
or faculty ever make any derogatory
comments about racial/ethnic minorities on
campus?
62. Have you ever been treated rudely by
any students, staff or faculty on campus?
63. Have you ever been discriminated
against because of your race by any
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 83
students, staff or faculty on this campus?
64. Do you believe the campus is
committed to expanding diversity through
enrollment?
65. Do you believe the campus promotes
diversity?

Data Collection
Data was collected qualitatively, using interviews. Participant selection was
conducted through the assistance of the black student union and its director who was able
to provide me with contact information of students who met the qualifications of being at
least a junior matriculation status, and had attended the university for at least 2 years.
Students met with me on a one-on-one basis, on the campus grounds, and at their campus
apartment. Specific locations included the campus library’s conference room, a student
lounge conference room, and their campus apartments. Using a digital recorder,
interviews were recorded, and then transcribed afterwards.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 84
Data Analysis
Data was analyzed using by creating a matrix which disaggregated the responses
of the participants. The matrix included the 65 questions, along with the coding for
theoretical frameworks. Each question was recorded by its response to how many
participants presented the same or similar responses. The rating scale identified how
many participants gave the same or similar responses. The responses were then identified
as: All, which indicated all 10 participants provided the same or similar response to a
particular question; Most, which indicated that 7to 9 participants provided the same or
similar response to a particular question; Many, which indicated that 5 to 6 participants
provided the same or similar response to a particular question; Some, which indicated
that 3 to 4 participants provided the same or similar response to a particular question;
Few, which indicated that 1to2 participants provided the same or similar response to a
particular question.
The level of importance of the responses was determined by the number of
participants that responded to them, if all or most of the participants responded similarly,
that question was ranked as being highly important. Thus, the importance rating went as
follows: 10 similar responses = highly important; 7 to 9 similar responses = very
important; 5 to 6 similar responses = important; 3 to 4 similar responses = somewhat
important; 1-2 responses = slightly important. This scale assisted in identifying trends
and themes in the responses from the participants.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 85
CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS OF THE STUDY
This study qualitatively collected data from 5 African American males and 5
African American females with a matriculation status of at least a junior status. Students
were asked approximately 65 questions geared towards answering three key questions
that guided this study. Each of the three research questions were linked to a theoretical
framework as displayed below:

Table 7: Research Questions and Theoretical Framework

Research Questions

Theoretical Framework
Do African American students experience
the Burden of Acting White on a campus
with a diverse student body?
Cultural Ecology &Acting White
Does Stereotype Threat impact how
African American students select their
majors?
Stereotype Threat
How do African American and perceive
racial climate on a campus with a diverse
student body?
Campus Racial Climate

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 86
The Participants
A brief synopsis of each participant will provide background information
including: age, major, reason for choosing to attend California University of Diversity ,
matriculation status, high school grade point average, feelings about the university,
diversity in their home community and high school, and family income. The names have
been changed to maintain confidentiality.
Gloria from Glendale
Gloria is a 20 year old junior, raised in Glendale, California, double majoring in
Media/Cultural Studies and Theater. With a public high school grade point average of
4.2, Regina considers her home community and high school to both embody ethnic
diversity. Gloria believes this exposure to diversity made it easier for her to adjust to
college at California University of Diversity. California University of Diversity was not
her first choice. However, after being denied entrance into her first choice, UCLA, with
the help of her volleyball coach’s wife, an English teacher, she wrote an appeal. To her
dismay, she was still denied, but was guaranteed entrance into an equivalent university
because she was in the top 4% of her graduating class. Ultimately, Gloria chose
California University of Diversity because after visiting her other option, Hawaii Pacific.
She discovered it was a comprised of three satellite campuses that felt very small and
were only slightly larger than her high school. Thus, she believed that California
University of Diversity would be a better fit for her. Financially, she asserts that her
family income for 2009 was approximately $60,000. Overall, Gloria has a positive view
of the university.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 87
Amber from All Places
Amber, a 21-year-old female senior and student athlete is a transfer student at
CUD. Growing up she attended several different schools moving from home to home
because she is a foster child. Primarily located in the Inland Empire during her childhood
years, Amber traveled around the world in order to attain shelter and security in her
education. Amber is from a collection of homes and has no secure family income, filing
as an independent student. Amber chose to attend California University of Diversity,
because it is close to her maternal grandparents with whom she is attempting to build a
relationship. Financial support was a crucial component in Amber’s selection of
universities. After attending other universities base on her track and field skills, she
selected California University of Diversity, because of the scholarships that were made
available to her as a student athlete.
Regina from Riverside
Regina is a 20 year old African American female. She is majoring in Psychology
and is a junior. Raised in Riverside, California, Regina attended private high school and
graduated with a grade point average of 3.0. Regina’s high school and community are
predominately White; however she asserts that she spent most of her time socializing
with African Americans. Regina’s family income is estimated at $500,000 per year as
both of her parents are physicians. California University of Diversity was Regina’s last
choice. After applying to only 3 universities, she chose California University of Diversity
because she had an opportunity to play on the basketball team. Above all, Regina admits
the real reason she chose California University of Diversity is to remain close to her
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 88
family. Despite being accepted to all of the universities she applied, Regina preferred not
to leave her family, and reports that she feels happy attending the university. Initially, she
had some concerns because of the fact that she grew up in Riverside.
Tammy from San Francisco
Tammy is a 22 year old, junior, Psychology major. Tammy attended a private
high school and graduated with a grade point average of 3.6. Tammy attended a
predominantly African American high school. Her family’s income is approximately
$40,000 per year. California University of Diversity was not Tammy’s first choice. After
being denied from the school she originally wanted to attend, Tammy decided to attend
California University of Diversity because of its location near some of her relatives and
because of financial support. Tammy also asserts that the Psychology department at
California University of Diversity is very strong and competitive. Overall, Tammy feels
positive about attending California University of Diversity.
Linda from Los Angeles
Linda is a 23 year old senior majoring in Sociology from Los Angeles, CA.
Linda’s high school grade point average was 3.89. After attending private school with a
mixed demographic, Linda sought a university that provided closeness to her loved ones.
Linda’s first choice was UCLA, however she was not accepted. She chose California
University of Diversity because of it was close to home, but slightly distanced enough to
allow Linda to not be coddled excessively by her protective family. Linda enjoys her
experience at California University of Diversity and is seeking to prepare to move on to
graduate school. Linda’s family income is approximately $50,000 per year.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 89
Bill from Berkeley
Bill is a 22 year old third year Interdisciplinary studies with an emphasis in Ethnic
Studies and business from Berkeley, California. After attending public high school, Bill
graduated with a 3.5 grade point average. He considers his high school and community to
be somewhat diverse, comprised of mostly Hispanics and African Americans. Bill’s
parents are unemployed and have an estimated family income of less than $30,000 per
year. Though UC Berkeley was Bill’s first choice for college, he chose to transfer to
California University of Diversity after attending the University of Hawaii because of the
financial support he was able to receive. Bill likes attending California University of
Diversity because it is one of the more diverse campuses that he has been to. He believes
that the campus tries to maintain friendliness and diversity as much as possible and
doesn’t feel that he has ever been excluded from anything at the university.
Lance from Los Angeles
Lance is a 25 year old senior majoring in Business Economics. Nigerian by
ethnicity, Lance was raised in Los Angeles and feels that he is African American, as he
feels more closely connected to African Americans rather than Nigerians. Lance attended
public high school and graduated with a 3.2 grade point average. He believes that his
community and high school were somewhat ethnically diverse, with a population of
African American and Latino and a small amount of Whites and Asians. He estimates his
family’s annual income to be $100,000. Lance believes his experience at California
University of Diversity has been good. California University of Diversity was not
Lance’s first choice. He attended college out of state, moved back to California, and
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transferred to California University of Diversity. Interestingly, Lance considers
California University of Diversity to be at the bottom of the totem pole in comparison
other equivalent universities. When asked why he felt this way, he changed his answer
and said it is a really good school, but that he thinks the other schools, like UCLA and
UC Berkeley in particular, produce more research. When asked how much research
California University of Diversity produces annually, he did not know the answer, and
did not have any clue how much research UCLA or UC Berkeley produce.
Marvin from Los Angeles
Marvin is a 25 year old senior majoring in Business Economics. Originally from
Los Angeles, Marvin attended public high school with a predominately Hispanic and
African American population. His neighborhood was predominately African American.
After graduating with a high school grade point average of 2.5, Marvin attended Cal Poly
Pomona for college. Unlike most of the other participants in this study, California
University of Diversity was Marvin’s first choice. However, he did not originally get
accepted into the university and had to transfer to get in. Marvin asserts that he chose
California University of Diversity because of the fact that he had friends and
acquaintances he knew who were attending the university and this simple fact alone was
more than enough to set it aside from other universities that were on the same academic
level. Marvin believes California University of Diversity values the differences between
cultures mainly because of the multicultural materials that they circulate advertising
diversity, along with campus representatives and administrators that continuously discuss
its diversity.
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Ron from Riverside
Ron is a 22 year old African American male currently from Riverside, but has
grown up in several areas including: Moreno Valley, Los Angeles, and Orange County.
Ron is a junior, majoring in Psychology and Law and Society. He attended several public
high schools, some of which were diverse, and some which were not diverse. After
graduating with a 2.7 grade point average, Ron attended community college, which also
lacked diversity. After applying to practically every Cal State University and UC, Ron
was accepted by four universities. He decided to attend California University of Diversity
because of the majors the school had which met his needs for his future goals to become
a lawyer. According to Ron, he feels good about attending the university.
Sam from San Diego
Sam is a 27 year old African American male from San Diego, California. Sam is a
senior, majoring in Political Science, International Relations. He attended a high diverse
public school with approximately 30% Pacific Islander, 30% Latino, 20% White, and
20% African American. Sam was bused his high school, and graduated with a 3.25 grade
point average. Sam is not sure of his family’s annual income, with an unemployed mother
and retired veteran father. Sam’s college selection was based mainly on financial support
offered by each university. As a consequence, California University of Diversity was his
choice school because they offered the most monetary support. Additional factors that
helped Sam select California University of Diversity, was its distance from home.
According to Sam the university was far enough to allow him to build his own identity,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 92
yet close enough to home to remain connected with his family. Same feels that California
University of Diversity values the differences between cultures.

Research Question 1
Do African American students experience the Burden of Acting White on campus with a
diverse student body?
Acting White/Cultural Ecology Theoretical Background
Are these a set of behaviors and norms that are expected of certain races? What
happens when this set of norms becomes expected, predictable and a reality for Black
college students? The “Acting White” model is linked to certain behaviors including:
specific attitudes, language usage, and conformity to White norms (Tyson, et.al 2005).
These behaviors lead to a dilemma for the Black student and are evoked by a need to
create a type of separation from one’s own culture, or either an even stronger connection
to one’s own culture because of a notion that the American educational system has been
established using a Eurocentric view, in which the mores, values and ethics of Whites
have become the core set of norms for education (Fordham & Odgbu, 1986). According
to Fordham and Ogbu (1986), Black students can ultimately damage their academic
opportunities by creating an oppositional culture, one in which the student chooses to act
contrary to presumably White norms and behaviors that are expected to reflect academic
success. On the other hand, it is suggested that Black students who are able to navigate
successfully throughout their academic careers have mastered the ability to code switch,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 93
thereby allowing one to shift behaviors, i.e., White norms while in the school setting and
Black norms while in the community or personal setting. Thus, the “Acting White”
model is built upon the notion that African American students possess a double identity
while attending school. This double identity takes place when the student takes on the
characteristics of White students in order to attain academic success in the school setting
(Ogbu, 1993; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Ogbu (1993) asserts that
African American students view academic achievement and success as acting White.
According to the Acting White model, if an African American student is following the
policies and practices to become an academically successful student, then they are
identified as trying to act White by their African American peers.
Yet, Ogbu (1993) discovered that African American students constructed ways to
counterbalance the stigma of being identified as acting White by their peers in order to
guard their own identity. To avoid being ostracized by their African American peers,
these students attempted to evade behaving in ways that may reflect White cultural norms
(Ogbu, 1993). Ogbu (1993) asserts that involuntary minorities are unable to compare the
pros and cons of their native lands to America. Involuntary minorities cannot rationalize
the dichotomy between racism and education in America because they lack the ability to
compare it to another country the way immigrants can. Thus, involuntary minorities do
not view school as a profitable opportunity. Ogbu (1993), states that the only point of
6comparison for involuntary minorities is to juxtapose their educational opportunities to
those of White students.
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Though African American students must instrumentally understand White norms
in the school setting, this does not diminish the level of achievement for African
American students (Cokely, 2003). Instead, African American students maintain high
levels of self-esteem and self-concept as well as a value for education. Paradoxically,
their academic performance does not reflect their high levels of self-esteem and concept
(Cokely, 2003). According to Mickelson (1990), this dichotomy for African Americans
in the educational setting is known as an attitude-achievement paradox. As a result,
African American students fall short academically because they are unable to identify
outcomes that reflect the same magnitude of effort that was put forth by their White
middle-class counterparts. Thus, African American students do not view the academic
setting as a fair, leveled playing field for all. In turn, African American students do not
feel enthralled to achieve at higher levels because they acknowledge the existence of
inequalities in the school setting. Overall, this lack of equality and perception of inferior
schooling influences African Americans to maintain a lack of trust for the educational
system (Ogbu & Fordham, 1986).
Ogbu (2003) reaffirms that if a student elects to yield to the educational system, it
represents a type of conformity that could lead to seclusion from one’s peers. Ultimately,
if the student chooses to engage in this conformity in the African American community,
the student may experience disconnects from their own cultural/social groups on campus.
Student responses gathered by Ogbu (2003) revealed that African American students
believed that underachievement heightened their ability to connect to social groups on
campus. Yet, Ogbu (2003) conjectures that underachievement is not done merely to
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increase one’s social status on campus, but to ultimately snub anything connected to the
dominant culture, including academic performance, and career goals. Therefore some
African American students may elect to underachieve in order to remain loyal to their
own culture, rather than be identified by their African American student peers as
supporting the majority group.

