University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Against all odds: examining the educational experiences of farm working students

(USC Thesis Other)

Against all odds: examining the educational experiences of farm working students

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content

AGAINST ALL ODDS:
EXAMINING THE EDUCATIONAL EXPERIENCES OF FARM WORKING STUDENTS

by

Bryan A. Rodríguez

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(EDUCATION)

December 2015

Copyright 2015 Bryan A. Rodríguez

ii

Epigraph
“Education is the great engine of personal development. It is through education that the
daughter of a peasant can become a doctor, that the son of a mineworker can become the head
of the mine, that a child of farm workers can become the president of a great nation.”
-Nelson Mandela

iii

Dedication
To the farm working community that raised me.

iv

Acknowledgements
During the past four years, I have relied on a number of important people who have made
this journey possible. First, I would like to thank the students and school personnel at Esperanza
High School who offered their time, experiences, and perspective to improve college access and
shed light on the experiences of farm workers in education. I am also deeply appreciative of the
courtesy and efforts of school leaders and district officers of Esperanza High School who
accommodated and welcomed my research at their school site.
I am grateful to the Rossier School of Education and the Pullias Center for Higher
Education at USC for supporting this project through fellowship and scholarship funding,
professional development, and administrative support. I am thankful to dissertation committee
members, Dr. Estela Mara Bensimon and Dr. John Brooks Slaughter, for their valuable insight
and evaluative feedback in informing the dissertation and my doctoral experience. I must also
thank Dr. Ron Avi Astor, Dr. Reynaldo Baca, and Dr. Tatiana Melguizo for all of their support
and guidance. Of course, I am deeply indebted to my dissertation chair and faculty advisor, Dr.
William G. Tierney, for his guidance and mentorship during my four years as a Ph.D. student.
Bill’s hard-nosed work style and demanding pace pushed me out of my comfort zone and helped
me to learn and adapt in new ways as a student, researcher, and as a professional. Bill’s
expertise in educational equity and college access has been critical in informing my past and
current work, and will undoubtedly shape my work in the future.
This work would also not be possible without my family. I am forever indebted to my
two sisters and four brothers, who for the past 30 years of my life, have offered their support,
advice (both solicited and unsolicited), and experiences which have acted as a compass for me on
my path. They never let me make excuses for myself – even in times when I wanted to – and
v

have always been a strong source of encouragement particularly during periods in my life when
the notion of someday pursuing a Ph.D. seemed next to impossible. Because of them, I have
always had someone to lean on for support. And a special thank you goes to my nieces and
nephews, for always being a reason for me to smile, and for serving as a constant reminder that
the future is bright.
I would also like to thank my fiancée, best friend, and life-partner, Ana, who no matter
what I have gone through, has always supported me and thought of us as one. Ana always seems
to have the right words, encouragement, and advice for me when I needed it most.
My deepest appreciation goes to my mother and father, who have shown me the utmost
support, concern, and love. I struggle to write this because I simply have no words to describe
how grateful I am for all of the support and inspiration I have drawn from my parents’
experiences, sacrifices, and wisdom. My parents' unconditional belief that I could accomplish
anything is perhaps the single biggest reason that I have completed my doctoral studies.
To the people and places mentioned here, I offer my sincerest gratitude and thanks.

vi

Table of Contents

Epigraph ii
Dedication iii
Acknowledgements iv
List of Tables viii
List of Figures ix
Abstract x
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Purpose
Problem Statement
Theoretical Framework
Significance of Study
Overview of Dissertation

Chapter 2: Farm Working Students in K-12 Schools 11
Migration Status and Farm Working Students
Gender and Farm Working Students
Capital Theories in Education
Reviewing Social Capital
Types of Social Capital: Bonding and Bridging Capital
Bonding Capital
Bridging Capital

Chapter 3: Studying Farm Working Students 35
Research Design
Research Method
Data Collection Methods
Challenges

Chapter 4: Illustrating Farm Working Students Educational Experiences
and Social Capital
58
Farm Work as a Catalyst for Higher Education
¿Le Tienes Confianza? Building Social Capital with Institutional Agents
Confianza in Action: Illustrating how Students View Relationships
Gender Roles and Social Relationships
Domestic Roles and Schooling
Field Work and Preparing for College

vii

Chapter 5: Analyzing Social Capital and Farm Working Students’ Experiences 114
Research Design and Limitations
Revisiting Social Capital
Findings
Discussion
Directions for Future Research
Conclusion

References 147

Appendices
Appendix A: Information Sheet for School Personnel 171
Appendix B: Parental Consent 174
Appendix C: Parental Consent (Spanish) 176
Appendix D: Youth Assent Form 178
Appendix E: Recruitment Script for School Personnel 181
Appendix F: Recruitment Script for Students 182
Appendix G: Institutional Review Board (IRB) Approval 183
Appendix H: Interview Protocol for Students 185
Appendix I: Interview Protocol for School Personnel 190
Appendix J: Senior Class Survey 193

viii

List of Tables
Table 1: Five Forms of Bridging Support 32
Table 2: Student Backgrounds 47
Table 3: Data Collection Schedule 49
Table 4: Student Plans Post-High School Graduation 61
Table 5: Primary Sources of College-Going Information by Academic/Career Path 68
Table 6: Student Profile for College 70
Table 7: Students Who Did Not Receive Support

77
Table 8: Parental Expectations based on Gender 93
Table 9: Students’ Years of Farm Working Experience 103
Table 10: Students’ Online Sources for College-Related Information 132

ix

List of Figures
Figure 1: Federal Policy on Child Labor

14
Figure 2: Bonding Capital and Bridging Capital of a High School Student 30
Figure 3: Bonding Capital and Bridging Capital of a High School Student 123

x

Abstract
There are an estimated 500,000 to 800,000 child laborers working in agriculture in the United
States. Despite being among the most educationally disadvantaged groups of students in the
nation, farm working students remain one of the most understudied demographics of students in
education research. While the importance of providing adequate information, guidance, and
support to high school students on the path to college is well documented in education research,
(Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; Conley, 2008; King, 1996; McDonough, 2005), the ways in which
farm working students navigate the college application process has been under-researched. Time
spent laboring in the fields and away from academic and extracurricular activities represents lost
opportunities for students to cultivate social relationships with academic personnel who can
potentially provide information, guidance, and support in preparation for college.
The purpose of this study is to investigate how farm working students use social capital,
if it all, on the path to college. In particular, this study employs social capital theory to examine
the social networks, access to college-going support, and help-seeking behavior among farm
working students. The study draws upon interviews with 40 students with farm working
backgrounds and seven academic personnel as well as observations at Esperanza High School, a
school located in a rural/agricultural town in California. Data from the study underscore the
importance of social relationships with institutional agents among farm working students. Main
findings from the study suggest the following: (a) farm work has the ability to stifle opportunities
to prepare for college and the application process, (b) trust, referred to throughout the study as
confianza, has the ability to shape how students foster and maintain social capital for college,
and (c) students’ help-seeking behavior and domestic roles differ across gender lines.
1

Chapter 1
Introduction
“Every time we sit at a table at night or in the morning to enjoy the fruits and grain and
vegetables from our good earth, remember that they come from the work of men and women and
children who have been exploited for generations.”
-César Chávez

There are an estimated three million migrant and seasonal farm workers living in the
United States (Carroll et al., 2005; National Center for Farm worker Health, Inc., 2012). Farm
workers
1
in the United States can generally be described as individuals who work in agriculture-
related jobs such as crop pickers, field laborers, nursery workers, livestock workers, and hired
farm managers (U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2014). Field labor involves the agricultural
production of crops—a process which includes planting, harvesting, and cultivating crops for
sale
2
(Quandt & Arcury, 2009). Farm workers are a vital group of laborers in the American
economy, serving as the backbone for a $28 billion crop picking industry (National Center for
Farm worker Health, Inc., 2012).
Although field laborers play an important role in fueling the agricultural sector of the
economy, this population has historically received relatively poor compensation and have often
been forced to work under extreme and often dangerous conditions (Guerra, 1979; López,
Scribner, & Mahitivanichcha, 2001). An estimated three-fourths of farm working families earn
less than $10,000 per year (Mehta et al., 2000). The need to work and contribute to their family

1
The term “farm worker” is used interchangeably with “field laborer,” “field worker,” and “the children of farm
workers” throughout the study.
2
Nonfood commodities such as tobacco, Christmas trees, sod, flowers, and plants are often categorized as
agricultural products (Quandt & Arcury, 2009).
2

income forces many youth into a working lifestyle and subsequently they tend to stay away from
school (Martinez & Cranston-Gingras, 1996). Today, there is an estimated 500,000 to 800,000
child laborers working in the fields (Human Rights Watch, 2000). Although a majority of youth
from farm working families begins working in the fields in early adolescence, children as young
as four or five years of age begin working with their parents due to financial hardship (Tucker,
2000).
Farm working students are among the most educationally disenfranchised groups of
students in the U.S. (Kindler, 1995; Mathur & Parameswaran, 2012). Throughout the past two
decades researchers have documented a variety of factors that have hindered the academic
outcomes of farm working students including language and social development; immigration
and/or migration status; long work hours; and poor health/living conditions (Tucker, 2000;
López, Scribner, & Mahitivanichcha, 2001). The educational needs of this group and the risk
factors that confront them present significant challenges for educators and policy makers in
producing better educational opportunities and outcomes for this demographic of students
(Chavkin, 1991; Guerra, 1979; Sosa, 1996).
Purpose
Receiving adequate information, guidance, and support, from institutional agents while
on the path to college is critical for high school students (Murray & Malmgren, 2005; Valenzuela
& Dornbusch, 1994). By institutional agents, I refer to individuals, particularly academic
personnel on school campuses, who may provide students with academic, intellectual, and social
resources in preparation for college (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). To successfully apply to and enroll
in college, students need appropriate and timely information about how to become academically
prepared for college and the application process. Meeting course requirements, completing
3

college applications, taking college entrance exams (e.g., SAT and ACT), and applying for
financial aid are just some of the steps involved in the college application process. Yet the
manner in which students are provided information to navigate the college application process
varies greatly and is often unclear. And while the importance of providing high school students
with adequate guidance and support is well documented (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; King, 1996;
McDonough, 2005), for students who come from rural, low-income, mobile, and/or immigrant
backgrounds, receiving proper academic support throughout this process is especially critical.
Scholars suggest that being able to access information about college and postsecondary
options is important in shaping student outcomes (Conley, 2008; Ream & Rumberger, 2008). To
meet the academic demands of school and to successfully apply to college, students often need
relationships with individuals who may help motivate students and cultivate positive attitudes
toward educational attainment as well as provide information and technical knowledge about
how to navigate the education system. These critical relationships with mentors, pro-academic
peers, and institutional agents comprise a network of socialization agents (Stanton-Salazar,
2011). Such relationships may be distributed in the students’ school, immediate or extended
family, neighborhood, or society. Through these networks, students receive a spectrum of social
and institutional support that contributes to students’ academic performance, social development,
and ultimately their preparation for postsecondary schooling.
The purpose of this study is to investigate how farm working students use social capital,
if it all, on the path to college. This study seeks to understand how gender and migration status
influence students’ capacity or willingness to build social capital while in school. Specifically, a
social capital framework is used to understand how students in these contexts build (if at all)
relationships with institutional agents such as teachers, academic counselors, or peers and
4

acquire information needed to apply to college. The social networks of students examined in this
study include students’ relationships/networks with academic personnel, peers, and family during
their high school years.
The research site for this study is a high school located on the outskirts of a
rural/agricultural town of approximately 50,000 people in California. The school population has
a large number of low-income, Latina/o students from farm working families. The study draws
on data including multiple interviews with 40 students from farm working households and seven
academic personnel (i.e., teachers, counselors, administrators) at Esperanza High School
3
, a
school that serves 2,800 students in grades 9-12. Observations of school activities such as
college outreach events and student organizations provide further information regarding student
activities outside of the classroom. And while the data presented in this study are not necessarily
generalizable to the experiences of all farm working children, many of the themes and patterns
examined throughout this study underscore the challenges that children and educators face in
improving the educational path of farm working students.
Problem Statement
Farm working students are among the most educationally disenfranchised groups of
students in the country, yet they remain one of the most severely understudied groups in
education research. Educational research specifically examining social capital and farm working
students is virtually non-existent. Still, the socioeconomic challenges that confront these
students ultimately create significant educational barriers in their K-12 education. Among farm
working families, individual-level characteristics including migration status, gender, English-
language skills, immigration status, and income play a critical role in students’ social capital
(Portes & Rumbaut, 2001; Ream, 2005; Ream & Rumberger, 2008). Among migrant students,

3
All names and places are pseudonyms.
5

an estimated 50% to 60%
4
drop out of high school (NC Farmworker Institute, 2012; U.S.
General Accounting Office, 1998). Similarly, Latina/o students’ trust of mainstream social
institutions, a key component in building social capital (Tierney, 2006), is often dependent on
students’ perceptions of racism and/or discrimination within these institutions, which ultimately
shapes their willingness to develop connections with others (Michelson & Garcia, 2003). For
example, Chavez et al. (2006) investigated whether migrant farm workers in an Idaho
community engaged in building ties to individuals through mainstream social networks. The
authors compared a sample of migrant farm workers, largely comprised of immigrant Latina/os,
to a national sample of non-farm working Latina/os in the U.S. Survey data revealed that
migrant farm workers had “substantially lower levels of trust than [Latina/os] due to factors such
as lower income, low levels of education, [and] dislocations caused by migration and language
barriers” (Chavez et al., 2006, p. 1021). They concluded that migrant farm workers often lacked
familial support and/or social networks, which caused many families to experience isolation and
thus refrain from building social capital (Chavez et al., 2006). Similarly, Foley (2010) examines
the way in which Mexican American youth learn traditional American values. He suggests that
students’ participation in formal and informal social groups and interactions with teachers in the
classroom can often preserve or reproduce class and gender inequalities.
Educational environments characterized by substandard resources, low academic
expectations, and a poor college-going culture can perpetuate social “de-capitalization”
(Valenzuela, 1999). Farm working students often lack adequate support, information, and
relationships with institutional agents to successfully apply to and enroll in college. Students
who are successful in applying and enrolling in college often hold relationships with individuals

4
The national high school dropout rate for the 1998-99 academic year was an estimated 12% (National for
Education Statistics, 2013).
6

who are able to provide information and technical knowledge about how to navigate the
schooling system. These relationships are typically made up of socialization agents and include
mentors, pro-academic peers, and institutional agents. Through these networks, students receive
social and institutional support that can ultimately enhance students’ academic performance,
social development, and preparation for college.
In the case of students from farm working households, a large majority of whom are
Latina/o, it is plausible that students experience disadvantages in growing up in communities and
attending schools in which the availability and utility of social capital is lacking (Ream, 2003).
And while some researchers (e.g., Vélez-Ibáñez & Greenberg , 1992) have argued that Mexican
American students benefit from familism, a family-based form of social capital that is correlated
with student achievement in school (Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994), others have focused on the
unequal distribution of opportunities for students of color in building social capital (Ream,
2003). For instance, Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) suggest that language and cultural
differences act as obstacles for students developing help-seeking behaviors such that students
miss opportunities or resources related to college such as gaining information about college,
tutoring, and extracurricular activities. Similarly, Stanton-Salazar (1997) contends that the
cultural disconnect between students of color and school personnel can inhibit the development
of trusting relationships that may potentially help students gain information necessary to apply
and enroll in college.
Although some studies have investigated the role of social capital among farm working
adults (e.g., Chavez et al., 2006), research analyzing the role of social capital among students
from farm working families has been limited in the education literature. This work can
potentially illustrate the role of family and institutional support in counteracting the loss of
7

community bonds that comes along with mobility and/or attending an under-resourced high
school. Research investigating critical academic moments, such as the process of applying to
college, may help provide a better understanding of the academic and social experiences of rural
Latina/o students.
Theoretical Framework
Although education researchers have examined the relationship between educational
attainment and the socialization networks of students of color (Stanton-Salazar, 2011) and
transitional youth (Corwin, 2008; Ream, 2001; Tierney & Hallett, 2012), the social capital
literature has yet to explore the social networks of farm working students on the path to
postsecondary education. In particular, social capital theorists have often overlooked the role of
two fundamental factors that potentially shape how students build social capital: gender and
migration status. While social capital theory has often been conceptualized as gender-neutral
where peer, school, and family networks among boys and girls are consistent, the divergent roles
of boys and girls in farm working households adds a dimension of complexity seldom explored
in education research. Farm working households, which are comprised of Latina/o immigrant
families, tend to come from countries with patriarchal cultures and often perpetuate different
gender roles, academic aspirations, and expectations between boys and girls that can shape how
students view social relationships and networks for schooling and their careers (Hernández-León
& Lakhani, 2013). Because of the potentially divergent roles that boys and girls play in farm
working households, in which academic aspirations, roles, and expectations are notably different,
I posit that the ways in which students build social relationships are also different (Hernández-
León & Lakhani, 2013).
8

Applications of social capital have often failed to account for students’ migration status.
A large number of farm working families are subject to a geographically mobile lifestyle.
Today, migrants comprise 42% of all farm workers (National Center for Farm worker Health,
Inc., 2012). In the state of California, roughly 46% of all farm workers are migrants (ESCORT,
2014). These families relocate seasonally in search of employment in the agricultural sector.
Students who change schools as a result of relocation may not fully engage in valuable
educational and social activities or establish key social relationships with individuals who may
provide information, guidance, or assistance necessary for future academic success.
By failing to disaggregate or examine students’ migration status, education researchers have in
effect assumed that students are geographically stationary. Yet there may be important
differences in students’ levels of trust and integration into social activities based on their
migration status. Given the limited research in this area, it remains unclear whether students
who have a geographically mobile lifestyle are able to engage (whether partially or fully) in
building social relationships with institutional agents.
Social capital theory can be used to understand how students in these contexts build, if at
all, social relationships with institutional agents (e.g., teachers, academic counselors, college
counselors) and acquire information needed to apply to college. Specifically, this study seeks to
examine how farm working students in a rural high school use social capital by investigating the
following research questions:
 How do farm working students use social capital, if at all, while applying to college?
 How does the farm working experience influence, if at all, students’ educational path to
college?
 What is the role of migration in farm working students’ social relationships in school?
9

 How do male and female farm working students compare in their ability or willingness to
foster relationships and seek help from intuitional agents in applying to college?
Significance of the Study
Throughout the past two decades, researchers have documented a variety of factors that
have hindered the academic readiness of farm working students (Tucker, 2000; López, Scribner,
& Mahitivanichcha, 2001). Studies suggest that students who come from farm working families
and attend under-resourced rural schools are less likely to graduate from high school and go on
to college. This study can potentially lead to a better understanding of the educational
experiences of farm working students who are on the path to college. This information may
benefit educators (teachers, administrators, counselors) and researchers by providing an in-depth
glimpse into the lives of these students and what they experience in school. In particular, this
study can shed light on issues that cause students in this population to succeed or struggle in
school. By the same token, this study provides a snapshot of the inner workings of a school that
serves a large demographic of farm working students, and the ways in which the school
addresses the educational and social needs (if at all) of this population of students.
Overview of the Dissertation
The following chapter reviews literature regarding the factors that create educational
challenges for farm working students in K-12 schooling, which ultimately inhibit their capacity
to pursue a postsecondary education. I focus in particular on two factors, gender and migration
status, which can potentially play a role in shaping how students build social capital. I also
examine how social capital theory may be used to explore the educational experiences of farm
working students. In Chapter 3, I outline the strengths and limitations of qualitative research and
how it may be applied in exploring how social capital influences the academic paths of students
10

from farm working families. I also review the methods and introduce Esperanza High School,
the research site of this study. In Chapter 4, I present data from interviews conducted with 40
students who identify as the children of farm workers and seven staff members (i.e., teachers,
counselors, administrators) of Esperanza High School. In Chapter 5, I analyze the findings from
the data and discuss implications with regard to future research on social capital theory, college
access, and farm working students.

11

Chapter 2
Farm Working Students in K-12 Schools
[My parents] would always say, ‘Pues si así quieres acabar…entonces échale ganas a la
escuela.’
-Leticia, EHS Student

In their pursuit of an education, the children of farm working families often experience
significant educational challenges that inhibit their ability to complete a K-12 education, much
less pursue a postsecondary education. These challenges have potentially devastating effects on
students’ opportunities to construct and maintain supportive relationships with institutional
agents (Stanton-Salazar, 2011). By institutional agents, I refer to academic personnel who can
provide information, guidance, and pro-academic support in preparation for college and the
college application process (Bandura, 1969; Wynn, Richman, Rubenstein, & Littell, 1987). The
need to work and contribute to their family income forces many youth into a working lifestyle
and subsequently leads to time away from school, extracurricular activities, and preparation for
college (Martinez & Cranston-Gingras, 1996). These students are often subject to geographic
mobility which often causes discontinuity of schooling and is characterized by social and cultural
isolation. Language barriers and undocumented immigration status stigmatize these children and
hinder their integration into mainstream social structures and networks in the school system.
Farm working youth are commonly confronted by extreme poverty and poor/dangerous work and
health conditions (ESCORT, 2014).
This chapter examines how social capital theory is used to investigate the educational
experiences of farm working students on the path to college. Social capital can be broadly
12

defined as “resources embedded in social relations and social structure which can be mobilized
when an actor wishes to increase the likelihood of success in purposive actions” (Lin, 2001, p.
24). Social capital refers to the manner in which individuals use resources that derive from
relationships with others in their social network. I focus on social relationships that enable
students to prepare for college and the college application process. In this chapter, I begin by
analyzing how socioeconomic, academic, and geographic challenges influence help-seeking
behavior and network development of farm working students. Second, I examine the role of two
factors, gender and migration status, as they pertain to the social capital of farm working
students. I conclude with a review of social capital literature and an analysis of how different
forms of social capital are manifested in the educational paths of farm working students in high
school.
Background
Historically, farm workers represent the poorest group in the United States (Guerra, 1979;
López et al., 2001). A significant number of field laborers come from rural areas in Mexico and
often work in agriculture before immigrating to the U.S. (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014). Given their
lack of formal education and occupational skills, they continue work in the U.S. by settling into
low-wage, unskilled agricultural employment. Roughly 61% of farm workers live at or below
the federal poverty level (López et al., 2001; Villarejo, 2003). According to some estimates, the
average individual income of farm workers in 2001-2002 was between $10,000 and $12,499, and
the average income for a family was between $15,000 and $17,499 (Southern Poverty Law
Center, 2013).
The financial hardship experienced by field laborers often requires their children to work
as well. Given that children can significantly contribute to the family’s income, the need for
13

children to work long hours often competes with educational demands (Prewitt-Diaz & Trotter,
1990). And for many farm working families the need to have a child work long hours in these
conditions is not uncommon – given that many families are not only in great financial need, but
childcare is not readily available or affordable (Tucker, 2000). Despite the potential dangers
involved with this type of work, youth ages 10 and older may legally perform agricultural related
work (i.e., pick crops) according to federal law (General Accounting Office, 1998). As
demonstrated in Figure 1, a child who is from the ages of 10 to 11 is allowed to work up to five
hours per day or up to 30 hours per week outside of school with the consent of a parent and a
waiver form from the U.S. Department of Labor. Under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA),
the legal age to perform most farm work is 12. At this age, a child can work an unlimited
number of hours in the fields with a waiver from the Department of Labor. At 14, a child can
work an unlimited number of hours without consent from a parent or the Department of Labor.
By the age of 16, children are allowed by federal law to perform hazardous work-related tasks.
In other non-agriculture related jobs, federal law prohibits individuals to perform hazardous
work until the age of 18.

14

AGRICULTURAL OCCUPATIONS NON-AGRICULTURAL OCCUPATIONS
Age Allowable
Occupations
Allowable
Hours
Other
Conditions
Allowable
Occupations
Allowable
Hours
Other
Conditions
16-17
years
All All None Non-
hazardous
All None
14-15
years
Non-
hazardous
Unlimited
hours outside
of school
None Non-
hazardous
with
permission
by
Department
of Labor
Up to 40
hours in non-
school week;
up to 8 hours
on non-
school days;
up to 3 hours
on school
days;
between
7am-7pm
(9pm during
summer)
None
11-13
years
Non-
hazardous
Unlimited
hours outside
of school
Written
consent of
parent or
work on farm
where parent
is employed
None None N/A
Under
12
years
Non-
hazardous
Unlimited
hours outside
of school
On small
farm with
written
consent of
parent
None None N/A
10-11
years
Hand harvest
short season
crops (non-
hazardous)
Up to 5 hours
per day and
30 hours per
week outside
of school
Waiver from
Department
of Labor
including
parental
consent
None None N/A
Source: General Accounting Office, 1998

Figure 1. Federal Policy on Child Labor
Early job placement, time out of school, and exposure to harmful work conditions can
substantially affect school attendance and academic achievement for farm working students.
Children in agriculture work 30 hours a week on average —often during periods of the academic
year when school is in session. Such trends are not new. A 1992 report from the U.S. General
15

Accounting Office found that nationally an estimated 37% of adolescent farm workers worked
full time (U.S. General Accounting Office, 1992). Time spent doing field work often takes
students away from school-related activities such as homework completion, extracurricular
activities, or community service which could help students. An estimated half of all
children/adolescents who perform farm work on a regular basis do not graduate from high school
(Mehta et al., 2000). Martinez and Cranston-Gingras (1996) studied 300 farm working
adolescents and found that an estimated 37% of students cited the need “to work” as a primary
reason for dropping out of high school. Other frequently cited reasons students dropped out was
their “lack of interest in school” (13%), the “need to move” from one region to another (11%),
“too many absences” (8%), “too old” (7%), and “marriage / pregnancy” (7%). One of the “most
significant causes of low educational achievement is the fact that juvenile farm workers simply
spend too much time on the job” (Tucker, 2000, p. 49). While a non-farm working student has a
96% chance of entering the 9
th
grade and 80% chance of entering 12
th
grade, a farm working
student has a 40% chance of entering 9
th
grade and an 11% chance of entering the 12
th
grade
(Green, 2003).
Farm working families overwhelmingly reside and work in rural, isolated communities.
Children who come from rural communities are the least likely to attend college even when they
are comparable to urban and suburban students (Adelman, 2006). Yet, rural college access is
“not well understood nor adequately addressed in policy” (McDonough & Fann, 2007, p. 68).
NCES (2007) data reveal that despite graduating from high school at a higher rate, rural students
tend to enroll in college at lower rates relative to urban students. Nationally, an estimated 34%
of 18- to 24-year olds enroll in college. The college-enrollment rate of students in urban and
16

suburban areas is 37% compared to 27% for rural students (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2007).
There are a number of significant educational and socioeconomic barriers that prevent
rural students from attending college (Crockett et al., 2000; Duncan, 2001; Elder & Conger,
2000; Hardre´, 2007). High schools in rural areas often lack adequate academic and
extracurricular resources needed to prepare students for postsecondary schooling (Salinas &
Franquiz, 2004; Zalaquett, McHatton, & Cranston-Gingras, 2007). Schools in rural areas often
struggle to secure well-qualified personnel (i.e., academic counselors, teachers, college
counselors, etc.), provide adequate technology for students, and offer college preparation courses
such as honors and advanced placement (AP) courses (Ward, 1995). The lack of academic
resources and well-qualified personnel in rural schools contributes to a lack of appropriate
information and knowledge necessary for students to pursue postsecondary schooling
(McDonough & Fann, 2007). Additionally, the geographic distance of rural communities to
community colleges and (to a greater extent) four-year universities also acts as a hurdle for rural
students. The geographic and social/cultural distance to college campuses contributes to the
unfamiliarity and disconnect that many students have to campus representatives and college
alumni. This lack of exposure to college ultimately decreases students’ academic aspirations,
exposure to college information, and college-going culture in schools (Ward, 1995).
Migration Status and Farm Working Students
Migrant farm workers are generally defined as individuals who commute more than 75
miles for agricultural work

or are absent overnight from their permanent residence to perform
agricultural labor (Carroll et al., 2005). For the children of migrant farm working families,
geographic mobility has the potential to disrupt student learning and relationship building in
17

school (Engec, 2006; Ream, 2001; Rumberger, Larson, Ream, & Palardy, 1999). Like the
repotting of a plant, mobility disrupts students’ “social root systems” creating challenges for
students in developing and maintaining relationships with fellow students and key academic
personnel (Jason et al., 1992; Pribesh & Downey, 1999; Ream, 2001).
Inside the classroom, mobility creates discontinuity of learning and undermines academic
readiness (Prewitt-Diaz & Trotter, 1990; Rumberger et al., 1999). Migrant students who change
schools often suffer academically given that classroom content is typically taught sequentially.
Migrant students are forced to learn material in a disjointed manner and adapt to different forms
of teaching instruction and content. While nearly all students change schools at some point
during their K-12 education, research suggests that frequent moving among students may
influence how students perform in school (Engec, 2006; Rothenberg, 1998). Geographic
mobility has been associated with lower average school achievement (U.S. General Accounting
Office, 1998; U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2010), increased risk of dropping out
(Rumberger & Larson, 1998), increased need for developmental/remedial schooling (Alexander,
Entwisle, & Dauber, 1996), and social and disciplinary issues in school (Engec, 2006; Hartman
& Leff, 2002; Swanson & Schneider, 1999). Migrant students lag behind their peers in reading
and mathematics on state-wide achievement exams (Government Accountability Office, 2010).
Frequent school changes have a cumulative effect on student performance, placing students as
much as one academic year behind their peers (Kerbow, 1996). With regard to reading on state
assessment exams, approximately 60% of states across the country reported a difference of 25
percentage points or greater between 10
th
grade migrant students and the general student
population. In math, 54% of states reported a gap of 25 percentage points or greater between
migrant students and their peers (Government Accountability Office, 2010). Guffain (1991)
18

found that migrant students who ultimately dropped out of school moved an average of 17.5
times as compared with an average of 10.3 moves among migrant students who graduated from
high school. A report by the Government Accountability Office (2010) suggested “students who
change schools more frequently tend to have lower scores on standardized reading and math tests
and drop out of school at higher rates than their less mobile peers” (p. 2).
The educational problems brought upon by students’ migration status are further
compounded by the lack of synchrony between agricultural work seasons and the traditional
school year. This misalignment causes difficulties for students to accrue sufficient academic
credit to remain on par with their peers (Kindler, 1995). As Mchatton, Zalaquett, and Cranson-
Gingras (2006) point out, “a lack of curriculum alignment between states and difficulties with
record transmittal and credit transfer across county, state, and sometimes national boundaries
exacerbate the already difficult transition” (p. 26) from school to school. Similarly, travelling
during summer seasons to labor in the fields often interferes with students’ ability to attend
summer school and engage in extracurricular activities which could potentially help with
college-going.
The challenges brought upon by migration have prompted government efforts to provide
educational and social support services to this group of students. To combat the academic,
social, and emotional challenges brought upon by migration, the Migrant Education Program was
established in 1966 by the U.S. federal government as an amendment to the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA). Operating with a $394 million budget, the Migrant
Education Program offers supplemental instructional and support services to an estimated
780,000 students
5
across the country—approximately 200,000 of which are in the state of

5
The vast majority of students in the Migrant Education Program are Latina/o; nationally, Latina/os represent
approximately 89% of student participants.
19

California (U.S. Department of Education, 2005). The Migrant Education Program offers
students services during the regular academic year and throughout the summer term when field
work is often in high season. Services provided by the Migrant Education Program include
academic tutoring; remedial and compensatory instruction; bilingual and multicultural
instruction; vocational instruction; career education services; counseling and testing services;
health care; and preschool services (U.S. Department of Education, 2005). Studies suggest that
the services offered by the Migrant Education Program reduce dropout rates among the migrant
student population by assisting students in making up lost credits/units, providing students with
college knowledge, and helping students build connections with academic personnel (Gibson &
Bejinez, 2002).
Gender and Farm Working Students
The gender-role socialization of children, at school and within the household, plays an
important role in shaping the academic aspirations and relationship-building patterns of the
children of immigrant families (Foner, 2000; Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991). According to
Mickelson (1989), femininity has often been associated with obedience, discipline, and help-
seeking behavior. By comparison, masculinity has often been associated with deviance,
individualism, and a lack of help-seeking behavior. Adherence to these gender stereotypes
within school settings can potentially influence the educational experiences of students across
gender lines (Menjívar, 2000; Waters, 1999). In the United States, girls from both native and
immigrant families typically outperform boys with regard to educational achievement and
attainment (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005; Snyder, Dillow, & Hoffman, 2009).
Research suggests that immigrant parents who uphold traditional gender roles and values,
such as having high expectations and strict behavioral rules for girls may result in higher
20

academic achievement compared to boys (Zhou & Bankston, 2001). Farm working households,
which are predominately comprised of Latina/o immigrant families, tend to come from countries
with patriarchal cultures which often provide limited school and work opportunities for women
(Hernández-León & Lakhani, 2013). Yet in the U.S., daughters of immigrant families tend to
complete more years of schooling and receive higher grades relative to sons of Latina/o
immigrant families in K-12 schooling (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005; Gándara 1995; Waldinger &
Feliciano, 2004). Academic and occupational experiences of second-generation girls are often
significantly different from that of their immigrant mothers (Hernández-León & Lakhani, 2013;
Lopez, 2003) and there is a greater likelihood of intergenerational mobility between second-
generation girls
6
and their immigrant mothers compared to second-generation boys and their
immigrant fathers (Waldinger & Feliciano, 2004).
The disparity in educational outcomes between males and females within Latina/o
immigrant families is partially attributed to the expectations and gender roles of each group
within the household. The cultural template of Latina/o immigrant families often entails family
obligations which include sibling caretaking (Gándara, 1995; Valenzuela, 1999), financial
contributions (Fuligni & Petersen, 2002), and spending time with family (Espinoza, 2010).
Research analyzing the roles of Latina/o youth generally demonstrates that responsibilities of
caretaking and domestic chores are typically associated with girls (Buriel et al., 1998; Raffaelli
& Ontai, 2004; Valenzuela, 1999). While the selfless devotion to family often requires multiple,
and competing, obligations to school (Sy & Romero, 2008), the strong connections to family also
provides girls with a sense of belonging and responsibility which they can draw on to do well in
school (East & Hamil, 2013).