The Burden of Being Black
While research posits the idea that the American educational system is centered
on White norms and behaviors, there is another set of norms and behaviors that Black
students face. These norms have become a burden of sorts for Black students as they
attempt to avoid them at all costs while in an educational setting. “Acting Black” is
presented as an extremely negative set of behaviors. Burell, Winston and Freeman (2012)
present the concept that ignorance, having a ghetto mentality, sagging pants, rap music,
speaking in slang, inferiority, and experiencing racism are just a few of the negative
connotations participants reported about what it means to act Black. There is a persisting
question in the world of African American education. Attending the university has long
since been an American phenomenon focused on the academic structure and mores of
European society. With this in mind there is a question as to whether or not African
American students have a burden that they face in order to assimilate into a mainstream
learning environment that has been structured to accommodate diversity.
A recurring theme or ideology is present across the group of participants, with a
strong need to repress any behaviors that could possibly be viewed as strictly African
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American traits. Each participant referred to traits that others deem to be exclusively
representational of African American behavior as being “ghetto” and loud. All the
participants identified some type of situation in which they felt a burden to not act Black.
Rather than saying any of them felt like they had to act White, they had all in some way
felt that there was a need to avoid acting Black, acting “ghetto”, or acting loud while on
campus. All of the participants identified a burden to act White. Yet, none of the
participants necessarily felt that they all needed to act White. However, there was an
underlying assumption that they could not be very Black or possess any character traits of
a stereotypical Black in order to be a college student. In a sense, all of the participants
displayed an unspoken code in which they all knew that they must avoid a certain set of
behaviors, Black behaviors, while on campus. None of the participants reported a
negative view of themselves. In fact, they all seemed to have a positive sense of self,
showing some sort of pride about being a college student. Yet, all of them found
something negative to disclose about what it means to act Black. Still, all of the
participants were fully aware of the conceptualization of Blackness as being ghetto, loud,
obscene, inarticulate, and overall dominance in a negative manner. Ironically, none of the
participants defined themselves as these stereotypes.
Amber, the 21 year old Olympic hopeful, has experiences that epitomize this need
to avoid acting too Black on the campus. As an eye opening experience, Amber asserts
that the main reason she's been given any opportunities on the campus is because of her
athletic skills. Similarly, Marvin, the 25 year old Business Economics major, also reveals
poignant ideologies about California University of Diversity and the need to fit into the
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norm behavior, which according to Marvin, is Caucasian behaviors. Twenty-two year old
Bill from Berkeley, also points out that he truly doesn’t act like himself at California
University of Diversity, and must refrain from acting “ghetto”. Tammy, the 22 year old
Psychology major reaffirms situations in which students feel a need to avoid acting
Black.
Overall, participants recall moments and situations revealing that it is not only
necessary to not be “too Black” when it comes to an African American student’s actions
or identity at California University of Diversity, but that it is necessary to be extremely
articulate in order to remove the stigma of an African American student as an athlete or
socialite. Too Black is defined by the participants in various ways entailing: loudness,
social inappropriateness, using poor diction, displaying a lack of intellectual aptitude,
ascending from an impoverished community defined as a ghetto, thinking with the
mentality of someone from the ghetto (someone poor, or the act of being/acting ghetto),
representing the Black culture in excess. Being too Black is nothing positive, rather it is
extremely negative, and not found as something acceptable or celebrated by any of the
participants. Instead of celebrating Blackness, all of the participants make sure they do
not represent Blackness excessively. Instead, all of the participants choose to steer away
from anything that openly represents excess Blackness, which ironically leads to creating
a positive representation of Blackness in the eyes of all the participants. While none of
the participants proclaim that they must act White in order to interact with the other
students on campus, there is a need for them to guarantee they will not represent any
form of acting Black. Interestingly, none of the participants deny their Blackness in this
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 98
study, yet they all know to avoid being too Black – too loud, too ghetto, inarticulate,
avoiding representing an impoverished background. All of the participants present the
notion that there is a prerequisite for African American students to negate themselves
from their color. Thus, a student must allow themselves to conform to the academic
environment. Participants also pose the concept that there are a set of behaviors which are
expected to be followed in the academic setting, and are required in order to attain
success in society. Bill, the third year Interdisciplinary Studies major with an emphasis in
Ethnic Studies, asserts that these norms have been set by Caucasians rather than any
particular group or club on campus. These norms are not just expected for African
Americans, Whites or any other racial group, but rather for people as a whole. When
asked who normally embodies that idea of that norm and which racial group he felt is
normally linked to that norm.
Both female participants Amber, the 21 year old history major, and Tammy the
22 year old psychology major, agree that being too Black is not acceptable. Amber finds
that it is important go beyond being Black, that Black students at California University of
Diversity have to make it known that they are not representative of the norms of someone
too Black. Amber points out Black students make an extra effort to let others know that
they are not ghetto, poor, or ascending from a challenging life.
[Amber]. You can’t be too black. Your only claim to fame can’t be that you’re
black or that you're an athlete, or that you're in a sorority. You have to be doing
something more…You feel the need to articulate yourself in certain instances… I
have to make sure that they know that I'm not ignorant. You have to go above and
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beyond to clarify...You have to assimilate. You have to make sure that they know
that I'm not too black, I'm black on the outside but I'm not just black, I'm not
ghetto, I'm not from the hood. Most [Black] people I've met here at CUD campus
feel the need to let me know that they're not from the ghetto; that they haven't
been through the struggle; that their parents are doctors....I know…I am going to
be an Olympian, and it's like they have to make sure to let me know that they're
also doing something with their lives. [They have to let me know] that the only
thing that they've done in their lives isn’t just overcoming the ghetto, and that
they're coming to college…They have to let me know that they know [White
students] Becky and Susie and what they drive in and that they are from this
particular area.
Tammy reflects on an instance when she was visited by her friends from her community.
She made it a point to make sure her friends would not represent any behaviors that
reflected a ghetto mentality. Tammy makes it clear to her friends that she does not want
anyone at the university assuming they are representative of the qualities of being too
Black.
[Tammy] I remember a time when my friends came to visit my on campus. These
friends don’t go to college. Their parents couldn’t afford for them to go, and they
didn’t really have the grades to get into a university. I made sure to remind them
that they can’t act like we do around our neighborhood. I told them that I didn’t
want people thinking we are some hoodrats or ghetto girls.
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Similarly, male participants Marvin, the 25 year old business economics major and Bill,
the 22 year old from Berkley also define that there is a need to transform behaviors on
campus. Bill reveals that changes his demeanor while on campus. He refrains from acting
too Black, from representing his race in excess. By doing this Bill believes he is
remaining conservative, and saves his real self for interactions with his friend. Bill points
out that he cannot be loud on campus like he would with his friends, as this would be too
strong of a representation of Blackness.
[Bill] I guess when I'm at CUD I really don't act like myself. I have to be
somebody else kind of…I can't just act my color. I can't act ghetto around CUD. I
can't act loud like I would with my friends at home just having fun and letting
loose. Not being ghetto but just letting loose and having fun not being as
conservative but it's not that type of environment here to do things like that. In life
you have to be aware of your surroundings and act accordingly.
Marvin asserts that there are norms in society, and that he has monitored and curtailed his
own actions in order to avoid confirming a stereotype through his actions.
[Marvin] There are norms [for] society [for] how people should act in order to be
successful, not necessarily a certain race, but more like an idea of how people
should act in order to be successful. I have had times when I had to make sure I
avoided making stereotypes come true. I monitor my behavior on campus so that
I’m not assumed to be ghetto or ignorant.
However, all of the participants point out that there are those on campus who will still
present themselves using that negative stereotype. Those who choose to act in this
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manner are ultimately shunned because others do not feel comfortable around them. The
campus environment is built upon networking opportunities, and if one is represented in a
manner that reaffirms African American stereotypes, the less likely that they will be fully
immersed into the networking experience. Marvin from Los Angeles, states that if the
student chooses to act appropriately, using the norm behaviors, their likeability factor is
raised.
[Marvin] If you act the way others think is acceptable, more people want to be
affiliated with you.
Thereby, these actions lead to a more successful social experience for African
American students. In essence, with greater likability, the more social success one will
experience at California University of Diversity if one represents themselves in a manner
that adheres to norms. Thus, an African American student’s behaviors can lead to chain
reactions by either deterring others or enticing them to network with African American
students based on others finding them to be acceptable.
According to the participants, most African American students attending
California University of Diversity feel a need to prove that they are not a stereotypical
African American student. Instead, most African American students at California
University of Diversity want to depict to others that life has not been challenging for
them, like it has been for stereotypical African American students.
One notable incident is the recollection of the Olympic hopeful, Amber. Amber
has a strong sense of her personal goals, but feels that she has to let the school
community know that her personal goals are beyond average, and that they lead to
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surpassing the stigma attached to African Americans. Yet, Amber feels that African
American students on campus feel that they must reveal they are beyond the common,
stereotypical, ghetto, Black person, and that they have not been immersed with poverty
and hardships.
Amber finds that California University of Diversity is a place where you must
push yourself to avoid being Black. Interestingly, she points out that it is popular,
acceptable even to be Black, but totally unacceptable to act excessive, in a manner that
would reaffirm any Black stereotypes. Amber points out a paradox on campus, that
although California University of Diversity is considered to be a Black UC school
because of its higher rate of African Americans than other UC campuses, Black students
are determined to prove that they aren’t Black, ghetto, and have not faced struggles or
hardships.
[Amber] I do see a lot of that on this campus especially because it's considered a
Black UC - the Black people here feel like they have to be extra non-Black. I
don't even know how to explain it. It’s just how it is…the popular thing is to be
Black, but not so Black.
Amber’s experiences identify that she and other Black students at California University
of Diversity are not only faced with a burden of acting White, but that being a Black
student in itself is altogether a burden. Amber has found that while attending the
University she has often been looked at as a discredited source because she is not another
race, and has frequently felt the need to have to prove herself because of her race.
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Amber’s incident has been highlighted here because it entails the highest ranking
administrative position on the campus of any university, the chancellor. Not only has
Amber had to prove herself to the campus, but to the key stakeholder of the university,
the chancellor.
[Amber] When I first got here, I had to meet with the chancellor…She
interviewed me to make sure I was, how do you say it, I was smart enough to go
here, that my intelligence level was up high enough…I was asking her why am I
exactly meeting her, and she was saying she just wanted to make sure, I think her
choice words were, “That your diversity is appropriate for CUD”…I was like
what exactly do you mean because I've been to a few colleges…I'm thinking
you're supposed to go until you find the right fit right? Technically that's not why
I left [transferred] but you know if we're going to go with the PC [politically
correct] answers, let's go with the PC [politically correct] answers. So, I'm saying
I'm going to find the right fit. How [does the chancellor] know that CUD happens
to not be the right fit for me? When my coach told me she wanted to interview me
I was kind of like wow, the chancellor wants to sit with me. This is awkward.
Knowing that it is not customary for a chancellor to interview a transfer student, Amber
knows that there is a higher expectation for her to either fail, or to succeed. Amber
realizes that acting White is not her concern instead her issue is making sure she does not
present herself in a negative light by acting too Black. Amber has to prove that she has
the mindset of a college student, of a person who wants to succeed in life. She is
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questioned by the chancellor about her goals, and whether or not her background will
interfere with her ability to succeed.
[Amber] Okay this doesn't happen very often…The things she was asking me: am
I serious about college, from my background, the type of person that I am…I was
like: what exactly do you mean? I know that there is a system and a reality…but
what exactly is it that you're trying to ask me? What do you mean my background
has something to do with if I am serious about college? The reason that I went to
several different colleges, and my diversity have nothing to do with why I'm at
your school now…I was wondering what are you trying to imply?
Amber wonders why her identity has been questioned. She wonders how her identity, her
diversity, can correlate with her intellectual prowess. She presents to concept that
education is system, and that she knows there are points in which she will have to accept
the faults of the system, but this moment of questioning her seems to have gone too far in
her opinion. Amber learns that she is more than student, but that she is an artifact, a
token, a tool for the school, to be used towards gaining collegiate athletic empowerment.
Amber realizes that the meeting with the chancellor is checkpoint to analyze whether or
not an African American student can handle the demands of college and athleticism with
a push towards Olympic success. Perhaps, this is a checkpoint to ensure that Amber is not
acting too Black, that she will gauge herself accordingly in the public eye, and that she
will not succumb to stereotypes. Moreover, Amber realizes that she has been given a
scholarship as a bargaining tool, with a mission to bring a winning title to California
University of Diversity, while at the same time not act too Black, and uphold her grades,
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so that the university and chancellor are not embarrassed by making the choice to support
her. The chancellor wants Amber to verify that she is going to be an Olympiad. The
chancellor’s impact on Amber is that she realizes there is burden to being a Black
student. Amber wonders whether or not other student athletes have been given such an
intimate and rather uncomfortable meeting with the chancellor. Amber is faced with a
demand to not only avoid acting too Black, she has to prove she is a type of valuable
token, a person of exceptional worth and is faced with the demand of having to realize
that she is being watched by the chancellor. In Amber’s eyes, her utility must be proven
by eliminating any signs of excessive Blackness. This demand dissuades Amber’s view
of the campus immediately, signaling a major red flag that she is not expected to ever be
herself if it means being too Black.
In short, participants reported a need to refrain from acting like they are their own
race while on campus with other students who are of various other cultures. Moreover,
participants reported deeming it necessary to avoid being “ghetto” or “loud” because
these actions are negatively viewed by others and are in essence, the quintessential
symbolizations of blacks in America as perceived by non-African Americans.
Overall, all of the participants attest to a need to avoid acting like a stereotype on campus.
Each participant ultimately reveals that there is a school persona and a home-community
persona. These personas are not meant to intertwine. There are norms for on-campus life
and norms for community life. Thus, there is a demand for African American students to
morph into the antithesis of their home-community persona, as it reflects the stereotypes
that others expect from them. Moreover, even their home-community friends may seem
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totally different from their college going friends. An amalgam of feelings are reported,
including: discomfort, the desire to prove they are not ghetto, to not make a public scene,
to avoid being loud or to reaffirm negative images seen in the media, to deflect negative
attention, and to remain contentious of their actions in order to not project any negative
reflections of their racial identity.
Male participants--Bill from Berkley and Marvin from Los Angeles both discuss
the differences between their lives and themselves outside of the campus in comparison
to on campus. Bill illustrates the relationships he has with his on campus friends versus
his friends from his community. Bill discusses that most of his community friends do not
have experience in college. Their behaviors are completely different from those of his
friends on campus. As a result, Bill admits that he is also completely different in his
behaviors with his community friends in comparison to his behaviors with his on campus
friends. In essence, Bill is acknowledging a need to avoid certain behaviors on campus.
[Bill] My friends at school are a lot different from the people back home. The
majority of the people I know back home don't go to school. They don't work.
They don't do anything like that. So, what they do is totally different. How they
go about themselves is totally different, so I act totally different around them. I'm
definitely a different person around them than I would be with somebody here at
CUD.
Just like Bill, Marvin admits that his behaviors are edited when he is on campus. Marvin
points out that he can be more relaxed and comfortable around his community friends.
Marvin goes as far as to admit that he uses the n-word, speaks loudly, and exudes acting
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 107
too Black, stereotypical with his friends back home. Overall, Marvin reveals that acting
too Black is not a line he will cross on campus, and instead he chooses to remain docile,
quiet, and projects intelligence.
[Marvin] Yes I'm not very friendly when I'm not around my friends. I've never
felt very comfortable around other races so I've never been used to it. When I'm
with my friends act pretty stereotypical but not stereotypical negative like fighting
and stuff but I feel like if people see me at one way they'll connect me to the
stereotypes. When I'm around my friends I like to talk loud and curse and say the
n-word, but I feel like if I act like that around other races, they're going to think
I’m a criminal, or in a gang, or something. So, when I'm around them, I'm just
quiet and, I act really polite and smart.
Quite similar to the males, the female participants, Tammy from San Francisco, and
Gloria from Glendale also reveal just how important it is to negate any stereotypical,
excessively Black behaviors on campus. Tammy asserts that she refuses to allow students
on campus to see her confirm any Black stereotypes. Moreover, Tammy posits that if she
chooses to act excessively Black, she will disappoint herself.
[Tammy] I can’t be seen on campus as a stereotype. It isn’t worth it to let people
think I am the images they see in the media. I’m not going to give them the
satisfaction of thinking I’m that ghetto girl. I’m me, I’m more than my skin color,
I’m more than my hair. If I start acting hood at school, I’m letting myself down,
because I’m supposed to be more, educated, intelligent.
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Gloria also discusses how important it is to avoid being the center of attention as a
Black person who is in a social setting with other Black people. Gloria suggests that other
races expect Blacks to act excessively, loud, and ghetto. Gloria points out the stereotypes
other races have for Blacks, and she is determined to avoid representing those behaviors.
[Gloria] If I'm out with a bunch of Black people I don't want the whole attention
on us, because they're going to expect something, so we’ll just walk around and
have fun and stuff, but we can't be loud, because they are going to talk about how
loud we are. You can't act like you're having too much fun, because then you're
ruthless, so it's like you have to be a little conservative...They expect us to act
wild and uncivilized…I'm like no, I go to CUD, we are educated people, we
[African American students] are not what you would see on TV… Stereotypically
they [other races] would probably say we are loud, we like to go to parties a
lot….have some attitude, listen to rap, always try to be tough...Me and my friends
talk about this all the time.
In a sense, all of the participants feel as if the set of behaviors that are associated with
having fun, and enjoying life as an African American student, are the complete opposite
set of behaviors than those of the behaviors expected or required of an African American
college student. According to the participants, there is a need to mask personal enjoyment
out of fear that it may expose a strong connectedness to being too Black, or too involved
in one’s own culture. If found allowing these stereotypes to come to life, the participants
feel as if they are validating the myths and misconceptions about the intellectual prowess
and social decency that African American college students possess. Thus, students stray
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away from being their natural selves on campus, because it may lead to unwanted
attention.
Participants emphasize the concept that there is an expectation for African
American students to act a certain way. This certain way is defined as being rather
outspoken, loud, reckless, ignorant and perhaps even dangerous. For one participant,
Gloria from Glendale, this is a regular discussion between she and her friends, in which
they try to dissect and understand why they are expected to act a certain way. They
question why they are expected to act in a manner that she believes projects ignorance,
despite the fact that they are college students who are intellectually astute.
These negative definitions of African American students are reiterated by each of
the participants. While each of the participants is cognizant of the fact that they know
these definitions are untrue about themselves and their fellow African American
colleagues, they find that it is a major concern to prevent them from validating the
stereotypes. According to Ron from Riverside, there is a need to prevent the stereotype
from being defined in the environment. This arduous task has become a sort of duty,
according the participants, to represent their culture in the best way, in order to avoid any
confirmation of these stereotypes. Thus, African American students have to work to
constantly avoid validating the preconceived notions other races have about African
Americans.
All of the participants revealed that there is an expectation by others that African
American students have a certain persona, certain traits that are part and parcel to being
African American. Regina, the daughter of surgeons, attests to believing that non-Black
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 110
students on campus expect her to present herself in a Black manner, as well as interact
with other students of her own race. This Black manner is defined by wearing certain
clothing, acting in a certain manner and only associating with people that are also Black.
There have been times when Regina and other participants in this study have been
approached by non-Black college students, who were surprised by the fact that they did
not fit the mold of the stereotypical African American that they may have originally
expected them to be. All of the participants reported the amazement of non-Black
students when they discovered that their demeanor did not match their expectations.
Amazement was so heightened that students were given comments by their non-Black
counterparts, almost congratulating them for being so different, non-violent, peaceful,
articulate, or even intelligent, despite the fact that they are also college students who had
to meet certain criteria, just like their counterparts, in order to be accepted into the exact
same university.
[Regina] Since I'm Black, I guess I have to fit in with the African American
students. I am expected to act stereotypical Black, and dress a certain way, and
talk a certain way. I've had people come up to me and tell me you don't act that
black. You know I'm like what do you mean by that? They are like you know
you're not all that ghetto. I'm like really did you really just say that?
Similarly, Linda from Los Angeles, the sociology major, reveals that being expected to
be a stereotypical Black or to be overly knowledgeable about Blackness can become
rather disturbing.
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[Linda] Sometimes it can be annoying when people think I’m supposed to act
ghetto. I listen to all types of music. I try all kinds of food, but they don’t see that.
They just see me and think I must know every rap song, or every fact about Black
life. I don’t expect them to know every fact about their races.
Similarly, males, Sam from San Diego and Ron from Riverside point out that
there are expectations that Blacks will affirm and reaffirm stereotypes. These stereotypes
do not reflect their true identities; yet they persist. If the student does not demonstrate
those behaviors, they become more favorable in the eyes of others on campus.
[Sam] It’s crazy sometimes. It’s like they don’t understand that a Black person
can speak well. I have had some ask me where I’m from because I don’t act
Black. I really wonder what they think acting Black means.

[Ron] Well, probably a few act really stereotypical black. The negative stereotype
people will associate you with negative things, and they won't want to socialize
with you as much. Their socialization usually leads to networking and stuff, and if
people don't feel comfortable around you there probably won't want to talk to you
or talk around you, the more likable you are to other people that around other
people the more social successful experience.
In a sense, the participants feel overwhelmed at times by a need to constantly have to
prove themselves to non-Blacks. It has become a duty to prove others wrong, to refrain
from becoming any type of negative representation of self, because it will in turn be
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 112
misconstrued as a negative representation of every African American student at
California University of Diversity.

Discussion of Research Question 1
There are three themes that have arisen from the Acting White theoretical
framework that guided this research question. Overwhelmingly, all participants reported
the burden of being an African American student at California University of Diversity.
This burden is embedded with three underlying themes: (1) The avoidance of acting
“ghetto”, (2) The avoidance of confirming any stereotypes, (3) The expectations of a
negative persona by non-Blacks. All the students reported a need to avoid acting Black.
There is a fear to display any type of characteristics that are linked negativity to be Black.
Students find it important to not only avoid acting Black, but acting ghetto, loud,
boisterous, or making a public nuisance out of one’s self while on campus. There is a
duality in the ways that personality is presented by the participants, adhering to an
unspoken code. This unspoken code allows each African American student to know when
and even how to avoid any display of stereotypical behaviors while in the campus setting.
However, this same unspoken code allows the African American participants to feel
comfortable to be themselves when amongst their own friends when off-campus. They
want to steer away from any character traits that may allow others on campus to see them
as a stereotypical negative image of African Americans.