6
Still, the higher educational attainment rates of second-generation women compared to their male counterparts
often do not translate into better employment outcomes compared to men (Mickelson, 1989).
21

A student’s capacity or willingness to build relationships with others or participate in
educational activities where social capital may be acquired or cultivated is critical for
understanding. The gender-role socialization and social conditions that many boys encounter by
spending more time in the neighborhood and outside of the home may contribute to downward
mobility (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014) among students who develop an adversarial outlook on
education and social mobility. For many farm working youth residing in heavily isolated,
impoverished areas, students’ mode of integrating (or not integrating) into social networks within
the community plays an important role in how students approach school and academic work.
The prevalence of violence, drug abuse, and gangs presents a challenge for farm working males
7

who may be more heavily integrated in neighborhood affairs. For many males, participating in
this subculture is a manner of rejecting mainstream institutions that are viewed as
“discriminatory [toward] minorities’ progress” (Portes & Rumbaut, 2001, p. 60). These attitudes
toward mainstream institutions ultimately stem from the notion that social mobility is not
realistic via mainstream institutions such as the education system.
Research focusing on help-seeking orientations suggests that during times of uncertainty,
struggle, or distress, men are less likely than women to seek support from their family, peers, or
health professionals (Gross & McMullen, 1983; Stanton-Salazar & Ospina, 2000). Help-seeking
behavior generally involves a series of three fundamental stages: (a) recognizing a given problem
or the need for help (b) making the decision to seek help, and (c) selecting and utilizing a source
of support (Anderson, 1995; Goldsmith, Jackson, & Hough, 1988). Studies focusing on gender
differences and help-seeking behavior (e.g., Wisch, Mahalik, & Nutt, 1995; Good, Dell, &
Mintz, 1989) demonstrate that the negative dispositions or attitudes toward help-seeking among
men varies according to the “individual’s adherence to traditional male gender roles” which are

7
For both documented and undocumented males.
22

often learned through childhood socialization (Stanton-Salazar & Ospina, 2000, p. 240). Yet
help-seeking behavior is often manifested in the way that students build relationships with school
personnel. As a result, male students may be at greater risk of not receiving educational,
emotional, or social support during their K-12 schooling, and in particular, while preparing for
college.
The issues outlined here provide a snapshot of the educational circumstances and
challenges that shape students’ social relationships and ultimately academic outcomes of farm
working students. Despite the dismal statistics describing the educational achievement and
college-going patterns of this population of students, a limited amount of research has focused
specifically on farm working children and their educational experiences during high school. In
particular, scant research has investigated the role of social capital in students’ experiences while
applying to college during their senior year of high school. In the following sections, I examine
how a social capital lens is used in the present study to examine this area of scholarship in further
detail.
Capital Theories in Education
Four general types of capital have been applied in the field of education: economic
capital, human capital, social capital, and cultural capital. Economic capital is a resource, such
as a home or an automobile, which may be directly converted to money (Bourdieu, 1986).
Human capital refers to skills that an individual obtains (e.g., by attending school) which enable
a person to attain employment or related opportunities. Cultural capital can be described as the
cultural resources or knowledge that an individual possesses which hold value within specific
social contexts (Bourdieu, 1986). Social capital is defined as social relationships or obligations
that may potentially build other forms of capital (e.g., economic capital, human capital).
23

Although the four types of capital described above are interrelated and have been used
jointly in education research, each of these forms of capital is conceptually distinct (Auerbach,
2004). In this study, I focus specifically on the role of social capital in the educational
experiences of farm working students. Research on social capital, gathered through a wide range
of measures/interpretations, has generally demonstrated that social capital influences students’
academic achievement (e.g., Carbonaro, 1998; Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Israel, Beaulieu, &
Hartless, 2001; Morgan & Sorensen, 1999; Valenzuela & Dornbusch, 1994). Social capital has
been associated with an increased likelihood that a student remains enrolled in school (e.g.,
Hofferth, Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1998; Kalmjin & Kraaykamp, 1996) and a decreased probability
that a student drops out of high school (e.g., Carbonaro, 1998; Croninger & Lee, 1999;
Teachman, Paasch, & Karen, 1996). Similarly, social capital has been linked with behaviors and
cognitive processes related to academic achievement such as effort engagement and homework
completion (e.g., Bankston & Zhou, 1995), engagement in extracurricular and academic
activities (Fritch, 1999), and commitment to school (Wright, Cullen, & Miller, 2001).
Educational research specifically examining social capital and the children of farm
workers has been limited. A small number of studies have investigated the role of social capital
among migrant farm workers, specifically among adults (e.g., Chavez, Wampler, & Burkhart,
2006). Similarly, studies have focused on social capital among students with transitional
lifestyles (e.g., Corwin, 2008; Ream, 2001; Tierney & Hallett, 2012). While research suggests
that having social capital may positively influence student outcomes, one wonders how social
capital is used among farm working high school students – a demographic of students who often
miss opportunities to build social capital in school because of their need to spend time and effort
laboring in the fields. Social capital theory may potentially act as a powerful lens by which to
24

understand social networks, help-seeking behavior, and college access among this group of
students.
Reviewing Social Capital
Social capital theory has been used as an instrument to analyze the manner in which
social relationships and the resources associated with them influence students as they navigate
social institutions (Adler & Kwon, 2002). One of the fundamental tenets of social capital theory
is not only that social capital is relational and communal in nature, but also that it carries an
exchange-value (McNeal, 1999). Social capital exists in the structure of relationships among
different people and may be converted to other forms of capital, including cultural, human, and
economic capital. Social capital is comprised of three core dimensions which include: form;
norms of obligation and reciprocity; and social capital resources (Dika & Singh, 2002; McNeal,
1999). Form refers to the composition of social networks—specifically referring to the type of
social relationship, the structure of an individual’s social ties, and the strength and extent of an
individual’s networks. Norms of obligation and reciprocity refers to the degree to which
participants within a given network trust one another and whether they share expectations and
reciprocate behavior. Social capital resources pertain to the potential resources that can be
gained from outside of the network (McNeal, 1999).
Two leading schools on social capital theory originate from the work of Bourdieu (1986)
and Coleman (1988). Although Bourdieu and Coleman each focused on the benefits that
individuals or families build by virtue of their relationship with others, there are significant
differences in the way each scholar conceptualized social capital theory (Dika & Singh, 2002).
Coleman (1988) emphasized the role of social capital specifically as it pertained to the creation
of human capital. Bourdieu (1986), by contrast, generally discussed the interaction among three
25

sources of capital: economic, cultural, and social (Dika & Singh, 2002). Thus, Bourdieu (1986)
defined social capital as the aggregate of resources (whether potential or actual resources)
provided by a network of institutionalized relationships based on mutual acquaintance and
recognition. These relationships can exist as symbolic or material exchanges, but ultimately
capital is comprised of social obligations among individuals.
Within Bourdieu’s conceptualization of social capital, habitus and field play an important
role. The habitus can be explained as the interaction of how an individual influences social
structures and how social structures in turn influence the individual (Bourdieu, 1986; Musoba &
Baez, 2009). Habitus is a set of durable and transposable values and dispositions acquired
throughout an individual’s life (DiMaggio, 1979). For Bourdieu, a person’s habitus is shaped by
two inseparable elements, the individual (often represented in the form of agency) and the social
structures surrounding the individual (Nash, 1999). Taken together, these two elements shape
the way in which a person sees, interprets, and approaches the world (DiMaggio, 1979). The
field, as described by Bourdieu, is considered the space in which the individual and social
structures interact, further reshaping an individual’s habitus (Bourdieu, 1986; Musoba & Baez,
2009).
Unlike Bourdieu, Coleman’s (1988) work on social capital places a greater emphasis on
individual and application. For Coleman, social capital is inherent in the relationships among
individuals; hence any individual can obtain social capital through personal effort (Dika &
Singh, 2002; Portes, 2000). Social capital is a positive form of social control in which trust,
information channels, and norms are an intrinsic part of relationships in society (Dika & Singh,
2002). Coleman views trust, represented through obligations and expectations rooted in
relationships, as a social lubricant that can facilitate common bonds among people in society.
26

However, Coleman’s (1988) view of social capital serves as a tool to describe differences in
individual attainment among people in society but leaves little room for explaining why this
occurs. While Bourdieu’s (1986) conceptualization of social capital may act as a tool to examine
how class structure, social hierarchies, and differences in college access are produced and
maintained in education, Coleman’s framework emphasizes function and agency (Dika & Singh,
2002).
Since the publication of Bourdieu’s (1986) and Coleman’s (1988) work on social capital,
a spate of research has focused on applying the framework across broader contexts and
populations. A significant amount of research has been “uncritically accepting of Coleman's
social capital concept” (Dika & Singh, 2002, p. 35). Other researchers have highlighted the
noted absence of the role of race, culture, language, and gender in shaping social interaction and
networks in society (e.g., Stanton-Salazar, 1997; Lareau, 2001). Portes and Sensenbrenner
(1993) were among the first researchers to examine the role of social capital in immigrant
communities. In particular, the authors investigated the relationship between resources within
ethnic enclaves and social mobility. Stanton-Salazar (1997) further developed a social capital
framework for examining the socialization of students of color. This framework was applied in
subsequent work examining schools and kin support networks of Mexican American youth.
Similarly, Lareau and Horvat (1999) developed a framework of outlining moments of inclusion
and exclusion that focus on the role of schools in either accepting or rejecting the social and
cultural capital of families.
Determining precisely what social capital encompasses and how this form of capital
influences students continues to develop in education research. Given the complex and often
wavering definitions of social capital theory in the literature, establishing what constitutes social
27

capital and determining how it is measured has led to considerable debate and is not universally
accepted among education researchers. Much of this inconsistency is rooted in the different
traditions and theoretical frameworks from which social capital theorists have based their work.
As I discuss in further detail, the application of social capital in the present study draws upon the
work of Bourdieu (1976, 1986), Granovetter (1973, 1982), and Stanton-Salazar (1997, 2001).
Types of Social Capital: Bonding and Bridging Capital
Granovetter (1973, 1982) was one of the first researchers to delineate differences among
individuals’ networks through close and distant ties. He discovered that many adults gathered
information leading to their jobs through personal contacts. However, these contacts were often
described by participants less as personal friends or family and more so as colleagues and
acquaintances. He concluded that most individuals credited their distant connections with
colleagues for providing them with knowledge and information to secure employment as
opposed to those connections with closer personal connections. Adler and Kwon (2002) later
distinguished forms of social capital into two categories that reflected Granovetter’s (1973,
1982) work on close and distant ties. Adler and Kwon referred to these two types of capital as
bonding social capital and bridging social capital. Bonding capital refers to how individuals
connect with others within an individual’s close personal network. By contrast, bridging social
capital refers to a person’s connections outside of the close personal network. Applied to
education, the ways that students build either bonding or bridging social capital may have
implications on the varying degrees of support and information that students obtain while
applying to college. Similarly, the strength of these ties also carries importance with regard to
how students experience the college application process.

28

Bonding Capital
Bonding capital generally refers to the social relationships that occur within a
homogenous group or network. Bonding capital rests largely on Coleman’s (1990)
conceptualization of social capital as it is contingent upon reciprocity—that is, the notion that
obligations and expectations drive individuals’ social behavior. The degree to which an
individual is able to build or access bonding capital is largely dependent on the close-knit
network of the individual. Immediate and extended family members, close friends, or people
within close proximity in a neighborhood generally comprise an individual’s network of bonding
capital.
In the case of students who grow up in disenfranchised or low-income communities,
cultural norms and a lack of trust may discourage students from making connections in order to
avoid negative interaction and potentially dangerous behavior. As Fukuyama (1999) suggests,
bonding capital in disenfranchised communities can produce negative consequences for students.
For students who grow up in low-income neighborhoods, social groups and peer to peer
relationships, particularly among adolescent youth, may be dictated by peers, culture, and
opportunities within a given neighborhood. Many farm working youth reside in heavily isolated
and impoverished areas; thus students’ mode of integrating (or not integrating) into social
networks within the community may play an important role in dictating who students are able to
socialize with and the opportunities and knowledge that potentially derives from the bonding
capital students build within their close-knit social network.
Bridging Capital
Bridging capital refers to social relationships and resources that exist within extended
social networks. Unlike bonding capital, bridging capital generally derives from an individual’s
29

relationships with members outside of their close social network such as institutional agents from
school, work, or other professional settings. For example, a student’s bridging capital may be
comprised of relationships with institutional agents such as teachers, counselors, administrators,
coaches, or other school staff. Bridging capital generally aligns with Bourdieu’s (1986)
conceptualization of social capital which emphasized differences in access to social capital as a
tool to explain how the interests, culture, and networks of the dominant class are perpetuated in
society (Corwin, 2008; Dika & Singh, 2002). Bourdieu (1986) suggested that dominant groups
create social boundaries of status, privilege, and exclusion which ultimately disadvantage those
in the non-dominant group.
Applied to K-12 schooling, a lack of education-enhancing social capital through positive
social networks may potentially pose serious challenges for low-income, students of color in
rural communities (Ovink & Veazey, 2011; Ream, 2005; Ream & Rumberger, 2008). Because
farm working student populations often reside and attend schools in low-income, isolated and
segregated communities, this group of students is at risk of experiencing differential access to
educational resources relative to their peers. A lack of bridging capital (i.e., relationships with
institutional agents) may play a critical role in students’ capacity or willingness to successfully
apply to postsecondary school. For example, if a farm working high school senior is unable or
unwilling to visit a high school or college counselor, it is plausible that a student will be at a
severe disadvantage in obtaining necessary information needed to apply to college. Similarly, if
a migrant student changes schools during the academic year, the student may experience
difficulties in adjusting not only academically but with regard to establishing relationships with
institutional agents who would otherwise be considered gatekeepers of information and
knowledge needed to apply to college.
30

As I discuss in later chapters, participants in this study do not solely rely on bonding
capital or bridging capital. Instead, students often utilize a combination of both bonding and
bridging capital based on the composition of their networks and unique social relationships.
Figure 2 offers a glimpse into the potential actors and sources of support found within a student’s
social network. Although students rely on various actors within their social network for
guidance, support, and information while in school, “distinguishing between internal and
external capital is somewhat reliant on perspective” (Corwin, 2008, p. 36; Adler & Kwon, 2002;
Tierney, 2006). The extent to which a student builds capital from a particular relationship
depends often on the strength of the tie as well as the form of support of the relationship.

Figure 2. Bonding Capital and Bridging Capital of a High School Student
Social relationships are often reflected by their strength of ties, or strength of connections
between individuals. Often, strong ties among individuals are those associated with family or
close friends and typically involve regular contact, high levels of trust, and greater expectations
Bridging Capital
Bonding Capital
Farm Working
Esperanza Student
• School Personnel: Teachers,
School Leadership, Coaches
• Counselors: High School,
Migrant Education, AVID, CSF,
TRIO/Upward Bound, College
Representatives
• Peers; Clubs/ Organizations
• Community/Neighborhood
• Parents
• Siblings
• Extended Family
• Peers/Friends

31

of reciprocity (Corwin, 2008). By contrast, weak ties are often comprised of relationships with
others in low-density networks where people carry less interaction, trust, and/or reciprocity. A
high school student, for example, may have a strong tie with an immediate family member, close
peer, or an individual whom they communicate with on a regular basis and can rely on for
support. Yet a high school student may have a weak tie with an acquaintance with whom they
interact with less often such as school personnel (e.g., high school counselor or school principal).
According to Granovetter (1973, 1982), social relationships among individuals with weak
ties often leads to the acquisition of information, resources, and other various forms of capital
(including social capital) that ultimately lead to social mobility. Applied to K-12 schooling,
Granovetter’s perspective suggests that students benefit significantly from weak ties perhaps
even more so than strong ties. Therefore, a high school senior’s post-high school plans may be
dictated, or at least influenced by, a student’s relationships with individuals such as institutional
agents—generally represented as bridging capital from weak ties
8
. To be sure, different ties may
be more effective or beneficial under specific circumstances (Hansen, 1998); the utility of a
specific relationship, particularly as it relates to college-going is rooted in contextual factors and
the types of support that student receives as a result of the relationship.
As demonstrated in Table 1, bridging support often comes in the form of one of five
general forms. Taken together, these five broad categories comprise the types of relationships
and support that can assist, guide, or motivate students into attending college. The five
categories broadly represent and differentiate the various forms of support reported throughout
the data in subsequent chapters. For instance, funds of knowledge generally refer to the positive
cultural and social values that students and/or their families possess particularly as it relates to
academic achievement (González, Moll, & Amanti, 2005). As Moll et al. (1992) suggest, a

8
According to Granovetter, bridging capital typically derives from weak ties.
32

critical dimension of fostering relationships with low-income students of color is an institutional
agents’ capacity or willingness to recognize the culturally rich resources that students of color
bring onto school campuses, which could ultimately be used to help students excel academically
and pursue a college education. Another form of support is relationships rooted in advocacy, a
process by which institutional agents, family members, or peers intervene on behalf of a student
with the intent of promoting or protecting a student’s interest (e.g., a student’s objective of
successfully applying to college).
Table 1
Five Forms of Bridging Support
Funds of Knowledge Relationships rooted in the positive cultural and social
values associated with students’ background as it
relates to academic achievement; typically assumes
students exchange with members in mainstream
institutional structures in the education system.

Advocacy The process of intervening on behalf of a student with
the intent of promoting or protecting the students’
interest.

Role modeling Modeling behavior associated with (a) participation in
mainstream domains or (b) developing coping
strategies via help-seeking behavior and problem-
solving.

Social-Emotional support Receiving support geared toward participation in
mainstream arenas and coping with challenges brought
upon by stratification.

Personalized and evaluative
feedback and guidance

Pro-academic technical and college knowledge
Adapted from Stanton-Salazar, 2001
33

Similarly, role modeling is a form of support in which individuals model behavior to
promote participation in mainstream institutional activities. Modeling behavior may also come
in the form of promoting help-seeking behavior and problem-solving. For instance, a student
may encounter modeling behavior by a pro-academic peer in the form of joining an academic
club, registering for a college entrance exam, or forming a study group after school to promote
academic achievement. This modeling behavior suggests that a student benefits from
relationships with a pro-academic peer, institutional agent, or family member (e.g., an older
brother or sister who has attended college) who provides a student with an incentive, motivation,
or guide of how to engage in college-going behavior. Social-emotional support refers to
resources offered to students in the form of responsive, nurturing, and encouraging assistance or
guidance which helps students with participation in mainstream arenas and coping with
challenges brought upon by stratification. Personalized and evaluative feedback and guidance
involves providing students with technical information and support that lead to college
knowledge. For example, a student may receive personalized and evaluative feedback regarding
their college applications, or more specifically, their personal statement or scholarship essay
which could help a student access educational resources or opportunities and/or provide the
student with knowledge or academic skills.
To be sure, the different forms of support or assistance derive from various sources or
social relationships. For example, a farm working student may only receive social-emotional
support from a high school counselor, but may develop a relationship with a teacher in school, in
which the teacher serves as a role model for the student. The forms of support described here do
not provide an exhaustive account of the various forms of support that a student can potentially
receive from bridging capital. Students may also potentially receive one or multiple forms of
34

support from bonding capital as well (i.e., immediate family, extended family, close friends).
Yet it remains unclear how this support ultimately influence the plans, aspirations, and outcomes
of farm working students as they prepare for and navigate the college application process. It is
also unclear why certain students receive support while other students do not receive support.

35

Chapter 3
Studying Farm Working Students
“So you’re here to learn more about farm working students applying to college? Well, looks like
you’ve come to the right place.”
-EHS Staff Member

Research Design
As mentioned in previous chapters, this study aims to explore how farm working students
build social relationships, if at all, with institutional agents (e.g., teachers, counselors, and
administrators) and acquire information needed to apply to college. Specifically, this study seeks
to examine the following research questions:
 How do farm working students use social capital, if at all, while applying to college?
 How does the farm working experience influence, if at all, students’ educational path to
college?
 What is the role of migration in farm working students’ social relationships in school?
 How do male and female farm working students compare in their ability or willingness to
foster relationships and seek help from intuitional agents in applying to college?
A variety of qualitative and quantitative approaches can potentially be used to
understand the education of the children of farm workers, and more specifically access to college
for these students. Unlike quantitative research, which typically involves the empirical
investigation of phenomena via statistical/numerical data to examine quantitative relationships
(Given, 2008), qualitative research provides a means to understand the how and why of human
behavior. Qualitative researchers often seek a view “from the inside” (Flick, 2007) to uncover
36

how individuals understand, perceive, and interpret their social world through experiences
(Merriam, 2009; Sandelowski, 2004). By focusing on subjective meanings of metaphors,
symbols, and descriptions, qualitative researchers may capture an in-depth understanding of
social, cultural, or contextual happenings of a problem or issue (Creswell, 2007).
Researchers play an integral role in nearly all aspects of the work. The researcher has
discretion regarding the sample population, the time frame of the study and data collection, and
the definition of the problem or issue under study (Brown, 2008; Merriam, 2009). The
researcher also determines what will not be included in the study. In many ways, qualitative
researchers are an instrument of research (Eisner, 1991). Stake (1995) asserted that the most
important role of a qualitative researcher was to interpret data. He suggested that researchers can
obtain a better grasp of the phenomenon under study through thick description (Geertz, 1973), a
tool used by researchers to explain not only human behavior, but its context as well, such that the
behavior is meaningful to an outsider. The researcher typically plays a critical role in the
meaning making and communication of the themes, symbols, context, and interaction within
qualitative research.
Role of the researcher
As the investigator of the study, I played an active role in choosing a research setting,
identifying sample populations, deciding which questions to ask participants, deciding what
forms of data were relevant and how they were analyzed, and ultimately how the final report was
written (Jackson, 1996). As Lichtman (2010) states, “data are collected, information is gathered,
settings are viewed, and realities are constructed” by the researcher (p. 16). Given the significant
amount of discretion that a researcher has during the research process, being a reflexive
researcher is important throughout the research process (Alvesson & Sköldberg, 2009).
37

Reflexivity refers to the process of engaging in reflection and self-examination as a researcher
(MacBeth, 2001). This analytic exercise involves reflecting on one’s own assumptions,
preconceptions, and “conceptual baggage” (Kouritzin, Piquemal, & Norman, 2008, p. 190) of
how the researcher’s positionality may impact research decisions including the interpretation of
the data and relationship dynamics with participants (Hatch, 2002). The process of self-
examination in becoming a reflexive researcher may also include input from
participants/informants in the study by questioning and playing an active role in the research
process. Reflexivity not only allows for self-awareness on the part of the researcher, it may also
allow for greater clarity of the direction and objectives of the research (Alvesson & Sköldberg,
2009).
Why Use Qualitative Research?
Qualitative research can be effective in guiding researchers in examining social
phenomena in ways that conventional scientific methods may not necessarily capture.
Qualitative research enables an examination of phenomena in “real world settings [where] the
researcher does not attempt to manipulate the phenomenon of interest” (Patton, 2002, p. 39).
Instead the researcher focuses on understanding individuals in natural settings (as opposed to an
alternate setting such as a laboratory; Frey, Botan, & Kreps, 1999). Another strength of
qualitative research is the emic perspective
9
from which qualitative researchers can potentially
operate. By taking an emic approach, a researcher places an emphasis on the participants’ voices
to identify themes and patterns within the data (Headland, Pike, & Harris, 1990). While the etic
approach uses theory and hypotheses in its application to a new setting or population, the emic
approach places importance on the viewpoints of participants and context to guide the study. In
the case of researching the children of farm workers, the emic approach is ideal in understanding

9
The emic perspective is also referred to as “insider,” “inductive,” or “bottom-up” approach.
38

students’ educational and life experiences in a manner that brings forth participants’ voices
which may shape the researcher’s interpretations throughout the study as opposed to
emphasizing outsider knowledge (e.g., theory, past literature).
Data Collection
Qualitative work is generally comprised of data collection methods which include
observations, interviews, and the collection of artifacts and content/documents for analysis
(Adler & Adler, 1994). Observation, interviews, and content/document analysis were employed
in this study to provide a holistic interpretation of the participants, themes, and environment
under study. These multiple forms of data collection allow for an in-depth and comprehensive
understanding of the contextual factors that influence a student’s educational and social
experiences (Creswell, 2007; Hammersley & Atkinson, 2003).
Interviews. Interviews are a particularly important dimension of qualitative research
because they enable the researcher to capture data that may explain how themes, events, or
experiences fit into a broader context or area of study (Kvale, 2007). During the interviewing
process, the relationship between the researcher and the interviewee is rooted in understanding
the informant’s language and the information shared. Once interviews are completed, the
researcher analyzes the informants’ dialogue by identifying themes and relationships presented
in the data (Hatch, 2002). Throughout the interview process (as well as during the observation
process) qualitative researchers operate under the notion that even seemingly insignificant details
may ultimately be relevant to the study.
Observation. Observation is often a fundamental component of qualitative research.
Through observation, qualitative researchers can potentially gain a close and intimate familiarity
with the individuals or setting under study. Observation is rooted in the theory of symbolic
39

interactionism (Blumer, 1986), which assumes that individuals develop shared perspectives and
ideas through engaging with one another. The language, gestures, and behavior of individuals
have significance. For the researcher observing participants, there are a number of ways to
approach the process of observation. Typically observations are systematically planned and
recorded (e.g., using field notes), and serve a research purpose (Shank, 2006).
The way that a researcher conducts an observation can vary depending on the objective of
the researcher and the individual and setting under observation. A researcher may adhere to a
specific predetermined observational role/type. During much of my time as an observer, I often
played the role of either a complete observer or in some cases an observer-as-participant (Gold,
1958; Baker, 2005), in which I had little to no interaction with participants. For example, when I
observed the campus during the school’s lunch period, my status as a researcher was known by
very few students and my presence was usually non-existent. In this role of complete observer, I
would observe covertly by not making my identity as a researcher known to others, in which
case I would often passively listen and watch—sometimes from a distance (Baker, 2005).
However, while observing college-related events at the school (e.g., financial aid workshops,
college night), my role most closely fit with that of an observer-as-participant. This role
involved more observation than participation and my role as a researcher was not covert (with
regard to participants). Thus, a researcher’s engagement may be considered moderate
membership, but does not entail activities that may interfere with group membership. I would
typically sit in a corner or in the back of the room quietly as student/staff held their meetings.
Before beginning a meeting, a staff member or facilitator of the meeting would often allow me to
introduce myself to the group and inform everyone that I would be observing. However, I would
refrain from participation in any group activities or discussion.
40

Validity, Reliability, and Trustworthiness
One of the fundamental challenges researchers (both qualitative and quantitative) face
involves ensuring that research is valid, reliable, and ultimately trustworthy. Although there is a
great deal of variation in the way validity and reliability are both understood and applied across
many academic disciplines and methodological approaches (Guba & Lincoln, 1998; Morse et al.,
2002; Sandelowski, 1993), these terms have generally been used as standards in gauging the
trustworthiness (i.e., credibility or authenticity) of academic research.
There are two forms of validity generally involved in research: internal validity and
external validity (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Internal validity is concerned with the credibility
of a study’s findings. This form of validity is often assessed by whether the research objectives,
methods, and findings aligned in a way that is appropriate and coherent. External validity refers
to the transferability or the generalizability of the findings (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Firestone
(1993) suggests three forms of generalization: from sample to population, analytic (theory-
related), and case-to-case transfer (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Not all three forms of
generalizability apply to qualitative work. For example, qualitative research can be, and is often,
limited to a given context, group, process, or event. Qualitative research is not necessarily
consistent with the notion of generalizability (Stake, 1995). By contrast, reliability (also referred
to as dependability) generally involves the consistency of the study. That is, the reliability of a
study refers to whether a study (in particular its findings) are stable over time across methods and
researchers. Reliability has been widely considered a gauge for “quality control” in research
(Goetz & Lecompte, 1984). As I discuss in further detail later in the chapter, I employed a
number of strategies to ensure the validity, reliability, and the trustworthiness of the study.

41

Research Method
Research Site
The research site for the study was a public high school located on the outskirts of a rural,
agricultural town of approximately 50,000 people in California. The school served an estimated
2,800 students in grades 9-12. The school population had a large number of low-income,
Latina/o students from farm working families. An estimated 88% of the student population of
the school was Latina/o, 7% was White, 3% was African American, 1% was Native
American/American Indian, and 1% was Asian/Pacific Islander. Roughly 88% of the students at
the school were low-income. Half of the student population of the school identified as English
language learners, and an estimated 13% of the students participated in the Migrant Education
Program. Ninety-four percent of the students had parents who did not graduate from college.
Roughly 56% of seniors at Esperanza High School came from households in which at least one
of their parents has held employment in farm work; approximately 42% of seniors at the school
worked as field workers themselves.
Gaining Access
To gain access into Esperanza High School, I obtained permission from the school
district where the school is located as well as clearance from the Institutional Review Board
(IRB) at the University of Southern California. I have personal ties at the high school—my
sibling is a staff member at Esperanza High School. Having a close tie with an individual within
the school played a critical role in helping facilitate the process of gaining access to the school.
Often, a fundamental challenge of qualitative research is obtaining and maintaining access
among participants (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007). To gain access to a participant group or
research setting, researchers must often establish and build rapport with a gatekeeper, generally
42

defined as an individual with influence or relationships within the cultural group who can help
facilitate entry/access (Lutkehaus, 1996). To be sure, my sibling served as a gatekeeper in
vouching not only for my presence on the school’s campus, but in building support for the
research project among the Esperanza High School administration.
Having a sibling on campus enabled me to meet with administrators on campus including
the school principal and vice principals to present my research plan and the logistical details of
the project. Part of this discussion included an explanation of what was expected of students
who chose to participate in the study and how the study would be executed. I outlined the details
of the study and provided relevant logistical information which included a synopsis of the study
and recruitment materials for students, parents (in English and Spanish), and school personnel
(see Appendices A-F).
Participant Selection
The sample population for the study consisted of 40 high school students who identified
as the children of farm workers or as farm workers themselves (or both). One of the fundamental
objectives of the study was to examine how students from farm working backgrounds use social
networks and relationships during high school, and more specifically during the college
application process. Thus, participants recruited for the study were in their senior year of high
school and applying to college or determining plans beyond high school. Seniors were closer to
graduating and may have had a better sense of their post-graduation plans. Seniors also typically
have at least three years of high school experience which offers an opportunity to gain an in-
depth understanding of their social relationships and networks during this time period.
Participant recruitment for the study involved multiple stages. First, a survey
questionnaire was administered to the entire senior class at Esperanza High School. While
43

taking the survey, students were asked if they (a) have at least one parent/guardian who works as
a farm worker or (b) worked as a farm worker themselves. Thereafter, students who met one or
both of the criteria were summoned to a recruitment session where they were presented with
information regarding the study. During each of the recruitment sessions, I spoke to roughly 30-
40 students with farm working backgrounds.
After introducing myself as an alumnus of Esperanza High School, I spoke briefly of my
own educational path and in greater detail about the research I was conducting and its overall
objectives. I presented students with relevant information and requisite forms as required by the
Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of Southern California. Some of the
information provided to students included topics regarding voluntary participation; compensation
and potential benefits of participation; privacy and confidentiality; and the time and length of the
study. Because participants, or a parent/guardian, could be undocumented, I assured students
both verbally and in writing that the study would not involve any questions on immigration
status.
Students who participated in the study were provided with a $5 Starbucks gift card for
their time. In addition, three $10 iTunes gift cards were raffled for students who returned a
signed consent form the following day. Students interested in participating were asked to return
a consent form with their signature along with the signature of a parent/guardian. Thereafter, on-
campus interviews were scheduled with each of the 40 students who signed up and agreed to
participate in the study. As a form of reciprocation, I offered my guidance and mentorship to
each student who participated in the study. I offered my support in assisting students with
college and financial aid applications as well as discussing college options, fields of study, and
future career paths. I provided students with my contact information (i.e., email and phone
44

number) so that they could contact me with school-related questions or concerns. Just under half
of the students I interviewed reached out to me with questions or concerns. While many of the
students who contacted me had relatively minor, logistical college-related questions (e.g.,
“Where do I find a list of majors at the school I want to apply?”), I assisted a small number of
students more extensively. I helped approximately one quarter of the students in filling out their
college application(s) and/or financial aid application. Additionally, in the moments following
student interviews, I spent roughly 25-35 minutes with each of the 40 students generally
explaining the college application process and financial aid. For example, following my second
set of interviews with students (which occurred in January and February) I spoke with students
about financial aid deadlines, how to fill out the financial aid application, and common types of
financial aid available to students (California Grant, Pell Grants, scholarships, loans, etc.).
Students often took the opportunity to ask me specific college-related questions during
our meetings and I provided information and guidance to the best of my knowledge and ability.
In doing so, I helped students with the college application process considerably, and in many
ways, served as an institutional agent for students. I acted as a conduit of social capital by
offering a range of support for college—pointing out websites that students could visit for
college-related information, helping students call colleges for information or to follow up on
applications, advising students of scholarships and how to apply, and motivating students to
pursue their educational goals. Similarly, I served as a role model to students as I shared stories
of my own educational experiences and the benefits of attending college. I also encouraged
students to seek out other institutional agents on campus (high school counselor, migrant
education counselor, college representative) for information when they had specific questions or
had questions I could not answer.
45

By acting as an institutional agent, I provided students with college knowledge and
information that they potentially would not have received otherwise. Although I often provided
support to students after our interviews were complete, I potentially (or likely) altered students’
experiences in applying to college. While it is plausible that five of the 40 students I interviewed
would not have applied to a postsecondary institution or completed a financial aid application
without my guidance, the remaining 35 students’ academic/career plans were not likely altered
by my support. The five students described here would have likely missed submission deadlines
for college applications and/or financial aid. As a result, I was able to intervene and assist these
students in attending college.
I also conducted formal and informal
10
interviews with seven academic personnel at
Esperanza High School. During the eight months that I spent at Esperanza High School, I was
able to establish and maintain relationships with administrators, counselors, teachers, and staff.
Nearly all of the academic personnel and school staff with whom I had the opportunity to build
relationships were aware of the research study and its purpose. My relationship with academic
personnel on campus was generally cordial and professional, and many school staff often voiced
positive support in welcoming my work to the campus. In establishing these relationships with
school staff, I was able to recruit academic personnel to participate in the study. This form of
personal solicitation often began with a polite mention that I was seeking school staff members
to interview as a part of the study (in addition to students). After gauging the interest of school
staff members in participating, I would follow up with those individuals who demonstrated
interest in being interviewed by providing them with greater detail of the study. This entailed
providing an information sheet and logistics about participation and their role as participants. I

10
Informal interviews typically took place in the form of casual conversations with participants. Unlike formal
interviews, informal interviews were not recorded and notes were not taken during the conversation.
46

typically informed potential participants of issues of privacy and anonymity, compensation, and
time required to complete interviews. Once participants volunteered to partake in an interview, I
scheduled a time and place to meet on campus with the interviewee.
Sample
All of the student participants identified as the children of farm workers and nearly all of
the participants (n = 35) performed farm work themselves during their youth. As Table 2
demonstrates, 14 of the 40 students lived in migrant farm working households, travelling 75
miles or more in search of employment in agriculture during parts of the year. All of the
students were first-generation college students. Fifteen of the students had one or more siblings
who had postsecondary experience. All of the participants were of Latina/o descent and
identified as either first- or second-generation immigrants from Mexico. Fifteen of the 40
students were foreign born. An estimated two-thirds of the participants (n = 27) were females
and one-third (n = 13) were males. The underrepresentation of males in the sample is, in many
ways, consistent with the education literature which suggests that males in high school are often
less likely to seek out relationships or participate in social activities (e.g., participating in a series
of interviews) compared to female students (Good, Dell, & Mintz, 1989; Gross & McMullen,
1983; Wisch, Mahalik, & Nutt, 1995). Similarly, Latino males tend to pursue postsecondary
school less often than their female counterparts. Thus, while male and female students were
equally recruited to take part in the study, the underrepresentation of male students is potentially
reflective of the lack of interest or inclination of males in volunteering for such activities in
school.