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Research Question 2
Does Stereotype Threat influence how African American students select their majors?
Stereotype Threat Theoretical Background
Stereotype threat is a psycho-social phenomenon by which the minority group
feels compelled to totally reject acting in a manner that will validate the racial stereotypes
that exist about their minority group. As a consequence, this model presents a distinct
issue for African American students in the academic setting, leading a negative outcomes
and effects achievement levels (Steele & Aronson, 1995; Steele, 1997). African
American students come to school equipped with certain beliefs about their own
capabilities in comparison to those of other races such as White and Asian ethnic groups.
These beliefs are rooted in racial stereotypes they have been exposed to throughout their
lives. In order to avoid becoming a representation of the racial stereotypes in their school
settings, African American students will attempt to avoid validating them by purposely
lessening the level of effort they will exert academically, thereby leading to academic
failure (Irving & Hudley, 2005). According to Steele (1995) stereotype threat can take
place in a particular setting, such as during an in-class setting. In this setting the African
American student may feel thwarted to combine both their fears about racial stereotypes
along with their need to perform in the classroom setting, and thereby are unable to focus
on the performance, and consequently perform poorly. Moreover, academic performance
can ultimately be impacted for African Americans because of stereotype threats (Steele &
Aronson, 1995; Irving & Hudley, 2005). In order to reject the stereotypes, African
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 114
Americans may totally disconnect from the academic setting because they believe others
view them as inferior in the school setting (Steele, 1997). Steele (1997) calls this
disconnection a misidentification process, by which the African American student is
attempting to both shield themselves from the stereotype threat and at the same time
remove themselves from academia because it ultimately links to the stereotype
experiences they are attempting to avoid.
The Easy Route: Feeling the Threat
All of the participants connected African Americans with majors and coursework
selections that were either in the area Humanities or Social Sciences. Interestingly, each
of the 10 participants reportedly chose their own majors for personal goals and interests.
Each participant found that their major selections were preparing them for their future
careers, and were centered on concepts they took great pride in learning about. Yet, only
a few participants, 3 out of 10, believed that African American students across campus
selected their majors for personal goals or interests. Instead, most of the participants, the
other 7 out of 10, believed that the African American students chose these majors to
avoid taking coursework that was too demanding, time consuming, challenging, are ill
prepared, or fear of feeling racially isolated in certain classes. While they may have
admittedly acknowledged that Social Science coursework is not necessarily easier, they
believed that it has been perceived to be easier by most. As a consequence, these three
participants believed that more African Americans take these courses in an attempt to
avoid more demanding majors and coursework. One participant suggests that African
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Americans do not choose majors like business that require extensive math, because of a
lack of the adequate math skills to function in high level math courses.
Sam from San Diego also affirms that there is a lack of college preparedness or skills for
African American students. Once he discovered the level of time and dedication that is
required in order to excel as Biology major, he was dissuaded from pursuing the degree
in his freshman year of college. Sam suggests that many African American students have
no idea what the demands of a hardcore science major entail, and when they realize what
they demands are they opt out of choosing a hardcore science major. Sam points out that
even Asians will change majors from engineering to business.
[Sam] It would be the social sciences and liberal arts classes [chosen by African
Americans]. A lot of them [African Americans] will come in majoring as
engineering. I've seen a lot of people [African Americans] come in as Engineering
and Biology to become doctors, but then when they get here, the changes come
about... I guess the transition from high school to college a lot of [African
American] people fail to realize the amount of time needed to actually fulfill a
biology degree or engineering degree…They think: this is what I want to do at 18,
and then they come in and it's like, I'm studying 3 to 5 hours a day and sometimes
the stress is just overwhelming. It's not just for a particular race. I've seen the
same thing for Asians. There are Asians who come in as engineering and then
switch over to business. I guess the perception of it and then actually being in it.
You know to attain that degree it's actually harder...In college is there are certain
majors that certain people find easier, versus difficult...Those majors tend to be
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 116
more like the Liberal Arts and the Social Sciences that more African Americans
tend to go towards, because they are easier versus the sciences that they say the
Asians tend to go towards.
While Sam merely assumes that Business majors have a less strenuous course load, Bill
conjectures that there is demand for higher level math skills in Business majors. As a
result of unpreparedness, many African Americans may change their majors and career
goals, once discovering the depth and breadth of time and energy that is required of any
student in a hardcore science major.
[Bill] The majority of the people I know are either Social majors or Ethnic Studies
majors, and the majority of those majors have lots of people of color. Most
African American students do Ethnic Studies. Their requirements for Ethnic
Studies aren't as difficult and time-consuming. A lot of kids have trouble with the
math that's required to do business or any other major that's required to do higher
levels of math. Ethnic Studies is a little more writing, so it's less strenuous.
According to most of the participants, other reasons for African American students
selecting Social Science majors are that there is a fear of feeling isolated. Marvin from
Los Angeles, reports, once African American students enroll in these types of courses,
they discover that they may possibly be the only Black student in the class. As a
consequence, the student feels that they lack any chances for support from their own
African American peers. Marvin also points out that if an African American student is
from a neighborhood in which they are accustomed to mainly communicating with fellow
African Americans, taking a course in which they are perhaps the only African American
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 117
in the class becomes a struggle. According to Marvin, this struggle exists because there is
an inability to adequately communicate with other races in order to succeed in the class,
caused by a lack of experience in doing so in their communities. As a result, African
Americans will elect to change majors in order to find African American peers to
network with in order to achieve academic success in the coursework. Marvin also
suggests that African Americans choose Social Science majors because they are more
likely to be able to attain a career after college. He points out that there are not many
African Americans visible in the workforce with careers in hardcore sciences or business.
Thus, African Americans seek majors that will lead to jobs that African Americans can
realistically be hired for.
[Marvin] there are a lot of factors. I think one factor is when you pick a major like
Economics Biology or Chemistry, you're going to find that you’re like the only
Black person in all of your classes, so it's kind of hard you have to do everything
by yourself, especially if you're from [an] all-Black neighborhood, and all you
really know are Black people....You don't really know how to talk to other races
so you kind of feel like you have to do it all on your own and then you have
friends in other majors and then you're like all I can just switch to those majors
and we can all study together instead of studying alone...Then there are career
aspects of getting a job after college a lot of people know they can get a job easily
in social work or teaching and stuff like that, but as far as business and sciences,
they don't really see a lot of Black people in those jobs, so they're not really sure
if they'll be able to make it after college
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Gloria, an athlete from Glendale, also believes that African American students
lean towards the Social Sciences. However, she suggests that reasons for this selection
are due to the issues surrounded around being an African American. Gloria points out
that African Americans tend to face many social issues, and may have a strong desire to
understand the origins and causes of these social issues, and perhaps try to find ways to
make changes in America, whether on a microcosmic, or a macrocosmic level.
[Gloria] I think a lot, more African Americans major in sociology than anything
else just because it has to do with the…social problems in the environment. The
environment has to do a lot with the upbringing of a person. I guess African
Americans see that more, and they want to figure out where that's coming
from...Because there are a lot of social issues in our community…they want to
figure out what's going on…I have a lot of friends who want to be therapists.
Mainly because they have been to therapist, and they want to help others like they
have been helped and most of them are African American also.
On the other hand, Amber, the Olympic hopeful, acknowledges an awareness that
most Black students are stereotyped into being enrolled in certain majors because they
are perceived to be easier. Furthermore, Amber asserts that most non-Blacks instantly
assume that African American college students in college because of their athletic skills.
Consequently, African Americans are expected to take less challenging classes because
they are athletes who do not have the intellectual capacity to pass challenging classes,
and will ultimately find majors and coursework that requires minimal brainwork.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 119
Interestingly, Tammy changed her major, originally starting at a Math major. This
change was brought about after discovering that there were not many African American
students in any of the prerequisite classes for her major. She believed that she was not
going to have a network of colleagues to help her excel academically in the major.
Tammy believed that she would not prosper in this major because of the lack of Blacks in
the major.
[Tammy] I started as a Math major, but I had to change when I saw that there
weren’t any Blacks in the classes. I felt like I was going to drown in that major. It
was like no one was going to help me.
A few of the male participants, 2 out of 5, associated majors in the sciences with being
dominated by Asian students or other immigrants, mainly because of the expectations of
their parents and pressures to excel. Also, it is suggested by these two participants that
immigrants are more likely to take hardcore science courses because the trend for science
has been drifting away from American interests. According to Sam, a Political Science
major, he originally wanted to be a biologist, but applied to college as a social science
major because he knew it would be easier to get admitted into a university by choosing a
less competitive major. His plan was to switch majors after getting accepted into college.
However, after living in the dormitories he discovered that biology was not the major for
him due to his social nature and the high demand for study and laboratory work that
would be needed to be successful as a science major. When asked about certain races
selecting certain majors, he asserted that certain ethnic groups tend to place more
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 120
emphasis or prestige on certain majors. Sam alluded to Asian parents placing more
emphasis on sciences, holding that discipline in the highest prestige.
Furthermore, Sam from San Diego asserts that he notices that mere information
about the university indicates that he sees higher numbers of Asians enrolling and
graduating. Sam says overall there are more immigrant students that tend to be in the
hardcore science majors. Sam believes that perhaps this is a phenomenon in America.
Less Americans are choosing to enroll and graduate with science degrees, referencing
President Barack Obama. Sam finds that regardless of the fact that there are organizations
and programs to support African Americans in the sciences at California University of
Diversity, there is not a high return of African Americans in the science concentration.
Instead, he sees more Asian and immigrant students enrolled in the sciences. When asked
why so many Asians and immigrants select hardcore science majors, it was suggested
that these particular groups of students are powerfully influenced by the expectations and
demands of their parents. Furthermore, these students seek degrees that lead to careers
with stronger opportunities for certainty, stability and financial security.
[Sam] It tends to be more immigrant students, or people outside the country of
people like foreign students who tend to get into the heavy sciences like
engineering or, computer sciences or things of this nature. I wouldn’t just say its
[African Americans] in general because Americans tend to go social sciences,
English, humanities, things like that…Even Obama said in his speech that people
need to go back to doing sciences and things of that nature. So I think it’s more so
of an American thing, not just black people....t’s a double-edged sword…I know
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 121
there are groups like NSBE, national society of black engineers on campus…but
when I look at certain literature, like who is enrolled, and when people
graduate…you might see a lot of Asian last names. I don’t even see a lot of White
people...It's the parental influence and the fact that they're coming in as
immigrants… They see the math and sciences are the fields that tend to have more
safety, and I get that. There is a safety net for those fields. If I want to become a
doctor I will always find a job. If I become an engineer I will [always find a
job]…If I became a business student, [it’s not that] I wouldn't be able to find a
job, but there is that safety net [that is stronger with the other majors], so they are
just looking out for the best for their children…They push them towards the math
and sciences…In most cases they come in looking to be engineers or doctors, and
maybe most times they're just doing it to make their parents proud, [but] when
they actually get into the program they might feel like this is not for them.

[Marvin] In Economics, most of the classes are Asians here [California University
of Diversity] and a few Whites, every now and then. I'll see a few African
Americans in my classes. You see a lot of Asians in the math classes or technical
science classes. I see a lot of African Americans taking liberal studies classes and
business classes or social science. Caucasians are pretty spread out; the Hispanics
are up pretty much the same as the Black people.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 122
Discussion of Research Question 2
All the participants connected African Americans with majors and coursework
selections that were either in the area Humanities or Social Sciences. Interestingly, all of
them reportedly chose their own majors for personal goals and interests. Each participant
found that their major selections were preparing them for their future careers, and were
centered on concepts they took great pride in learning about. Yet, only a few, 3 out of 10
participants, believed that African American students across campus selected their majors
for personal goals or interests. Instead, most of the participants, 7 out of 10, believed that
the African American students chose these majors to avoid taking coursework that was
too demanding, time consuming, challenging, are ill prepared, or fear of feeling racially
isolated in certain classes. Other reasons include a need help solve societal issues, based
on the fact that so many African Americans are exposed to societal injustices and issues
from an early age. While they may have admittedly acknowledged that Social Science
coursework is not necessarily easier, they believed that it has been perceived to be easier
by most. As a consequence, these three participants believed that more African
Americans take these courses in an attempt to avoid more demanding majors and
coursework. A few of the participants, 2 out of 10, suggested that Asians and other
immigrants choose the hardcore science majors due to family expectations and career
stability.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 123
Research Question 3
How do African American students perceive racial climate on a campus with a diverse
student body?
Racial Climate Theoretical Background
It is proposed that based upon the environment of that campus, that setting has the
capability to molding, impact and possibly redirect the outcomes of perceived student
experiences. Tinto (1975) asserts that the college setting is divided into two sectors:
academic and social, which both possess certain formal and informal compositions. Tinto
(1975, 1987) also incorporates additional theories from Van Gennep. Tinto (1975) refers
to rites of passage and the shift from high school to college. This shift requires a gradual
and continual process of transition when going from one setting to the next. Thus, the
student’s integration (both social and academic) are impacted by their perceived campus
experiences. Thus, according to Tinto (1975, 1987), this gradual and continual process of
transition from high school to college can be mediated by the experiences that the student
encounters during this time of gradual transition. Tinto (1987) posits that feeling a sense
of belonging is perhaps the one of the most significant factors in student retention. In his
more current model, Tinto (1993) creates seven categorized bases for student drop out.
These bases are the following:
1. Challenges to meet the academic standards of the campus.
2. Unsuccessful transition from high school to the college setting.
3. Inability to clearly set and focus on student’s goals.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 124
4. Lack of motivation to devote the required time and effort and/or outside
commitments that displace student attention away from academic endeavors.
5. Lack of finances
6. Lack of a sense of belonging either on an academic and/or social level.
7. Sense of isolation from peers or faculty.
Hurtado (1992) points out that perceived racial tensions stem from situations that are
experienced at any particular campus, thus overriding the concept that racial tension is
only perceived by a certain race. Hurtado (1992) presents the possibility that campuses
may expend more energy creating a well-resourced and highly reputed and selective
campus in order to maintain a sort of imbalance or inequality. This expenditure of energy
sends a message to the community that this is a high quality campus. This message can
be perceived by others that this is an elitist institution. The elite setting therefore urges
the existence of a group that lacks much diversity in order to maintain its level of quality
and esteem. Meanwhile, Blacks and Chicanos that perceive the campus to place diversity
as a priority are less likely to report perceptions of a racially hostile campus climate.
Hurtado (1992) discusses the likelihood of minorities heightened awareness of the
presence of a racially hostile environment. Hurtado (1992) attributes this heightened
awareness to the historical and social contexts of race in America and TWI settings.
Diversity or Division
While California University of Diversity is one the most diverse universities,
there is a question as to whether or not this diversity is merely based on demographics
especially if the racial climate perpetuates the diversity of the student enrollment. All of
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 125
the participants reported feeling a sense of belonging and comfort, regardless of whether
or not they attested to or complained about any instances where they may have felt they
were being stereotyped when it came to acting too Black or even selecting majors based
on the ease of the coursework. However, most of the participants, 7 out of 10, reported
either experiencing some sort of racism, racist comments, or hearsay about racial stories
from their peers.
Regina recalls how during a private moment with one of her own Black
professors, they made a derogatory statement about Asian students and their high
academic performance ruining the bell-curve grading system and ultimately impacting
the grades of other students.
[Regina] One of the Black professors here, he lifts weights in the weight room
here, and I remember one time my teammate and I were lifting and he was talking
to a coach talking about how all the Asian students mess up the curve for a lot of
kids. I don't know if it's a bad thing, but I know what caught my ear I was like
wow you…One guy told me that he went to his professor's office hours and has
professor seemed kind of standoffish kind of not really willing to help but his
friend had been in there a few days before and came out with notes and stuff and
he found that kind of interesting.
Regina also attests to hearing stories from other students at the university about incidents
where racism seems to have taken place. Regina recalls a time one of her African
American friends went to his professor’s office hours and felt that the professor was
racist, aloof, standoffish and totally unhelpful. However, the same professor was helpful,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 126
provided notes and other assistance to another student a few days earlier, but this student
was Asian. The Asian student was friends with the African American student, and had
informed them of the helpfulness of the professor. Yet, when the African American
student went to receive support from the exact same professor, they received what felt
like a poor and perhaps racist experience.
Nick reveals that he has heard stories from his friends about experiences that were
perceived to be racist.
[Nick]I've heard of stories from friends that would say no but for me personally
I've been perfectly fine.
According to Bill, he has not heard any negative comments made about African
Americans, just student athletes, from fellow students. However, he has heard staff
members make negative comments.
[Bill] I don't really hear comments about minorities I just hear comments about
student athletes. They say basketball players are less capable of doing work or
that we will do the bare minimum, [but] I've heard staff members say stuff like
that.
While some students may have not personally experienced any racism, they may have
heard their friends tell them of instances of racial injustices. Regina from Riverside points
out racist comments is a prevalent issue on the campus. Interestingly, she suggests that
the racist comments are done in a joking matter, rather than a blunt, harsh or cruel
manner.
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[Regina] Yeah it's prevalent at our campus here, but it's not that people say stuff
but I don't think people say it necessarily to be ugly about it but more like to make
a joke.
In terms of campus support and attention to diversity in the courses being offered, the
vast majority of the participants found that the courses and campus support were
effective. For example, Gloria from Glendale asserts that there are numerous
multicultural classes provided by the ethnic studies department. She points out that there
are also clubs and organizations that are driven by cultural connections. Overall, Gloria
finds that there are many outlets for cultural representation and connectivity that span
various races and cultures, as well as activities that feature the interests of African
Americans. It appears that Gloria is pleased with the various activities, courses and
organizations that are centered on culture which have all been provided by the campus.
[Gloria] We have all the ethnic studies classes from India, Chicano studies to
African American. We have Nigerian alliance, African alliance, and Chicano
alliance. They just did something about how Pakistan isn't letting their people go.
They were in the streets rioting. Then we have a Nigerian dance team. There is
this thing called Dynasty and that's for any race but it's just a dance team that
performs at some of the basketball games. African student alliance actually does a
lot of stuff like griot night and poetry night, Apollo it's like the talent show,
runway, a lot of stuff.
Similarly, Regina from Riverside points out that there are continuous events on campus
that are culture based. She also notes that the Ethnic Studies department has provided
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 128
classes about practically every race. Regina also discusses that there are various clubs for
practically every race on campus.
[Regina] In our Ethnic Studies department there is a class for just about every race
and there are organizations for just about every race. There is the African Studies
Program office, and the Chicano Studies Program office and everything. There is
always some type of the event going on for different races all the time.
Bill from Berkley acknowledges that they are some classes available to learn more about
cultures. However, he feels that there should be more courses offered that would provide
for an opportunity to learn more about other cultures. Interestingly, Bill notes that the
coaches make efforts to serve as mentors, referencing their efforts as being fatherly
towards him.
[Bill] Yeah, they do there are few classes where you can study about other
cultures but there could be more…The coaching staff [tries] to be as fatherly as
they can, I guess, towards me.
According to Tammy, she has taken courses to learn more about other cultures. Tammy
asserts that there are numerous classes for students to take on campus in order to learn
more about other cultures contingent upon having a true interest in wanting to learn more
about other cultures.
[Tammy] There are plenty of classes for people to learn more about others if they
really want to take some time out to learn. I take some of them just to help me
learn more about other cultures.
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Unlike the other 9 participants, only one participant, Sam, feels that California University
of Diversity can improve in the courses they offer for various cultures. Moreover, Sam
feels that with certain racially charged events that have taken place on other campuses; he
believes that the entire system of universities in California should improve in its interest
in the various cultures across campuses.
[Sam] I think they can do better. I think they can do much better. I would say
across the board for all UC's, some of the things that have taken place like that
Davis and San Diego with the cultures -I think that every UC school should take
an active interest with the cultures.
Paradoxically, while Sam believes California University of Diversity should do more to
show an interest in cultures, he believes that the classes the university offers are fairly
good, and help students learn more about other ethnic groups.
[Sam] Yeah I think California University of Diversity has done a pretty good job
with that they have African American studies classes and Native American
studies classes. They have classes to provide you with the opportunity to learn
more about ethnic groups.
When asked about campus support and which races received the strongest support,
almost all the participants reported that African Americans seemed to get a fair amount of
support both financially and from administrators and professors. Sam from San Diego
asserts that campus professors are helpful and receptive. He points out that students are
welcome to attend office hours. In Sam’s eyes, most of the professors at California
University of Diversity are approachable.
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[Sam] Well for African Americans since that time I've been here the support for
African Americans has been pretty fair. From supporting the groups with money
across the board it seems pretty fair. I don't think any group has more favoritism
by the school…The majority of the professors that I've had seem to be really open
if you have a question you are welcome to stop by their office hours you're always
welcome to come in the same thing with the staff, the academic advisor tells me
to come in and talk to her I go in and talk to her and anything I've needed help
with she helped me with.
Marvin from Los Angeles attests to having good experiences with his advisor. His
advisor has been helpful in supporting him and guiding him towards the appropriate
classes towards matriculation. Marvin also found that by attending campus events hosted
by black organizations, he has made new acquaintances.
[Marvin] My advisor is cool she helps me figure out which classes I need to take.
I've been to a couple of events with black organizations where I get to meet
people. I've only been here for three quarters so there were events I could go to
meet people and see what's going on around the campus.
Gloria from Glendale finds California University of Diversity to be extremely supportive
for minorities. According to her, more minorities are likely to need financial support,
consequently, minorities receive the most financial and academic support from California
University of Diversity . However, she points out that the professors do not seem helpful.
Instead, students have to be proactive and attend office hours of professors in order to
achieve academic support. Gloria suggests that the motivation of the student will
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determine whether or not they will push themselves to go to a professor’s office hours in
order to obtain academic support.
[Gloria] I want to say minorities get the most strongest support considering we
probably don't have the highest income so we get a lot of financial aid but support
academically I'm not sure because the teachers really don't go out of their way to
help you, you have to actually go to their office hours so it really depends on the
student I feel like it does.
Linda from Los Angeles also reports that the university has been supportive for African
Americans, and has found that the financial aid office has been a significant source of
support for herself as well as her African American counterparts on campus.
[Linda] I think the campus supports us [African American students]. They offer a
lot of groups and organizations. I like that my professors seem reliable and nice. I
know the financial aid office has been a very important part of the lives of most
Black students, including myself.
Similarly, Bill also echoes that concept that student success is based on the motivation
and determination of the student. Bill asserts that the student to teacher ratio is too high
for professors to extend themselves to every student. As a consequence, it is up to each
student to take the initiative to reach out to the professors. Moreover, Bill believes that all
the students are treated the same, and that the desire of the student will determine their
actual ability to excel.
[Bill] I think everybody is treated the same it's just a matter of how eager and
outgoing you are with your education. There aren't too many students for the
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teachers to reach out to every student so it's all about how you go about getting
your education
Only one participant, Amber, feels that there is not any support for African Americans,
and has no clue who receives support. Interestingly, despite all of the financial support
the university has given her, she feels that she hasn’t been supported. Amber feels that
the campus has a large amount of African Americans who ultimately fail to succeed.
[Amber] I would know the answer to that I don't know. Because I know there are
little groups for everybody like the multicultural Center…That's the question I
really don't know the answer to because I don't feel like I've necessarily received a
whole lot of support from anybody I feel like there is a lot of people, especially
Black people here at this school that seep through the cracks.
Amber feels like the programs on campus that are geared towards supporting African
Americans are not doing a good job of supporting her. She reports that the main way
students are learning ways and resources for support is through other students who
choose to share what they know with others.
Interestingly, all of the participants feel that the diversity is not reflected in the
composition of the professors on campus. Marvin suggests that the professors match the
diversity of the majority, not the actual minorities. He asserts that he really has not
attended courses with professors of the same race as him.
[Marvin] I'm not really sure I haven't really seen a lot of African American
professors I don't even know if there are any in the economics department so
maybe the same way people pick majors is the same reason, I mean most of my
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teachers are the same race as most of the students, I mean I haven't really come
across many professors of the same skin color as a me.
Tammy feels that there is a need for more Black professors, citing that there aren’t many
on campus.
[Tammy] There need to be more African American professors. There aren’t that
many as far as I can see.
Regina also points out that there are not enough Black professors on campus, though she
confirms that there are various races represented in the demographics of the professors.
[Regina] There is a mixture of professors here, but it’s only a handful of Black
professors.
Similarly, Bill also believes that there are not enough Black professors on the campus.
Surprisingly, Bill asserts that it is likely to be difficult to find enough Black professors.
Perhaps Bill is pointing out that there is a lack of Black college educators in existence,
thus leading to an issue when it comes to hiring Black professors.
[Bill] I don’t think there are too many Black professors here. To be honest I don’t
think there are too many Black professors at any university. It’s probably a
challenge to even find enough Black professors to represent the student body
accurately.
Gloria asserts that she would like to see a stronger representation of Black professors at
the university.
[Gloria] I would like to see more Black professors here.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 134
All of the participants expressed that California University of Diversity promotes
diversity. In addition, all of the participants are fully aware of the diversity at California
University of Diversity, and acknowledge that the university celebrates diversity.
Interestingly, in despite any negative views, each participant reported that they felt a
sense of belonging.
According to Sam, he finds that California University of Diversity promotes
diversity, as it is a cornerstone of success for the university. Other participants also
reported that California University of Diversity does a good job promoting diversity
[Sam] I know the university is extremely proud of the diversity. At one point, it
was, I think it’s the third most diverse school in the country, and I think that at
one time when CUD wasn’t known for anything besides diversity, it was the one
thing that they can cling to. I think it’s something they want to cling onto because
it gives them something for people to talk about, amongst other things, because
now they are being known for other stuff, but I think that it’s symbolic for the
university so it’s something that they want to maintain and find to support.
Similarly, Bill and Gloria posit that California University of Diversity is one of the
leading universities in the nation in terms of its diversity, and this diversity is a
centerpiece of pride and branding for the university. Gloria suggests that the university
goes to great lengths to celebrate and advertise being the most diverse.
[Bill] Yeah, we are one of the most diverse schools in the nation.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 135
[Gloria] Yes it definitely does. They always say they are the third most diverse
university in the nation I'm not sure if that's correct but they definitely flaunt their
diverse standing.
Linda discusses that California University of Diversity has perhaps one of the highest
graduation rates out of all of the UC campuses.
[Linda] Yes they say that CUD African American students had the highest
graduation rate out of all of the UC campuses.
Interestingly, while all participants reported feeling a sense of belonging at California
University of Diversity, they all had instances in which they felt discomfort, or even
labeled. Regina recalls attending a rally for her Chicano Studies course. She and her
friend were the only two African Americans at the event. Regina attests that in that
moment, she felt uncomfortable, despite the fact that she reports feeling a sense of
belonging overall.
[Regina] Yeah I was taking a Chicano studies class and we had this thing at bell
tower we had to go to and it was like me and my friend were the only two black
people there, and it was kind of like, hmm, and I didn't feel a excluded, I just felt
uncomfortable.
Similarly, Gloria has felt some discomfort when trying to convey her athletic goals. She
feels as if she is still considered a token Black, being scrutinized under with a fine lens.
Gloria believes she is expected to continue being a token. She finds that because she is a
tall African American female, she was instantly expected to be a basketball player by
California University of Diversity’s athletic department. Instead, Gloria is a thrower for
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 136
the track team. Moments like these cause Gloria to feel uncomfortable despite the fact
Gloria reports feeling a sense of belonging.
[Gloria] Yes. Like growing up in school you are like the token black person. They
expect you to be this way. Like oh you know how to dance you must play
basketball you must do all this stuff know I like gymnastics. I play volleyball
actually you know. . People in the athletics department are like, oh, you play
basketball. No, I throw for the track team. I don't like to play basketball. I know
I'm 6’, but no. It's all the ethnic groups…When they see a tall black person they
think basketball.
Regina also refers to feeling a sense of awkwardness when she first attempting to enter
the black student union office, which is a campus office that supports African American
students. When Regina walked into the office, she felt unwelcomed, despite the fact that
the office’s purpose is to help African American students.
[Regina] Yeah as a freshman I felt that way and my friends did to. It's like
everybody stops what they're doing and stares at you when you go in there. Like
my friends and I will go in there they experienced the same thing. It's like you
walk in there and people just look at you like what are you doing in here? You go
in there you do what you have to do and then you leave. No one wants to talk to
you in there. It's kind of like a click in there and everyone knows each other.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 137
Discussion of Research Question 3