47

Table 2
Student Backgrounds
Student
Name
Birthplace Older Sibling(s)
Attending/ Graduate
from College
Highest Parent
Education Level
Migrant
Student
Juan Mexico --- Less than high school 
Carolina U.S. --- Less than high school
Eva U.S. University of California Less than high school
Reynalda U.S. University of California Less than high school
Eric Mexico --- Less than high school
Tony U.S. Community College Less than high school 
Ruben U.S. --- Less than high school
Leticia Mexico Community College Less than high school 
Christina U.S. --- Less than high school
Daniela U.S. Vocational/ Technical
School
High school/ GED

Dora Mexico --- Less than high school 
Natalia U.S. --- Less than high school 
Elizabeth Mexico --- Less than high school 
Mario Mexico Vocational/ Technical
School
Less than high school

Patricia U.S. --- Less than high school
Rosa U.S. Community College High school/ GED
Fidel Mexico --- Less than high school 
Maria U.S. California State
University
High school/ GED

Yolanda U.S. --- Less than high school 
Martha Mexico --- Less than high school
Gloria U.S. --- Less than high school
Margarita U.S. --- Less than high school 
Manuel U.S. --- Less than high school
Sandra U.S. Community College Less than high school
Jessie U.S. California State
University
Less than high school

Lucy U.S. Community College Less than high school
Liliana Mexico University of California Less than high school 
Jennifer U.S. --- High school/ GED
Marisa U.S. Private College/
University
High school/ GED

Alex U.S. Private College/
University
High school/ GED

Karla Mexico --- Less than high school
Carlos Mexico --- Less than high school 
48

Sofia U.S. --- Less than high school
Rita U.S. --- Less than high school
Lorenzo U.S. University of California Less than high school 
Karina Mexico --- Less than high school
Carmen U.S. --- Less than high school
Robert Mexico --- Less than high school
Melissa Mexico --- Less than high school
Mateo Mexico --- Less than high school

During my time at Esperanza, I spoke with seven staff members
11
at the school. These
individuals worked with students in a range of different capacities. I also held informal
conversations with a number of academic personnel which included teachers, administrators,
counselors, and school staff. While these conversations were often informative in learning about
processes, events, and logistics on campus, these individuals did not formally agree to participate
in the study. Hence the data provided by these staff members were not included in this study.
Data Collection Methods
Data collection for the study occurred over a period of eight months of the academic year
(October to May). From October to December, I was usually on campus four days per week. I
visited the campus from 9:30am-3pm on most days. From January to May, I was on campus an
average of three days per week from 9:30am-3pm. Table 3 below demonstrates the methods
used to collect different forms of data which were collected at various points during the
academic year.

11
To protect the anonymity of the seven staff members at EHS, identifiers such as the job title, race/ethnicity, and
gender of the participants were not included in the study.
49

Table 3
Data Collection Schedule
Method Participants Time Span Location

Informal
Interviews
EHS general student
population

October-May EHS campus
EHS staff/personnel October-May EHS campus; nearby
restaurants

Informal
Observations
EHS student
population
October-May EHS campus: school
community spaces
during break, lunch,
after-school, school
events; surrounding
neighborhood

Formal Interviews EHS senior from
farm working
backgrounds (40)

October-April EHS campus,
administration office
conference room

EHS staff/personnel
(7)
January-April EHS campus,
administration office
conference room
Formal
Observations
EHS students from
farm working
backgrounds
November-March EHS library: college
outreach sessions
and college help
sessions

Document Analysis EHS students from
farm working
backgrounds

October-May Student transcripts,
writing samples/
essays, email/
correspondence

EHS and local
community

October-May EHS school website,
EHS Facebook page,
local newspaper,
school bulletins

50

Interviews
Data collection for the study entailed one-on-one interviews with students and school
personnel on campus. Specifically, formal interviews were conducted with 40 students and
seven school personnel. Each student participated in two interviews throughout the school year.
The first interview was conducted in the fall during the beginning of the school year—prior to
(or during) the college application process. A follow-up interview was conducted during the
spring semester after students had applied to college. The rationale for interviewing during and
after the college application deadlines was to capture students’ experiences throughout the
college application process.
In April, I communicated with students via email to gather information regarding each
participant’s plans beyond high school (e.g., pursue a postsecondary education, enlist in the
military, seek employment, undecided, etc.). For those students choosing to pursue a
postsecondary education, I collected information about which school they planned to attend. For
students who did not enroll in a postsecondary institution, I collected information regarding their
plans for the following year.
To conduct interviews with students, the school principal allowed me regular use of a
small conference room in the school’s administration office. Although the small conference
room contained a large glass door and wall pane which allowed for passersby to see into the
room, the content of the interviews was not audible to others. These interviews followed a semi-
structured format and I used an interview protocol for my interviews with students and school
staff (see Appendices H and I). During the interviews, I typically took handwritten notes and
used a digital voice recorder to record our conversations. These recordings were later
51

transcribed and stored on a password protected computer. The first set of student interviews
averaged 65 minutes and the second set of student interviews ran approximately 45 minutes.
One-hour interviews were also conducted with seven academic personnel at Esperanza
High School. I typically scheduled interviews after school during a time that was convenient for
the participant. Similar to my interviews with students, interviews took place in a private
conference room. Each participant was assured of their anonymity and was informed that their
position, relationship, and status with their employer or colleagues would not be affected in any
way as a result of their participation or by the data provided as a part of the study. I refrained
from asking participants sensitive questions regarding students, school staff, or the school at
large that could potentially place the interviewee at risk of losing employment or creating
conflict within the workplace. I also avoided asking questions that would prompt responses in
which the participants or others on campus could be identified personally—hence protecting the
anonymity students and staff at the school.
In addition to interviews with academic personnel, I also held informal interviews with
academic personnel which often took place in a range of different settings. I spent a significant
amount of time informally speaking with school staff and administrators about the school—it’s
culture, students, and staff. These discussions often occurred in casual settings such as nearby
restaurants during lunch or in the teacher’s lounge on campus. These conversations were not
recorded; however, following these discussions I typically took hand-written notes of the
conversations.
Observations
Data collection included both formal and informal observations of the campus and school
events. During my eight months on campus, I was able to observe a wide population of students
52

(which included farm working students) in a variety of different contexts. In addition to
spending time observing routine social events such as lunch, break, and after-school, I also
observed various school happenings such as rallies and sporting events to gather information
about the school’s culture and relationships among students and staff. Similarly, I observed
events related to college and the application process including workshops and presentations by
college outreach representatives.
Document Analysis
Another form of data collection used for the study was document/content analysis. To
supplement interviews and observations, the use of documents such as school transcripts, grade
reports, and student writing (e.g., personal statements for college and scholarship applications)
were used to examine students’ academics and experiences. This data was used to gain a better
understanding of students’ academic standing (e.g., school transcripts and grade reports) and to
better understand students’ life and educational experiences (e.g., personal statements and
student essays). With each student I interviewed, we spoke about topics including classes,
grades, social relationships, and college applications. I used students’ college and financial aid
applications to gauge whether students were experiencing issues or difficulties while completing
the application. For example, if a student experienced significant issues in completing their
college application(s) or struggled with a class (based on their school transcript), I would use this
as an opportunity to ask the student about academic support. Using this information acted as a
tool for me to begin to better understand students’ social relationships and assess students’ help-
seeking behavior as it related to academics and college-going.
I followed school happenings and events on campus which allowed me to further
examine the school’s campus culture and environment. To do so, I used online resources
53

including the school’s Facebook page and official website as well as on-campus bulletins to learn
of campus events and news related to the school. I also collected school related documents
which included Esperanza’s mission statement and campus flyers. To gather information
regarding community events and local community culture, I regularly followed the local
newspaper and paid particular attention to local news related to education within the school
district, and more specifically, Esperanza High School.
Challenges
Building Rapport
The time needed to obtain access, build rapport, and ultimately become familiar with a
given cultural group is critical for qualitative researchers (Creswell, 2007). On my first day on
campus, my sibling introduced me to the principal of the school, four vice principals, and several
high school counselors, teachers, and administrative support staff. During my time at Esperanza
High School, I gradually became acquainted with additional school personnel. Given that my
interviews with school personnel began at a later point in the study, I focused my initial efforts
on building rapport with students.
Building rapport with students began with my first interaction with Esperanza students
during my recruitment sessions. Part of this process involved introducing my work to students—
discussing my personal background, the aim of the study, and how I hoped to help students in
their academic path. I introduced myself as an education researcher, but I also made it clear to
students that I was not only a former Esperanza student, but that I also came from a farm
working background. After discussing the research project, I spent approximately 15 minutes of
each session casually speaking with students and answering any questions that students had
related to the study, my work, or my college experience. During this period, students often asked
54

me questions about my own experiences both as a former student of Esperanza High School and
about my experiences as a college student. Students also asked questions somewhat unrelated to
school or education. Students asked where I lived, and if I had any plans of moving back home;
other students asked if I was married or if I had children. Although some questions were
somewhat personal and were not directly related to the study, I welcomed having a casual yet
personal and open conversation with students. In many ways, this ultimately served as a first
step in building rapport with students.
Researcher Bias
I have multiple personal connections to the campus and student population under study.
First, my sibling is a staff member at Esperanza High School. He acted as a gatekeeper by
introducing me to key school personnel including the school administration. He also acted as an
informant by providing me with important information regarding campus events and
administrative protocols on campus. However, my sibling’s status as an employee of the school
did not alter or influence the data presented in this study. The administration of Esperanza High
School enabled me to collect and report on any and all salient data that I collected and applied to
the study under the guidelines of the Institutional Review Board (IRB) at the University of
Southern California. In other words, the school administration granted me with full and
complete control of the data collection and encouraged an accurate depiction of the data I
collected during my eight months on the school’s campus.
Similar to the student participants in the study, I also have a personal background as a
farm worker who attended the school where the data is being collected. Understanding my own
experiences and biases while conducting the study was imperative. I was raised in the city where
the research site is located and I attended the high school where the data was collected. My
55

parents, siblings, and I worked as farm laborers for extended periods of time. My father worked
as a farm laborer from 1974 to 2012 and my mother worked picking crops from 1975 to 1991
and thereafter worked at a fruit packing company until 2001. My siblings and I each worked in
the fields (intermittingly because of school) during our youth. I also grew up in a neighborhood
and attended schools with high concentrations of farm working families. My personal and
educational experiences are much like those of the students represented in this study. This is
particularly important given my role and perspective as a researcher who has attempted to
understand the social and academic experiences of this particular demographic of students.
Throughout my research, it was important for me to refrain from assuming that I
necessarily understood the experiences and viewpoints of the participants in my research because
of the similarities or experiences we shared. This is not to claim that I felt the need to disconnect
myself entirely from the experiences of the participants. Rather, I viewed my research and my
understanding of the experiences of farm working students as a powerful tool in analyzing and
presenting my findings. I made a conscious effort to evaluate my own position and evaluate how
I viewed research participants and their environment. As a researcher, I have a decidedly critical
orientation—one that is often critical of social structures that potentially inhibit the success of
certain students and ultimately promote social reproduction in society. I recognize that my
experiences can potentially shape what I see as a researcher—and consequently result in the
misinterpretation of how I interpret and present data throughout the study.
As a person who comes from a low-income, immigrant farm working family, I am
inclined to recognize the psychological, social, and economic struggle of other individuals who
also fit this description. Thus, I am both an insider and an outsider simultaneously. Although
this is not necessarily a negative attribute as a researcher, I have been cognizant of the
56

experiences of the participants of this study in particular, and have refrained from applying the
experiences of others into the study. To address issues of bias, inconsistency, and
trustworthiness, I employed a number of methodological strategies.
One of the strategies I used to strengthen the internal validity of the study was to check
the accuracy of the data through member checks, in which the informants provided feedback or
verification of the data (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Member checks provide a critical purpose in
the study because they allow the researcher to verify facts and interpretations. One of the ways I
conducted member checks was to provide opportunities for participants to check for accuracy
within interviews and across interviews by following up with participants (usually during a
subsequent interview) to discuss my sense-making of the data. During interviews with students,
I generally wrote hand-written notes which I used to summarize key points or data. Near the end
of the interview, I debriefed with the student and verified that my understanding of the data was
accurate and appropriate. During follow-up interviews, I presented participants with a summary
of my understanding of the data and asked verification questions about our first interview. Near
the end of the second interview I repeated this process with the interviewee and summarized
what we discussed. This way, students were able to check the information during interviews and
across interviews. In addition, I relied on my colleagues for peer review. Doing so enabled me
to receive critical and valuable feedback regarding my interpretations and writing throughout the
study.
Another strategy that I used to strengthen the validity of the study was triangulation –
both data triangulation and methods triangulation (Mathison, 1988). Given that the data
collected in this study relied heavily on interviews, and in particular, the interpretations and
perceptions of participants and the researcher, it was imperative to identify multiple sources of
57

data to test the accuracy of the data collected. Doing so enabled me to conduct data quality
checks for bias, deceit, or informant knowledge (Miles & Huberman, 1994). One of the ways
that I ensured the validity of the study was through the triangulation of using multiple data
sources. Specifically, I gained a wide range of diverse perspectives and possible interpretations
which included interviewing participants with different positions or viewpoints. I interviewed
students in addition to school staff members to address the research questions of the study. I
captured the experiences and perspectives of individuals with different viewpoints which
allowed me to better understand the information being presented by participants as well as
develop and reinforce themes in the data. I also employed methodological triangulation which
included observations, interviews, surveys, and document/content analysis (e.g., I used student
transcripts, student writing samples, etc.) to capture a more comprehensive and complete
understanding of the data (Creswell, 2007). Using these methodological techniques and
strategies enabled me to improve the trustworthiness of the data presented in the following
chapter.

58

Chapter 4
Illustrating Farm Working Students’ Educational Experiences and Social Capital
“If you're not frightened that you might fail, you'll never do the job. If you're frightened, you'll
work like crazy.”
- César Chávez

“I started my eighth grade year,” Juan tells me. “I went and I helped my parents pick
fruit for the first time. It was the worst thing ever. My parents would wake me up around four in
the morning, get ready, get in a car, drive somewhere far – I wouldn’t even know where – and
get to work.” I ask Juan if he learned anything from his experiences, to which he replies, “I
learned that the world is cruel to people. I never expected it to be that way. I always thought my
parents just did easy work. It was nothing like that, I was tired, I was cold.” Juan continues by
explaining his job responsibilities, “I would have to fill up an 80-pound bag of fruit and carry it
to a [bin], unload it, and then go back and do it all over again. Nothing changes.” Juan is not
fond of farm labor, he says, “What bothered me the most was, not that the fact that people are
there because they want to, it's because they have to. Watching my mother having to carry
around an 80-pound bag made me real sad – it made me feel bad.”
For several months out of the year, Juan and his family travel out of California to Oregon
and Washington in search of work in the fields. When they travel out of state, they live in a
campo, a labor camp in which multiple farm working families live in a set of field barracks or
shacks typically located in isolated rural areas. His summer and winter breaks are typically spent
picking an assortment of fruits and vegetables alongside his parents and three younger sisters.
Sometimes, he says, he misses parts of the school year because of work. He does not go to
59

summer school or participate in academic activities during school vacations. When his family
returns to California, they return to a two-bedroom apartment in a low-income neighborhood
where the constant threat of gang activity tends to keep him and his siblings indoors. He tells me
that a close family member was in a local gang and is currently doing a long-term prison
sentence as a result. Because of this, he says, he does not spend much time in the neighborhood,
“I’m mostly inside doing homework or reading or something. I might go out, maybe on a
Saturday afternoon with my sisters and my cousin. We’ll just go to the park or something and
that’s about it.”
Juan is currently a high school senior at Esperanza High School. Like many of his peers
in school, he hopes to graduate from high school and pursue a college education. He is an
honors student who maintains a 3.6 grade point average (GPA) and hopes to someday attend a
four-year university, preferably San Francisco State University. His life experiences, like many
farm working students at Esperanza High, are characterized by hard work, perseverance, and
family struggle. His dedication to school is driven in large part, to what he describes as,
“avoiding a future working in the fields.” But Juan’s path to college, like that of many farm
working students, is not fully understood. As the first person in his family to attend college, he
is tasked with carving out a path to college – a potentially complex process that requires students
to identify sources of information and support in order to successfully apply and enroll in a
postsecondary institution – a process, which he admits, is unfamiliar to him. When I ask Juan if
anyone has helped him in preparing to apply to college, he says, “Of course – my [high school]
counselor, a CSU [representative], some of my friends, and my sister.” He continues by
explaining, “[I always ask others] for help because I can't do it by myself.” Juan’s reliance on a
variety of people in his social network will, as he says, “get [him] to college.”
60

The manner in which students use relationships to navigate the path to college during
their senior year of high school is the root of this chapter. Relationships with institutional agents
can be vital in providing students with timely and accurate information and guidance to pursue
higher education. Many students, like Juan, come from low-income farm working families with
aspirations of going to college. Yet little is known about why some students are successful in
applying to college and others in this demographic fail. This chapter focuses on students’ social
relationships with different people (whether at home, school, or in the community) who
influence the college application process. I begin with a discussion of how students’ experiences
as field laborers serve as a catalyst for the pursuit of higher education. I present data which
identifies the various individuals within students’ social networks who provide information,
guidance, and support during the college application process. I also examine the role of trusting
relationships, described here as confianza, among students and institutional agents at Esperanza
High School. Thereafter, I investigate the role of gender as it relates to students’ relationships
with institutional agents at Esperanza High and relationships within the household. In doing so, I
outline how gender shapes domestic roles, parent expectations, and students’ help-seeking
behavior. I conclude by examining how farm work influences students’ educational experiences
with regard to social relationships as well as their ability and willingness to participate in
academic activities that may help foster relationships with institutional agents.
While the sample population of 40 students in this study is generally representative of the
school population as a whole with regard to ethnicity/race, income, and place of residence, the
sample population is not entirely reflective of the general student population of Esperanza High
School with regard to academics. That is, the 40 students discussed here are in good academic
standing and nearly all of them have completed the A-G requirements, a series of high school
61

courses that students must successfully pass to be eligible for admission to the University of
California (UC) and California State University (CSU). Table 4 provides a distribution of
students’ post-high school graduation plans. Of the 40 students interviewed, 33 students
received admission and planned to enroll in a postsecondary institution: nine to the University of
California; 14 to the California State University system; and 10 to a California Community
College. Of the seven students who did not enroll in a postsecondary institution, three enlisted in
the military and four planned to work full-time.
Table 4
Student Plans Post-High School Graduation

University of
California
California
State
University
CA
Community
College
Military
Work Full-
Time

Student
Plans

9

14

10

3

4

The 40 students described here are college-bound students, most of who are on track to
attend a 4-year college/university
12
. Although a survey questionnaire completed at the beginning
of the school year revealed that 94% of all Esperanza High School seniors planned to pursue a
postsecondary education, self-reported data from the survey also demonstrated that just over half
(55%) of all Esperanza seniors have their A-G requirements complete. Similarly, data from past
class cohorts demonstrate that less than 19% of Esperanza graduates ultimately enroll in a
postsecondary institution upon graduation. Thus, while only one out of five students school-
wide tends to attend college after graduating from Esperanza High, nearly all of the students in
the sample have been accepted to a postsecondary school. Yet as the data demonstrate, students’

12
See Appendix A for individual profiles of each student’s background.
62

experiences in applying to college vary widely. These differences are often manifested in the
ways that students use social relationships (with individuals at school or away from school)
during the application process.
Farm Work as a Catalyst for Higher Education
“It scares me to think, ‘What if I don't get accepted into a college?’ It scares me. That's
been my biggest fear because I know that if I don't get accepted, I have no other skill or talent to
fall back on but field work,” one student tells me. She goes on to explain that her parents have
been “locked” into field work since arriving to the U.S. nearly two decades ago. Although labor
research suggests that the children of farm workers rarely continue working as field laborers
themselves into adulthood (Mehta et al., 2000), a majority of students I speak with are motivated
to go to college, in large part, because of their experience (and the experience of their family)
working in the fields. One student says, “I look at my dad and my older brothers, and I think, we
can’t [continue] doing this. My dad, I see him work hard. He comes back [home] tired, goes to
sleep, doesn't talk a lot. Whenever I have kids, I want to spend time with them [not in the fields].
I don't want to need to do such hard work. That will keep me in school – to get an education, to
get an associate's degree.” Another student tells me, “A lot of [middle-class] kids get what they
want and they see that their parents are successful and they know that all the support is going to
come from their parents. For me, it wasn't like that. I had seen how my parents struggled and it
actually helped me out by working in the fields. It [made me] determined to pursue an education
and go to college.”
Many students I speak with express that field work, in many ways, taught them a hard
lesson by keeping them disciplined in school. One student shares, “It was just like a lesson of
what not to do…and to do good in school. It's really hard work, and [my parents] wanted us to
63

learn from that – to be a hard worker, to strive to do better.” Another student adds, “Doing
[field] work, I learned not to do anything bad, always stay in school, and make the right
choices.” Another student embarrassingly tells me, “My parents used to take me and my brother
out to the fields to work when we were misbehaving or when we got [bad grades] in school. My
mom used to tell us, ‘Okay, now you’re gonna work it off.’ [Laughs] After that, I got serious
about school.” One student says that field work offers students an “experience of what you're
getting into if you don't continue your educational journey. If you stop [going to school] at some
point, you know where you're going to [end up]. If you continue [in school], it will take you
somewhere better than work out there.”
“It motivated me to try hard in school – to actually accomplish my goals to go to college
and maybe get a better job,” one student says. When I ask one student what she thinks of
working in the fields, she simply replies, “It’s hot. It’s dirty. I hate it.” She continues by saying,
“It's too much work, I’d rather just be at home studying or reading or something….When I was
working, [all I would think of is], ‘I wish I was in the classroom right now – I’d rather be in
school.’” Another student tells me:
I realized [farm work] could be my future. I used to think [to myself], ‘Do I really want
this for my future?’ My parents made me see that I didn't want it. This played a big role
in me wanting to go to college and strive for better.
One student describes her first experience working in the fields after discussing how her parents
were struggling with finances. Despite her initial enthusiasm for field work, she realized the
difficulty of physical labor.
I was in fourth grade when my parents had a bad [financial situation], so my mom made
me and all my siblings go to work with them in la tabla [picking grapes]. And when we
64

went, that was the first time I had ever gone to the fields and for me, the first day, it
was like: ‘Oh, yaay, this is fun!’ And then, when we got there, [shakes head] it was
awful. It was filthy with dirt and everything and then the next day, I didn't want to wake
up because I was sore and it was so early…. [Later on] we went to la poda [pruning
grapevines] in the winter. Then, every summer, we would go to Oregon and pick
blueberries and strawberries.... I remember telling my mom that I didn't want to do it, and
then she would come up with this whole lesson of like, ‘Oh, you know you gotta try
harder in school.’ She would say all kinds of things when I said I was tired. I would be
like, ‘I don't want to do this anymore,’ and [my parents] would always say, ‘Pues si así
quieres acabar…entonces échale ganas a la escuela.’ [If you can’t handle this, you’d
better work hard in school].
She continues by describing how her brother’s academic experience after immigrating to the
U.S. has kept her motivated to continue her education.
My brother, he went to school [in the U.S.] for a month and then he dropped out of high
school. He said [school] was too hard and my parents didn't push him to keep going, so
he just dropped out and he went immediately to working in the fields. So my parents
always tell us, ‘Look at your brother now.’ He regrets not going to school because let’s
say a [letter] comes in the mail and he doesn't know how to fill it out or he doesn't know
what it says because it's in English, he has to come to us [younger siblings] to ask for
help and for us to read it to him. And the work he’s doing, he may have to do it
permanently.
Students in the sample unanimously agree that the harsh realities of the farm working
experience influenced their future academic and career goals. As the students describe above,
65

while the challenge of having to do farm working tasks can potentially place a significant strain
on students’ time and physical health, it also causes many students to view education as a vehicle
to social mobility and away from working in the fields as adults.
¿Le Tienes Confianza? Building Social Capital with Institutional Agents

The first time I meet with Carolina is in early November of the school year. She walks
into the room with her hands and arms full of items she has accumulated throughout the school
day. She is carrying a poster for a class project, two large bags of candy for different clubs for
which she is selling, several heavy textbooks, and all the while she is wearing an oversized
backpack stuffed to the brim. As she hastily places her belongings down to begin our
conversation, she explains that she just finished a test in one of her classes. I begin by asking her
about the classes she is taking, and how her classes are going. She tells me that she is currently
taking, “AP Biology, AP Literature, Calculus, AP Art, Economics, and Sports P.E.” As we
discuss her courses, she mentions that she has a 4.3 GPA and is a school athlete. She is also
involved in six different clubs on campus, two of which she holds leadership roles. When I ask
about her plans beyond high school she says she plans to attend a school in the University of
California (UC) or California State University (CSU) system, and thereafter apply to medical
school to become a doctor. When I ask how the college application is going, she says that she
has been in talks with a representative of the UC system and that she took the SAT exam twice.
She has also been doing preliminary research online regarding different medical school options,
determining which schools have the best training, graduation rates, and job placement rates. By
all accounts, Carolina appears to be on the path to college.
Two months later in January, I meet with Carolina to follow up with her about the college
application process. Similar to our initial conversation, she hurriedly walks into the room with
66

her arms full of belongings. As we begin our conversation, Carolina appears visibly distraught.
She explains that she failed to apply to any colleges and that she has missed all of the application
deadlines. When I ask what went wrong, she says, “I don’t know. I was just stressed out and
had so much going on – I just missed the deadlines.” As she speaks, she is clearly troubled by
her situation. She tells me that she is questioning whether she should go to college at all. She
says, “I might just go to community [college] – or maybe I’m just not gonna go to college.” She
also discusses potentially going to the Army instead of college. When I ask her why she wants
to go to the Army she replies, “Because the military gives you hands-on experience.” She says
she has already had a “[preliminary] talk with a sergeant in the Army” about her enlisting.
To be sure, a majority of students who I speak with at Esperanza High School did not
have the same experience as Carolina in applying (or not applying) to college. Nearly all of the
students with whom I speak successfully applied to college. But what can be made of Carolina’s
experience? Similar to many of her peers, Carolina’s relationships with institutional agents (or
lack thereof) played a potentially critical role in shaping her experience in applying to college.
In Carolina’s case, she says she “mostly handled stuff on [her] own” with regard to college
applications. During the application process, she communicated less and less with the UC
representative as the application deadlines approached. Carolina tells me she “did not seek
support” and briefly spoke to her counselor “one to two times” during her senior year. When I
ask her why she did not seek out her counselor or make an appointment with her counselor, she
replies, “The counselor – sometimes you can’t find them on campus, they’re busy.” Although
the counselors who I speak with on campus acknowledge that their time spent in the office is
often limited by a hectic schedule which includes staff meetings, course planning, and
professional development, they also suggest that students can make appointments and meet with
67

their counselor at any point during the academic year. Carolina also clarifies to me that she
should have sought out support from personnel on campus.
Would Carolina’s experience have been different had she received support from or held
relationships with one or more individuals who could have offered guidance, information, or
motivation to complete the college application process? Carolina tells me that she does not have
“confianza” with anyone on campus. That is, she does not have a relationship with anyone on
campus whom she trusts regarding her schooling experience – and in particular regarding the
college application process. Carolina’s hesitation to seek out her counselor in a time of stress
and uncertainty is reflected in part by her feeling that she does not have someone who can offer
her information, feedback, or social-emotional support when needed. Having a relationship with
a mentor or pro-academic peer may potentially alter a student’s academic path by providing
adequate knowledge and guidance during moments of uncertainty or distress caused by
academics in general and the college application process in particular. Thus, the following
section identifies the sources of support (or lack thereof) that students in this population
generally rely on to prepare and complete the college application process.
Applying to College: Identifying Sources of Support
The student population in this study collectively relies on a wide range of individuals
and resources to prepare and complete the college application process; this range of individuals
includes family members, school personnel, peers, and online sources. Individually, some
students rely on several people for information, guidance, and support in order to apply to
college. However, not all students in the study report seeking or receiving support from others
before or during the application process. The reasons why students in this group tend to rely, or
68

not rely, on certain individuals at their school or in their community are topics that I will discuss
in further sections.
Table 5
Primary Sources of College-Going Information by Academic/Career Path
University of
California
California
State
University
CA
Community
College
Military Work Full-
Time
Multiple
Individuals
8 10 3 1 0

One
Individual
1 4 2 0 0

No
Support
0 0 5 2 4

As Table 5 demonstrates, roughly half of the students in the sample receive support from
multiple people on campus or within their household to apply to college. While approximately
one-quarter of the students rely predominately on one sole person for support, the remaining
quarter of students do not rely on others during the application process. Of the support students
receive at Esperanza High School, much of this support generally derives from students’
relationships with high school counselors, participation in pro-college organizations/ college
outreach programs, and peer relationships. Often times the support students receive is, to
varying degrees, complemented by support from other institutional agents on campus such as
high school counselors, teachers, or peers. In a minority of cases, students receive support at
home; these students typically receive technical support (i.e., information, guidance) to apply
from older siblings, but receive social-emotional support from their parents.
Table 5 also shows that each of the 23 Esperanza students who plan to attend a four-year
university (i.e., a UC or CSU campus) receive support from at least one staff member on campus.
69

Of the nine students who are accepted to a UC campus, eight receive help from more than one
institutional agent on campus. Similarly, 10 of the 14 students who are accepted to a CSU
campus receive help from more than one institutional agent. Students who plan to attend
community college are less likely to receive help. Of the 10 students who plan to attend a
community college, half of the students receive help from a staff member on campus and three of
these students receive support from more than one institutional agent. For those students
enlisting in the military, only one of the three students receives support regarding college.
Meanwhile, none of the students who plan to work full-time upon graduation receive support
from institutional agents on campus.
Given the data, it is not entirely clear whether those students who are accepted into four-
year universities are better able or more willing to seek support or whether institutional agents
reach out to this group of college-bound students more consistently
13
. It is plausible that both of
these factors play a role in shaping these relationships. Nonetheless, the data suggest that if a
student is accepted to a four-year college, they likely rely on an institutional agent for support.
Conversely, if a student is not accepted (or did not apply) to a four-year college, they likely do
not receive support from an institutional agent on campus. To be sure, all of the 40 students with
whom I speak have an interest in attending college at the beginning of their senior year.
The degree to which Esperanza students are able to receive support for college is dictated
in part by their participation in pro-college organizations/clubs on campus which helps facilitate
access to information and guidance. Table 6 demonstrates that 23 out of the 40 students in the
sample participate in at least one of five pro-college organizations at Esperanza High. These
organizations/programs include the Advancement Via Individual Determination (AVID)

13
In Chapter 5, I discuss how students who are on track to complete the A-G requirements are generally summoned
out of class to speak with their high school counselor about college.
70

program, Upward Bound, California Scholarship Federation (CSF), UC Scholars, and the
Migrant Education Program, which generally provide students in the sample with important
information, guidance, and support to successfully apply and gain admission to postsecondary
institutions.
Table 6
Student Profile for College
Student
Name
HS
GPA
College
Preparation
Organizations/
Clubs
Primary Sources for College-
Going Information
Post-High School
Plans
Juan 3.6 UC Scholars; CSF
High School Counselor; Sister
(High School Student); Friends
University of
California
Carolina 4.3 CSF; UC Scholars UC Representative
CA Community
College
Eva 4.3
UC Scholars;
Upward Bound;
CSF
High School Counselor; UC
Representative; Upward Bound
Counselor; Brother (UC
student)
University of
California
Reynalda 4.2
UC Scholars;
Upward Bound;
CSF
High School Counselor; UC
Representative; Upward Bound
Counselor; Brother (UC
student)
University of
California
Eric 3.5 ---
High School Counselor; CSU
Representative
California State
University
Tony 2.7 --- Did no apply to college Work full-time
Ruben 3.3 AVID
AVID Teacher; Elementary
School Teacher
Military (Student
was accepted to
CSU but opted to
enlist in the military)
Leticia 3.0
Migrant Education
Program
Migrant Education Counselor;
Sister (Community College
Student)
California State
University
Christina 4.1 UC Scholars; CSF
UC Representative; High
School Counselor; Friends
California State
University
Daniela 3.8
AVID; UC
Scholars; CSF
AVID Teacher; UC
Representative; High School
Counselor; School Librarian;
Mother; Friends
California State
University
Dora 4.0 Upward Bound Upward Bound Counselor
University of
California
71

Natalia 2.4
Migrant Education
Program
---
CA Community
College
Elizabeth 3.8 ---
High School Counselor;
Teacher; Friends
California State
University
Mario 2.5 --- Did not apply to college Work full-time
Patricia 4.3 UC Scholars UC Representative; Teacher
University of
California
Rosa 3.3 Upward Bound Upward Bound Counselor
California State
University
Fidel 2.5
Migrant Education
Program
Migrant Education Counselor;
High School Counselor;
Teacher
CA Community
College
Maria 3.8 AVID AVID Teacher; Friends
California State
University
Yolanda 2.9 AVID AVID Teacher
CA Community
College
Martha 2.8 --- ---
CA Community
College
Gloria 4.1 UC Scholars; CSF
UC Representative; CSU
Representative; Friends
University of
California
Margarita 2.9 Upward Bound Upward Bound Counselor
California State
University
Manuel 3.4 ---
High School Counselor; Sister;
Friends
CA Community
College
Sandra 2.6 --- Did not apply to college Military
Jessie 3.4
Migrant Education
Program
Migrant Education Counselor
California State
University
Leslie 2.6 --- Did not apply to college Work full-time
Liliana 3.7 UC Scholars; CSF
UC Representative; CSU
Representative; Brother (UC
Student); Friends
University of
California
Jennifer 2.4 --- ---
CA Community
College
Marisa 3.2 AVID; CSF AVID Teacher; Sister
California State
University
Alex 3.6 --- High School Counselor; Sister
California State
University
Karla 2.5 --- ---
CA Community
College
Carlos 3.3 ---
High School Counselor; Sister;
Friends
California State
University
Sofia 2.7 AVID Did not apply to college Military
Rita 3.5 --- Did not apply to college Work full-time
Lorenzo 3.9 UC Scholars; CSF
UC Representative; CSU
Representative; Sibling; Friends
University of
California
Karina 3.7 UC Scholars; CSF UC Representative; CSU California State
72

Representative; High School
Counselor
University
Carmen 4.3
AVID; Upward
Bound
AVID Teacher; Upward Bound;
High School Counselor
University of
California
Robert 2.7 --- ---
CA Community
College
Melissa 3.7 --- High School Counselor
California State
University
Mateo 2.5 --- High School Counselor; Friends
CA Community
College

As shown in Table 6, seven students in the sample were participants in the AVID
program. At Esperanza High, 35 students at each grade level (grades 9-12) are selected to
participate in the program which provides a wide array of academic and college-related help for
college-bound students. Six of the students in the sample were participants in the Upward Bound
program. At Esperanza High, the Upward Bound program provided an on-site counselor who
offers college support to students. Fourteen students in the sample identified as students who
migrated out of state during their K-12 schooling experience; yet only five students in the sample
participated in the MEP. School wide, the MEP served approximately 13% of the student
population. Nine students in the sample were members of CSF. Although students did not
readily cite their participation in CSF as being a direct source of support or information for
college, students in the sample who participated in the program often took part in pro-college
activities including college campus visits throughout their four years in high school. Nine
students in the sample participated in the UC Scholars program. By participating in the program,
the students met individually with a representative of the UC system who provided information
regarding college applications – in particular applications to the UC system.
For students who receive support through multiple sources, many of these students report
that they were able to obtain information, guidance, and knowledge to successfully apply and
73

gain admission to college(s). For instance, when I ask one student, Daniela, if she relied on
anyone for support, she tells me:
I don't think there was [only] one person, because in AVID, we have computers and we
applied for UC and CSU in class [and my AVID Counselor helped]. Then, the AVID
[Counselor held] college workshops, too. Also, [when I] needed help there's help after-
school with [the librarian on campus]. Then my parents, well my mom, she told me ‘Just
apply to them.’ If you get in, you get in. If you don't, [at least] you tried.
Another student, Eva, says she relied on her relationships with her high school counselor
and representatives of both the Upward Bound and UC Scholars programs. I ask her where she
has found information for college and she says, “For [college] applications, my Upward Bound
counselor. My [high school] counselor and my UC [Scholars Representative] – they helped me a
lot with the FAFSA [application].” Eva points out that her friends are also going to college and
encourage one another to go to college and remind each other of important application-related
deadlines. She says:
The people that I hang out with, we try to [push each other to go to college]. When we
would find out that there was a test that we had, we would tell each other, ‘Oh, did you
sign up for this test?’ Or, ‘Don't forget to sign up. Check if you need to,’ or, ‘The UC
[representative is] here today. We should go talk to her.’
Similarly, one student tells me he relied on his high school counselor and his friends who are a
part of Upward Bound. He says, “My counselor has been helping me and my two friends that
are in Upward Bound. They tell me like, ‘Oh you need to do this, you need to do that.’” One
student, Eric, says he relied predominately on his relationship with his high school counselor and
a CSU representative who visits Esperanza’s campus one to two times per week as well as (albeit
74

to a lesser extent) his high school counselor. Eric explains that during the months of October and
November, he met with the CSU representative “probably once or twice every week.” He adds,
“Most of the time, [I would] just drop in, like during my P.E. class, I would go in to speak with
the [representative]. I [would] tell my P.E. [instructor] that I needed [to take care] of important
college stuff.” Although Eric expresses that he has been motivated to complete his college
applications, he says that his CSU representative and high school counselor have been helpful in
informing him of the application process so that he “doesn’t fall through the cracks.” He states,
“They’ve [been] reminding me of what I need to do and then I just do it.”
One student explains that she relies on a host of different people, both at school and at
home, to apply to college. She says:
I know there's people that are willing to help, and I know if I ask them they will help.
I'm not big on relying on one person….For me it’s like my AVID teacher, plus the UC
rep, plus my counselor. And at home, it’s my sister who helps me.
When I ask her if she had any trouble with the application process, she states:
I knew it was going to be stressful…[but] I would do a little research [online], and then I
would have an idea of what I should do but I wanted to make sure so I would go ask my
AVID teacher or my counselor to be sure I was doing things [correctly].
Similarly, another student, Carmen, who is a part of Upward Bound and AVID says these two
programs have “gelled the [college application] requirements into [her] head since freshman year
of high school.” Through her participation in Upward Bound, she says “We do Saturday
[college workshop] sessions. [The Upward Bound Counselor] helps me a lot with what I need to
do and what I need to have [so that I can apply].” Carmen is the first person in her family to
attend college. She says, “My family, they don't have experience with this. So whenever I have
75

questions about [college], they sympathize but they don't know how to help….So I’m glad I’ve
been able to get help [from Upward Bound and AVID].”
As a result of working extensive hours outside of school and struggling academically, one
student, Fidel, tells me that he relies on a number of school staff to “stay on track” and attend
college. Fidel says that throughout his four years at Esperanza he has relied on a number of
school staff on campus, most notably his migrant education counselor, high school counselor,
and a former teacher for social-emotional support, information, and encouragement for him to
remain enrolled in school and graduate. He shares, “I always had help – from my teachers,
counselor, migrant ed counselor – they always helped me. I would just go to them whenever I
needed [help]…. All I would do is just go ask [for help] whenever I needed it.”
While roughly half of the student sample report that they typically rely on multiple
sources for college information and support, a smaller number of students say that they generally
rely on one person or source for college-related support. One student, Dora, says that Upward
Bound has been her primary source of support for college-going. She says, “For [all of the help]
that I have [received], it was basically from Upward Bound because they give us all the
information, especially in our Saturday sessions. One student suggests that the AVID program
has enabled her to apply to college. She says, “AVID has really changed my perspective about
college. Since middle school, they always told us to strive for college….This has been a great
help throughout high school.” When I ask her if she has relied on anyone else for college help,
she says, “No, I’ve attended a couple [college workshops], but other than [participating in
AVID], not really. Like I can’t ask my parents for help because they wouldn’t know, you
know?” She adds, “I think I get mostly what I need through AVID [with regard to college
support].” Another AVID student, Marisa, tells me:
76

I have always been an AVID student – since middle school. So I've always had the
mentality of taking classes that will lead you to college. So ever since my freshman year,
I've had honors classes….AVID has been what pushes me throughout high school.
Without that class, I feel like I have nobody to rely on. That's how I feel….I've been with
my [AVID] teacher since freshman year.
She continues by explaining what she has learned from participating in the program. She states,
“I’ve [learned] what classes to take, what college I want to go to, what to look for in college,
how to apply to college – personal statements, all that stuff.” She tells me that she has not relied
on information or guidance from others at Esperanza regarding college because she says, “I’ve
always learned it in AVID.” Although she says she has met with her counselor to “[confirm]
what classes to take and [check in] about grades,” she says “I’ve never actually tried going to her
and asking questions about college stuff.”
Several students cite their high school counselor as being their primary source for college
information. For example, one student, Manuel, says that his high school counselor helped him
fill out his college applications. “I talked to my counselor about applying,” he explains. “My
counselor took the time – we set up a time before school in the morning. She sat down with me
and I filled out the [college] applications in the office and my counselor helped me fill out the
entire [application].” I ask Manuel if he would have still applied to college if his counselor did
not help him fill out the application and he responds, “Well, maybe… [pauses] yes I would have,
but I would have probably struggled with it…so it made [the process] a lot easier.” Another
student, Alex, says, “It’s pretty much been my counselor who’s talked to me about
college….Like, she’ll call me in [to her office] and we’ll talk about what I’m gonna do and my
plans [after high school]. And she’s been supportive – she’ll give me advice on what to do and
77

stuff….But I don’t really talk to anyone else about college, maybe just my sister [a little
bit]….My counselor’s the main person.”
A majority of students say they rely on at least one staff member at Esperanza for help
related to college, while roughly one-quarter of the students at the school state that they did not
rely on anyone for support. Nearly all of the students who did not seek support from anyone
voiced, near the beginning of the academic year, that they planned on applying to at least one
postsecondary institution. However, during their senior year, some students opted to enroll in
the military or decided not to attend college immediately upon high school graduation. Thus,
none of the students in this group enrolled in a four-year college/university. This group is
comprised of students who either plan to (a) attend community college, (b) enlist in the military
(and potentially attend college at some point), or (c) work full-time for one year and thereafter
perhaps enroll in college. Of those students who reported not receiving support to apply to
college, two of the students enlisted in the military, five enrolled in community college, and four
did not apply to college and instead planned to secure full-time employment (see Table 7). Some
of the students who did not receive support did not seek it out in part because they did not plan to
attend college immediately after high school.
Table 7
Students Who Did Not Receive Support (n = 11)
Student Plans
Four-Year
College/University
Community
College
Enlist in Military Work Full-Time

0 5 2 4

For the students who report receiving help on campus, support typically derives from
relationships with high school counselors, participation in pro-college organizations/college
78

outreach programs, and peer relationships. Most of the students who I speak with say that they
receive information and support almost exclusively from in-person communication. Roughly
one-third (n = 14) of the students say they use online resources for information and guidance
while applying to college. These students typically use online resources to find college
information using sites such as school/university websites; government/non-profit organization
websites such as Upward Bound, CA Department of Education (Financial aid/DREAM Act); or
scholarship websites. Although nearly all of the students apply to college online, the remaining
two-thirds of students state that they did not use online resources prior to applying to college.
While a majority of students share that they do not rely on online sources for college
information or to communicate with institutional agents at school, nearly all of the students (n =
38) say they use social media (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, Instagram) either occasionally or on a
regular basis. However, only a small number of students say that they use social media for
college-related information. For example, when I ask one student if she uses social media,
particularly for college, she says, “I do use Facebook for scholarships. Sometimes my friends
would [share], ‘Oh, I found this scholarship. I think you should apply for this.’ Even Upward
Bound – they use Facebook to advertise scholarships and events.” When I ask another student if
she uses social media she replies, “I only have Facebook.” I ask if she uses the website for
college-related information or to communicate with anyone regarding college and she tells me,
“Well, the only reason I have my Facebook is because Upward Bound has a Facebook [page],
and they post stuff.” I ask if she or her friends on Facebook communicate or share information
about college online and she replies, “No. [Aside from Upward Bound] I’ve never seen college
stuff on Facebook.”
79

Collectively, most of the students (n = 34) share that they use social media websites for
leisure/fun or to keep in touch with people in their network for non-academic purposes. One
student tells me, “I use [social media], but not for anything for college – just for fun.” I ask
another student, “Do you have social media, say Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, or something
else?” He replies “I use Facebook sometimes, but not really that much, but I do get on it just to
see what’s happening with friends. And then for Instagram, yeah, I do get on it a lot [laughs].” I
ask him, “Do you use it for anything college related?” He says, “Nah, it’s more for like, friends
– social life.” When I ask a staff member on campus if students at Esperanza make use of online
resources for college, he shares that most students depend primarily on in-person support from
school personnel on campus. He says:
[Farm working] students mostly rely on information from people at school. They often
don’t have access to a computer or access to the internet at home. And here at school, a
lot of students don’t have access because we don’t have enough computers readily
available. We have computers available in the [library], but they get used up all the time.
We’re working to change that, and just this year we received a grant to increase the
number of computers we have available to students. So next year will be different for us.
Although the majority of students rely on at least one staff member at Esperanza for
support, many students suggest that they do not feel that they share a strong relationship or a
trusting relationship with anyone at the school. A number of students, for example, cite a weak
relationship with their high school counselor as being the reason that they do not seek support
from their counselor during the application process. As I discuss in the next section, the degree
to which students have trusting relationships with institutional agents may have serious
implications for the ways in which students experience the college application process.
80

Confianza in Action: Illustrating How Students View Relationships
During my time at Esperanza High School, I speak extensively with students regarding
the notion of having “confianza” with others on campus – that is, having trusting relationships
with individuals who students can rely on for support while applying to college. As
demonstrated throughout the data, not all of the students I speak with at Esperanza feel they have
someone who they can rely on for support or guidance on campus. Some students are more
willing to ask particular individuals for help as opposed to others. The relationships among
students and individuals across a school’s campus or within a student’s household take many
different forms and are often varied in nature. Students’ perceptions of individuals whom they
feel they can rely on with regard to college-going (i.e., receiving information, guidance,
feedback) often center on whether the staff member on campus is available; how well/long a
student knows the staff member; whether the staff member is perceived to be approachable by
the student; and the staff member’s knowledge/expertise as it relates to the student’s needs.
“I’ve mostly been applying [to college] on my own. My counselor has helped me a bit
too,” says one student. He later explains that he has felt comfortable speaking to his high school
counselor and has asked for her help because he states, “My counselor took an interest in what I
want to do with my life. She supported me and my [career] plans. So I always go to her first
[for help].” Another student says, “I feel like my AVID teacher knows me better than [other
staff on campus]. I’ve known her for four years….I always look to her for support.” One
student says, “I'm not really super social….I don't have super close relationships [with anyone at
Esperanza], but I’m pretty close to my AVID teacher but that's because I've had her for four
years.” Another student adds, “Well, I don't really talk to any of my teachers. It's just I go to
class, and that's it. If I need help, then I ask, but that’s it, [pauses] maybe I’ll talk to one of my
81

teachers. My Spanish teacher – she’s really cool and is always willing to listen.” One student
describes her close relationship with her teacher by saying:
Mrs. Johnson has been helping me and she's been giving me advice for college. I've
been really close with her and anything I need she will always help. She offered to help
me with [letters of] recommendation or writing my first draft for a personal statement.
I ask the student why she has a close relationship with Mrs. Johnson and she says, “I feel like I
see her often, and she's really friendly and it's easy to talk to her….I guess we have this strong
connection that we ended up developing throughout time.
A student I speak with describes what he sees as to why students do not seek out
relationships with teachers at Esperanza. He says, “There are some teachers, they like to help in
anything they can. And then there are teachers [here] that are really not happy - who are just
like, ‘just do this, just do that.’” He explains:
So, some students are really scared to ask [for help] because they don't have confidence
in the teacher, they're just scared of their teacher. So, I think all teachers should just be
cool about [offering help to students]. Like if a student needs help on something, ‘Oh
just come in at lunch or come in at break and I'll help you.’ Some teachers don't do that.
Another student says that he typically asks his sister for college-related advice as opposed to his
high school counselor. He says, “I feel like I get better advice from my sister. The counselor I
have is new, and usually the [counselors] don't know that much.”
“I usually talk to my Migrant Ed counselor,” one student tells me. I ask her to describe
her relationship with her high school counselor. She says:
She’s never there – she’s never in her office….Every time I go in there to try to ask her
something or just go in there to bother her, she’s never there. She usually has a bunch of
82

meetings or she’s busy with a student which I wouldn't judge her for that because I know
there's a bunch of kids, so she's always busy.
I ask her if she ever makes appointments to see her counselor, and she says:
They ask me if I want to make an appointment with her, and it's like my questions are
always like urgent. I need [information] like right now, not to wait…. Like if I walk in
on Wednesday, they would give me an appointment next Tuesday, like a week later.
There's no point for meeting.
A student shares a similar sentiment by stating, “I’ve relied on my Upward Bound counselor and
UC rep.” I ask if there is a reason why she has not relied on her counselor and she replies:
She's busy. But when I go ask her questions, she takes a while to get back [to me], and
she has to go look for it. If I ask my other counselors, they know the answer right away,
and they tell me ‘yes’ or ‘no.’
When I ask one student to describe her relationship with her high school counselor, she says:
I feel like it’s okay, but it's not like I'm really close to her. I know her, I talk to her, just
not frequently. Because I feel like, when I ask her questions, she wouldn't be sure of
them so I kind of feel like what if I get the wrong answers?
Another student shares:
My counselor is really busy with so many things. I would go over there, ‘Oh she's not
here’ or ‘Oh, she's gone for the rest of the week.’ She wasn't always available, she was
doing other things. But I would try to go and they're like, ‘She's talking to somebody.’
Or ‘She just left for lunch.’ It was hard to get her at one particular moment, so I end up
[trying to ask someone else].
83

To be sure, the notion that the high school counselors at Esperanza High were busy with a
number of different tasks was suggested by students, school leaders, college representatives, and
high school counselors themselves. High school counselors are widely considered to be critical
in helping students with preparing for college and future career paths (Corwin, Venegas,
Oliverez, & Colyar, 2004; Fallon, 1997; McDonough, 2006), yet several students in the sample
suggest that they rely on their counselor minimally, if at all, during their senior year at
Esperanza.
A staff member at Esperanza informs me of the challenges that high school counselors
face in serving a large student population by stating:
We help the kids with letting them know when the [college applications] are due and how
to do the applications. We hold a lot of workshops. I think one thing that is difficult is
we do have a really, really high student to counselor ratio at our site. We're at 450 to 1,
so I have 120 seniors and so that's why sometimes it gets upsetting because we can't get
to everybody to explain it as in-depth as they would need.
The staff member continues by saying, “There's a lot of times where counselors are stuck in X,
Y, Z meeting and they’re not even in the office available for the students to see. That's one of
the big things.” Similarly, a another staff member says that often times high school counselors at
Esperanza are less able to focus on promoting college-going among students because so many
students are confronted by deep issues at home related to “Poverty, drug abuse, and gang
violence.” The staff member says:
Counselors are often faced with dealing with matters that are a bit removed from
students attending a college or university. A lot of our counselors’ and staffs’ efforts go
toward counseling and support that really stem from financial, social, or in some cases
84

mental health issues – problems that we face in our community which unfortunately
detract from counselors’ ability to focus on really pushing college for all students.
Gender Roles and Social Relationships
Today is a particularly festive day at Esperanza High School – not just because it is a
Friday afternoon and the weekend is nearing, but today is the school’s highly anticipated fall
rally. The event’s theme is “Battle of the Sexes,” one which will pit the boys and girls against
one another in a series of obstacle-based games which include a dancing competition, races, and
shooting baskets in a hoop. As hundreds of students line outside of the gym awaiting entrance,
two staff members and I conveniently enter a back door and find a corner of the gym where we
are able to view all of the happenings in the building. As we wait for the festivities to begin, I
ask the staff members about how the school rallies are coordinated and about the decision-
making involved in creating the events. One of the staff members explains that all of the rallies
are student-run by a small committee and overseen by a school coordinator. As we speak, the
staff members appear to be distracted during our conversation as they have an eye on students
entering the gym and ensuring that the large student crowd is under control.
As students enter the gym, the girls file into one side of the bleachers and the boys onto
the opposing side. Roughly 15 girls and 15 boys are directly involved in the event and take part
in the rally activities. The girls wearing pink, and the boys wearing blue, both work to get their
respective sides of the gym to cheer. The girls are clearly the louder, more engaged group, as the
boys appear uninterested and quiet throughout the early stages of the event. Before the activities
begin, a teacher of the school uses a microphone to announce that the school is selling Esperanza
High School jackets. As she displays a sample jacket and explains the ordering process, she
announces the $107 cost of the jacket which sends the entire crowd into a burst of laughter.
85

When I ask a student later in the day why students laughed at the announcement, he simply
replies, “$107 for a jacket, c’mon!”
To begin the event, a representative of each team, a boy and a girl, emcee the event and
introduce the teams and premise of the activities. The emcees also introduce the judges of the
event, three teachers, who are charged with deciding segments of the event, including the dance-
off between the two teams. As the first two teachers are introduced, students cheer mildly for the
two female teachers. As the third judge is introduced, the male side of the gym breaks into a
loud chant, shouting “culero, culero!” The Spanish phrase the students use is an offensive,
homophobic slur, aimed at a heterosexual white male. Although the teacher appears indifferent
to the chant, perhaps not knowing the meaning of the phrase, the two staff members seated next
to me move quickly into the crowd to intervene, quieting the boys’ side of the gym. As the event
resumes, the boys and girls prepare for the first event which entails a race involving multiple
tasks including making a sandwich, hammering a nail into a board, and making a basket into a
hoop. The various tasks, clearly laden with gender stereotypes, engage the girl side of the
audience, while the boys generally quietly sit back and passively watch the event.
After the event, the two staff members who I sat next to voiced their frustration and
discontent regarding the nature of the rally particularly with regard to the gender stereotypes
embedded within the activities and the sexually suggestive manner which students (both male
and female) conducted themselves during the dance competition. Next semester’s rally, they
said, would be different.
In my eight months at Esperanza High School, a number of themes related to student
integration on campus, social capital, support-seeking, and college-going behavior reveal
differences by gender. Differences found between boys and girls with regard to college-going
86

are not new. Past research has suggested that female students are more likely to pursue a
postsecondary education relative to male students (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005; Gándara 1995;
Waldinger & Feliciano, 2004). During my time at Esperanza, gender played a significant role in
shaping the social relationships that students held with institutional agents particularly with
regard to the extent to which students sought support while applying to college and parental
expectations of students to pursue a postsecondary education.
Gender and Help-Seeking Behavior
It is February 19
th
, and Esperanza High School is holding its annual “Financial Aid
Night” for students and parents. The event, designed to help students fill out the Free
Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) and the DREAM Act applications before the usual
March 2
nd
deadline, takes place at 6pm in the evening to fit parents’ work schedules. This year,
the event consists of two workshops, one in English and one in Spanish, which run concurrently
in separate locations on Esperanza’s campus. The majority of attendees partake in the Spanish
session, with an estimated 30 students who attend along with either one or both parents. The
English session takes place in a nearby computer-equipped classroom with roughly six students
who attend with either one or both parents. The larger session takes place in the school library
where desktop computers are available for use.
The event is facilitated by eight staff members from a local community college. After a
10-minute overview of financial aid in Spanish which covers basic concepts including Cal Grant,
Pell Grant, and student loans, the presenter asks students and their parents to begin completing
their financial aid applications. A majority of the students begin working on the FAFSA
application while a smaller number of students begin working on the DREAM Act application.
Students typically take control of filling out the application by sitting directly in front of the
87

computer and using the keyboard while parents tend sit to the side of the student overlooking the
students’ work. The eight community college staff members begin floating around the room
ready to answer questions or address any problems the families have in filling out their
respective applications.
As I sit in a corner of the library observing the event, I overhear one of the facilitators say
to another, “Wow, there are hardly any boys here. Let them know they have to register [for the
selective service].” There are eight high school boys and 22 girls present at the event. The
underrepresentation of male students at academic and college-related events on campus appears
to be a trend at Esperanza High. A number of different school personnel who I interview tell me
that boys tend to not only attend college-related events with less frequency, but also tend to be
less likely to seek out staff for information/guidance with regard to college compared to girls on
campus. A college representative at Esperanza says, “In my experience, males are less likely to
seek out information on their own. [When boys do look for help], generally they will come in
groups to seek guidance, whereas females tend to be more open to seeking information whether
they come alone or with a group of friends.”
A staff member on campus, Mr. Gonzalez, tells me, “In general, girls would seek out
assistance more than boys. Girls would stop by the office when they had questions. I felt that if
I would not have sent out passes to boys, I ran the risk of not connecting with them.” Similarly,
a staff member says, “On their own accord, girls are much more willing to come in and talk to
me about college compared to the boys.” Another staff member tells me, “Boys more commonly
identify their career choice as going straight to work, military, or trade school but they do not
seek out help as often as girls. Girls attend college workshops in larger numbers than boys.” He
continues by stating that when boys seek out help, “They typically seek out male staff members
88

to connect….Although girls are more likely to seek out academic support in general, boys will
seek out male staff members if they are having personal trouble.”
One staff member on campus suggests that girls tend to be more determined to attend
college by stating, “Girls tend to do better than boys mostly because they are more organized and
more determined.” He elaborates by saying, “In my experience at Esperanza, boys tend to fall
behind in classes, their [parents have to]… reach out to the school and boys will make an honest
attempt in improving their grades. I’ve seen this scenario occur more often with boys than girls.”
A staff member on campus shares her experience in assisting students by stating, “With my case
load, I have [approximately] 70% boys, [but] it is the girls who come in more. It’s [usually] the
girls, they’re the ones who they'll come in [regularly] or really often to see me.”
Similar to school personnel who witness patterns in the help-seeking behavior between
male students and female students, Esperanza students also suggest that male students are less
likely to seek out help and create relationships with staff members who can offer academic
support or guidance. A female student tells me, “I feel like boys here are afraid to ask for help or
not seem strong – they feel like they could fix anything. For girls, we’re not like that so we ask
for help.” When I ask the student if she feels that this attitude tends to help or hurt boys in
school, she replies, “I feel like it would hurt. What if a guy needs help and he can't get it because
he's so afraid to ask? He might lack [adequate] resources [by] not asking for help.”
A male student tells me, “Girls, they like, they go get it. Like they’re more dedicated –
they ask more questions. Guys just, they just wait until somebody comes up to help them, or
they ask the girls for help.” Another student, Eric, tells me, “I think guys are more self-reliant.
We try to investigate things ourselves and [often] try to get help from other guys. Girls, I always
see them with counselors or [with someone who can help] when they need it.” When I ask Eric
89

if he tends to look for help, he says “I think I'm more on the girls’ side [laughs] because I go to
my counselor all the time. I could be more self-reliant but I don't really want to because my
counselor really helps me.” When I ask a male student, Lorenzo, about help-seeking among
male and female students at Esperanza, he opines:
More girls ask for help than guys. Guys here are just shy. Guys think that they know
everything and they can do it on their own. Girls [realize] they can't do everything. It’s
like, if they need help, [they think] ‘I am going to ask someone for help.’ Guys, they are
just trying to [be men] and not ask for help because they feel like they can do it on their
own.
When I ask Lorenzo if he seeks out help from others for college, he says, “Yeah, of course – I’m
okay. I ask for help, I don't mind.” Although Eric and Lorenzo report that they feel comfortable
in seeking help, half of the males who I interview balk at the idea of potentially seeking support
or information from others on campus. Tony describes his experience with help-seeking:

Bryan: Do you think there are similarities or differences in the ways male and
female students at Esperanza seek out help for college?

Tony: Yeah, differences. Girls are more open to actually ask for the help than
boys.

Bryan: Is that the case with you?

Tony: Yeah [laughs].

Bryan: Why is that?

Tony: I don't know. It's just the way I am.

Bryan: Are your male friends like that?

Tony: Yeah, pretty much. They're pretty much the same way. I don’t know
why, probably just embarrassment. Like, they don't want to take the extra
step.
90

Bryan: Do you think there's anything that can change that?

Student: Maybe counselors taking the first step to actually reach out to [male
students] instead of them trying to reach out to the counselors.