While California University of Diversity is one the most diverse universities,
there is a question as to whether or not this diversity is merely based on demographics, if
the racial climate is one that perpetuates the diversity of the student enrollment. All of the
participants reported feeling a sense of belonging and comfort, regardless of whether or
not they attested to, or complained about any instances where they may have felt they
were being stereotyped when it came to acting too Black or even selecting majors based
on the ease of the coursework. However, most of the participants, reported either
experiencing some sort of racism, racist comments, or hearsay about racial stories from
their peers.
All of the participants expressed that California University of Diversity promotes
diversity. In addition, all of the participants are fully aware of the diversity at California
University of Diversity, and acknowledge that the university celebrates diversity.
Interestingly, in despite any negative views, each participant reported that they felt a
sense of belonging. All of the participants feel that the diversity is not reflected in the
composition of the professors on campus.
Overall, all of the participants understand that California University of Diversity is one of
the most diverse universities, and knows that this is a cornerstone, or niche for the
university. There are instances in which the participants report moments of feeling
uncomfortable because of their race. However, participants reiterate feeling a sense of
belonging.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 138
Summary
Overall, all of the participants understand that California University of Diversity is
one of the most diverse universities, and knows that this is a cornerstone, or niche for the
university. There are instances in which the participants report moments of feeling
uncomfortable because of their race. However, participants reiterate feeling a sense of
belonging.
There are three themes that have arisen from the Acting White theoretical
framework that guided this research question. Overwhelmingly, all participants reported
the burden of being an African American student at California University of Diversity.
This burden is embedded with three underlying themes: (1) The avoidance of acting
“ghetto”, (2) The avoidance of confirming any stereotypes, (3) The expectations of a
negative persona by non-Blacks. All the students reported a need to avoid acting Black.
There is a fear to display any type of characteristics that are linked negativity to be Black.
Students find it important to not only avoid acting Black, but acting ghetto, loud,
boisterous, or making a public nuisance out of one’s self while on campus. There is a
duality in the ways that personality is presented by the participants, adhering to an
unspoken code. This unspoken code allows each African American student to know when
and even how to avoid any display of stereotypical behaviors while in the campus setting.
However, this same unspoken code allows the African American participants to feel
comfortable to be themselves when amongst their own friends when off-campus. They
want to steer away from any character traits that may allow others on campus to see them
as a stereotypical negative image of African Americans.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 139
All the participants connected African Americans with majors and coursework
selections that were either in the area Humanities or Social Sciences. Interestingly, all of
them reportedly chose their own majors for personal goals and interests. Each participant
found that their major selections were preparing them for their future careers, and were
centered on concepts they took great pride in learning about. Yet, only a few, 3 out of 10
participants, believed that African American students across campus selected their majors
for personal goals or interests. Instead, most of the participants, 7 out of 10, believed that
the African American students chose these majors to avoid taking coursework that was
too demanding, time consuming, challenging, are ill prepared, or fear of feeling racially
isolated in certain classes. Other reasons include a need help solve societal issues, based
on the fact that so many African Americans are exposed to societal injustices and issues
from an early age. While they may have admittedly acknowledged that Social Science
coursework is not necessarily easier, they believed that it has been perceived to be easier
by most. As a consequence, these three participants believed that more African
Americans take these courses in an attempt to avoid more demanding majors and
coursework. A few of the participants, 2 out of 10, suggested that Asians and other
immigrants choose the hardcore science majors due to family expectations and career
stability.
While California University of Diversity is one the most diverse universities,
there is a question as to whether or not this diversity is merely based on demographics, if
the racial climate is one that perpetuates the diversity of the student enrollment. All of the
participants reported feeling a sense of belonging and comfort, regardless of whether or
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 140
not they attested to, or complained about any instances where they may have felt they
were being stereotyped when it came to acting too Black or even selecting majors based
on the ease of the coursework. However, most of the participants, reported either
experiencing some sort of racism, racist comments, or hearsay about racial stories from
their peers.
All of the participants expressed that California University of Diversity promotes
diversity. In addition, all of the participants are fully aware of the diversity at California
University of Diversity, and acknowledge that the university celebrates diversity.
Interestingly, in despite any negative views, each participant reported that they felt a
sense of belonging. All of the participants feel that the diversity is not reflected in the
composition of the professors on campus.
Overall, all of the participants understand that California University of Diversity
is one of the most diverse universities, and knows that this is a cornerstone, or niche for
the university. There are instances in which the participants report moments of feeling
uncomfortable because of their race. However, participants reiterate feeling a sense of
belonging.
Several key findings emerged from the results. Each of the three research
questions uncovered key findings which are listed below:
Question 1: Do African American students experience the Burden of Acting White on a
campus with a diverse student body?
 There is a burden to being a Black college student.
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 Being Black has a strongly negative connotation, linked to loudness,
boisterousness, lack of proper public behavior, and poor use of standard English.
 While being Black is connoted as something rather negative according to the
participants, none of the participants viewed themselves negatively, though each
of them is Black.
 As perceived by the participants, Black college students are imbued with a
constant effort to avoid confirming any stereotypes.
 Black college students in this study have a mastery of alternating their behaviors
based on their settings, thereby refraining from validating stereotypes in any
academic setting, yet they are each able to intertwine with people from their
hometowns and communities by maintaining this dual nature.
Question 2: Does Stereotype Threat impact how African American students select
their majors?
 Black college students in this study selected majors based on their choice, yet they
believe that other Black college students on campus chose their majors because
of: perceptions of ease, fear of being the only Black in the class leading to a
limited group of social resources, lack of academic preparedness, or to understand
social issues.
Question 3: How do African Americans perceive racial climate on a campus with a
diverse student body?
 California University of Diversity is a diverse campus that takes pride in its
diversity.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 142
 There are numerous opportunities to learn about other cultures.
 The participants feel a sense of belongingness.
 There are not enough Blacks represented in the hardcore sciences, as perceived by
the participants.
 There are not enough Black professors employed by the university, as perceived
by the participants.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 143
CHAPTER FIVE
DISCUSSION
Student retention amongst African Americans undergraduates is not only an issue
but a serious problem that is facing African American college students in the 21st
century. Once students are unable to return to the college, there is loss of equity for the
college on several levels. Loss of equity impacts the campus, the minority student
population, administrators, decision makers and donors. The issue of retention has
persisted since the 1980’s, and has been particularly low amongst minority students (Lau,
2003). This means that there is something that fuels or affects the presence of minorities
in institutions of higher education. Ultimately, colleges and universities are not
graduating a proportionate number of Black students that have been accepted into these
institutions.
The University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) is now catering to a more
diverse campus. I believe that it is the duty of the UDSB to provide the proper resources
necessary for its diverse study body to succeed. Thereby, the UDSB forges the way to
become a forefront in the educational attainment of all cultures and ethnicities, hence
holding true to its representation of a diverse school. A UDSB cannot simply have
diverse students enrolled, but must also show that these students are retained and
graduate.
This study qualitatively researched the perceptions and views of a group of
African American students attending a UDSB. Though this group of student perceptions
cannot be generalized to the rest of the population, it has given insight into the views of a
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 144
group of African American students attending a UDSB. These collected student views
have to potential to give campus stakeholders and other decision makers, an opportunity
to get a clearer understanding of the views of African Americans attending a UDSB. It is
possible that the UDSB may or may not be as accommodating to diversity as its numbers
of enrollment represent. It may be that the UDSB may or may not continue to perpetuate
a perceived racially tense campus climate. The only way to truly gain insight will be by
documenting the interviews of the perceived real-life experiences given by African
American students attending a UDSB.
The purpose of this study was to evaluate the perceived factors that allow African
Americans to effectively retain enrollment and performance in the UDSB. This study
sought to uncover the types of experiences a UDSB provides for African American
students. This study used the researched experiences of African Americans at
Traditionally White Institutions (TWIs) and Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs) as a reference point for comparison. As college campuses increase in diversity,
more research is needed to evaluate and identify the impact of campus environment on
the perceived experiences and outcomes of its students.
The goal of this study was to collect high quality enriched data provided by a
group of African American Students through qualitative analysis. I endeavored to gain
insight on the perceived experiences of African American students attending a particular
University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB).
If the student retention and success rates of African American students remain
unresolved, the UDSB may merely reflect a societal issue, in which there is diversity, but
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 145
reiterate African American negative perceptions of an equal, racially non-threatening
America. African American attrition rates may represent a societal issue of poorly
preparing African Americans to succeed academically. If the aforementioned issues are
not addressed by UDSBs, theses campuses may unknowingly perpetuate the same
outcomes of the past. In turn, reiterating that the color line is a serious problem that
plagues higher education.
The retention and success rate of Black Students in higher education remains
quite low in comparison to their White counterparts. Little research has been performed
to evaluate performance and perceptions of campus climate possessed by Black students
at a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB). Numerous studies evaluated the
performance and outcomes of students at Traditionally White Institutions and Historically
Black Colleges and Universities. The UDSB represents a new type of college
environment emanating due to the impact of societal diversity. This study is needed
because it will give college administrators and stakeholders an opportunity to understand
how this new college environment affects its minority students. This study may possibly
show that different tools and methods need to be employed for Black students attending a
UDSB.