Another student, Alonzo, says that girls tend to be more outgoing, while boys tend to be
more reticent to engage socially. He says:
Like in my AVID class, some of the girls are more outgoing [than the boys]. And the
teacher will come in and ask us, ‘Need any help?’ And we don't want to ask for help
because we want to do it on our own.”
Another male student, Ruben, says, “Yeah, I have more of a do-it-yourself way of
thinking….It’s our manhood, I guess. We don’t want help from other people.” Ruben continues
by explaining that although he describes himself as being “independent,” he says he would seek
out help from his counselor if his counselor were a male by stating, “Say, if our counselor was a
male, maybe more guys would go towards the counselor than if it was a female. I think we
would have a better connection [with a male counselor].”
Similar to Ruben, many of the female students I speak with also express the idea of
wanting to work independently or trying to solve issues on their own first. However, nearly all
of the female students in the sample also say they would seek support if they feel they need it.
One student, Christina, says “I mostly like trying to do things on my own, but if I do need help, I
will ask someone – I definitely will.” Another female student tells me, “I pretty much always
ask somebody for help, especially if it’s for something important [related to] college.”
One student, Leticia, describes how she seeks help relative to one of her male friends.
She says, “In my case when I have a question for college – like how to fill something out I go
and ask [someone].” She continues by describing how her male friend avoids seeking help,
91

“And my friend tells me like ‘Oh, so did you ask? Did you figure it out?’ And I’m like, ‘Yeah, I
went to ask. How come you didn't go ask?’ And he’ll say, ‘It’s because I'm too lazy.’” When I
ask Leticia if she agrees that her friend is being lazy, or if his unwillingness to ask for help is a
result of some other cause, she says, “I think he’s just afraid to go ask.” She goes on to say,
“Girls, they can go ask for help and stuff but some boys I see that they don't do it because they
feel like they're going to be pinpointed – boys think they might get called out [by others].”
“Girls look for help more than guys do….I'm an [assistant in the administration office],
and like during or right before break, I’ll see a lot of girls walk in and ask for the counselor, but I
don't see that many boys asking” one student, Christina, tells me. I ask her why she thinks this
patterns exists, and she responds, “I feel like guys think that they don't need help to do anything
– that they could do everything on their own….They see other men in their family as well…if
you see your dad not asking for help, you probably don't want to ask for help either. It’s like
they'll stop themselves for some reason.” I ask if she seeks out others at school for help with
college-related issues and she says, “I'll ask for help if I need it, I do ask for help.”
Not all of the individuals I speak with believe that differences in help-seeking behavior
between males and females exist. One staff member and two female students voice that male
and female students are more similar than different. One staff member tells me, “Seeking out
support in the classroom can vary across campus. Students in higher academic courses seem to
be able to communicate their needs with their instructors better than those who are in your
typical classrooms.” He says, “In my opinion, I feel that our student body equally seeks out help
for college. The balance between the two is fairly close.” A female student, Daniela, tells me:
It depends what kind of person they are. Some people are more outgoing and some
people are more shy. It depends how bad you want [to go to college] also. If you really
92

want to go to college no matter what – even if you are shy, you are just going to go out
there and ask everyone around. But if you are shy and not really interested [in college]
you probably won’t look for help, like [some students] don’t even care.
“Everyone thinks different and everyone develops differently,” one female student tells me. She
explains:
I think it [has to do] with the development of the adolescent. Some students are really
open to seek help, and then some students are really reserved. Say, if they're having
trouble with personal problems or with school, some will go and seek help; they go to a
counselor and say, ‘Hey, I need help with this, I need help with that.’
The differences in help-seeking behavior are readily apparent during my time at
Esperanza High. Not only do academic personnel and students (males and females) generally
express these differences, the degree to which male and female students seek my help reinforce
these gender patterns. As mentioned in Chapter 3, roughly two-thirds of the students who
participate in the study are female, despite my recruiting male and female students equally.
Similarly, in my role on campus I also help students with college-related questions and offer
support to students during and after the college application process. During my eight months on
campus, female students tend to seek me out for information, guidance, or support related to
college more so than boys. Yet the differences between male and female students in the sample
also relate to domestic roles and students’ relationships with individuals in the household and
within the community.
Domestic Roles and Schooling
In a majority of cases, parental expectations of students to attend college are enforced.
Consistent with education literature, Latina/o families generally motivate and encourage their
93

children to pursue higher education (Ceballo, 2004; Campos, 2008; López, 2001; Romo & Falbo,
1996; Villanueva, 1996). As Table 8 demonstrates, nearly all of the students in the sample are
encouraged by their parents to attend college. Yet roughly half of the female students in the
sample report that they are being pushed into (a) choosing a career path traditionally associated
with women, (b) choosing a postsecondary institution geographically close to home, or (c) not or
pursuing a postsecondary education at all. Among male students, only two are encouraged to
stay close to home for college; the rest of the male students are encouraged to pursue a career
path and postsecondary institution of their choosing.
Table 8

Parental Expectations based on Gender

Males Females
Encourage student to attend college and make their own
college/career path decisions

11 12
Encourage student to attend college and choose a specific career
path

0 10

Encourage student to attend college and stay geographically
close to home

2 12

Student not encouraged to attend college

0 3

In some cases parents push girls into careers that have been stereotypically associated
with women. Careers in teaching, nursing, or medical assisting are often viewed as better career
options by parents as opposed to careers as medical doctors, lawyers, or business leaders. When
I ask one student if her parents have different expectations for her brothers and sisters with
regard to attending college, she simply replies, “Nah, my parents are past that – they feel like
anyone can go to college and everyone should go to college.” But when I ask if her parents want
94

her to pursue a specific career path, she says, “My parents want me to be a nurse, but I want to be
a doctor – a pediatrician.” Another student, Eva, states that her parents push her brothers and
sisters equally to attend college and support her pursuit of a degree from a four-year university.
Eva will be attending a UC campus next year, and aspires to become a medical doctor.
However, she points out that her parents prefer Eva and her siblings to pursue different career
paths based on gender. She says, “My parents want us [all] to go to college, but to study
different things.” She continues by explaining:
My brother that goes to UC Merced, he’s really into the medical [field], and then he's
like, "I want to be a doctor," and [my parents] are like, "Oh, go for it." Then I told them
that [I wanted to be a doctor], and they're like, ‘Oh no, it takes too long.’
Another student also tells me she wants to go to medical school, but says, “I want to be a doctor,
but my mom likes the idea of me being a teacher. I think she’s pushing for that [instead.]”
Another student interested in medical school says, “My parents pushed me to be a teacher. I
wasn't really interested though. They pushed me more to go to a technical school [to be a]
medical assistant or dental assistant.” It should be noted that all of the female students
mentioned here are enrolled in Advanced Placement (AP) courses and plan to attend campuses in
the University of California system.
In a small number of cases, female students report being pushed to go to college more so
than their brothers. In these cases, the expectation of the female student attending college is
based on the notion of college being a critical tool for mobility for women. While some students
suggest that boys would be able to make a living without a college degree, girls would rely on a
postsecondary degree more so than boys. For example, one female student tells me she was
pushed by her parents, in particular, to go to college. She says, “My parents think guys can work
95

anywhere and get their cash but girls need to go to school and get their education to make a
living.” Another student says, “My parents, well mostly my dad, he really wants me to go to
college so that I get a good career….He doesn’t really push my brothers that much – but he
pushes me more….He’s told me before, ‘Girls need an education so they can make their own
money.’”
While only two out of 13 male students state that their parents prefer for them to stay
close to home, just under half of the 27 female students in the sample express that their parents
prefer for them to select a college close to home. Given the lack of proximity of the research site
to colleges/universities, this became a point of contention for many female students who have
goals of attending specific colleges/universities (based on prestige/name recognition, availability
of degree/major, or preference for living in a specific location). One student tells me, “My
parents want me to go to college, but they really want me to stay close [to home]….Right now,
they’re trying to convince me to just go to [local community college] so I can still live at home.”
Another student says that her parents dislike the idea of her attending a distant school because,
“They’re afraid I might not come back once I graduate.” She later says, “They let my brother
move out [for college], but I guess they’re more worried about me because I’m a girl.”
One of the students I speak with, Christina, explains that she had to carefully inform her
father that she was planning to move for college. She says, “I talked to my mom first, because
my mom is the go-to person, you know. I talked to her about [moving out of the house for
college], and I'm like okay ‘How should I tell my dad?’ And she was like, ‘Well just tell him
that you want to go, and why you want to go – because I don’t want to be [the person who has to
tell your father].’” Christina explains that her father expects her to attend the nearest college
possible, because she says, “My dad would feel that if I need help, he'd be closer.” She
96

continues, “I told him that I wanted to go to San Diego. And I told him the reasons why and
everything and [he just stayed quiet]. Afterward, my mom told me later that she noticed that he
got nervous. He doesn't want me to live that far.” Another student shares that her mother
supports her plans to move out, but her father is reluctant. She says, “I just want to explore out
of [this town], you know? It’s like, I love my city. I’m pretty sure I’m going to come back so I
just want to grow and get out of this small town….my mom supports me.” I ask about her dad.
She says, “He’s iffy about it. He’s like, ‘No, you don’t have to leave [for college.]’”
Although a majority of students in the sample state that their parents support their
wanting to attend college, a small number of parents have reservations about their children
attending college (predominately applicable to female students). One female student tells me
that her family often expects her to put household responsibilities over her schooling. She says,
“I’ve always had to push myself a little bit harder. It makes it harder to do schoolwork because
[my family] doesn’t understand why I have to do certain things [for school]. I have to explain it
and sometimes we get into arguments about it.” She elaborates by explaining:
Last year I took four AP classes and [I had] a lot of homework. Since we're a lot of
family in the house, they expect me to do chores and stuff like that. My aunt, she
accused me of pretending to have a lot of work [to avoid chores]. Then, my dad would
be like, ‘Are you really doing homework?’ And he would come and check up on me
because I would stay out sometimes to do my homework or I would have extra study
sessions [at school].
The student suggests that her family’s expectations would likely be different if she were a male.
Another student, Leslie, tells me she plans to be the first in her family to attend college. She
plans to attend a local community college to obtain a vocational certificate. Regarding her plans
97

to attend college, Leslie’s mother is not fond of her daughter’s plan to go to college and simply
tells Leslie, “I won’t believe it, until I see it.”
One female student, Dora, tells me:
My mom, she has this mentality like, women, they can be housewives, [so I] don't have
to go to college. And my brother, she influences him to go to college, but for him it's the
opposite because he doesn't want to go to college, but [at home], I have to do everything
and he could just sit and watch TV.
When I ask Dora if her mother has explicitly told her, “I don’t want you to go to college,” she
responds, “Yeah, many times…. [My mom] was like, ‘If you really want to go to college – okay
– but you can’t [move] that far.’” I ask Dora, “How do you respond to that?” She says:
Parents have to let their children grow. We can't be by their side all the time. We need
to spread our wings…. [My mom] was raised like my grandma and [they would always
teach me] that being a housewife and having kids and being a mom is better than getting
an education.
Dora’s father is encouraging and supports her plans to attend college. She says, “He encourages
me to go to college and not to listen to what my mom says.” Although Dora’s mother has
repeatedly told Dora throughout her high school years to avoid college, next year she will be a
freshman at a UC campus.
The expectations for boys and girls, despite being equal for schooling, are typically
different regarding domestic roles and expectations as well as their ability to leave the home
during after-school hours. A majority of students in the sample share that the girls in the family
carry responsibilities of chores, caretaking, and other domestic tasks. One student says:
98

My parents treat [my brothers and sisters] a little bit different. My brother will come
home and just kicks up his feet, but me, my mom, or my sister, we have to get home and
have to be doing something. My brother gets held to a different [standard].
Another student tells me that she often takes care of cleaning the house and will occasionally
help her mother clean homes for work. She says, “I do chores [at home] or when my mom needs
me to help her go and clean a house or something, I always do it….But [my brothers], they don’t
do anything.” Another female student says:
My brother is already married with a wife and kids, but when he’s at my mom’s house,
he still expects me to clean up after him – even though I already cooked for him. He’ll
tell me, ‘Okay, you can take care of this [dirty plate].’
A male student says:
When it comes to cleaning the house, my mom wants [my sister] to be more prepared
because we, as guys, my mom knows that we're not going to be cleaning the house.
We'll probably just be at work but she always wants my little sister and my older cousin,
who lives with us too, to know how to clean the house, know how to do dishes, all the
house things.
While boys are generally able to leave the home for extended periods to socialize with
peers, female students are able to do so less frequently. The expectation for female students is to
stay home and care for the household. One female student says:
My brother, he could go out and come back whatever time he wants, and [my parents]
don't care. Me or my sister, they're always calling like, ‘When are you coming home?’
Or, ‘Come home by this hour,’ or something like that. They worry, I guess, about the
girls. We can get pregnant – the boys can’t.
99

Another female student says, “I don’t get to go out, mostly because I have to take care of my
little sister – my parents make me take care of her [when they’re at work]….But my brother, he
can take off and just do whatever [he wants].” Another female student states, “[My brother] like
he'll go wherever like to my neighbor’s [house] or his friend’s house. But my mom sees me
more like a girl that's supposed to stay home and clean the house and make food.” One female
student embarrassingly tells me, “My brother gets to go out more than I do – and he’s a freshman
– he’s smaller than me. He gets to go and hang out with his friends, and me, I have to stay home
and cook or whatever and do my homework.” A male shares:
Me and my brother, we're able to go out a lot more. But all we do is go to indoor soccer
games. All we do is just watch soccer until like 11pm and then come home. With the
girls, [my mom] knows they're either at the movies or at a friend's house but she doesn't
let them go out very much.
A majority of girls tell me that their male siblings are often allowed more opportunities to
spend time out of the household and socialize with friends, a pattern that is echoed by the males
in the sample. Female students suggest that their brothers often take advantage of their parents’
flexibility by spending time out of the household. Yet many male students in the sample suggest
that, despite their parents’ willingness to let them spend time out of the home, they prefer to stay
indoors and typically do not socialize with others in their neighborhood. One male student says,
“I’m usually inside the house most of the time, just in there listening to music, doing
[homework] assignments and all that. I [usually] stay at school [after school hours] most of the
time and then go back home [in the evening].” Another male student says, “I'm more indoors
because of homework but when I have the chance, I'll go outdoors and play with my nephew
[occasionally].”
100

In a city where 1 out of every 15 people is an identified gang member
14
, a small number
of students (both male and female) state that they tend not to socialize with others because of
their neighborhood surroundings. One male student says, “Well, I don’t really go out much, I
just stay in the house.” When I ask him why, he says “There’s too much negative stuff that
happens by my house.” A female student tells me she “avoids” her neighborhood. When I ask
her why, she says, “Well, the only people who hang out in my neighborhood is a group of gang
members who just hang out on my street. No one else really spends time outside.”
Only one of the male students in the sample informs me that he actively spends time with
friends in his neighborhood. I ask him to describe a typically school day. He says, “I get home
from school, I eat, take a shower, do my homework, and then just go outside with my neighbors
just to hang out, or else I’ll play basketball, [then] go back inside [at night].” When I ask if his
friends also plan to go to college, he says, “My friends at school – yes…my friends at home
[pauses] probably not.” He elaborates by saying that the friends in his neighborhood are either
older than 18, or have dropped out of school, or attend a continuation school. He later explains
that some of his neighborhood friends are involved in gangs and will not likely attend college.
Ultimately, this student is the only person in the sample who shares that he spends much
of his out-of-school time in his neighborhood. Other students in the sample, both male and
female, report that they tend to spend a majority of their time inside their home and typically do
not hold relationships with others in their neighborhood. Although education literature suggests
that gender-role socialization and social conditions may negatively influence many boys who
spend time in their neighborhood through downward mobility (Portes & Rumbaut, 2014), nearly
all of the students in the sample generally refrain from engaging with others in their
neighborhood.

14
Determined by the local police department.
101

Field Work and Preparing for College
The Esperanza students who I interview can be generally categorized into two groups:
migrant farm working students and stationary farm working students. Migrant farm workers
refer to laborers who commute more than 75 miles for agricultural work

or are absent overnight
from their permanent residence to perform agricultural labor (Carroll et al., 2005). In this study,
35% of the sample identify as migrant students
15
. The entire migrant farm working student
group travels out of the state of California for agricultural work. By comparison, stationary farm
working students travel less than 75 miles for work. Although these two groups are more similar
than different, particularly with regard to their job tasks and responsibilities, migrant farm
working students face the added challenge of relocating out of the state for work and as a result
often spend more time away from school. As I discuss later in the section, this relocation
compounds the challenges that these students face with regard to building social capital.
Nonetheless, nearly all of the students who work in field labor, whether migrant or stationary,
experience challenges related to building social capital in school.
Stationary farm working students
During my time at Esperanza, many students and staff express how working in the fields
disrupts students’ ability to participate in educational and extracurricular activities. Students
typically work during the summer season; a smaller number of students work during winter
break and during weekends. The need to contribute to the household income causes many
students to work extensive periods of time during the year. A staff member at Esperanza
suggests, “[Students] want to do well in school but then they're conflicted with family
responsibilities.” Similarly, another staff member shares, “Every year, it’s difficult because

15
In the state of California, an estimated 46% of all farm workers are migrants (ESCORT, 2014). Nationally, 42%
of all farm workers are migrants (National Center for Farm worker Health, Inc., 2012).
102

we're trying to get the kids signed up for summer school – a lot of the times the students will say
that they can't do summer school because they have to work.” She continues by saying:
For summer school, we don't provide transportation, so even if they themselves don't
necessarily have to work, their parents are still working over the summer and so they
don't have a way to get [to school] so then they end up working over the summer because
they don't have a ride.
Many farm working students are unable to work and attend school because of the time-
consuming and often laborious nature of field work. Students typically work a minimum of
eight-hour work shifts and in some cases 10-11 hours per day. Students usually begin their shift
in the early morning before or at sunrise. During the summer season, students work 5-6 days per
week. Students generally describe field labor as repetitive, physically demanding, and intensive
work. Although farm workers begin the day in the early morning to avoid extreme temperatures,
students report regularly working in 100-degree weather for long periods of the day. One
students shares, “The worst part is the heat – working directly in the fields, in the sun with no
shade.” When I ask how he is able to handle the intense conditions of working in the sun picking
fruit, he says, “You need to be strong. To wake up every single day – early – and be ready to
work, you have to be a hard worker. It’s really tough.” He conveys that the pesticides and
chemicals used on crops add to the danger of the work environment. He says, “With the
different sprays and chemicals they put on the fruits, you have to be really careful to not get
burned, or get hurt.”
One student discusses the repetitive nature of field work by stating, “I work in a machine
that picks up berries and [I] take out the trash from the machine that picks the berries and [I]
pack it in and send them to the cannery. That’s pretty much all I do.” I ask about her work
103

hours, and she says, “I do that about 10-11 hours [per day].” Several students express that they
prefer to spend their time in school rather than doing field work. One student describes working
during the winter season pruning grape trees, he tells me, “I hated doing that stuff. It was really
cold. I was like, ‘Man, I would rather be in school!’” Another student, Eric, explains, “We
would work por bote [per bucket], so we had to work as fast as we could so that we could
actually make money that day.” He continues by stating, “Once I would get home from work, I
would just lay out, turn on the fan, and watch TV.… I wasn’t even thinking about school.”
As Table 9 demonstrates, a majority of the students I interview worked for several years.
Seventeen of the 40 students have five or more years of experience working summers in the
fields; thirteen students have 3-4 years of farm working experience. Ten students report having
less than two years of farm working experience – five of those students never worked in the
fields. One of the five students does not have farm working experience at the time we interview;
however, the student is planning on working in the fields in the days following our interview.
Table 9
Students’ Years of Farm Working Experience
16

No Experience 1-2 Years 3-4 Years 5 + Years
Number of Years
Working in the
Fields
5 5 13 17

Of the students with work experience, roughly two-thirds of the students report beginning work
during middle school or high school. The remaining one-third of the students report beginning
field labor prior to entering middle school.

16
Includes migrant and stationary farm working students
104

Nearly all of the students who work in the fields do so during the summer months. Just
over half of the students I speak with also work weekends and/or winter and spring breaks.
Working for extended periods of the year forces many students to miss academic and
extracurricular activities including summer school and enrichment activities which could
potentially assist these students as they prepare for and apply to college.
Migrant Farm Working Students
As previously mentioned, migrant farm workers are generally defined as individuals who
commute more than 75 miles for agricultural work

or are absent overnight from their permanent
residence to perform agricultural labor (Carroll et al., 2005). Within this general group of
migrant students, I focus on those students who travel long distances, predominately out of the
state, in search of employment. These students often travel with their family during winter and
summer breaks and change residences for extended periods of time. Approximately one-third of
the students in the sample have migrated out of state during their K-12 education.
Throughout my interviews with various academic personnel at Esperanza, the challenges
that migration creates for students and school staff are evident. A staff member on campus tells
me:
In general, migrant students struggle more academically compared to other students.
[One of the biggest] challenges farm working students face [is] having limited
academic opportunities due to time constraints. Some [students] travel year round
following crop seasons, others travel in the summer. The majority of them work in the
fields to assist their family economically.
He continues by stating, “Migrant students who need to recover courses for A-G eligibility
during summer school have the pressure of deciding whether to work to help support their family
105

or to take a course that may better improve their opportunities in the future.” The staff member
elaborates on the academic challenges students face with regard to building social relationships
and successfully applying to college:
Migration creates many challenges for students in applying to college. Students need to
adjust to the different school policies, graduation policies, and teaching styles at [the
various schools] they attend. We had an issue where another school district was not
granting partial credit for the work students completed at Esperanza High. This policy
was putting students’ high school diploma and graduation in jeopardy….Students need to
be aware of what courses each school offers [which] are actually A-G courses.
Students also struggled developing and maintaining relationships with teachers and
counselors, and this became evident when students needed letters of recommendation for
student support services programs such as EOP or [when completing] scholarships.
Students struggled to find people who knew them well enough to write letters of
recommendations.
To address the academic challenges brought upon by migration, the staff member says that the
UC Migrant Scholars program “implemented interventions such as the Migrant Summer
Academy and the Migrant Middle School Academy where students worked on their [English
language arts] and math skills to help [10
th
grade] students prepare for the [California High
School Exit Exam]” at Esperanza High School.
Another staff member I speak with who works closely with Esperanza students describes
the various challenges migrant students face with pursuing a postsecondary education. She says,
“There are many challenges faced by migrant students as it relates to college applications…. As
they change high schools, they have difficulty building and sustaining a connection with teachers
106

and counselors.” She explains, “Depending on how often a family is migrating, a student can
change schools multiple times in a school year. This can impact the student’s ability to learn
core subjects, and as a result students may struggle to meet minimum college admission
requirements.” Similarly, a staff member states, “Migrants work to support their families, which
in turn may cause them to miss long periods of school. While students are out of school they are
missing out on academic progression.” Specifically, the staff member says migrant students
struggle with “knowing how to navigate the educational process, acquiring credits, building close
relationships, and focusing on school [instead of field work].” He explains that migrant students
“have a hard time keeping pace in school, keeping relationships with people on campus because
they move, miss parts of the year, and are constantly transitioning.” A staff member points out
that the amount of time migrant students miss throughout the academic year “makes it difficult
for students to take honors and AP classes due to the quantity of homework assigned and
independent learning that [the courses] require.” He also states that the school struggles with
keeping migrant students “on track to graduate because of challenges regarding credits and
differing graduation requirements in the school districts that they attend.”
One staff member on campus, Mrs. Nelson, outlines the many academic and social
challenges faced by migrant students. She explains that in some cases, the challenge for migrant
students is remaining academically qualified for college. She states, “Since [students are
moving] halfway through a semester, adjusting to a new school is sometimes difficult for kids so
they're more likely to fail classes with going back and forth.” She says:
Some students have [classes] to make up….They've really gotten themselves behind and
they need that to make up the classes and so it becomes hard because if they can't go to
summer school. That's one of the only options that they have for making up credits, so
107

then it puts them in a position where they have to choose between either working, which
a lot of them don't have a choice because some of my kids, they'll go to Oregon or
[another state] for the summer so they have no choice. The other choice ends up being
that since they can't make up their credits in summer school, then we have to look at
transferring them to an alternative placement [school].
She says that once the summer is over and the fall semester begins, migrant students begin the
school year weeks, or in some cases months, into the academic year. She explains:
Always – about three weeks in – we have a big influx [of migrant students]. It settles
down but then around the beginning of September we start getting another influx of the
students that are coming. Some of my students that go to Oregon, they'll drop [out of
classes] here in March or April, go up there, finish the school year out there, and then
come back here to us around September.
She adds, “Luckily at our school site, we have a really strong migrant program.” She continues
by stating:
Here at our school, we have a lot of staff that are here designated to work with
migrant students through the University of California [which helps students with credit
recovery]. If a student is identified as migrant, there's a staff member who works with
them and they offer them extra tutoring after school to hopefully make up for some of
that time that they're missing by moving back and forth.
In order for students to receive academic services typically provided to migrants, she informs me
that the student “has to be identified as migrant.” She says:
If I notice that I have this student that seems like that they've moved to a lot of different
schools, then I let our migrant case worker know and then they will talk to the parents
108

and there's an application [to complete]. All those students are issued a migrant
identification number.
Mrs. Nelson acknowledges the challenge of being able to identify migrant students, particularly
those who predominately travel during summer seasons:
It's hard to tell [if students are migrants] because sometimes when I'm meeting with the
students, it doesn't really come up too much until we do financial aid stuff….Of course,
for the [students who migrate during the academic year] it's obvious because they've
moved around a lot but with some of the other students it's difficult.
In my time at Esperanza High School, none of the migrant students who I speak with
change schools or migrate to another region during the period of October to May during the
academic year. Although many of the migrants in the sample miss parts of the beginning of the
school year as a result of relocation, all of the migrant students in the sample are continuously
enrolled at Esperanza High. All of the migrant students have experience travelling out of state
during the summer season. A majority of the migrant students in the sample have experienced
difficulty with attending school the entire school year because many of them either leave school
early during the spring semester or return to school late once the school year has already begun
in August.
While two students in the sample express that they did not miss any academic
opportunities or coursework (e.g., summer school) as a result of migration, nearly all of the
convey that their migration status is a significant obstacle for college. These two students say
that their parents would either schedule their relocation around their children’s academic
schedules or allow their children to stay in California with adult siblings. For example, one
student tells me, “My parents were [flexible]. If I had summer school, they would let me stay [in
109

California]. Or we left like the month later, so [I could attend summer school]. Another student
states that her parents would “plan [the move] so it wouldn’t [interfere] with classes.” However,
the remainder of the students in the sample who identify as migrants experience challenges with
relocation out of state.
One student, Dora, has traveled off and on to various states from the time she was in
elementary school until her junior year of high school. Dora says, “[We] would move from
places, sometimes it would be from here to Oregon or sometimes to Florida.” She continues by
stating:
I felt like that affected me because I [couldn’t attend] the whole school year….So instead
[the school] held me back a grade because of it so I felt like that interfered with my
education….I felt like it wasn't fair…because at that time I didn’t speak English.
Once in high school, Dora and her family resumed migrating out of state, which she asserts
impacted her ability to take classes and participate in college-going outreach programs. She
says, “I feel like I could have used [the summer] to get ahead in classes and [participate in]
Upward Bound instead of [working in the fields] throughout the summer.” Similar to Dora,
Karla also says she missed out on college preparation activities. She says, “Last year, I wanted
to do [Upward Bound] where students go to a college campus and live in the dorms…. You meet
other students who are going to college… learn about the [college] application process and what
college is all about.” Regarding the Upward Bound summer program, another student tells me,
“Like every summer [I tried to be] in [Upward Bound], but I always went to Washington….Last
year, I didn’t go to Washington, so finally I did get to [participate], and I spent two weeks living
at [a college] in the dorms.”
110

Another student, Natalia, experiences trouble with course-taking as a result of migration.
She tells me, “I could be coming to summer school. I talk with my parents about it but I know
it's not a good idea for them [to not relocate]…so I just don't go to summer school. I go work.”
Natalia elaborates on her dilemma by explaining that by migrating out of state she has not been
able to fulfill her A-G requirements because she is missing a class required for admission to a
four-year university. She says, “Well, I was going to [take a history class] but I guess now it's
too late to finish my A-G [requirements] so I’m like, ‘Okay fine, I'll just go to another school.’”
As a result, Natalia says her college plans have changed. She planned on applying to the
California State University system and pursuing a career in special education. She is currently
planning on attending a local community college. Eric, a student who will be attending a CSU
next year, says he was often late in arriving to school during the academic year. He says, “I
would usually start a couple weeks, or a month, late.” When I ask him what is the most amount
of time he has missed as a result of moving back to California during the school year, he replies,
“About a month and a half – I started in early October.” He explains, “It sucks because
everybody else would already know the teachers and their classes, and like, I’m just starting
out.”
Out of state migration not only creates a strain on students’ relationships with potential
institutional agents at school, but also with relationships within the household. Liliana has been
living with an aunt throughout her senior year of high school. Her mother, father, and siblings
live in Washington. After moving to the U.S. at the age of seven, Liliana and the rest of her
family have moved back and forth from California to Washington. During her junior year of
high school, her father decided to move the family to Washington permanently after finding
111

year-round employment. When I ask Liliana why she is still living in California, away from her
immediate family, she says:
One of the main reasons was because I wasn’t doing very good in school over there and I
wanted to go to college. When I see myself going to college, it is not in Washington, it is
here in California. When I was over there I wasn’t doing good, like all my grades they
were going really down and I didn’t like that.
I ask her why she has performed well academically at Esperanza High yet struggled in school in
Washington. She tells me she had difficulty adjusting to her courses, schooling environment,
and requirements for graduation. She also shares that she had difficulty creating relationships
with staff and students. She says, “I struggled with meeting new teachers and new friends. I feel
I didn’t have enough time to get to know them. Transferring for [my] last year of school…it was
hard.” Although Liliana has been away from her parents for the past eight months, she says she
is glad she ultimately made the decision to continue her education at Esperanza where she feels
she will be able to better prepare for college while receiving support from staff at school.
A student I speak with, Carlos, has migrated with his family to Oregon. He describes
migration as a challenge saying:
Students make friends and then you have to move again and you have to leave them
behind – it is a rotation to keep going back and forth. In my perspective, I think it's like
messing with [the student], making someone happy and then taking something very
important from them.
Of the 14 migrant students in the sample, a majority experienced academic hardships as a
result of their migration status. Students who travel during summer and winter vacations are
often forced to miss out on schooling activities that could potentially help students build
112

relationships with institutional agents as well as enhance student learning and college
knowledge. While students live out of state, many students say they feel socially isolated and
disconnected from education. A majority of the students do not have internet or computer access
while living in remote locations out of state. When they are not working, students spend time
watching television, playing video games, or doing household chores. As one student described
her summer months in Washington, “We live in an apartment. It’s one bedroom and there’s five
of us [in the family]. Me and my sisters are teenagers, so we need our space. There’s no
internet. There’s no TV. And all we do is work – it’s hard.”
Conclusion
The data in this chapter offer a glimpse into the educational experiences of 40 farm
working students in their senior year of high school with aspirations of going to college.
Although a majority of students in this sample were successful in applying to college, interviews
with students and staff suggest that differences exist in the ways that students foster relationships
with institutional agents when applying to college. The data outline the various individuals
within students’ social networks who provided information, guidance, and support to students
during the college application process. Interviews with students also demonstrate the importance
of trusting relationships, or confianza, among students and institutional agents at Esperanza.
The data revealed differences in domestic roles, parent expectations, and students’ help-
seeking behavior among male and female students. Girls were seemingly more willing or able to
build social capital with institutional agents compared to boys. In particular, students and staff at
Esperanza suggested that female students were more likely to be socially integrated on campus,
attend college-related events, and were more willing to seek support regarding college compared
to male students. At home, girls were expected to take on domestic chores and caretaking
113

responsibilities. While parents typically expected male students to pursue a college degree and
secure employment, some female students were encouraged to take on a homemaker role or
attend college under certain conditions.
The data also demonstrate that students’ educational experiences were influenced by the
need to work in the fields. Although students’ suggested that their experiences working in the
fields acted as a motivator to pursue a college education, students also shared that field work
created many academic and social obstacles for them in preparing for college. For stationary
farm working students, time spent working in the fields led to less time spent focusing on
academic and extracurricular activities, particularly in the summer season. For migrant students,
field work also disrupted students’ ability to focus on academic and extracurricular activities.
Relocating for work exacerbated these problems as students’ were forced to leave school for
extended periods of time, not only during the summer season but during the academic year as
well. Ultimately, the time students spent working compromised opportunities for students to
participate in educational activities and cultivate relationships with institutional agents at school.

114

Chapter 5
Analyzing Social Capital and Farm Working Students’ Experiences
“I definitely ran into problems when I was doing the applications….I remember my junior year,
[my AVID teacher] would say, ‘You can't apply last minute – college applications need to be
turned in by mid-November, before the turkey is in the oven!”
-Daniela, EHS Student

In the middle of his senior year, Mario comes in to speak with me for an interview. I
begin our conversation by asking him what he wants to do in the future. He explains that he is
interested in pursuing a career as an automotive technician, similar to his older brother who
currently works at a local car dealership. I ask him what he plans to do upon graduating from
Esperanza High in June and he tells me:
I want to go to [a local community college]. They have an [automotive] program [that
I’m interested in]. Then I want to work at the dealership my brother is working in. From
there I’ll work five years, and then I’ll try to open up my own mechanic shop.
I ask him if he has submitted his college application and he replies, “I haven't even turned that in
yet but I heard there's a waiting list.” After a brief pause, he begins explaining that despite his
wanting to go to college, he is unsure that he will. He tells me that he is working a lot of hours
outside of school because his family needs his income. He also says that he has been struggling
with his classes and may not be able to finish his senior year at Esperanza High. He says that he
prefers to work so that he can make money and help his family.
After discussing the specific issues he is having with his courses, I ask him if there is
anyone either at school or outside of school who he has spoken to with regard to his academic
115

struggles, and he says, “No, you’re the first person I talked to.” I ask him why he has not
reached out to his teachers, counselors, or anyone at home regarding his situation and he replies,
“I don’t know – I just haven’t.” I ask about his relationship with his teachers and counselors and
ask if there is anyone on campus who he felt he could ask for information, guidance, or support.
He tells me that there is no one who he has felt comfortable enough to ask when he needed help
regarding school. I follow by asking if anyone at home has been able to offer him guidance or
support with regard to school and he says, “Yeah, my brother and my mom.” I ask if he could
elaborate, and he says, “Well, they just tell me to try hard.”
Although Mario’s academic struggles have potential to compromise his academic and
career plans, at the point that we spoke during his senior year he had not sought help or support.
His family members, although willing to help, did not provide technical knowledge or support to
alleviate Mario’s dilemma. At school, I was the first person he spoke with regarding his
struggles – he had not sought support from his high school counselor, teachers, or any other
Esperanza personnel. How farm working students at Esperanza use their relationships with
others, or in many students’ cases, how and why these students fail to use their relationships with
others is at the core of this study. Two weeks after my conversation with Mario, I was informed
by a staff member at Esperanza that Mario had dropped out and was planning to enroll in a
nearby continuation school. Like Mario, many students often struggle academically at some
point with their classes or reaching their academic and career goals. Would Mario’s academic
path have been different if he had sought help in a timely manner, or if someone in his social
network (whether someone at school or elsewhere) would have intervened to offer support or
guidance?
116

As noted, help-seeking behavior generally involves a series of three fundamental stages:
(a) recognizing a problem or the need for help (b) making the decision to seek help, and (c)
selecting and utilizing a source of support (Anderson, 1995; Goldsmith, Jackson, & Hough,
1988). Understanding students’ help-seeking behavior and use of social relationships during
pivotal moments such as the senior year of high school are critical. This study was designed to
better understand how farm working students at Esperanza High use social capital to navigate the
college application during their senior year. The sample population under study, a group of 40
farm working high school seniors, was presented with a number of challenges that potentially
shaped their ability or willingness to build and maintain social relationships for college. All of
the farm working students who I interviewed were first-generation college students – three-
quarters of whom were the first in their family to attend college. All of the students were also
low-income; identified as either first- or second-generation immigrants; and resided in a
geographically isolated region of California with limited access to postsecondary institutions.
Similarly, all of the students in the sample had parents who worked in the fields, and nearly all of
the students (n = 35) in the sample had worked as field laborers. Of these 40 students, 14
migrated out of state with their families in search of agricultural work.
By focusing on the social relationships of college-bound students, the study examines
how students use social capital and help-seeking to apply to postsecondary schooling. The
primary research question of the study is “How do farm working students use social capital, if at
all, while applying to college?” From this primary question, three secondary research questions
follow:
 How does the farm working experience influence, if at all, students’ educational path to
college?
117

 What is the role of migration in farm working students’ social relationships in school?
 How do male and female farm working students compare in their ability or willingness to
foster relationships and seek help from intuitional agents in applying to college?
In this final chapter, I revisit the fundamental components of the study and provide an
analysis of the data. I begin by providing an overview of the research design and limitations.
Thereafter, I revisit social capital theory and the role of help-seeking behavior. Next, I present
three major findings of the study. I conclude by discussing the role of future research in
understanding social capital among high school students.
Research Design and Limitations
To better understand how the children of farm workers use, if at all, social relationships
with others while applying to college, I employed a range of qualitative data collection methods.
Specifically, the methods included interviews, survey questionnaires, participant observation,
document analysis, and field notes. I initially selected Esperanza High School as a research site
due to convenience. I have a personal connection to the school – I am an alumnus of Esperanza
High and my sibling is a staff member at the school. I also selected Esperanza as a research site
because of the large number of farm working students who attended the school.
The 40 students who I spoke with reflected a purposive sample. The criteria for
participating in the sample was (a) students had at least one parent/guardian who worked as a
farm worker or (b) students worked as farm workers themselves. My intent was to study a wide
range of farm working students which included students who planned to attend four-year
universities, community colleges, or were undecided as to whether they wanted to attend college.
Nearly all of the students who volunteered to participate in the study were students who planned
to attend college. Ultimately, a small number of students in the sample did not enroll in college
118

immediately upon graduation but all of these students mentioned that they planned to attend
college in the future.
Data collection occurred from October through May with a majority of the process
occurring from October to February. Two rounds of interviews were conducted with students;
the first round of interviews took place from October through November and the second round of
interviews occurred from January through February. Interviewing students twice enabled me to
speak to students before and after the college application process. From October to April, I also
observed the Esperanza campus focusing specifically on key campus events (many of them
related to college-going) which included college outreach events, school-wide functions, and
other events geared toward college preparation and the application process. I interviewed
academic personnel at Esperanza High; these interviews took place over the span of February to
April.
This study includes two fundamental limitations – both of which are common to research
in general and qualitative work in particular. The first limitation involves the length of the study.
I spent eight months collecting data at Esperanza High. Students’ educational experiences
leading into their senior of high school were not entirely captured by this study. The data
presented in this study did not capture students’ experiences beyond high school graduation or
their transitions into college. It is plausible that some of the students who informed me during
the spring semester of their senior year that they planned to attend college ultimately failed to
begin college in the fall. Such trends have been documented in the education literature. During
the time in between students’ high school graduation and first academic term in college, many
students experience “summer melt” and fail to enroll in college (Castleman, Page, & Sowdon,
2013). During this potentially pivotal moment, social relationships with institutional agents and
119

other members of students’ networks can be critical for students. However, this period/process is
not addressed in this study; thus, the trustworthiness of the data presented in this study was
limited with regard to the timeframe of the data collection.
A second limitation involves the scope of the data collection and the number of students
in the sample. I spoke with 40 of roughly 1,500 students who come from farm working families
at Esperanza High School. My interaction with these participants is not representative of all
students (or farm working students) at Esperanza. Within the broad group of farm working
students at the school, a great deal of diversity exists with regard to students’ social and
educational experiences. For example, it is possible (or perhaps likely) that one or more students
who I spoke with were either undocumented and/or had undocumented family members.
Because of issues related to privacy and confidentiality of documentation status and minors
under the age of 18, I did not collect data related to students’ documentation status.
Documentation status, however, can potentially play a critical role in the ways that students
perceive, build, or maintain social relationships with others at school and at home while on the
path to college. An undocumented student, for example, may be less willing or less able to foster
relationships with institutional agents due to their undocumented status compared to their peers.
This potentially important facet is not explicitly addressed in the study and stands as a potentially
significant limitation in understanding how these students used, or did not use, social capital
while applying to college.
I also spoke with seven of approximately 130 total staff members at the school. Although
the perspectives of the seven school personnel offer a substantial amount of insight in
understanding the use of social capital among farm working students, interviews with a greater
number of staff across these various positions could enhance the data. Similarly, conducting
120

interviews with individuals outside of the school’s campus (e.g., interviewing parents, siblings,
extended family, etc.) could offer a better understanding of how family members perceive
students’ academic trajectory, aspirations, and ultimately expectations of attending college.
Thus, the limited number of interviews with academic personnel and lack of data across
students’ social networks reflect a potential limitation in the study.
Revisiting Social Capital
Having timely and accurate information and guidance is crucial for high school students
who are preparing for college (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; King, 1996; McDonough, 2005). To
successfully apply, students must fulfill a number of requirements which often includes
completing specific academic coursework (e.g., A-G courses), college applications, college
entrance exams, financial aid application, and college enrollment. Education research suggests
that being able to access information about this potentially complex process is important in
shaping student outcomes (Conley, 2008; Perna, 2006; Tornatzky, Cutler, & Lee, 2002; Vargas,
2004; Zarate & Pachon, 2006). High school students often need relationships with individuals
who are able to provide information and technical knowledge about how to apply to college in
addition to helping cultivate positive attitudes toward educational attainment. These
relationships are typically shared with mentors, pro-academic peers, and institutional agents
(e.g., teachers, counselors, college representatives) who comprise a network of socialization
agents (Ream, 2003; Stanton-Salazar, 2011; Tierney & Venegas, 2006). Through these
networks, students can potentially receive a range of social and institutional support that may
shape the way students experience the college application process.
This study examines whether students were able or willing to build social relationships
that could potentially help while applying to college. As previously mentioned, social capital
121

refers to relationships or obligations that may potentially build other forms of capital (e.g.,
economic capital, cultural capital, or human capital). In this study, social capital was used to
examine how farm working seniors use relationships to prepare for and navigate the path to
college (which represents an investment in human capital). In conducting this study, I called
upon the work of Bourdieu (1977, 1986), Granovetter (1973, 1982), and Stanton-Salazar (1997,
2001) which inform the data analysis in this chapter.
Social capital theory originated predominately from the work of Bourdieu (1986) and
Coleman (1988). Researchers have since focused on new conceptualizations of social capital
and have applied variations of the theory across broader contexts and populations. Both
Bourdieu and Coleman emphasized the benefits that individuals or families build by virtue of
their relationship with others. Yet significant differences exist in the way each scholar
conceptualized the theory (Dika & Singh, 2002). Unlike Coleman (1988), Bourdieu (1986)
applied social capital as a tool to examine how class structure, social hierarchies, and differences
are produced and maintained in society. Bourdieu’s framework focuses on the role of social
reproduction and power whereas Coleman emphasizes function and agency (Dika & Singh,
2002). A significant amount of education research has been uncritically accepting of Coleman’s
conceptualization of social capital by pointing to the absence of race, culture, language, and
gender in potentially informing the application of the theory (Dika & Singh, 2002; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997; Lareau, 2001). In this study, I focused on two particular areas, migration status
and gender, and examine how these factors potentially influence students’ social capital via
relationships with institutional agents.
Although the work of Bourdieu and Coleman provide a conceptual foundation from
which to understand social capital, distinguishing the different types of social capital is
122

particularly relevant to understanding social capital among farm working students. Using
Granovetter’s (1973, 1982) work on employment/social mobility and close and distant ties, Adler
and Kwon (2002) categorized capital into two groups: bonding capital and bridging capital.
Bonding capital generally refers to relationships within an individual’s close personal network
such as a person’s immediate and extended family members, close friends, or people within close
proximity in a neighborhood (see Figure 3). By contrast, bridging capital refers to an
individual’s relationships outside of their close personal network. In the case of a farm working
student, bonding capital may refer to close ties with immediate family, extended family, or peers,
whereas bridging capital refers to relationships with staff or school personnel on a school’s
campus including teachers, counselors, and college representatives. Embedded within these two
different forms of social capital is the strength of these ties, which carry importance with regard
to students’ social relationships. According to Granovetter (1973, 1982), weak ties typically lead
to the acquisition of information, resources, and other forms of capital (i.e., economic, human,
cultural) which ultimately enable social mobility.
123

Figure 3. Bonding Capital and Bridging Capital of a High School Student
Findings
The data presented in Chapter 4 illustrated how farm working seniors at Esperanza used
and failed to use social capital while applying to college. I synthesize the findings from the data
into three sections which speak to social capital theory and help-seeking behavior.
 Farm work has the ability to stifle opportunities to prepare for college and complete the
application process
 Confianza has the ability to shape how students foster and maintain social capital
 Students’ help-seeking behavior and domestic roles differ across gender lines
In the following sections, I expand on each of the three findings. In doing so, I focus on
students’ farm working experiences in general and migration status and gender in particular.

Bridging Capital
Bonding Capital
Farm Working
Esperanza Student
• School Personnel: Teachers,
School Leadership, Coaches
• Counselors: High School,
Migrant Education, AVID, CSF,
TRIO/Upward Bound, College
Representatives
• Peers; Clubs/ Organizations
• Community/Neighborhood
• Parents
• Siblings
• Extended Family
• Peers/Friends

124

Farm Work has the Ability to Stifle Opportunities to Prepare for College and Complete the
Application Process
The Esperanza students who I spoke with during my eight months can be generally
categorized into two groups: migrant farm working students and stationary farm working
students. As mentioned in Chapter 4, these two groups were more similar than different, given
the similarities in their job tasks and responsibilities. However, relocation often added a
dimension of complexity for migrant farm working students and resulted in more time away
from school. Still, nearly all of the students who worked in field labor, regardless of whether
they migrated or worked locally, experienced challenges related to building social capital in
school.
During my time at Esperanza, several staff and students expressed how field work
interferes with school and extracurricular activities, particularly when students work on
weekends or during the summer season – high season for crop picking in California. As the
education literature suggests, the summer months are particularly important for students from
disadvantaged backgrounds given that students are vulnerable to “summer slide” or “summer
slip,” in which students’ academic skills (e.g., reading skills) fall behind compared to their peers
during this period (Alexander, Entwisle, & Olson, 2007; McCombs et al., 2011). The loss of
academic skills is cumulative and over time “these periods of differential learning rates” can
create adverse effects on underprivileged students (Smith, 2012, p. 61). Consequently, farm
working students are especially vulnerable to this academic phenomenon given the amount of
time this demographic of students tends to spend working in the fields during the summer season
and away from academics.
125

The challenges that migration caused for students and school staff were apparent.
During the months that students lived out of state, many migrant students described a repetitive,
labor-intensive routine of crop picking. Most migrant students reported feeling socially isolated
as a majority of the students did not have internet or computer access while living in remote
locations out of state. Although campos typically consist of multiple families which comprise a
small community, many of the students reported seldom socializing with people outside of their
family. Instead, many of the students said that outside of work, they usually spent time watching
television, playing video games, or doing household chores. During this time, students focused
predominately on working and did not engage in academic or educational activities.
When migrant students returned to California, they often found that the academic year
had already begun. In addition to missing extended periods of the academic year, migration
during the academic year and summer sessions also restricted many students from taking
advantage of educational opportunities. Moving to various geographic locations in search of
employment complicated students’ educational experience, particularly with regard to building
relationships in school and student learning. Mobility disrupted migrant students’ “social root
systems” by producing challenges for students in developing and maintaining relationships with
fellow students and academic personnel (Ream, 2001). This challenge is not necessarily unique
to migrant farm working students. Other student groups such as homeless youth and foster youth
are also confronted by challenges of mobility and maintaining social relationships with
institutional agents. To be sure, both homeless and foster youth are distinct from migrant farm
working students. Each student population experiences a host of unique circumstances and
challenges both in and out school. Nonetheless, a common thread amongst these student groups
is the often protean-nature of their relationships with institutional agents. Education research
126

focusing on social capital has shown that homeless youth (Miller, 2011; Tierney & Hallett, 2012)
and foster youth (Corwin, 2008) face significant challenges in cultivating and maintaining
relationships with institutional agents in school and outside of school settings (e.g., case workers,
child development specialists, shelter-based administrators, etc.). Research has also
demonstrated the complexity of providing and maintaining educational opportunities for youth
with transitional lifestyles from a policy standpoint (Julianelle & Foscarinis, 2003; Tierney,
Gupton, & Hallett, 2008).
Confianza Shapes How Farm Working Students Foster and Maintain Social Capital
As mentioned in Chapter 4, farm working students at Esperanza collectively relied on a
range of different people to prepare and complete the college application process. While roughly
three-quarters of the students in the sample relied on one or multiple individuals for support,
approximately one-quarter of the students reported not seeking or receiving support from others
while applying to college. Why did some students seek or receive support while others did not?
As I discuss in the further detail, farm working students had uneven access to and use of social
capital.
Bonding capital, represented as social capital from farm working students’ close
networks (i.e., immediate family, extended family, or friends), generally came from older
siblings or friends. Roughly one-quarter of the students shared that they received help or support
from their older siblings while applying to college. Although students overwhelmingly cited
their parents (and their parents’ farm working experiences) as one of the reasons they were
inspired to attend college, students often suggested that their parents were unable to offer
technical support or guidance as they went through the application process. Given that all of the
students were first-generation college-bound students, nearly all of the students had parents who
127

lacked familiarity with the college application process and were unable to offer direct support.
To be sure, none of the students I spoke with suggested that their parents’ lack of navigational or
college knowledge was a hindrance. Rather, with the exception of a small number of parents
who were not supportive of (female) students, nearly all of the parents encouraged their children
to pursue a postsecondary education. Take for example, Mario’s experience in wanting to apply
to college. During his senior year, Mario struggled academically and was at risk of leaving
Esperanza High. When I asked Mario if anyone at home was been able to offer him guidance or
support for school he responded, “Yeah, my brother and my mom.” I asked if he could
elaborate, and he told me, “Well, they just tell me to just try hard.”
Many students, similar to Mario, expressed having confianza with individuals who
represented bonding capital. Yet a majority of students described circumstances in which they
relied on their families for social-emotional support and aspirational capital (Yosso, 2005), but
rarely sought their support with regard to college-going. That is, students did not seek or receive
information, college knowledge, or technical know-how in preparing for college or applying to
college. Instead many students who I spoke with were inspired or encouraged to attend college
from their close relationships in their network, but students typically reported receiving technical
academic support from those individuals in their extended network, or their bridging capital.
Unlike students’ network of bonding capital, bridging capital involves social
relationships that exist in distant social networks. As demonstrated in Chapter 4, not all of the
students felt that they had someone at Esperanza who they can rely on for support while applying
to college. Recall in Chapter 4 my conversations with Carolina, an academically stellar student
with a 4.3 GPA. Despite her academic record, Carolina struggled significantly during the
college application process. When she began the application process in October, she had plans
128

of applying to the University of California (UC) and California State University (CSU) systems.
During this process, however, she became overwhelmed by school and extracurricular activities.
Although she initially began the application process with the support of a UC representative on
campus, her willingness to maintain contact with the college representative dwindled. When I
asked her why she did not seek out a counselor, she said, “Sometimes you can’t find on them
campus, they’re busy.” Carolina later explained that she did not feel comfortable seeking out
support from school personnel on campus.
Carolina’s experience illustrates the potentially devastating role that a lack of bridging
capital can play in a student’s path to college. Other students who I spoke with often credited
their support system – comprised of various school personnel – for assisting and guiding them
through the application process. For example, one student with whom I spoke, Fidel, was a
student who admittedly struggled academically throughout his four years at Esperanza, in part
because of his need to maintain employment outside of school. During times of academic
hardship, Fidel often relied on a number of academic personnel on campus, most notably his
migrant education counselor, high school counselor, and a former teacher. When I met with
Fidel for a second interview in February, Fidel had completed the application process to enroll in
a nearby community college and had completed his financial aid application. In reflecting on the
application process, he said, “I always had help – from my teachers, counselor, migrant ed
counselor – they always helped me. I would just go to them whenever I needed.”
The two students mentioned here, Carolina and Fidel, in many ways serve as counter-
narratives of what would typically be expected of a straight-A student versus an academically
struggling student. Carolina’s reluctance to seek help or guidance in a time of stress and
uncertainty is indicative of her lack of trust with personnel who could potentially provide her
129

with evaluative feedback and guidance to apply to college. Although Carolina met with her
counselor to discuss coursework, her counselor was seemingly unable to recognize or identify
Carolina’s dilemma not simply because Carolina was hesitant to discuss the issue but because
Carolina’s struggles were displayed after the application deadlines. Also, by her counselor’s
account, Carolina was performing well academically. Thus, Esperanza High’s protocols of
helping students avoid falling behind was not sufficient in identifying Carolina’s problem. By
comparison, Fidel’s willingness to “just go ask [for help] whenever [he] needed it” derived from
what he perceived to be positive and trusting relationships with a few of his teachers and
counselors.
Of the 40 students I interviewed, just over half (n =22) of the students reported receiving
support from multiple people on campus or within their household to apply to college. While
roughly one-quarter of the students relied on just one person for support, the remaining quarter of
students did not rely on others during the application process. The types of bridging support
students received can be broadly categorized into five forms. As discussed in Chapter 2, these
five types are generally categorized as: funds of knowledge; advocacy; role modeling; social-
emotional support; and personalized and evaluative feedback and guidance. Students at
Esperanza High received these five types of bridging support from different sources and to
varying degrees. For instance, roughly half of the students I spoke with described having
relationships with an institutional agent on campus rooted in funds of knowledge – that is,
relationships in which students’ cultural and social values are applied to their academic
achievement. Students often discussed their work ethic and resilience, two attributes students
often associated with field work, as being recognized and promoted by institutional agents on
campus. A smaller number of students (roughly one-quarter) reported that they had someone on
130

campus who was an advocate for them, or someone who intervened on behalf of the student with
the intent of promoting or protecting their interest. A majority of students disagreed with the
idea of having an advocate on campus, as one student pointed out, “You have to look for help to
get it...but no one has gone out of their way or stepped in to help me.” The notion that school
personnel had never stepped in to offer their help or support resonated with many students.
Thus, a small number of students felt that they had an advocate on campus; some of these
students, while a minority, suggested that they had a close friend who served as an advocate for
them by offering support and guidance when they needed it.
Relationships rooted in role modeling were not common among students. Role modeling
generally refers to behavior associated with (a) participation in mainstream domains and (b)
developing coping strategies via help-seeking behavior and problem-solving. Roughly one-
quarter students reported having someone on campus that led to their participation in schooling
activities or helped students with help-seeking behavior or problem-solving. Students often cited
their peers (i.e., close friends) as those who exemplified modeling behavior by encouraging them
to join a pro-academic club/organization on campus, attend a college-related event, or initiate a
meeting with their counselor. Although a majority of students did not have someone on campus
who modeled behavior, many students did state that their older siblings (some of who were in
college) often modeled behavior.
Only a small number of students with whom I spoke (n = 9) reported receiving social-
emotional support from someone on campus. Social-emotional support broadly refers to support
or help geared toward participation in mainstream arenas or coping with challenges brought upon
by stratification. Although many students cited receiving academic help from their high school
counselor, a majority of students suggested that they did not rely on anyone for social or
131

emotional support. Many students said that they typically relied on someone off-campus (e.g., a
close family member) for support. Many students often expressed not having a trusting or a
close enough relationship with anyone to seek out social or emotional support on campus. For
example, when I asked one student who she talks to for social or emotional support she said,
“Well, just like my family – my parents.” When I asked her, “Do you talk to anyone at school?”
She replied, “No, not for that – it’s mostly just family.”
Just under half of the students expressed receiving personalized and evaluative feedback
and guidance from school personnel. This form of support is generally represented as pro-
academic technical and college knowledge. Some examples of this support included receiving
assistance or feedback while writing personal statements, choosing which college(s) to apply, or
reviewing college applications. Students who actively participated in pro-academic
organizations/programs were generally more likely to report receiving personalized and
evaluative feedback and guidance. Students often shared that by participating in programs such
as AVID or the Migrant Education Program they received individualized support and feedback
regarding college applications and financial aid/scholarship applications. This form of support
was often embedded within the structure or curriculum of the pro-academic
organizations/programs. As a result, institutional agents were able to provide this form of
support without students having to necessarily seek it out.
A majority of the students who received support during the application process shared
that they had received support and information almost exclusively in-person. To be sure, all of
the students who applied to college did so online. However, approximately two-thirds of the
students did not use online resources prior to applying. Roughly one-third of the students (n =
132

14) said that they used internet resources to find information about colleges, majors, and
scholarships (see Table 10).
Table 10
Students’ Online Sources for College-Related Information
Online
Sources
University/College
Institutional Websites
Educational/Gov’t
Websites
Did Not Use Online
Sources
Number of
Students
10 11 26

Students I spoke with seldom used social media, applications, or online resources to
communicate with institutional agents. Nearly all of the students (n = 38) shared that they used
social media (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram) either occasionally or regularly. Of this group, 34
shared that they used social media websites for leisure/fun or to keep in touch with people in
their network for non-academic purposes. While nearly all of the students I spoke with owned a
smartphone, many of them did not have data plans on their phones. Most students’ primary
mode of internet access came from using Wi-Fi on campus. However, internet use on campus
was restricted during class. When asking a staff member at Esperanza about students’ reliance
on computer/technology to find information for college, he said:
[Farm working] students mostly rely on information from people at school. They often
don’t have access to a computer or access to the internet at home. And here at school, a
lot of students don’t have access because we don’t have enough computers readily
available. We have computers available in the [library], but they get used up all the time.
We’re working to change that, and just this year we received a grant to increase the
number of computers we have available to students. So next year will be different for us.
Thus, while recent trends point to an increasing use of technology and online/social media to find
college information (Smith, Salaway, & Caruso, 2009), a majority of the students relied
133

overwhelmingly on in-person communication with institutional agents at Esperanza for college
support. This pattern is indicative of the potential lack of internet/computer access amongst farm
working students at home. It also highlights the importance of bridging capital via student
interaction with institutional agents on campus.
Digital access was important for a small number of students who chose to use it during
the college application process, but for most students, this was not the case. It is unclear
whether digital access only played a minor role in students’ college applications because these
students chose not to use digital resources or because they were unable to access digital tools in
the process. Because Esperanza High is expected to have improved digital resources in the near
future, it is plausible that the degree to which students rely on technology for college will also
increase. If this is the case, students’ reliance on academic personnel on campus may become
less frequent or perhaps less relevant. Students who are reluctant or unable to meet with school
staff on campus may be more willing to communicate with school personnel online. Or students
may prefer to find information for college on their own accord using online tools – regardless of
whether the information they access is timely or accurate. While these future possibilities may
potentially hold true, the importance of students’ relationships with institutional agents on
campus should not be understated as institutional agents can serve a critical role as sources of
information and guidance for students on campus.
The extent to which students were able to receive support may have influenced which
postsecondary options students pursued despite students’ academic qualifications. Table 6 (on
page 70) highlights the various academic/career pathways students took beyond high school
graduation. While it was uncommon for student with under a 3.0 GPA to attend a four-year
university, the path for students who were at the top of the class, with a 3.7 GPA or higher,
134

remained unclear. Of the 14 Esperanza students with below a 3.0 GPA, only one was accepted
to a four-year college. The one student, Margarita, had a 2.9 GPA and relied heavily on her
relationship with Upward Bound staff to help her navigate the college application process. For
those students with grade point averages between 3.0 and 3.6, students generally pursued
different pathways which included working full-time (and not attending college), enlisting in the
military, or attending either community college, a CSU, or a UC.
Although a majority of students with a 3.7 GPA or higher were accepted to four-year
colleges, this group exhibited in-group differences. Of the 15 students in this group, eight
planned to attend a UC, six planned to attend a CSU, and one planned to attend a community
college. While not widespread among all of the students I spoke with, roughly one-quarter of the
students I spoke had potential to apply to or attend a postsecondary institution that was more
selective than the option they chose. While all of the students were capable of a attending
postsecondary institution, six chose not to attend college. Aside from these six students, a
number of students “undermatched” when selecting postsecondary options. Undermatching
generally involves high-qualified, low-income students not applying and/or enrolling in colleges
for which they qualify academically. Four-year universities often use a holistic approach in
making admissions decisions, taking into account factors such as grades, rigor of coursework,
college entrance exams, and extracurricular activities. A number of students with whom I spoke
were academically qualified to attend top-tier universities, but chose not to apply or enroll. One
case of undermatching applied to Carolina, a student with a 4.3 GPA who opted to attend
community college. Other students such as Christina and Maria were academically competitive
with 4.1 and 3.8 GPAs (respectively) but chose not to apply to schools in the UC system.
Instead they chose to enroll in a CSU in the region. Similarly, one student, Daniela, was
135

admitted to a UC but opted to enroll in a CSU because she wanted to stay close to home. The
latter three students mentioned here, chose not to pursue UCs and instead chose to attend CSUs
due to issues of affordability and geographic distance to UC campuses.
The patterns outlined here are consistent with the education literature which suggests that
low-income students’ application behavior can vary significantly from that of high-income
students with similar achievement (Hoxby & Avery, 2012; Roderick, Coca, & Nagaoka, 2011).
Studies have revealed that while high-income students generally follow the advice to “apply to a
few ‘par’ colleges, a few ‘reach’ colleges, and a couple ‘safety’ schools,” (Hoxby & Avery,
2012, p. 178) low-income students tend to undermatch by not enrolling into “par” or “reach”
colleges, and instead opting to enroll in less selective institutions. While having social
relationships with institutional agents could potentially help students identify appropriate college
options, students I spoke with struggled with issues of affordability, geographic isolation, a lack
of college knowledge, or a lack of family support which may have ultimately played a role in
shaping students’ choices.
Students’ Help-Seeking Behavior and Domestic Roles Differ Across Gender Lines
During my time at Esperanza High School, students and school personnel revealed that
girls built social relationships with institutional agents more so than boys. While many male and
female students I spoke with suggested that male students’ lack of help-seeking behavior would
produce negative consequences for male students academically, a small number of male and
female students asserted that males’ self-reliant or independent attitudes would benefit them in
situations when help was not available. Research focusing on gender differences and help-
seeking behavior (e.g., Wisch, Mahalik, & Nutt, 1995; Good, Dell, & Mintz, 1989) demonstrate
that the lack of help-seeking among males is largely contingent upon a male’s adherence or
136

belief in traditional gender roles which are often learned through childhood socialization
(Stanton-Salazar & Ospina, 2000, p. 240). While it is plausible that students’ cultural/ethnic
background played a role in shaping how the students in this sample perceived help-seeking,
most students with whom I spoke (male or female) did not cite being raised in a Latina/o
immigrant household as a potential reason why they did or did not seek help.
The sample population for this study was comprised entirely of students who come from
Latina/o immigrant families. In many instances, the patriarchal culture that often characterizes
Latina/o households led to a division of labor among male and female students as well as varying
parental expectations for academics, careers, and opportunities to cultivate relationships with
peers (Hernández-León & Lakhani, 2013). Familial relationships, a potentially critical form of
social capital, carry important implications for students’ academic paths. For many female
students with whom I spoke, their role at home typically involved family obligations such as
sibling caretaking, domestic chores, and contributing financially to the household. These
responsibilities, in conjunction with different academic expectations among parents, played a
potential role in shaping students’ perceptions, educational experiences, and future aspirations.
Parental expectations for female students regarding school and future careers fell into two
seemingly polarizing views of education for female students – one in which female students were
pushed to go to college and one in which female students were persuaded from pursuing higher
education and adopt a homemaker role. Those female students who were pushed to attend
college were often encouraged to follow majors or career paths typically associated with women.

137

Discussion
Based on these analyses, I return to a discussion of the questions that motivated this
study. In doing so, I address each research question by providing a synthesis of the data and
findings.
Research Question 1: How do farm working students use social capital, if at all, while
applying to college?
Farm working students at Esperanza High had uneven access to and use of social capital
while applying to college. Students I spoke with collectively relied on a wide range of
individuals and resources to prepare and complete the college application process. This range of
individuals included family members, school personnel, peers, and online sources. While some
students were able to rely on their bonding capital (e.g., relationships with family and close
friends) for information, guidance, and support for college, a majority of students relied
predominately on bridging capital with institutional agents (e.g., counselors, teachers, and
college representatives) for college support. Meanwhile, a small number of students did not seek
or receive support from others before or during the application process.
Just over half of the students in the sample participated in at least one of five pro-college
organizations at Esperanza which helped facilitate the process of building relationships with
institutional agents on campus. These organizations/programs included AVID, Upward Bound,
California Scholarship Federation, UC Scholars, and the Migrant Education Program. These
pro-college organizations/programs were helpful in giving students access to important
information, guidance, and support to successfully apply to college. Farm working students
relied predominately on strong relationships with institutional agents, or strong bridging capital,
138

for support as opposed to weak bridging ties, as past social capital research would suggest
(Granovetter, 1973, 1982).
Social capital, represented as social relationships for college, was not readily available to
students at Esperanza High School. With regard to college knowledge, school staff members
were the key holders of knowledge and information on Esperanza’s campus and thus served as
gatekeepers of social capital. Yet school personnel often struggled in reaching out to help
students with college which ultimately limited the social capital students received. Although
many of the students I spoke with relied on various institutional agents for college help, social
capital on Esperanza's campus was in many ways scarce. Pro-academic programs such as AVID
and Upward Bound offered students with ample opportunities to build relationships with
institutional agents, but these programs often targeted only a small number of students on
campus.
For students who did not participate in at least one of the previously mentioned programs,
the process of accessing support was more challenging. As demonstrated by the data in Chapter
4, institutional agents did not usually reach out to students to offer support. Rather, students
typically had to seek out and ask for help in order to receive it. Students who were assertive in
creating social relationships or joined pro-academic clubs/organizations were often more
successful in obtaining support or help when needed. Students who did not actively seek support
or join clubs/organizations (which often facilitated relationship building) were often the same
students who did not have trusting or positive relationships with personnel on campus and did
not feel comfortable approaching staff on campus.
A number of school personnel and students on campus suggested that certain student
groups tended to receive more support than others. Students who were on track to complete their
139

A-G requirements were typically summoned out of class to meet with their high school counselor
to discuss college plans. However, not all students were afforded this opportunity. As a number
school staff suggested, students who were not on track to complete their A-G requirements were
often not called in to speak about college or plans beyond high school (e.g., finding a job).
Because high school counselors focused predominately on helping only A-G eligible students for
college, many potential college-bound students – particularly those who had not fulfilled their A-
G requirements but were still eligible to attend community college – were overlooked by high
school counselors. That is, if a student was missing an A-G course (e.g., history, English, math),
the student was at risk of not being contacted to receive help for college. Given that 45% of the
entire student population was not on track to complete their A-G requirements, it is likely that
this population of students was not contacted to speak about college with their counselor.
Nonetheless, school staff struggled in providing support, particularly individualized support, to
all students regardless of A-G eligibility. As one staff member mentioned, large classroom sizes
and a student-counselor ratio of 450 to 1 created significant obstacles in meeting students’
educational needs. Yet those students who were deemed college-bound by the school counselors
were also those who were prioritized in receiving college help.
Research Question 2: How does the farm working experience influence, if at all, students’
educational path to college?
The need to work and contribute to their family income forced many students I
interviewed into field work. Although students unanimously agreed that their experiences toiling
in the fields acted as a catalyst to continue their education, field labor also compromised the
degree to which they were able to focus on schooling and extracurricular activities in preparation
for college. Unlike many blue-collar, service-sector, or entry-level jobs commonly held by high
140

school students, field work is almost always done during daylight hours. While non-farm
working students can potentially work part-time during after-school hours, farm work necessarily
takes place during school hours. Students often worked extensive hours during summer and
winter breaks as well as on weekends during the academic year. As the education literature
suggests, the summer months are particularly important for students, particularly those from
disadvantaged backgrounds. Given that farm working students often worked for several years of
their K-12 schooling, farm working students were vulnerable to “summer slide” or “summer
slip,” in which students’ academic skills slip during this period compared to their peers
(Alexander, Entwisle, & Olson, 2007; McCombs et al., 2011).
Research Question 3: What is the role of migration in farm working students’ social
relationships in school?
Migrant farm workers are a subset of the general farm working population defined by
their extensive travel for work (Carroll et al., 2005). Migrant students who I spoke with at
Esperanza traveled long distances, usually out of the state, to work in agriculture. Relocating for
extended periods caused many students to miss academic and extracurricular activities including
summer school and enrichment activities which could have potentially assisted these students as
they prepared for and applied to college. This group of students often missed periods of the
academic year as well, leaving school before the end of the school year and/or returning once
school was in session.
During my interviews, students and staff at Esperanza expressed that student migration
caused many challenges for students and staff with regard to students’ social relationships and
their preparation for college. Students struggled in developing and maintaining relationships
with teachers, counselors, and other school personnel which became problematic when students
141

needed letters of recommendation for scholarships and student support programs. Transitioning
forced students to readjust to their schooling environment both socially and academically.
During the time that students were out of state, students often lived in geographically isolated
campos where they rarely engaged in educational or extracurricular activities that could
potentially prepare them for college or the application process. Instead, students spent their time
working full-time in the fields, often working as many as 50-60 hours per week.
Research Question 4: How do male and female farm working students compare in their
ability or willingness to foster relationships and seek help from intuitional agents in
applying to college?
During my time at Esperanza High School, students and school personnel revealed that
girls sought help and maintained relationships with institutional agents more so than boys.
Consistent with research, during times of uncertainty or distress, male students were less likely
than females to seek out assistance or support from others in their network in general and from
institutional agents in particular (Gross & McMullen, 1983; Stanton-Salazar & Ospina, 2000).
Male students typically maintained relationships with and sought help from teachers, counselors,
and peers less consistently than female students. Male students were also less likely to attend
college-related events. Based on my observations of college-going events, female students
typically outnumbered boys at information sessions at a two-to-one ratio. Similarly, male
students were less likely to seek help or support from me as I offered college-related support to
students during my eight months on campus.
Participants offered different plausible explanations for the differences in help-seeking
behavior between boys and girls. While some participants suggested that male students tend to
be more shy or reticent, others attributed the lack of help-seeking behavior among males to a
142

more independent, self-reliant way of thinking. Some participants expressed that male students
did not want to convey weakness or vulnerability in asking for help, particularly in public
settings.
Directions for Future Research
Although the data presented throughout this study call upon a number of issues that
confront farm working students, and more broadly low-income Latina/o students, I focus here on
two areas of potential research. These two areas address: (a) the reconceptualization of weak
bridging ties as it applies to educational settings and (b) how K-12 schools can better assist
students with help-seeking and the college application process.
Bridging and Bonding Capital
Throughout my conversations with Esperanza students, it became readily apparent that
students collectively relied on a host of different individuals as sources of support to apply to
college. With regard to relationships with institutional agents (represented as bridging capital),
confianza often shaped the extent to which students would rely on certain people for support.
Previous research on social networks by Granovetter (1973, 1982) suggested that social
relationships among individuals with weak bridging capital often led to the acquisition of
information, resources, and other various forms of capital (including social capital) which
ultimately led to social mobility. Applied to K-12 schooling, Granovetter’s conceptualization of
bridging capital suggests that students benefit significantly from weak relationships just as much
– if not more than strong relationships with academic personnel such as teachers, counselors, or
college representatives. Although it is certainly plausible that weak bridging ties may be more
effective or beneficial under specific circumstances (Hansen, 1998), the notion that high school
143

students benefit from weak ties with teachers, counselors, or college representatives runs counter
to the data presented in this study.
Students with whom I spoke often cited strong, trusting relationships as those which
helped prepare them for college. Weak ties, or relationships in which students met less
frequently with school personnel, were often described by students as being less effective or less
useful in finding information, guidance, or support for college. Often in these cases, students
refrained from seeking out support from individuals with whom they shared weak ties and
instead relied on relationships representing strong bridging capital. Given these findings, further
work investigating how the strength of relationships among students and institutional agents
result in college knowledge or support for applying to college would add clarity to the
applicability of Granovetter’s (1973, 1982) work in educational settings.
Developing Help-Seeking Behavior
Decades of education literature suggest that healthy student development and academic
achievement are influenced by regular opportunities to cultivate positive relationships among
both personal and institutional ties (Bandura, 1969; Wynn, Richman, Rubenstein, & Littell,
1987). Having social relationships with institutional agents on a school’s campus may help
students avoid experiencing the potentially devastating effects of not being able to access key
resources to pursue a postsecondary education (Williams & Kornblum, 1985). During my eight
months at Esperanza High, data suggested that female students were more willing to foster and
maintain relationships through help-seeking while on the path to college. Education research has
also suggested that female students are more likely to succeed academically and are more likely
to pursue a postsecondary education compared to male students (Feliciano & Rumbaut, 2005;
Gándara 1995; Waldinger & Feliciano, 2004). A majority of students I spoke with relied on at
144

least one individual for help while applying to college. To be sure, this does not necessarily
imply that the students with whom I spoke would not benefit from a greater range or a greater
number of social relationships in applying to college.
An area of future research involves the ways in which high school students (particularly
male students) can be further encouraged to build and maintain relationships with institutional
agents in school, particularly as it relates to developing help-seeking behavior. Such research is
particularly useful for potential institutional agents such as teachers, counselors, and college
representatives at low-income schools. Large classroom sizes, high student-to-counselor ratios,
and a lack of college preparation programs and activities are just some of the ways that low-
income schools struggle in promoting access to potential institutional agents for students.
Examining students’ network development in conjunction with structural and institutional factors
that shape opportunities for schools to create empowering relationships with students could help
alleviate the challenges that students face when applying to college.
Conclusion
In the pursuit of higher education, farm working students at Esperanza High were
confronted by a wide array of financial, social, and educational challenges. Many of these
challenges derived directly from the act of working in the fields. While students were picking
crops, they were necessarily missing out on opportunities to prepare for college. In this study,
my goal was to understand how farm working students used social capital, if at all, while
applying to college. During my eight months at Esperanza, I learned that the ability of farm
working students, whether stationary or migrant, to build social relationships and take advantage
of educational opportunities was disrupted significantly as a result of engaging in field labor.
Farm working students were largely motivated by their experiences working in the fields to
145

avoid a future picking crops and instead to pursue a college degree. Yet time spent away from
extracurricular activities, summer school/enrichment, and engaging in community service
resulted in less opportunities to better prepare for college.
While in school, having confianza, or trusting relationships with institutional agents was
critical for students in accessing timely and accurate information regarding the college
application process. The degree to which farm working students sought help and support in
times of need was often divided across gender lines. Differences in help-seeking behavior
among boys and girls were apparent, as female students tended to look for help on a more regular
and consistent basis than male students. At home, parental expectations of female students
regarding school and future careers fell into two seemingly polarizing views of education for
female students. Girls were either encouraged to go to college (under certain conditions) or were
dissuaded from pursuing higher education entirely and adopt a role as a homemaker. By
contrast, male students were encouraged to attend college by their parents.
This work has explored the experiences of a demographic of students that has been
widely overlooked in the education literature. In some respects, farm working students are
similar to Latina/o students who attend under-resourced schools in urban or suburban areas. And
yet in other ways their worlds are entirely different. Farm working students such as those I
interviewed are confronted by a unique set of challenges. These students engaged in physically
demanding, and often extreme working environments from a young age. Residing in and
attending schools in small, geographically isolated towns away from postsecondary institutions
often complicated students’ long path to college.
In many ways, the paths of farm working students are not fully understood. The data
presented in this study can potentially lead to a better understanding into the lives and
146

educational experiences of farm working students. This work serves to provide insight into the
lives of a group of students who—despite the challenges they face in school—have seldom been
at the forefront of education policy or education research. My intent with this study has been to
build a body of work on which to move forward so that researchers have a better understanding
of how social capital functions for marginalized groups, and of consequence how such groups
might acquire the necessary tools to gain access to higher education.