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The following questions were used to drive the study:
Table 8: Research Question and Theoretical Framework Overview

Research Questions

Theoretical Framework
Do African American students experience
the Burden of Acting White on a campus
with a diverse student body?
Acting White
Does Stereotype Threat impact how
African American students select their
majors?
Stereotype Threat
How do African Americans perceive racial
climate on a campus with a diverse student
body?
Campus Climate

Discussion of Findings
There were three findings in response to the research questions. Each of the three
research questions uncovered a key finding.
Finding 1: The Burden of Blackness
This study has revealed that there is a burden to being a Black college student. While
Ogbu (1993) highlights that Black students face a burden to act White, there has been a
twist upon his theory as found in this study. Rather than feeling a need to act White,
students in this study felt an overwhelming burden to avoid being too Black. In essence
being Black is connoted as something extremely negative, according to the reports of the
participants in this study. More so, the students in this study are faced with this dilemma
because they must remain cognizant of the fact that they must avoid becoming
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 147
excessively loud, must speak proper English, and refrain from overtly noticeable,
boisterous behaviors in public, otherwise they are labeled as being ghetto or acting too
Black. The following excerpts from the study reveal the burden of being Black that is
faced by the students in this study.
Each of the forthcoming quotes reaffirms that the students feel there are societal
norms to be followed, and that it is a prerequisite to ensure that stereotypes cannot
become reality according to Marvin. Marvin asserts the importance of avoiding the
confirmation of stereotypes.
[Marvin] There are norms [for] society [for] how people should act in order to be
successful, not necessarily a certain race, but more like an idea of how people
should act in order to be successful. I have had times when I had to make sure I
avoided making stereotypes come true. I monitor my behavior on campus so that
I’m not assumed to be ghetto or ignorant.
Similarly, Bill points out that he must remain cognizant of his actions while on campus,
so that he isn’t confirming stereotypes of loudness, acting or ghetto.
[Bill] I guess when I'm at CUD I really don't act like myself. I have to be
somebody else kind of…I can't just act my color. I can't act ghetto around CUD. I
can't act loud like I would with my friends at home just having fun and letting
loose. Not being ghetto but just letting loose and having fun not being as
conservative but it's not that type of environment here to do things like that. In life
you have to be aware of your surroundings and act accordingly.
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Additionally, Amber asserts that it is a requirement to assimilate in order to succeed on
campus. She affirms that Black students can survive on campus and feel compelled to
prove that they are not ghetto and are not from an impoverished community.
[Amber] You have to assimilate. You have to make sure that they know that I'm
not too black, I'm black on the outside but I'm not just black, I'm not ghetto, I'm
not from the hood. Most [Black] people I've met here at CUD campus feel the
need to let me know that they're not from the ghetto; that they haven't been
through the struggle.
It is obvious that the participants in this study feel a need to suppress their Blackness
while on campus. There is a burden to being Black for these students. This burden is
present because there is a constant need to remember to mask oneself from projecting any
stereotypes that they feel people are expecting them to act like, even if these actions are
presented in the private/home/community lives of each participant. Moreover, Black
college students in this study have gained a mastery of alternating their behaviors based
on their settings, thereby refraining from validating stereotypes in any academic setting,
yet they are each able to intertwine with people from their hometowns and communities
by maintaining this dual nature. This ability to intertwine in various social, community,
and academic settings reiterates the presence of a burden to being a Black student. While
Ogbu (1993) would refer to this mastery of intertwining as code switching, I find that this
mastery of code switching isn’t just the ability to innately shift back and forth in one’s
demeanor, but rather it is a burden, because the student must remain cognizant of who
they are, where they are, and which demeanor to represent. The participants are fully
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 149
aware that they must edit their behavior, and it is this component of awareness that makes
it obvious that being a Black student carries a burden that is specific to being Black.
Moreover, this burden isn’t present in the lives of White college students, albeit most
college students are prone to face obstacles, White students are not faced with the burden
of code switching, and avoiding validating stereotypes.
Nevertheless, the participants in the study possess a sense of optimism about their
career goals, and educational pursuits, despite the obvious presence of this burden of
being Black. As pointed out by Cokely (2003), the students are not dissuaded from their
academic pursuits. Instead, they are certain to remain aware of the White norms that are
placed in the school setting. Unlike Cokely (2003), the participants did not focus on any
type of distrust for the educational system, but rather seemed to profess that they know
what they need to do in order to succeed. Perhaps this behavioral component is what
allows these students to succeed academically in comparison to their counterparts that
may have not been able to attain academic success in the same university setting.
Cokely (2003) suggests that African American students maintain high levels of
self-esteem and self-concept as well as a value for education, yet paradoxically, their
academic performance does not reflect their high levels of self-esteem and concept
(Cokely, 2003). According to Mickelson (1990), this dichotomy for African Americans
in the educational setting is known as an attitude-achievement paradox. As a result,
African American students fall short academically because they are unable to identify
outcomes that reflect the same magnitude of effort that was put forth by their White
middle-class counterparts. This study did not find that students are faced with the
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 150
attitude-achievement paradox. However, the participants in this study are close to
completing their collegiate education. It could be possible that students who have
dropped out of college are more likely to face this paradox. The attitude-achievement
paradox asserts that African American students do not feel enthralled to achieve at higher
levels because they acknowledge the existence of inequalities in the school setting.
Overall, this lack of equality and perception of inferior schooling influences African
Americans to maintain a lack of trust for the educational system (Ogbu & Fordham,
1986). Interestingly, the participants in this study seem extremely interested in continuing
further with their personal goals for success.
Ogbu (2003) reaffirms the notion that if a student elects to yield to the educational
system, it represents a type of conformity that could lead to seclusion from one’s peers.
However, the participants in this study don’t seem to lack a connection with their peers,
instead they understand that they must alter or edit their actions while on campus, as
made evident in the aforementioned quotes. While Ogbu (2003) suggests that ultimately,
if the student chooses to engage in this conformity in the African American community,
the student may experience disconnects from their own cultural/social groups on campus.
Nevertheless the students didn’t show a disconnect in knowing who they were, who they
community is, and valued themselves as students of color, so much so that they
represented a determination to avoid building a negative identity because of their strong
awareness that being a Black student involves a burden to avoid confirming stereotypes.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 151
Finding 2: Feeling the Threat
While being Black is connoted as something rather negative according to the
participants, none of the participants viewed themselves negatively, though each of them
is Black. Interestingly, they mostly all of them posited many different reasons for the
selection of majors by other Black students, ranging from: perceptions that certain majors
are easier that involve less math; lack of academic preparedness to pursue hardcore
sciences; wanting to understand and solve the same social issues that Blacks and
minorities face; feeling a sense of loneliness if the major has very few Black students in
the courses, thus leading to a limited group of social resources. However, all of the
participants said they selected their own majors because that was their field of interest, or
it was preparing them towards their career goals. While they may have admittedly
acknowledged that Social Science coursework is not necessarily easier, they believed that
it has been perceived to be easier by most. As a consequence, three participants believed
that more African Americans take these courses in an attempt to avoid more demanding
majors and coursework. A few of the participants, 2 out of 10, suggested that Asians and
other immigrants choose the hardcore science majors due to family expectations and
career stability.
Bill from Berkeley suggests that Black students have issues with math, which is
why there aren’t many pursuing degrees that involve higher leveled math courses.
[Bill] The majority of the people I know are either Social majors or Ethnic Studies
majors, and the majority of those majors have lots of people of color. Most
African American students do Ethnic Studies. Their requirements for Ethnic
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 152
Studies aren't as difficult and time-consuming. A lot of kids have trouble with the
math that's required to do business or any other major that's required to do higher
levels of math. Ethnic Studies is a little more writing, so it's less strenuous.
As pointed out earlier, one of the reasons that Black students are in a social science major
could be to help solve issues that they have faced, as seen in statement made by Gloria
from Glendale.
[Gloria] I think a lot, more African Americans major in sociology than anything
else just because it has to do with the…social problems in the environment. The
environment has to do a lot with the upbringing of a person. I guess African
Americans see that more, and they want to figure out where that's coming
from...Because there are a lot of social issues in our community…they want to
figure out what's going on…I have a lot of friends who want to be therapists.
Mainly because they have been to therapist, and they want to help others like they
have been helped and most of them are African American also.
According to Steele (1995), stereotype threat can take place in a particular setting, such
as during an in-class setting. In this setting the African American student may feel
thwarted to combine both their fears about racial stereotypes along with their need to
perform in the classroom setting, and thereby are unable to focus on the performance, and
consequently perform poorly. Yet, there were no reports of feeling in-class threats by
participants in this study.
According to research, academic performance can ultimately be impacted for African
Americans because of stereotype threat (Aronson & Steele, 1995; Hudley & Irving,
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 153
2005). In order to reject the stereotypes, African Americans may totally disconnect from
the academic setting because they believe others view them as inferior in the school
setting (Steele, 1997). Steele (1997) calls this disconnection a disidentification process,
by which the African American student is attempting to both shield themselves from the
stereotype threat and at the same time remove themselves from academia because it
ultimately links to the stereotype experiences they are attempting to avoid. None of the
participants in this study displayed an overt sense of stereotype threat. None of them
intentionally underperform due to immense fears of confirming racial stereotypes.
However, there is a slight disconnect, or disidentification as Steele (1997) would call
it. In essence the participants know they are Black, they posit various reasons why other
students picked their majors, who were also Black, yet none of them used any of those
reasons on themselves. None of the participants posited that the reason they chose their
major was because it seemed easier, or because they felt lost in the classes that had few
Blacks in them. Perhaps this is a tool of some sort for the participants to feel more
empowered about their academic choices. Perhaps this blockage of perhaps actualizing a
stereotype for their personal major selection allows them to feel more in control of their
identity. It seems almost as if they are shielding themselves from the stereotype threat,
just as Steele (1997) points out, yet the only difference is that they are not causing
themselves to slowly be removed from academic though poor performance.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 154
Finding 3: Feeling the Racial Climate
This study revealed that all of the students felt a sense of belonging and
connectedness to the campus. This could be a key factor in their academic success, based
on the assertions of Tinto (1993). Tinto (1993) posits a list of defining factors linked to
college dropout:
1. Challenges to meet the academic standards of the campus.
2. Unsuccessful transition from high school to the college setting.
3. Inability to clearly set and focus on student’s goals.
4. Lack of motivation to devote the required time and effort and/or outside
commitments that displace student attention away from academic endeavors.
5. Lack of finances
6. Lack of a sense of belonging either on an academic and/or social level.
7. Sense of isolation from peers or faculty.
Accordingly, Tinto (1993) presents the notion that the most significant connection
between college dropout and its defining factors is lacking a sense of belonging. It could
be that these students have managed to avoid dropping out because of their sense of
belonging. It seems that despite facing the burden of being Black on a college campus has
not destroyed the ability of the participants to push onward and find social and academic
interests to create a sense of belonging. Whether in clubs, sports, or working on campus,
it seems that all of the participants have found some type of vested interest on campus.
All of the participants reported that the university does a good job promoting diversity.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 155
Each participant was fully aware that the diversity is a cornerstone of pride and
recognition for the campus, and is perhaps a selling-point for future students.
Interestingly, Hurtado (1992) points out the significance in a campus promoting
some sort of selectivity, or level of quality builds a stronger climate for students. Hurtado
(1992) presents the possibility that campuses may expend more energy creating a well-
resourced and highly reputed and selective campus in order to maintain a sort of
imbalance or inequality. This expenditure of energy sends a message to the community
that this is a high quality campus. This message can be perceived by others that this is an
elitist institution. The elite setting therefore urges the existence of a group that lacks
much diversity in order to maintain its level of quality and esteem. In this study, the
college campus has spent a great deal of time, effort and funds to promote its diversity, so
much so, that it has been recognized and congratulated by major stakeholders.
Interestingly, Blacks and Chicanos, who perceive the campus to place diversity as a
priority, are less likely to report perceptions of a racially hostile campus climate
(Hurtado, 1992). Being that this study took place on a campus that actually uses its
diversity to be an elite quality, the campus manages to set the tone for making diversity
something positive and elite within itself. It seems as if the students don’t really find the
campus to be a setting where students feel any hostility. It may be that the diversity is
actually something that ties the students to the campus, thus building some type of sense
of ownership and connectedness.
In this study, the students felt a sense of belonging however they also reported a
few situations of perceived racism with most of the participants, 7 out of 10, reporting
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 156
either experiencing some sort of racism, racist comments, or hearsay about racial stories
from their peers.
Regina recalls how during a private moment with one of her own Black
professors, they made a derogatory statement about Asian students and their high
academic performance ruining the bell-curve grading system and ultimately impacting
the grades of other students.
[Regina] One of the Black professors here, he lifts weights in the weight room
here, and I remember one time my teammate and I were lifting and he was talking
to a coach talking about how all the Asian students mess up the curve for a lot of
kids. I don't know if it's a bad thing, but I know what caught my ear I was like
wow you…One guy told me that he went to his professor's office hours and has
professor seemed kind of standoffish kind of not really willing to help but his
friend had been in there a few days before and came out with notes and stuff and
he found that kind of interesting.
Nick reveals that he has heard stories from his friends about experiences that were
perceived to be racist.
[Nick]I've heard of stories from friends that would say no but for me personally
I've been perfectly fine.
According to Bill, he has not heard any negative comments made about African
Americans, just student athletes, from fellow students. However, he has heard staff
members make negative comments.
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 157
[Bill] I don't really hear comments about minorities I just hear comments about
student athletes. They say basketball players are less capable of doing work or
that we will do the bare minimum, [but] I've heard staff members say stuff like
that.
While students acknowledge the diversity of the campus in this study, they also suggest
that there be more diversity, more faculty of color, yet they all seemed to appreciate the
support that the campus has provided them. Reaffirming the significance of feeling a
source of connectedness to the campus as pointed out by Tinto (1975).
Moreover, This study was conducted was a very small sampling group of 5 males and 5
females who identify themselves as African American, with at least a junior status for
matriculation. This study may have been enhanced by also researching the perceived
views of Voluntary Black students, i.e. students from Africa, Jamaica and other parts of
the world, who have voluntarily come to the United States to live. This might shed light
to a totally different perspective. Furthermore, the richness of the study could have been
deepened with a larger sampling size of participants. Another aspect that may have
heightened this study would possibly have been to interview the perceptions of students
who have not successfully completed their first two years of college at the university.
This may have shed light as to the reasons they did not succeed, and may have opened the
door toward understanding what they may feel is missing, or needs to be changed in order
to achieve success.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 158
Implications for Practice
I have three key recommendations that will be discussed in further detail. These are
the following three recommendations for practice:
1. The campus should create a committee that fuses diversity concerns with the
academic goals of the university, thus creating a school-wide approach towards
diversity.
2. Implement high-impact practices that include seminars for first year college
students.
3. Mandate writing-intensive courses; collaborative assignments/projects;
undergraduate research; diversity/global learning; service and community based
learning; senior projects called capstones.
The first finding revealed that there is a burden to being a Black college student, even at
one of the nation’s most diverse college campuses, as represented by this small sampling
of participants in this study. There is a need to find ways to continue to make diversity a
functional part of a successful campus development. Milem, Chang and Antonio (2006)
suggest that in order for diversity to work on campus, it must be incorporated with
education. Thus, I suggest that the campus create a committee that fuses diversity
concerns with the academic goals of the university. Milem et al (2006) points out that
usually campuses focus on the creating diversity component, but fail to focus on
improving the quality of the diverse experience for students. Thus, leading toward a
disconnect between education and the students of color who are there to enhance the
diversity. Milem et al (2006) cite that even the Supreme Court has acknowledged the
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 159
significance of education and diversity as a combination, when rulings were made about
diversity for cases regarding University of Michigan. Milem et al (2006) also suggests
that diversity, equity, inclusion and the educational mission of the university must be
intertwined in order to achieve success.
Perhaps the campus in this study has started a strong platform for diversity by
maintaining serious efforts to not only promote, but celebrate and incorporate diversity.
However, research suggests that diversity cannot be a separate component, but a part of a
whole when it comes to creating a formula for educational success. Otherwise, as Milem
et al (2006) suggest, the overall goals will be jeopardized if this fusion is not conducted
on a regular basis.
Kuh (2008) presents several best practices that create a high-impact in academia, and
have been used across many campuses. The practices have been deemed beneficial across
cultures. These high-impact practices include seminars for first year college students.
First-year seminars allow the student to expand their immersion with faculty, build
research writing and critical thinking skills, and collaboration. Common intellectual
experiences is another high-impact practice noted by Kuh (2008), by which students are
required to take part in certain classes, and can be centered on themes such as technology
or globalization. These courses cause the student to be required to be exposed to
curricular and extracurricular activities. Another component is building learning
communities, in which students take several courses as a group, working exclusively with
a professor and one another. This results in seeking to answer bigger questions beyond
the classroom, leading toward camaraderie and deeper thinking. Other practices presented
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 160
by Kuh (2008) are: writing-intensive courses; collaborative assignments/projects;
undergraduate research; diversity/global learning; service and community based learning;
senior projects called capstones. What is similar in each of the aforementioned best
practices is that they all require the students to work more intimately and intensely
learning about their subject matter and issues across disciplines.
Thus, this study recommends the continued establishment of a school-wide approach
towards diversity. While participants in this study were able to surpass the pitfalls of
being a first-year college student, and are nearing the completion of their university
education, they still experienced a burden of being a Black student. While their university
has done a great job building diversity, more steps need to be made towards the infusion
of diversity at all levels by building collaborative courses, opportunities for more
required opportunities to think deeply about other cultures, work with others, and build
relationships with professors and other university staff. Perhaps as Kuh (2008) posits, the
university may need to create required workshops, seminars, internships and equity
initiatives.
Recommendations for Research
Overall, this study adds to the body of research that has been conducted about
campus climate and how it is perceived by African American students. In addition, this
study sheds light on the concept of a University with a Diverse Student Body, which is
what more and more universities have become. Thus, this study serves as a basis for
comparison and understanding when it comes to uncovering ways to help Black college
students experience retention and success. I recommend that future research look into the
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 161
outcomes and perceptions of Black college students who do not succeed and juxtapose it
with the perceptions of Black college students who do succeed that have attended the
same campus.
In essence future research should investigate the following concepts:
1. There is a need to uncover more about the connotation of Blackness, and how it
applies to the inner sense of self as a college student, and how Black students
view themselves versus other Black students with a colonized mind way of
thinking.
2. Future research can be done to investigate the perception of Black students about
other Black college students in terms of Stereotype Threat, while denying their
own sense of Stereotype Threat.
3. Future research should continue to investigate the factors that impact the retention
and success of Black college students.
4. There is a need to investigate the factors that impact the retention and success of
Voluntary Black college students, and their perceptions of Involuntary Black
students, as well as their rationales for the academic success or downfall of
Involuntary Black students.
5. Conduct longitudinal research investigating the implementation of high-impact
practices, and their outcomes for retention and success of Black students, as well
as its impact on the community.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 162
Conclusions
Does the colorline still exist in the 21
st
century? Yes it does. Unfortunately, this
study uncovered that there is a perceived sense to avoid confirming any stereotypes of
being Black. This avoidance of confirming stereotypes is a burden for Black students in
this study, because it is a constant reminder that actions and attitudes must be altered in
the academic setting. This color line has been created because it still delineates certain
actions to be part and parcel to the experience of Black student attending a University
with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB).
This study qualitatively researched the perceptions and views of a group of
African American students attending a UDSB. Though this group of student perceptions
cannot be generalized to the rest of the population, it gave insight into the views of a
group of African American students attending a UDSB. These student views may give
campus stakeholders and other decision makers, an opportunity to get a clearer
understanding of the views of African Americans attending a UDSB. The UDSB still has
a lot of work to do in order to make diversity a success across cultures.

DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 163
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DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 168
Appendix

Interview Guide

Interview Questions Guide

Theoretical Framework
1. Where are you from? Acting White / Stereotype Threat
2. Where were you raised? Acting White / Stereotype Threat
3. How old are you? Campus Climate
4. What year are you in school? Campus Climate
5. What is your major? Stereotype Threat
6. Why did you select this major? Stereotype Threat
7. Do you believe certain races/ethnic
groups choose to enroll in certain
majors and classes?
Stereotype Threat
8. Do you believe certain racial/ethnic
groups are expected to be enrolled in
certain majors on this campus because
of their racial/ethnic group?
Stereotype Threat
9. Did you attend private or public high
school?
Campus Climate
10. What was your high school grade
point average?
Campus Climate / Acting White /
Stereotype Threat
11. Prior to attending CUD, were your
high school and/or community racially
diverse?
Campus Climate / Acting White /
Stereotype Threat
12. Approximately how much money did
you family make last year?
Campus Climate
13. Was CUD your first choice to attend? Campus Climate
14. Why did you choose to attend CUD? Campus Climate
15. How many other universities did you
apply to?
Campus Climate
16. How many other universities did you
get accepted to?
Campus Climate
17. How do feel about attending CUD? Campus Climate
18. Do you believe that CUD values
differences between cultures?
Campus Climate
19. What racial/ethnic group do you
believe performs the best
academically on this campus?
Campus Climate / Stereotype Threat
20. What racial/ethnic group do you Campus Climate
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 169
believe has the greatest social
interaction on this campus?
21. What majors do you believe most
African American students are
enrolled in on this campus?
Stereotype Threat
22. What majors do you believe most
African Immigrant students are
enrolled in on this campus?
Stereotype Threat
23. Do you find yourself acting differently
at home than you do when come to
this campus?
Acting White
24. Which offices and organizations do
you believe have been the most
helpful for you on this campus?
Campus Climate
25. Do you maintain the same personality
with your friends on campus as you do
with your friends and family at home?
Acting White
26. Is there a need to fit in with certain
racial/ethnic groups here in order to
succeed?
Acting White
27. Do you believe that you have to act
like certain racial/ethnic groups here
in order to succeed on this campus?
Acting White
28. Do you believe that you cannot or
should not act like certain racial/ethnic
groups here in order to succeed on this
campus?
Acting White
29. Which racial/ethnic group to you
relate to the most?
Acting White / Stereotype Threat /
Campus Climate
30. What racial/ethnic group do you
believe receives the strongest support
on campus?
Acting White
31. Do you feel the need to act a certain
way because of your racial/ethnic
group?
Acting White
32. Do you believe that students of other
races and ethnic groups expect your
racial/ethnic group to act a certain way
on this?
Stereotype Threat / Acting White
33. Do you believe that campus staff and
faculty expect your racial/ethnic group
to act a certain way?
Stereotype Threat / Acting White
34. If you had a chance to start your Campus Climate
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 170
college career over again, would you
start over at this campus?
35. Do you find it difficult to
communicate with professors and
other campus staff?
Campus Climate
36. Do you attend your instructor’s office
hours?
Campus Climate
37. Do you believe that the racial/ethnic
composition of the faculty and staff
reflect the campus’s diversity?
Campus Climate
38. Do you have many friends who attend
this university?
Campus Climate
39. Are you involved in any
extracurricular/social groups or
organizations on campus?
Campus Climate
40. Are there many African American
students involved socially on campus?
Campus Climate
41. Are there many African Immigrant
students involved socially on campus?
Campus Climate
42. Do you believe that the campus staff
and faculty treats all students fairly
and equally at this university?
Campus Climate
43. Do you feel comfortable at this
campus?
Campus Climate
44. Do you feel a sense of belonging at
this campus?
Campus Climate
45. Have you ever felt that you shouldn’t
be attending this campus?
Campus Climate
46. Is there someone on campus who has
been a mentor to you?
Campus Climate
47. When you have problems in class or at
school is there someone on campus
that you can trust, who helps you?
Campus Climate
48. Has anyone helped you learn more
about ways to succeed at this campus?
Campus Climate
49. Have there ever been times when you
felt excluded from campus activities
because of your race/ethnicity?
Campus Climate
50. Do you believe that the campus has
enough programs, classes and
activities to reflect diversity?
Campus Climate
51. Has there ever been a time that any
students, staff, or faculty made you
Campus Climate
DOES THE COLORLINE STILL EXIST 171
feel that you don’t belong on the
campus because of your
race/ethnicity?
52. Do you believe that the campus gives
all students respect?
Campus Climate
53. Does the campus provide chances for
you to learn more about other
cultures?
Campus Climate
54. Do students of similar races and
ethnicities spend more time on campus
socially with one another?
Campus Climate / Stereotype Threat
55. Have financial issues ever made you
feel like dropping out?
Campus Climate
56. Have any of your colleagues dropped
out because of financial issues?
Campus Climate
57. Is there anyone on campus that you
trust, who you turn to when you are
facing financial issues?
Campus Climate
58. Does the campus promote racial
unity?
Campus Climate
59. Do you believe the campus supports
the academic success of African
American students?
Campus Climate
60. Do you believe the campus supports
the academic success of African
immigrant students?
Campus Climate
61. Have you ever heard any students,
staff or faculty ever make any
derogatory comments about
racial/ethnic minorities on campus?
Campus Climate
62. Have you ever been treated rudely by
any students, staff or faculty on
campus?
Campus Climate
63. Have you ever been discriminated
against because of your race by any
students, staff or faculty on this
campus?
Campus Climate
64. Do you believe the campus is
committed to expanding diversity
through enrollment?
Campus Climate
65. Do you believe the campus promotes
diversity?
Campus Climate

Abstract (if available)

Abstract This qualitative study employs three theoretical frameworks as the source of its foundation, covering literature from Acting White, Stereotype Threat and Campus Climate. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the perceptions of Racial Climate as perceived by African American college students attending a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) in order to support the retention and success rates of Black students attending UDSBs. Participants attended a large, urban, university located on the West Coast of North America, and is known for its diversity. Using a 65 item interview guide, driven by the theoretical frameworks, 5 African American females and 5 African American males, with a matriculation status of Junior or higher, were interviewed individually. Participant selection was conducted through the assistance of the university’s black student union. Findings revealed that there is a burden to being a Black student. Black students sought to avoid confirming any stereotypes, or being negatively viewed while on campus. Participants perceived that other Black students chose their majors due to ease of the coursework, or to uncover social injustices, yet reported they selected their own majors because of personal goals. This study helps to uncover the perceptions of Black college students, and reveals areas of growth and change that must be implemented by universities in order to promote the retention and success rates of Black students attending UDSBs.

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Creator Charles-Johnson, Princess Jasmine (author)

Core Title Does the colorline still exist in the 21st century: examining racial climate on the campus of a University with a Diverse Student Body (UDSB) as perceived by a group of African American college s...

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 11/06/2013

Defense Date 08/22/2013

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag acting white,African American,campus climate,college,diverse university,diversity,OAI-PMH Harvest,perceived campus climate,racial campus climate,stereotype threat,the color line,UDSB,University,University with a Diverse Student Body

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