147

References
Abrego, L. J. (2006). I can’t go to college because I don’t have papers: Incorporation patterns
of Latino undocumented youth. Latino Studies, 4(3), 212–231.
Adelman, C. (2006). The toolbox revisited: Paths to degree completion from high school through
college. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education.
Adler, P.A., & Adler, P. (1994). Observational techniques. In N.K. Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln
(Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 377-391). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Adler, P. S., & Kwon, S.-W. (2002). Social capital: propsects for a new concept. The Academy of
Management Review, 27, 17–40.
Alba, R., & Nee, V. (2003). Remaking the American mainstream: Assimilation and
contemporary immigration. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Dauber, S. L. (1996). Children in motion: School transfers
and elementary school performance. The Journal of Educational Research, 90(1), 3-12.
Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D., & Olson, L. (2007). Lasting consequences of the summer
learning gap. American Sociological Review, 72, 167–180.
Alvesson, M., & Sköldberg, K. (2009). Reflexive methodology: New vistas for qualitative
research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
American Psychoanalytic Association. (2013). Position statement regarding the impact of
immigration policy on children, individuals, and families. Retrieved from:
http://www.apsa.org/About_APsaA/Position_Statements/Impact_of_Immigration_Policy.
aspx
Anderson, R. M. (1995). Revisiting the behavioral model and access to medical care: Does it
matter? Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 36, 1–10.
148

Angrosino, M. V., & Mays de Pérez, K. A. (2000). Rethinking observation: From method to
context. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2
nd

ed., pp. 673-702). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Apostal, R., & Bilden, J. (1991). Educational and occupational aspirations of rural high school
students. Journal of Career Development, 18, 153-160.
Atkinson, P., & Hammersley, M. (1994). Ethnography and participant observation. In N.K.
Denzin & Y.S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 248-261).
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.
Auerbach, S. (2004). Engaging Latino parents in supporting college pathways: Lessons from a
college access program. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education. 3(2) 125-145.
Baker, L. (2005). Observation: A complex research method. Library Trends, 55(1), 171-189.
Bandura, A. (1969). Principles of behavior modification. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Bankston, C. L., & Zhou, M. (1995). Effects of minority-language literacy on the academic
achievement of Vietnamese youths in New Orleans. Sociology of Education, 68, 1-17.
Blumer, H. (1986). Symbolic interactionism: perspective and method. Berkeley, CA: University
of California Press.
Borkowski, J. W. (2009). Legal issues for school districts related to the education of
undocumented children. Alexandria, VA: National School Boards Association.
Bourdieu, P. (1976). Cultural reproduction and social reproduction. In J. Karabel, & A. H.
Halsey (Eds.), Power and ideology in education (pp. 487-511). New York: Oxford
University Press.
Bourdieu, P. (1986). The forms of capital. In J. G. Richardson (Ed.), Handbook of theory and
research for the sociology of education (pp. 241–258). New York: Greenwood Press.
149

Brown, E. L. (2011, March 12). Itinerant life weighs on farmworkers’ children. The New York
Times. Retrieved from:
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/13/us/13salinas.html?pagewanted=all
Brown, P. A. (2008). A review of the literature on case study research. Canadian Journal for
New Scholars in Education, 1(1), 1-13.
Buriel, R., Perez, W., Ment, T. L. D., Chavez, D. V., & Moran, V. R. (1998). The relationship
of language brokering to academic performance, biculturalism, and self-efficacy among
Latino adolescents. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 20, 283-297.
Cabrera, A. F., & La Nasa, S. M. (2001). On the path to college: Three critical tasks facing
America's disadvantaged. Research in Higher Education, 42(2), 119-149.
California Teacher Commission. (2010). Reports. Retrieved from:
http://www.ctc.ca.gov/reports/all-reports.html
Campos, R. (2008). Considerations for studying father involvement in early childhood among
Latino families. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 30, 133-160.
Carbonaro, W. (1998). A little help from my friend's parents: Intergenerational closure and
educational outcomes. Sociology of Education, 71, 295-313.
Carroll, D., Samardick, R. M., Bernard, S., Gabbard, S., & Hernández, T. (2005) Findings from
the National Agricultural Workers Survey (NAWS) 2001-2002. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Labor.
Castleman, B. L., Page, L. C., & Snowdon, A. L. (2013). SDP summer melt handbook: A guide
to investigating and responding to summer melt. Strategic Data Project.
Ceballo, R. (2004). From barrios to Yale: The role of parenting strategies in Latino families.
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 26, 171-186.
150

Chavez, M. L., Wampler, B., Burkhart, R. E. (2006). Left out: Trust and social capital among
migrant seasonal farmworkers. Social Science Quarterly, 87(5), 1012-1029.
Chavkin, N. (1991). Family lives and parental involvement in migrant students' education.
Charleston, WV: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools. (ERIC
Document Reproduction Service No. ED 335174).
Chavkin, N. F. & Gonzalez, D. L. (1995). Forging partnerships between Mexican American
parents and the schools. West Virginia: ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and
Small Schools.
Coffey, A., & Atkinson, P. (1996). Making sense of qualitative data: Complementary research
strategies. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. The American Journal of
Sociology, 94, S95-S120.
Coleman, J. S. (1990). Foundations of social theory. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Conley, D. T. (2008). Rethinking college readiness. New Directions for Higher Education,
2008(144), 3–13.
Contreras, F. (2009). Sin papeles y rompiendo barreras: Latino students and the challenges of
persisting in college. Harvard Educational Review, 79(4), 610-631.
Corwin, Z. B. (2008). College, connections and care: How mobility and social capital affect
college preparation for youth in foster care. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University
of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.
Corwin, Z. B., Venegas, K. M., Oliverez, P. M., & Colyar, J. E. (2004). School counsel:
How appropriate guidance affects educational equity. Urban Education, 39(4), 442-457.
151

Creswell, J. W. (2007). Writing a qualitative study. Qualitative inquiry & research design:
choosing among five approaches, (pp. 177-199). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Crockett, L. J., Shanahan, M. J., & Jackson-Newsom, J. (2000). Rural youth: Ecological and life
course perspectives. In R. Montemayor, G. R. Adams, & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.),
Adolescent diversity in ethnic, economic, and cultural contexts: Advances in adolescent
development (Vol. 10, pp. 43–74). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Croninger, R. G., & Lee, V. E. (2001). Social capital and dropping out of high school: Benefits
to at-risk students of teachers' support and guidance. Teachers College Record, 103(4),
548-581.
Crosnoe, R. (2006). Mexican roots, American schools: Helping Mexican immigrant children
succeed. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Dika, S. L., & Singh, K. (2002). Applications of social capital in educational literature: A critical
synthesis. Review of Educational Research, 72(1): 31-60.
DiMaggio, P. J. (1979). Review: On Pierre Bourdieu. The American Journal of Sociology, 84,
1460-1474.
Drachman, E. (2006). Access to higher education for undocumented students. Journal of Social
Justice, 8(1), 91-100.
Duncan, C. M. (2001). Social capital in America’s poor rural communities. In S. Saegert, J. P.
Thompson, & M. R. Warren (Eds.), Social capital and poor communities (pp. 60–86).
New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
East, P. L., & Hamil, S. B. (2013). Sibling caretaking among Mexican American youth:
Conditions that promote and hinder personal and school success. Hispanic Journal of
Behavioral Sciences, 35(4), 542-564.
152

Eisner, E. W. (1991). The enlightened eye: Qualitative inquiry and the enhancement of
educational practice. New York, NY: MacMillan.
Elder, G. H., Jr., & Conger, R. D. (2000). Children of the land: Adversity and success in rural
America. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Engec, N. (2006). Relationship between mobility and student performance and behavior. The
Journal of Educational Research, 99(3), 167-178.
ESCORT. (2014). Literature Review on Migrant Education. Retrieved from:
http://results.ed.gov/literature-review
Espinoza, R. (2010). The good daughter dilemma: Latinas managing family and school demands.
Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 9(4) 317-330.
Fallon, M. (1997). The school counselor’s role in first generation students’ college plans. The
School Counselor, 44, 384-394.
Feliciano, C., & Rumbaut, R. G. (2005). Gendered paths: Educational and occupational
expectations and outcomes among adult children of immigrants. Ethnic and Racial
Studies, 28(6), 1087–118.
Firestone, W. A. (1993). Alternative arguments for generalizing from data as applied to
qualitative research. Educational Researcher, 22(4), 16-23.
Flick, U. (2007). Designing qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Foley, D. (2010). Learning capitalist culture deep in the heart of Tejas. Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press.
Foner, N. (2000). From Ellis Island to JFK: New York’s two great waves of immigration. New
Haven, CT: Yale University Press
153

Frey, L., Botan, C., & Kreps, G. (1999). Investigating communication: An introduction to
research methods. (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Fritch, W. S. (1999). An overlooked role of high school athletics: The formation
of social capital through parental involvement. Paper presented at the annual meeting of
the American Educational Research Association, Montreal, Canada.
Fukuyama, F. (1999). Social capital and civil society. Washington, DC: International Monetary
Fund Conference on Second Generation Reforms.
Fuligni, A. J. & Yoshikawa, H. (2002). Socioeconomic resources, parenting, and child
development among immigrant families. In M. Bornstein & R. Bradley (Eds.),
Socioeconomic status, parenting, and child development (107-124). Mahwah, NJ:
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.
Furstenberg, F., & Hughes, M. E. (1995). Social capital and successful development among at-
risk youth. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 57, 580-592.
Gándara, P. C. (1995). Over the ivy walls: The educational mobility of low-income Chicanos.
Albany: State University of New York Press.
Gardener, C., & Quezada-Aragon, M. L. (1984). Undocumented children: An
ongoing issue for the public education system. Las Cruces, NM: National Institute of
Education, ERIC Clearinghouse on Rural Education and Small Schools.
Geertz, C. (1973). Thick description: Toward an interpretive theory of culture. In The
interpretation of cultures, (pp. 3-30). New York, NY: Basic Books.
General Accounting Office. (1998). Child labor in agricultural: Changes needed to better
protect health and educational opportunities (GAS-HEHS-98-193) Washington, DC:
General Accounting Office.
154

Gibson, M. A., & Bejinez, L. F. (2002). Dropout prevention: How migrant education supports
Mexican youth. Journal of Latinos and Education, 1(3), 155-175.
Given, L. M. (2008). The Sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. Los Angeles,
California: Sage Publications.
Goetz, J. P., & LeCompte, M. D. (1984). Ethnography and qualitative design in educational
research. New York: Academic Press.
Gold, R. (1958). Roles in sociological field observations. Social Forces, 36, 217-223.
Goldsmith, H., Jackson, D., & Hough, R. (1988). Process model of seeking mental health
services: Proposed framework for organizing the research literature on help-seeking. In
H. Goldsmith, E. Lin, R. Bell, & D. Jackson (Eds.), Needs assessment: Its future (pp. 49–
64). Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
González, N., Moll, L., & Amanti, C. (2005). Funds of knowledge: Theorizing practices in
households, communities, and classrooms. New Jersey, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates Publishers.
Good, G. E., Dell, D. M., & Mintz, L. B. (1989). Male role and gender role conflict: Relations to
help seeking in men. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 36(3), 295-300.
Granovetter, M. (1973). The strength of weak ties. American Journal of Sociology, 78, 1360-
1380.
Granovetter, M. (1982). The strength of weak ties revisited: A network theory revisited. In P. V.
Marsden & N. Lin (Eds.), Social structure and network analysis (pp. 105-130). Beverly
Hills, CA: Sage.
Grasmuck, S., & Pessar, P. R. (1991). Between two islands: Dominican international migration.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
155

Green, P. E. (2003). The undocumented: Educating the children of migrant workers in
America. Bilingual Research Journal, 27(1), 51-71.
Gross, A. E., & McMullen, P. A. (1983). Models of the help-seeking process. In J.D. Fisher, A.
Nadler & B.M. DePaulo (Eds.), New Directions in Helping. New York: Academic Press,
pp. 45–70.
Guba, E. G., & Lincoln, Y. S. (1998). Competing paradigms in qualitative research. In N. K.
Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln, The Landscape of Qualitative Research (Eds.), (pp. 195– 222).
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
Guerra, R. S. (1979). Work experience and career education programs for migrant children.
Sourcebook of Equal Educational Opportunity, 39, 437-450.
Guffain, C. (1991). The unique characteristics of the migrant population and the correlation to
their high dropout rate prior to completion of high school. Orlando, FL: Bureau of
Compensatory Education, Florida Department of Education.
Haller, E. J., & Virkler, S. J. (1993). Another look at rural–non-rural differences in students’
educational aspirations. Journal of Research in Rural Education, 9(3), 170–178.
Hammerseley, M. (1992). What’s wrong with ethnography? Methodological explorations. New
York: Routledge.
Hammersley, M., & Atkinson, P. (2003). Ethnography. New York: Routledge Press.
Hammersley, M., & Atkinson, P. (2007). Ethnography: Principles in practice (3rd ed.). London:
Routledge.
Hansen, M. T. (1998). Combining network centrality and related knowledge: Explaining
effective knowledge sharing in multiunit firms, (working paper). Boston, MA: Harvard
Business School.
156

Hardre´, P. L. (2007). Preventing motivational dropout: A systemic analysis in four rural high
schools. Leadership and Policy in Schools, 6, 231–265.
Harris, M. (1968). The Rise of Anthropological Theory: A history of Theories of Culture. New
York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company.
Hartman, C., & Leff, A. (2002). High classroom turnover: How children get left behind. Poverty
and Race Research Action Council. Retrieved from:
http://www.prrac.org/full_text_id=748&item_id=7789&newsletter_id+62&header
Hatch, J. A. (2002). Doing qualitative research in education settings. Albany: SUNY Press.
Headland, T. N., Pike, K. L., Harris, M., (Eds.) (1990). Emics and etics: The insider/outsider
debate. Frontiers of anthropology, Vol. 7. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.
Hernández-León, R., & Lakhani, S. M. (2013). Gender, bilingualism, and the early occupational
careers of second-generation Mexicans in the south. Social Forces, 92(1), 59-80.
Hofferth, S., Boisjoly, J., &Duncan, G. (1998). Parents' extra-familial resources and children's
school attainment. Sociology of Education, 71, 246-248.
Hoxby, C., & Avery, C. (2013). The missing "one-offs": the hidden supply of high-achieving,
low-income students. Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, 31+. Retrieved from
http://go.galegroup.com.libproxy1.usc.edu/ps/i.do?id=GALE%7CA351948041&v=2.1&
u=usocal_main&it=r&p=AONE&sw=w&asid=9383c905a83e70bcff352e94a9daec69
Israel, G. D., Beaulieu, L. J., & Hartless, G. (2001). The influence of family and community
social capital on educational attainment. Rural Sociology, 66(1), 43-68.
Jackson, J. E. (1996). “I am a Fieldnote:” Fieldnotes as a symbol of professional identity. In R.
Sanjek (Ed.), Fieldnotes: The makings of anthropology (4
th
ed., pp. 3-33). Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press.
157

Jason, A., Weine, A., Johnson, J., Warren-Sohlberg, L., Filippelli, L., Turner, E., & Lardon, C.
(1992). Helping transfer students: Strategies for educational and social readjustment.
San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers.
Julianelle, P.F., & Foscarinis, M. (2003). Responding to the school mobility of children and
youth experiencing homelessness: The McKinney-Vento Act and beyond. The Journal of
Negro Education, 72(1), 39-54.
Kalmijn, M., & Kraaykamp, G. (1996). Race, cultural capital, and schooling: An analysis of
trends in the United States. Sociology of Education, 69, 22–34.
Kerbow, D. (1996). Patterns of urban student mobility and local school reform. Journal of
Education for Students Placed at Risk, 1(2), 147-169.
Kindler, A. L. (1995). Education of migrant children in the United States. Directions in language
and education. Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education.
King, J. E. (1996). The decision to go to college: Attitudes and experiences associated with
college attendance among low-income students. Washington DC: College Board.
Kouritzin, S. G., Piquemal, N. A. C., & Norman, R. (2008). Qualitative research: Challenging
the orthodoxies in standard academic discourse(s). New York, NY: Routledge.
Kvale, S. (2007). Doing interviews. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lichtman, M. (2010). Qualitative research in education: A user’s guide (2
nd
ed.). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
Lareau, A. (2001). Linking Bourdieu's concept of capital to the broader field: The case of family-
school relationships. In B. J. Biddle (Ed.), Social class, poverty, and education: Policy
and practice (pp. 77-100). New York: Routledge Falmer.
158

Lareau, A., & Horvat, E. M. (1999). Moments of social inclusion and exclusion: Race, class, and
cultural capital in family-school relationships. Sociology of Education, 72, 37-53.
Lin, N. (2001). Social capital: A theory of social structure and action. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press.
Lincoln, Y. S. (2001). Varieties of validity: Quality in qualitative research. In J. Smart & W. G.
Tierney (Eds.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research (pp. 25-72). New
York: Agathon Press.
Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba, E. G. (1985). Naturalistic Inquiry. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.
López, G. R. (2001). The value of hard work: Lessons on parent involvement from an
(im)migrant household. Harvard Educational Review, 71, 416-437.
López, G. R., Scribner, J. D., & Mahitivanichcha, K. (2001). Redefining parental involvement:
Lessons from high-performing migrant-impacted schools. American Educational
Research Journal, 38, 253-288.
Lopez, N. (2003). Hopeful girls, troubled boys: Race and gender disparity in urban education.
New York: Routledge.
Lutkehaus, N. (1996). Reflections of Reality: On the use of other ethnographers’ fieldnotes. In
R. Sanjek (Ed.), Fieldnotes: The makings of anthropology (4
th
ed., pp. 303-323). Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press.
MacBeth, D. (2001). On “reflexivity” in qualitative research: Two readings, and a third.
Qualitative Inquiry, 7(1), 35-68.
Martinez, Y., & Cranston-Gingras, A. (1996). Migrant students in the education process: Barriers
to school completion. The High School Journal, 80(1) 28-38.
Mathison, S. (1988). Why triangulate? Educational Researcher, 17(2), 13-17.
159

Mathur, S., & Parameswaran, G. (2012). School readiness for young migrant children: The
challenge and the outlook. International Scholarly Research Network Education, 2012, 1-
9.
McCombs, J. S., Augustine, C. H., Schwartz, H. L., Bodilly, S. J., McInnis, B., Lichter, D. S., &
Cross, A. B. (2011). Making summer count: How summer programs can boost students'
learning. Santa Monica, CA: RAND. Retrieved from:
www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2011/RAND_MG1120.pdf
McDonough, P. M. (2005). Counseling matters: Knowledge, assistance, and organizational
commitment in college preparation. In W. G. Tierney, Z. B. Corwin & J. E. Colyar
(Eds.), Preparing for college: Nine elements of effective outreach (pp. 69-88). Albany,
NY: State University of New York Press.
McDonough, P. M. (2006). Effective counseling in schools increases college access. National
Association for College Administration Counseling, 1, 1-12.
McDonough, P. M., & Fann, A. J. (2007). The study of inequality. In P. J. Gumport (Eds.),
Sociology of higher education: Contributions and their contexts, (pp. 53-93). Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.
McHatton, P. A., Zalaquett, C. P., & Cranston-Gingras, A. (2006). Achieving success:
Perceptions of students from migrant farmwork families. American Secondary Education,
34(2), 25-39.
McNeal, R. (1999). Parental involvement as social capital: Differential effectiveness on science
achievement, truancy, and dropping out. Social Forces, 78, 117-144.

160

Mehta, K., Gabbard, S., Barrat, V., Lewis, M., Carroll, D., & Mines, R. (2000). Findings
from the National Agricultural Workers Survey: A demographic and employment
profile of United States farmworkers. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor.
Menjívar, C. (2000). Fragmented ties: Salvadoran immigrant networks in America. Berkeley:
CA. University of California Press.
Merriam, S. (2009). Qualitative research: A guide to design and implementation. San Francisco,
CA: Jossey-Bass.
Michelson, M. R., & Garcia, M. (2003). Assimilating cynicism: How immigrants
lose political trust. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Western Political Science
Association. Denver, CO.
Mickelson, R. A. (1989). Why does Jane Read and write so well? The anomaly of women’s
achievement. Sociology of Education, 62(1), 47–63.
Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis (2
nd
ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage Publications.
Miller, P. M. (2011). Homeless education and social capital: An examination of school and
community leaders. Teachers College Record, 113(5), 1067-1104.
Moll, L., Amanti, C., Neff, D., & Gonzalez, N. (1992). Funds of knowledge for teaching: Using
a qualitative approach to connect homes and classrooms. Theory Into Practice, XXXI(2),
132-141.
Morgan, S., & Sorensen, A. (1999). Parental networks, social closure, and mathematics learning:
A test of Coleman’s social capital explanation of school effects. American Sociological
Review, 64(5), 661-681.
161

Morse J. M., Barrett M., Mayan M., Olson K., & Spiers J. (2002). Verification strategies for
establishing reliability and validity in qualitative research. International Journal of
Qualitative Methods 1(2) 1–19.
Murray, C., & Malmgren, K. (2005). Implementing a teacher–student relationship program in a
high-poverty urban school: Effects on social, emotional, and academic adjustment and
lessons learned. Journal of School Psychology, 43(2), 137-152.
Musoba, G., & Baez, B. (2009). The cultural capital of cultural and social capital: an economy of
translations In J. Smart (Ed.), Higher Education: Handbook of Theory and Research (pp.
151-182). Springer Science.
National Center for Education Statistics (2007). Status of education in rural America. Retrieved
from http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2007/ruraled/chapter2_7.asp
National Center for Education Statistics (2013). Digest of education statistics. Retrieved from:
http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d12/tables/dt12_128.asp
National Center for Farm worker Health, Inc. (2012). Facts about farm workers. Retrieved from:
www.ncfh.org/docs/fs-Facts%20about%20Farmworkers.pdf
National Conference of State Legislatures. (2012). Allow in-state tuition for undocumented
students. Retrieved from: http://www.ncsl.org/issues-research/educ/undocumented-
student-tuition-state-action.aspx
Nash, R. (1999). Bourdieu, ‘habitus,’ and educational research: Is it all worth the candle? British
Journal of Sociology of Education, 20(2), 175-187.
NC Farmworker Institute. (2012). United States farmworker factsheet. Retrieved from:
www.ncfarmworkers.org/?download=US_Farmworkers_2012
162

Nippold, M. A. (1998). Later language development: The school-age and adolescent years.
Austin, TX: Pro-Ed.
Olivas, M. A. (2009). Undocumented college students, taxation, and financial aid: A technical
note. Review of Higher Education, 32, 407–416.
O’Reilly, K. (2005) Ethnographic Methods. London: Routledge.
O’Reilly, K. (2009). Key concepts in ethnography. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Ovink, S. M., & Veazey, B. D. (2011). More than ‘‘getting us through:’’ A case study in cultural
capital enrichment of underrepresented minority undergraduates. Research in Higher
Education, 52, 370–394.
Pabon Lopez, M., & Lopez, G. R. (2010). Persistent Inequality: Contemporary Realities in
the Education of Undocumented Latina/o Students. New York, NY: Routledge.
Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative evaluation and research methods (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage Publications, Inc.
Perez, W. (2009). We are Americans: Undocumented students pursuing the American Dream.
Sterling, VA: Stylus.
Perna, L. W. (2006). Understanding the relationship between information about college prices
and financial aid and students’ college-related behaviors. American Behavioral Scientist,
49(12), 1620-1635.
Pew Research Hispanic Center. (2009). Between two worlds: How young Latinos come of age in
America. Retrieved from: www.pewhispanic.org/2009/12/11/between-two-worlds-how-
young-latinos-come-of-age-in-america

163

Portes, A. (2000). The two meanings of social capital. Sociological Forum, 15(1), 1-12.
Portes, A. & Rumbaut, R. (2001). Legacies: The story of the immigrant second generation.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
Portes, A. & Rumbaut, R. (2014). Immigrant America: A portrait 4
th
ed. Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Portes, A., & Sensenbrenner, J. (1993). Embeddedness and immigration: notes on the social
determinants of economic action. The American Journal of Sociology, 98(6), 1320-1350.
Prewitt-Diaz, J. O., & Trotter, R. (1990). Effects of migration on children. The Education Digest,
55(8), 26-29.
Pribesh, S., & Downey, D. (1999). Why are residential and school moves associated with poor
school performance? Demography, 36, 521-534.
Quandt, S. A., & Arcury, T. A. (Eds.) (2009). Latino farmworkers in the Eastern United
States: Health, safety and justice. New York, NY: Springer.
Raffaelli, M., & Ontai, L. L. (2004). Gender socialization in Latino/a families: Results from two
retrospective studies. Sex Roles, 50, 287-299.
Raijman, R., & Tienda, M. (1999). Immigrants’ socioeconomic progress post-1965: Forging
mobility or survival? In C. Hirschman, P. Kasinitz & J. DeWind (Eds.), The Handbook of
International Migration: The American Experience, pp. 239–256. New York: Russell
Sage.
Ream, R. (2001). On the move: The mobility/social capital dynamic in the achievement gap
between Mexican-American and non-Latino White adolescents (Doctoral Dissertation,
UC Santa Barbara). UMI Dissertation Services. Bell & Howell Company.

164

Ream, R. (2003). Counterfeit social capital and Mexican-American underachievement.
Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 25(3), 237-262.
Ream, R. (2005). Uprooting children: Mobility, social capital and Mexican American
achievement. New York, NY: LFB Scholarly Publishing LLC.
Ream, R. & Rumberger, R. (2008). Student engagement, peer social capital, and school dropout
among Mexican American and non-Latino White students. Sociology of Education.
81(2), 109-139.
Rincon, A. (2008). Undocumented immigrants and higher education: Si se puede! New York:
LFB Scholarly Publishing.
Roderick, M., Coca, V., & Nagaoka, J. (2011). Potholes on the road to college: High school
effects in shaping urban students’ participation in college application, four-year college
enrollment, and college match. Sociology of Education, 84, 178-211.
Romo, H. D., & Falbo, T. (1996). Latino high school graduation: Defying the odds. Austin, TX:
University of Texas Press.
Rothenberg, D. (1998). With these hands: The hidden world of migrant farmworkers today. New
York: Harcourt Brace.
Rumbaut, R. G, & Cornelius, W. A. (1995). California’s immigrant children: Theory, research,
and implications for educational policy. San Diego, CA: Center for US-Mexican Studies
University of California San Diego.
Rumberger, R. W., & Larson, K. A. (1998). Student mobility and the increased risk of high
school dropout. American Journal of Education, 107(1), 1-35.
165

Rumberger, R. W., Larson, K. A., Ream, R. K., & Palardy, G. J. (1999). The educational
consequences of mobility for California students and schools. Berkeley, CA: Policy
Analysis for California Education.
Salinas, C., & Franquiz, M. (Eds.). (2004). Scholars from the field: The challenges of migrant
education. Charleston, WV: AEL.
San Miguel, G. (2004). Contested policy: The rise and fall of bilingual education in the United
States 1960-2001. Denton, TX: University of North Texas Press.
Sandelowski, M. (1993) Rigor or rigor mortis: The problem of rigor in qualitative research
revisited. Advances in Nursing Science 16(2), 1–8.
Sandelowski M., (2004). Qualitative research: The Sage encyclopedia of social science research
methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Seif, H. (2004). ‘‘Wise up!’’ Undocumented Latino youth, Mexican-American legislators,
and the struggle for higher education access. Latino Studies 2(2), 210–230.
Shank, G. D. (2006). Observing. Qualitative research: A personal skills approach. (2
nd
ed.)
(pp. 21-37). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.
Shields, M. K., & Behrman, R. E. (2004). Children of immigrant families: Analysis and
recommendations. Children of Immigrant Families, 14(2), 4-16.
Smith, L. (2012). Slowing the summer slide. The Resourceful School 69(4), 60-63.
Smith, R. C. (2002). Gender, ethnicity, and race in school and work outcomes of second-
generation Mexican Americans. In M. M. Suarez Orozco and M. Páez (Eds.), Latinos:
Remaking America (pp. 110–25). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

166

Smith, S., Salaway, G., and Borreson Caruso, J. (2009). The ECAR Study of Undergraduate
Students and Information Technology, 2009 (Research Study, Vol. 6). Boulder, CO:
EDUCAUSE Center for Applied Research. Retrieved from:
http://www.educause.edu/ecar
Snyder, T. D., Dillow, S. A., & Hoffman, C. M. (2009). Digest of Education Statistics 2008
(NCES 2009-020). National Center for Education Statistics. Institute of Education
Sciences, U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from:
http://nces.ed.gov/pubsearch/pubsinfo.asp?pubid = 2009020.
Sosa, A. S. (1996). Involving Hispanic parents in improving educational opportunities for their
children. ERIC Digest ED393649. Retrieved from:
http://eric.ed.gov/ERICWebPortal/Home.portal?_nfpb=true&_pageLabel=RecordDetails
&ERICExtSearch_SearchValue_0=ED393649&ERICExtSearch_SearchType_0=eric_ac
cno&objectId=0900000b8013d8d9
Southern Poverty Law Center (2013). Who are farm workers? Retrieved from:
http://www.splcenter.org/sexual-violence-against-farmworkers-a-guidebook-for-criminal-
justice-professionals/who-are-farmworkers
Spradley, J. P. (1979). The ethnographic interview. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.
Stake, R. E. (1995). The nature of qualitative research. In R. E. Stake (Ed.), The art of case study
research (pp. 35-48). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (1997). A social capital framework for understanding the socialization of
racial minority children and youths. Harvard Educational Review, 67(1), 1-40.
Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2001). Manufacturing hope and despair: The school and kin support
networks of U.S.-Mexican youth. New York: Teachers College Press.
167

Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2011). A social capital framework for the study of institutional agents &
their role in the empowerment of low-status students & youth. Youth & Society, 43(3),
1066-1109.
Stanton-Salazar, R. D., & Dornbusch, S. (1995). Social capital and the reproduction of
inequality: Information networks among Mexican-American high school students.
Sociology of Education, 68, 116-135.
Stanton-Salazar, R. D., & Spina, S. U. (2000). The network orientations of highly resilient urban
minority youth. The Urban Review: Issues and Ideas in Public Education, 32(3), 227-
262.
Swanson, C. B., & Schneider, B. (1999). Students on the move: Residential and educational
mobility in America‘s schools. Sociology of Education, 72, 54-67.
Sy, S. R., & Romero, J. (2008). Family responsibilities among Latina college students from
immigrant families. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 7, 212-227.
Teachman, J., Paasch, K., & Karen, C. (1996). Social capital and dropping out of school early.
Journal of Marriage and the Family, 58, 773-783.
Tierney, W. G. (2006). Trust and the public good: Examining the cultural conditions of
academic work. New York: Peter Lang.
Tierney, W. G., & Clemens, R. F. (2011). Qualitative research and public policy: The challenges
of relevance and trustworthiness. In J. Smart & M. B. Paulsen (Eds.), Higher education:
Handbook of theory and research (Vol. 26, pp. 57-83). New York: Springer.
Tierney, W. G., Gupton, J. T., & Hallett, R. E. (2008). Transitions to adulthood for homeless
adolescents: Education and public policy. Los Angeles, CA: Center for Higher Education
Policy Analysis.
168

Tierney, W. G., & Hallett, R. E. (2012). Social capital and homeless youth: Influence of
residential instability on college access. Metropolitan Universities Journal, 21(3), 46-62.
Tierney, W. G., & Venegas, K. M. (2006). Fictive kin and social capital the role of peer groups
in applying and paying for college. American Behavioral Scientist, 49(12), 1687-1702.
Tornatzky, L. G., Cutler, R., & Lee, J. (2002). College Knowledge: What Latino Parents Need to
Know and Why They Don't Know It. Claremont, CA: The Tomás Rivera Policy Institute.
Tucker, L. (2000). Fingers to the bone: Failure of the United States to protect child
farmworkers. Los Angeles, CA: Human Rights Watch.
UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education. (2007). Undocumented students: Unfulfilled
dreams….Retrieved from: www.labor.ucla.edu/publications/reports/Undocumented-
Students.pdf
University of California. (2013). Nonresident tuition exemption. Retrieved from:
http://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/paying-for-uc/cost/out-of-state/nonresident-
tuition-exemption/index.html
U.S. Department of Agriculture. (2014). Farm labor. Retrieved from:
http://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/farm-economy/farm-labor/background.aspx#Numbers
U. S. Department of Education (2005). Migrant Education Program annual report: Eligibility,
participation, services (2001-02) and achievement (2002-03). Retrieved from
http://www2.ed.gov/programs/mep/resources.html
U. S. Department of Education (2014). Federal Pell grants. Retrieved from:
https://studentaid.ed.gov/types/grants-scholarships/pell
U. S. General Accounting Office. (1992). Hired farmworkers: Health and well-being at risk.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. General Accounting Office.
169

U.S. General Accounting Office. (1998). Elementary school children: Many change schools
frequently, harming their education. Washington, DC: Author.
U.S. Government Accountability Office. (2010). K-12 education: many challenges arise in
educating students who change schools frequently. Washington, DC: Author.
Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring.
Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Valenzuela, A., & Dornbusch, S. (1994). Familism and social capital in the academic
achievement of Mexican-origin and Anglo high school adolescents. Social Science
Quarterly, 75, 18-36.
Vargas, J. H. (2004). College knowledge: Addressing information barriers to college. Boston,
Massachusetts: The Education Resources Institute (TERI).
Vélez-Ibáñez, C., & Greenberg, J. (1992). Formation and transformation of funds of knowledge
among U.S. Mexican households. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 23, 313-335.
Villanueva, I. (1996). Change in the educational life of Chicano families across three
generations. Education and Urban Society, 29, 13-34.
Villarejo, D. (2003). The health of U.S. hired farm workers. Annual Review of Public Health,
24, 175-93.
Waldinger, R., & Feliciano, C. (2004). Will the new second generation experience ‘downward
assimilation’? Segmented assimilation re-assessed. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 27(3), 76–
402.
Waldinger, R., Lim, N., & Cort, D. (2007). “Bad jobs, good jobs, no jobs? The employment
experience of the Mexican American second generation.” Journal of Ethnic and
Migration Studies, 33(1), 1–35.
170

Ward, C. (1995). American Indian high school completion in rural southeast Montana. Rural
Sociology, 60, 416-434.
Waters, M. C. (1999). Black identities: West Indian immigrant dreams and American realities.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Williams, T., & Kornblum, W. (1985). Growing up poor. New York, NY: Lexington Books.
Wisch, A., Mahalik, J., Hayes, J., & Nutt, E. (1995). The impact of gender role conflict and
counseling technique on psychological help seeking in men. Sex Roles, 33(1–2),
77–89.
Wright, J. P., Cullen, F. T., & Miller, J. T. (2001). Family social capital and delinquent
involvement. Journal of Criminal Justice, 29, 1-9.
Wynn, J. Richman, H. Rubinstein, R.A. & Littell, J. (1987) Communities and adolescents: An
exploration of reciprocal supports. Chicago: University of Chicago, Chapin Hall Center
for Children.
Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community
cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8, 69–91.
Zalaquett, C., McHatton, P., & Cranston-Gingras, A. (2007). Characteristics of Latina/o migrant
farmworker students attending a large metropolitan university. Journal of Hispanic
Higher Education, 6(2), 135-156.
Zarate, M. E., & Pachon, H. P. (2006). Perceptions of College Financial Aid Among California
Latino Youth. Claremont, CA: The Tomás Rivera Policy Institute.
Zhou, M., & Bankston, C. L. (2001). Family pressure and the educational experience of the
daughters of Vietnamese refugees. International Migration, 39(4), 133–51.
171

Appendix A: Information Sheet for School Personnel

University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Pullias Center for Higher Education

INFORMATION/FACTS SHEET FOR NON-MEDICAL
RESEARCH

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Bryan Rodriguez, under the
supervision of William Tierney, Ph.D., at the University of Southern California, because you are
a teacher or administrator at Esperanza High School
17
. Your participation is voluntary. You
should read the information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand,
before deciding whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent
form. You may also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. If you decide to
participate, you will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
Existing research suggests that the children of farm workers are among the most educationally
disenfranchised groups of students in the country. Scholars suggest that being able to access
information about college and postsecondary options is important in shaping student outcomes.

Relationships with mentors, pro-academic peers, and institutional agents comprise a network of
socialization agents that can play a critical role in students’ academic path. Such relationships
may be distributed in the students’ school, immediate or extended family, neighborhood, or
society. Through these networks, students receive a spectrum of social and institutional support
that contributes to a students’ academic performance, social development, and ultimately their
preparation for postsecondary schooling.

This is a study examining how the children of farm workers use social capital (if it all) during
high school and whether/how social relationships can be used among this group of students to
increase college access.

PARTICIPANT INVOLVEMENT
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in one interview either
in-person or by phone. In-person interviews will take place on the school campus or at a place
convenient to you and the researcher. The interviews are anticipated to take no more than one
hour to complete and will be audio-taped with your permission; otherwise handwritten notes will
be taken. Interview questions will include topics related to your relationship with farm working

17
Pseudonym
172

students, college-going culture at EHS, and outcomes of students; you may refuse to answer any
questions at any time.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no potential risks to your participation. However, if you feel uncomfortable answering
any of the questions, you may choose not to answer any of the questions of the study.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
There are no anticipated benefits to your participation. We hope that this study will help
researchers learn more about the children of farm workers and their academic outcomes; to help
advance knowledge in the field of college access and achievement among students.

CONFIDENTIALITY
There will not be any identifying information linked to your responses. The members of the
research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection Program
(HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to protect the
rights and welfare of research subjects.

The data will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained on a password protected
computer, will be maintained indefinitely and may be used in future research studies. If you do
not want your data used in future studies, you should not participate in this study.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

ALTERNATIVES TO PARTICIPATION
Your alternative is to not participate in this study; your relationship with your school or school
district will not be affected, whether or not you participate in this study.

INVESTIGATOR CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Bryan
Rodriguez at (213) 740-7218 during regular office hours from 9:00 am through 6:00 pm,
Monday through Friday. You may also contact me by email at brianrod@usc.edu
173

IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

174

Appendix B: Parental Consent
Examining the Educational Experiences of the Children of Farm Workers

Dear Parent,

Your child is being invited to participate in a research study conducted by Bryan Rodriguez and
William Tierney, Ph.D. from the University of Southern California. Your child’s participation is
voluntary. Feel free to read the information below, and ask questions about anything you do not
understand before deciding whether you give permission for your child to participate. You may
also decide to discuss it with your child.

If you agree, your child will be asked to participate in a research study about their experiences as
students from farm working families. This study is about how students use social relationships
during high school and how this influences their plans after high school.

Questions in the interview may include questions about your child’s relationships with teachers
and counselors, and his or her plans after high school and future career goals. Information about
immigration status will not be collected during any part of this study.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you allow your child to participate in this study, your child will be asked to participate in three
interviews either in-person or by phone. In-person interviews will take place on the school
campus. The interviews will take less than one hour to complete. The interviews will be audio-
taped with your permission and the permission of your child. Your child does not have to answer
any questions that he or she does not want to answer. You may request a copy of the interview
questions that will be asked of your child at any time.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no potential risks to your participation. However, if your child feels uncomfortable
answering any of the questions, he or she may choose not to answer any of the questions in the
study.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
Your child will receive $5 gift card for participating in the study. Your child does not have to
answer all of the questions or participate in all three interviews in order to receive the card. The
card will be given to your child at the end of his or her participation.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your child’s records for this study confidential. The information your child
provides will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and be placed on a password protected
computer that can only be accessed by the researcher. The data will remain confidential and
accessed only by the researcher. Any identifiable data will be destroyed at the end of the study
and the remainder of the data may be used in future studies.
PARENTAL PERMISSION FOR CHILDREN PARTICIPATION IN RESEARCH
175

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your child’s participation is voluntary. Your child’s participation in the study will not affect
your child’s relationship with the school in any way. Your child may withdraw from the study at
any time.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please contact Bryan Rodriguez via
email at brianrod@usc.edu or by phone (213) 740-7218.

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF PARENT(S)/GUARDIAN(S)

Printed Name of Parent/Guardian

Signature of Parent/Guardian Date

176

Appendix C: Parental Consent (Spanish)
El Examen de las Experiencias Educativas de los Niños de los Trabajadores Agrícolas

Estimado padre de familia,

Se invita a su hijo/a a participar en un estudio de investigación realizado por Bryan Rodríguez y
William Tierney de la Universidad del Sur de California. La participación de su hijo/a es
voluntaria. Siéntase libre de leer la siguiente información, y hacer preguntas sobre cualquier cosa
que no entienda antes de decidir si le da permiso para que su hijo/a participe. Usted también
puede decidir hablar con su hijo/a sobre el estudio.

Si está de acuerdo, su hijo/a será invitado a participar en un estudio de investigación acerca de
sus experiencias como estudiantes de familias de trabajadores agrícolas. Este estudio es sobre
como los estudiantes utilizan las relaciones sociales durante la escuela secundaria y como esto
influye en sus planes después de la preparatoria.

Las preguntas de la entrevista pueden incluir preguntas acerca de las relaciones de su hijo/a con
los maestros y consejeros, y sus planes para después de la escuela secundaria y sus metas para su
carrera. Información sobre el estado de inmigración no será recogida durante cualquier parte de
este estudio.

PROCEDIMIENTOS DE ESTUDIO
Si usted permite que su hijo/a participe en este estudio, su hijo/a será invitado a participar en tres
entrevistas ya sea en persona o por teléfono. En entrevistas en persona se llevarán a cabo en la
escuela. Las entrevistas se llevarán menos de una hora para completar. Las entrevistas serán
grabadas en audio con el permiso de su hijo/a. Su hijo/a no tiene que responder a cualquier
pregunta que él o ella no quiere contestar. Usted puede solicitar una copia de las preguntas de la
entrevista que se le harán de su hijo/a en cualquier momento.

RIESGOS Y MOLESTIAS POSIBLES
No existen riesgos potenciales para su participación. Sin embargo, si su hijo/a se siente
incómodo al responder cualquiera de las preguntas, él o ella puede optar por no contestar alguna
de las preguntas en el estudio.

PAGO DE PARTICIPACIÓN
Su hijo/a recibirá una tarjeta de regalo de $5 por participar en el estudio. Su hijo/a no tiene que
responder a todas las preguntas o participar en las tres entrevistas con el fin de recibir la tarjeta.
La tarjeta se le dará a su hijo/a al final de su participación.

CONFIDENCIALIDAD
Vamos a mantener registros de su hijo/a para este estudio confidencial. La información que su
hijo/a proporciona se codificará con un nombre falso (seudónimo) y colocarse en un equipo
PERMISO DE LOS PADRES PARA LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE NIÑOS EN LA
INVESTIGACIÓN
177

protegido por contraseña que sólo se puede acceder por el investigador. Los datos serán
confidenciales y se accede sólo por el investigador. Todos los datos identificables serán
destruidos al final del estudio y el resto de los datos podrán ser utilizados en estudios futuros.

PARTICIPACIÓN Y RETIRO
La participación de su hijo/a es voluntaria. La participación de su hijo/a en el estudio no afectará
la relación de su hijo/a con la escuela en cualquier manera. Su hijo/a puede retirarse del estudio
en cualquier momento.

INVESTIGADOR DE INFORMACIÓN DE CONTACTO
Si usted tiene alguna pregunta acerca de la investigación, por favor póngase en contacto con
Bryan Rodríguez a través del correo electrónico a brianrod@usc.edu o por teléfono (213) 740-
7218.

FIRMA DE ESTUDIANTE

He leído la información proporcionada anteriormente. Se me ha dado la oportunidad de hacer
preguntas. Mis preguntas han sido contestadas a mi satisfacción, y estoy de acuerdo en participar
en este estudio.

Nombre del Participante

Firma del participante Fecha

FIRMA DEL PADRE (S) / TUTOR (S)

He leído la información proporcionada anteriormente. Se me ha dado la oportunidad de hacer
preguntas. Mis preguntas han sido contestadas a mi satisfacción, y estoy de acuerdo con permitir
que mi hijo participe en este estudio. Se me ha dado una copia de este formulario.

Nombre del Padre / Tutor

Firma del Padre / Tutor Fecha

178

Appendix D: Youth Assent Form

Examining the Educational Experiences of the Children of Farm Workers

Dear Student,

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Bryan Rodriguez, under the
supervision of William Tierney, Ph.D. from the University of Southern California. To be eligible
to participate in this study you must have at least one parent/guardian who works as a farm
worker or you must work or have worked as a farm worker and must also be enrolled as a junior
or senior in Esperanza High School. Your participation is voluntary. Feel free to read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand before deciding
whether to participate.

Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may also decide to discuss it
with your family or friends. If you decide to participate, you and your parent will both be asked
to provide consent. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
Research suggests that being able to access information about college and post-high school
options is important for students. Relationships with mentors, peers, family make up a network
of people that can play a role in students’ academic path. This study examines how students use
social relationships during high school and how this influences their plans after high school.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to participate in up to three interviews
either in-person or by phone. In-person interviews will take place on the school campus or at a
place convenient to you and the researcher. The interviews are anticipated to take no more than
one hour to complete and will be audio-taped with your permission. If you don’t want to be
audio-taped, handwritten notes will be taken instead.

The questions will include questions about your personal background, family background,
academics, social relationships and finances. A copy of the questions asked in the interviews is
attached. You don’t have to answer any questions you don’t want to.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
You will not be asked about your immigration status. You do not have to answer any question(s)
you don’t want to answer.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
There are no anticipated benefits to your participation. We hope that this study will help
researchers learn more about the children of farm workers and their academic outcomes; it
research may help advance knowledge in the field of college access and achievement among
students.
STUDENT CONSENT FOR RESEARCH
179

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive $5 gift card from Starbucks for your time. You do not have to answer all of the
questions or participate in all four interviews in order to receive the card. The card will be given
to you at the end of your participation.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

The data will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and maintained on a password protected
computer. The identifiers, such as this consent document, will be destroyed at the end of the
study. The remaining data will be maintained indefinitely and may be used in future research
studies. If you do not want your data used in future studies, you should not participate in this
study.

Your parents and teachers will not have access to your responses.

Due to the nature of the focus group, your confidentiality cannot be guaranteed; you are asked to
keep the content of the focus group discussion within the members of the focus group.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your participation in the study will not affect your relationship
with your school in any way. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please contact Bryan Rodriguez via
email at brianrod@usc.edu or by phone (213) 740-7218.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

180

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT (If the participant is 14 years or older)

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and his/her parent(s)/Legally Authorized
Representative, and answered all of their questions. I believe that the parent(s) understand the
information described in this document and freely consents to participate.

Bryan Rodriguez
Name of Person Obtaining Consent

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

181

Appendix E: Recruitment Script for School Personnel

Dear Teacher or Administrator,

I am a Ph.D. student in the Rossier School of Education at University of Southern California. I
am conducting a research study examining the experiences of the children of farm workers in
high school. You are invited to participate in the study if you are a teacher or administrator at
Esperanza High School.
If you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked to take part in an interview. The
individual interview is anticipated to take no more than 45 to 60 minutes to complete, and will be
audio-taped with your permission. The interviews will take place in-person or by phone. The
interview questions relate to your relationship with farm working students, college-going culture
at EHS, and outcomes of students; you may refuse to answer any questions at any time; you may
refuse to answer any questions at any time.
Participation in this study is completely voluntary and will not affect your relationship with your
school. Your personal identity and the name of your school will remain anonymous at all times.
If you have questions or would like to participate, please contact me at brianrod@usc.edu.

Thank you for your time,

Bryan Rodriguez
Ph.D. Student
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
3470 Trousdale Parkway, WPH 701
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037
Phone: (213) 740-7218

182

Appendix F: Recruitment Script for Students

Dear Student,

I am a college student at the University of Southern California (USC) and I am conducting a
research study about the experiences of the children of farm workers in high school. You are
invited to participate in the study if you have at least one parent/guardian who works as a farm
worker or you must work or have worked as a farm worker and must also be enrolled as a junior
or senior in Esperanza High School.
If you agree to participate, you will be asked to take part in up to four interviews. The individual
interviews are expected to take approximately 45 to 60 minutes each and will be audio-taped
with your permission. The interviews will take place in-person or by phone. You will be asked
questions about your personal background, family background, immigration status, academics,
social relationships and finances; you can refuse to answer any questions at any time. You will
receive a $5 Starbucks gift card at the end of your participation; you do not have to answer all of
the questions or participate in all of the interviews to receive the gift-card.
Participation in this study is completely voluntary and will not affect your grades. Your
responses will be coded with a false name or code; when the study is published, your personal
identity and the name of your school will not be included in the final report.

If you have questions or would like to participate, please contact me at brianrod@usc.edu.

Thank you for your time,

Bryan Rodriguez
Ph.D. Student
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
3470 Trousdale Parkway, WPH 701
Los Angeles, CA 90089-4037
Phone: (213) 740-7218

183

Appendix G: Institutional Review Board (IRB) Approval

UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
UNIVERSITY PARK INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD
FWA 00007099

Exempt - Flex
Date: Oct 03, 2014, 10:49am
Principal Investigator: Brian Rodriguez
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
Faculty Advisor: William Tierney
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
Co-Investigators:
Project Title: Examining the Educational Experiences of the Children of Farm
Workers
USC UPIRB # UP-14-00456

The iStar application and attachments were reviewed by UPIRB staff on 10/3/2014 .

The project was APPROVED.
The study has been reviewed and determined to qualify for exemption under the USC Human
Research Protection Program Flexibility Policy. The study is not subject to 45 CFR 46 including
informed consent requirements and further IRB review, unless there is modifications to the study
that increase risks to subjects or the funding status changes.

If there are modifications that increase risk to subjects or the funding status of this
research is to change, you are required to submit an amendment to the IRB for review and
approval.

The following documents were reviewed and approved:

Certified Information Sheet for Teachers and Administrators, dated 10-02-2014
Certified Parent Consent, dated 10-02-2014
Certified Parental Permission Form, dated 10-02-2014
Certified Youth Assent, dated 10-02-2014
Certified Recruitment Document for Students, dated 10-02-2014
Certified Recruitment Document for Teachers and Administrators, dated 10-02-2014

The finalized documents are available under the 'documents' tab in the iStar application.

Minor revisions were made to the recruitment and consent documents by the IRB Administrator.
Note an additional parental permission document has been generated for those parents who may
be illiterate; please use the relevant document for the parents.

The IRBA revised documents have been uploaded into the relevant iStar sections. If revisions are
184

made to the application, and changes are required to the documents, please create an amendment,
at which time the IRBA revised documents will become available to the study personnel. All
current changes must be accepted using the track changes feature in Microsoft Word and the
changes saved. The study personnel can then revise the documents, including the date in the
footer. The PI/study staff revised documents must then be uploaded into iStar using the "upload
revisions" function; thereby replacing the obsolete documents. Please do not remove the obsolete
version from the application.

Social-behavioral health-related interventions or health-outcome studies must register with
clinicaltrials.gov or other International Community of Medical Journal Editors (ICMJE)
approved registries in order to be published in an ICJME journal. The ICMJE will not accept
studies for publication unless the studies are registered prior to enrollment, despite the fact that
these studies are not applicable “clinical trials” as defined by the Food and Drug Administration
(FDA). For support with registration, go to www.clinicaltrials.gov or contact Jean Chan
(jeanbcha@usc.edu, 323 442-2825).
To access IRB-approved documents, click on the “Approved Documents” link in the study
workspace. These are also available under the “Documents” tab.

Researchers are reminded that some site/schools require permission to conduct research even if
the research is exempt from IRB review.

Sincerely,

RoseAnn Fleming, CIP

185

Appendix H: Interview Protocol for Students
Interview Protocol:
Time of Interview:
Date:
Interviewee (coded):
Grade level:

(Briefly describe the study to interviewee)
Personal Background

 Tell me about your family.
o How many people are in your family?
 Parents/siblings
o Who do you live with?
 Dad:
 Mom:
 Siblings:
 Tell me about your family background.
o Where is your family from?
 When did you and your family arrive to the United States?
 Why did your family decide to come to the U.S.?
 What do you think about your family’s decision to move to the U.S.?
o What do your parents do for a living?
o Tell me about your parents’ educational background?
o How do you think your family background has influenced your life? (Probe: has it
influenced your academic path, goals, etc.)
o If you had one word or phrase to describe your family, what would it be?

 Tell me about area(s) where you grew up.
o Describe your current neighborhood.

 Tell me about your experience growing up in school. Did you like school?
o Elementary/middle school:
o High school:
 Did you or your parents ever work in the fields?
 Where did you work?
 What kind of things did you do?
 When would you typically work? (probe: weekends, vacations,
afternoons)
186

 If you have one word or could describe what it was like working in the
fields, what would you say?

 Do you think there are any benefits of being a farm working student? Explain.
 Do you think there are any limitations to being a farm working student? Explain.

 Are you a migrant student? (Do you or members of your family travel long distances in
search of employment in agriculture?)

 If so, let’s talk about your family’s migration. Where does your family usually
travel?
o How often do you/your family travel?
o How many times have you/your family moved since being in high school?
o Do you feel that being a migrant student has influenced your experiences in
school? Explain.

 Do you think there are any benefits of being a migrant student? Explain.
 Do you think there are any limitations to being a migrant student? Explain.

 Do you currently have a job? Or, have you ever had a job?
o If so, where have you worked? (Probe: have you ever worked in agriculture?)
 For how long?
 Why do you have a job?
 What do you typically do with your earnings?
 Was it your choice to get a job? (Probe: family decision, personal
decision, etc.)
 Can you tell me about your job duties at _____?
 How many hours per week do you work?
o If not, why have you not worked?
 Do you plan on getting a job after school?
 Why type of work would you like to do?
School/Academics

 Do you have all of your A-G requirements complete?
o Where did you first learn about A-G requirements?
o How have you been making sure that you have completed them?
 Do you want to go to college?
 Why do you want to go to college?

 Do you have any role models?
187

Is there anyone you look and feel that you learn from in terms of your schooling and/or
your career?
 Where do you want to go to college? Why?
o Have you started applying?
o If so, where?
 Is there anyone who has been helping you with the application process?
 If so, who?
 How have they been helping you?
 How often to do you talk to this person that has been helping you?
 Would you say you have a strong or weak relationship with this person?
 Do you feel prepared to go through the college application process?
 Are you having any trouble with the process? What are you having trouble with?
 What do you think would help you have an easier time with the process?
 Can you tell me about any campus resources that you use to help you to prepare for
college?
o college/career center
o tutoring
o mentoring:
o study groups:

 How often do you visit/use _____ as a resource?

o Why do you think students on campus don’t go to college?
 Do you think there is anything your school can do better to get students to go to
college?
o Who would you say has been the biggest help to you as you get prepared to apply
for college (whether someone at school or at home/community), or would you say
you’ve been doing it all on your own?

 Who has been your biggest motivation to go to college?
o Is there anyone on campus who you trust? (someone who you have been able to
reach out to when you need advice on college stuff, or have you been doing it all
on your own?)

 How often are you in contact with this person?
o What does your family think of you going to college? They see it as something
good for me so I can grow up independent. Have they helped you at all with
college stuff?
o Mother
o Father
188

o Siblings

 Let’s talk about your plans after college.
o What do you want to do after graduating from college? Why?

 Do your parents have different expectations for you at home?
o Where do you want to live when you finish college?
o Is there a job or profession that your family would like for you to have in the
future?

Social/relationships

 Tell me about your relationship(s) with your teachers?
 Is there a particular teacher that you have a good relationship with? (probe: support,
guidance, college knowledge)
 Do you ever discuss college with any of your teachers? (Probe: applying to college,
grades, discipline, career readiness, etc.)

 Do you visit your high school counselor?
o How many times have you visited with your high school counselor this
year? (It’s fine if you haven’t met with them…).
o How often do you visit?
 What do you usually discuss? (Probe: applying to college, grades, discipline, career
readiness, etc.)

 Socially, what types of activities do you normally take part in? (probe – below)
o social or academic organizations/clubs
o community service
o watching TV
o study groups
o working

 Tell me about your involvement in ________ activity?
o How has this experience influenced your high school experience?
o How has this experience influenced your experience as a migrant student?

 How do you normally spend your time after school?
 Work
 Home work
 Church/community
189

 Extracurricular

 Do you think you your migration status has influenced who you socialize with in school?
Explain.
o In general, how do you feel socializing with others in school?
o Do other people in school know your migration status?
 Teachers
 Administrators
 Peers
 Close friends

Finances
o How do you plan on paying for your college expenses?
o government aid
 Federal Pell Grant
 Cal Grant
o scholarships/grants
o student loans
o parent loans
o work-study
 Has anyone talk to you out about financial aid? Who?
o What did you talk about?
 Do you plan on working in college?
o If so, where do you plan to work?
 Does your family provide financial support to you for your educational expenses?
o Do you contribute to your family’s household income? (i.e., do you assist your
parents financially?)
 What are your plans after high school?
o What type of job do you think you will have?
o What are your future goals?

190

Appendix I: Interview Protocol for School Personnel

Interview Protocol:
Time of Interview:
Date:
Interviewee code:

(Briefly describe the study to interviewee)

Background/School Environment

1. Tell me about the students you work with at EHS.

a. How would you generally describe the student population at EHS?
(Probe: how do they compare to students from other regions? Is there
anything unique about this group of students?)

2. How would you describe the school culture/climate at EHS?

a. Are parents generally involved in their children’s education at EHS?

b. If not, why do you think parents are not as involved?

c. How would you describe parent involvement on campus?

3. What do most students do after graduating from EHS? (Probe: four-year
college, two-year college, work, etc.)

a. Who tends to go to college from EHS? Why? (Probe: are there
differences across gender/racial/socioeconomic background?

4. Does EHS have a college-going culture? Explain.

a. What are some of the things that EHS does to promote college-going
on campus?

b. What are some of the things that EHS can do to promote college-going?

Role as an Agent

5. Do you have a role in influencing students to go to college? How about for
career planning?
a. Do you see yourself as a resource for students to gather information
about attending college? Explain.

191

b. Do you see yourself as a resource for students to help students during
the college application process? Explain.

c. Do students actively seek your help/guidance out to ask questions about
college? (probe: selecting which colleges to apply to, college
application/personal statements, financial aid, etc.)

d. Do students actively seek help/guidance out to ask questions about
getting a job after high school?

e. If so, how often do students come to you for
information/guidance/support? How do you usually help students when
they ask for help?

6. Do you work with students from farm working backgrounds? (Note: By
“students from farm working backgrounds,” I mean students who either work as
field laborers/crop pickers themselves or come from families where their parents
are field laborers).

a. How would you describe the farm working student population on
campus?

b. Can you generally tell students from farm working families apart from
other students? In other words, does their farm working status go
noticed/unnoticed?

c. If so, how can you tell them apart? Is there anything unique about this
population? (probe: Are there are cultural/linguistic differences that set
this group apart?)

d. Are there any challenges (whether academic, financial, social, etc.) that
the children from farm working students face in pursuing a postsecondary
education?

e. In your role, do you or have you ever experience difficulty in reaching
this population of students? How about their parents?

7. How do students from farm working families typically fare compared to the
general student population (probe: do they typically perform better/worse/same?
Do they tend to go to college just as often, less often, more often?)

a. What types of courses do farm working children usually take (probe:
AP courses, basic level courses)

192

b. [Depending on response to a…] Why do you think farm working
children do/don’t take AP courses? Why do you think farm working
children do/don’t take basic level courses?

193

Appendix J: Senior Class Survey

Esperanza High School – Student Survey

Instructions: Please take 10 minutes to answer the questions below.

1. Do you plan to go to college?
A. Yes
B. No
C. Don’t know

2. If you answered “Yes” to Question 1, which college(s) do you plan to apply? (Check all that
apply)
A. Four-Year Colleges
B. Two-Year Colleges
C. Both 4-year and 2-year colleges
D. Other

3. Have you ever visited a college campus?
A. Yes
B. No

4. Have you or will you take the SAT exam?
A. Yes
B. No
C. Don’t know

5. Did your parents graduate from college?
A. Yes, they both graduated from college
B. Only one parent graduated from college
C. Neither parent graduated from college
D. Don’t know

6. Do you have brothers or sisters that went to college?
A. Yes
B. No
C. Don’t know

7. Do you have at least one parent who has worked as a farm worker in the past 10 years? (For
example, a field worker, crop picker, or a nursery worker)
A. Yes
B. No

194

8. Have you ever worked as a farm worker? (For example, a field worker, crop picker, or a
nursery worker)
A. Yes
B. No

9. If you answered “Yes” to Question 7, how old were you when worked as a farm worker?
(Check all that apply)
A. 0-10 years old
B. 11-14 years old
C. 15-18 years old

Abstract (if available)

Abstract There are an estimated 500,000 to 800,000 child laborers working in agriculture in the United States. Despite being among the most educationally disadvantaged groups of students in the nation, farm working students remain one of the most understudied demographics of students in education research. While the importance of providing adequate information, guidance, and support to high school students on the path to college is well documented in education research, (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Institutional agents' impact on tranfser student success through the avenue of social capital

PDF

AB 540 community college students in Southern California: making connections and realizing dreams

PDF

The Transfer Academy: providing community college students with the informational, structural, relational, and cultural resources to transfer successfully to a four-year college

PDF

Mathematics identity and sense of belonging in mathematics of successful African-American students in community college developmental mathematics courses

PDF

Addressing a historical mission in a performance driven system: a case study of a public historically Black university engaged in the equity scorecard process

PDF

Undocumented college students: pursuing academic goals against the odds

PDF

Improving the transfer rates of minority students: A case study

PDF

Creating an equity state of mind: a learning process

PDF

Embedding and embodying a Hispanic-serving consciousness: a phenomenological case study of faculty hiring experiences

PDF

The growing gender gap among Latino students attaining a postsecondary education: a study of a minority male support program

PDF

Making equity & student success work: practice change in higher education

PDF

The college selection process of high-achieving Latino students

PDF

Faculty learning in career and technical education: a case study of designing and implementing peer observation

PDF

The intersection of grit and social capital: a mixed methods examination of successful first-generation college students

PDF

State policy as an opportunity to address Latinx transfer inequity in community college

PDF

To what extent does being a former high school English learner predict success in college mathematics? Evidence of Latinx students’ duality as math achievers

PDF

Institutional researchers as agents of organizational learning in hispanic-serving community colleges

PDF

Investigating the association of student choices of major on college student loan default: a propensity-scored hierarchical linear model

PDF

Math and the making of college opportunity: persistent problems and possibilities for reform

PDF

Exploring the complexities of private sector influence: the case of student data privacy policy

Asset Metadata

Creator Rodríguez, Bryan Adan (author)

Core Title Against all odds: examining the educational experiences of farm working students

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Urban Education Policy

Publication Date 08/24/2015

Defense Date 07/20/2015

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag college access,college knowledge,farm working students,institutional agents,migrant students,OAI-PMH Harvest,rural education,social capital

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Tierney, William G. (committee chair), Bensimon, Estela Mara (committee member), Slaughter, John Brooks (committee member)

Creator Email brianrod@usc.edu,brodriguez101@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-638246

Unique identifier UC11305878

Identifier etd-RodriguezB-3841.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-638246 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-RodriguezB-3841.pdf

Dmrecord 638246

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Rodríguez, Bryan Adan; Rodriguez, Bryan Adan

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA