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How parental psychological control is related to adolescent anger and aggression
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How parental psychological control is related to adolescent anger and aggression
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Running&head:&PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 1&
&
How Parental Psychological Control is Related to Adolescent Anger and Aggression
SoYoung Choe
Department of Psychology
University of Southern California
August 2015
Master’s Thesis
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 2&
Table of Contents
Abstract ............................................................................................................................... 3
Study 1: State Emotion ....................................................................................................... 7
Hypotheses ...................................................................................................................... 7
Methods........................................................................................................................... 7
Results ........................................................................................................................... 10
Discussion ..................................................................................................................... 13
Study 2: Need Satisfaction, Trait Emotions, and Personality ........................................... 14
Hypotheses .................................................................................................................... 16
Methods......................................................................................................................... 16
Results ........................................................................................................................... 20
Discussion ..................................................................................................................... 26
Study 3: Aggression and Beliefs about Aggression (Longitudinal Data Analyses) ......... 31
Hypotheses .................................................................................................................... 31
Methods......................................................................................................................... 31
Results ........................................................................................................................... 34
Discussion ..................................................................................................................... 49
General Discussion ........................................................................................................... 53
References ......................................................................................................................... 57
Appendices ........................................................................................................................ 64
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 3&
Abstract
The relationship between parental psychological control and adolescent anger and
aggression was investigated in three studies. Study 1 showed that anger was elicited the
most and more than sadness by individual behaviors of parental psychological control.
Study 2 demonstrated that parental psychological control is positively correlated with
anger, aggression, sadness, vengeance, and neuroticism while parental psychological
control is negatively correlated with need satisfaction, guilt, agreeableness,
conscientiousness, extraversion, and belief in a just world. Need satisfaction also partially
mediated parental psychological control’s impact on anger and aggression, and this effect
still existed even when participants answered questions about parental psychological
control after they answered the other questionnaires. Lastly, Study 3 verified with
longitudinal data that earlier parental psychological control (age 13) predicts later
adolescents’ beliefs about aggression and reactive proactive aggression (age 16), but
earlier adolescents’ beliefs about aggression do not predict later parental psychological
control. This effect was found in male participants, but not female participants. These
results can enrich research on parenting and adolescent anger and aggression and practice
of parenting.
Keywords: parental psychological control; aggression; anger; need satisfaction;
personality
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 4&
Psychological control refers to parental behavior that intrudes upon the
psychological and emotional development of the child (Barber, 1996), and it includes
guilt induction, shaming, and love withdrawal (Barber, 1996; Soenens & Vansteenkiste,
2010). Psychological control has been argued to have negative impacts; it has been
repeatedly been associated with adolescent depression (Barber, 1996). Psychological
control is also thought to undermine intrinsic motivation and produce non-optimal forms
of internalization of rules (Joussemet, Landry, & Koestner, 2008; Kochanska & Aksan,
1995).
Psychological control’s negative effects were summarized as being the result of
thwarted need satisfaction (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010). Self-Determination Theory
suggested that people have innate motivations for autonomy, competence, and relatedness
(Ryan & Deci, 2000), and achieving those three goals is impeded by psychological
control (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010). Parents do not let children decide and act on
their own (autonomy), belittle children’s capacity (competence), and conditionally love
them only when they do what parents want them to do (relatedness). Frustration of the
pursuit of these important needs can result in anger and aggression (Berkowitz, 1989;
Dollard, Miller, Doob, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939; Miller, 1941).
It is also possible that parental psychological control directly affects anger and
aggression. Perceptions of conditionally approving parenting are related to feelings of
resentment towards parents (Assor, Roth, & Deci, 2004). But because children cannot
punish their parents, this anger can be displaced and children may show aggression
toward other people. Consistent with this, use of psychological control tactics is
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 5&
significantly associated with childhood aggression (Nelson, Yang, Coyne, Olsen, & Hart,
2013).
Anger and aggression in regard to psychological control can also be the result of
several other mechanisms. Because parental psychological control is essentially relational
and verbal aggression, adolescents may simply imitate parents’ angry and aggressive
behaviors as Social Learning Theory suggests (Bandura, 1978). Or adolescents may react
to parents’ manipulation with anger and aggression; realizing that love from their parents
at the expense of their autonomy was just conditional may make them angry and
aggressive. Also, adolescent anger and aggression may originate from the disrespect that
adolescents feel from parental psychological control. Disrespect from parents about one’s
boundaries would threaten adolescents’ self, and adolescents may act with anger and
aggression to defend their self and regain autonomy.
However, aggression in regard to parental psychological control is much less
frequently studied than depression, and results have not been consistent (Kawabata,
Alink, Tseng, van IJzendoorn, & Crick, 2011). The current three studies investigate the
relationship between parental psychological control and anger and aggression. First, the
emotions that adolescents feel when parents use psychological control were inspected in
Study 1 to see whether adolescents feel anger in response to parental psychological
control and how much they feel guilty, ashamed, sad, lonely, and disgusted as well.
Then, the relationship between parental psychological control and need satisfaction, trait
emotions, and personality were researched in Study 2. Specifically, Study 2 examined the
following: whether parental psychological control was related to adolescents’ satisfaction
with their needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness; whether psychological
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 6&
control was related to how prone they are to anger, aggression, sadness, guilt, and shame,
how vengeful, neurotic, agreeable, and conscientious they are, and how unjust they
perceive the world to be; whether need satisfaction mediates parental psychological
control’s impacts on anger and aggression; whether these effects would be found only
when participants were reminded of parental psychological control first or the reverse
order as well. Since these questions are studied through correlation and mediation and
correlation does not show causality, time lag models with longitudinal data were tested in
Study 3. Study 3 investigated whether earlier parental psychological control and beliefs
about aggression predict later aggression.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 7&
Study 1: State Emotion
In order to investigate if anger was elicited by parental psychological control and
to examine how much adolescents feel different emotions in response to psychological
control, this study probes the degree of the emotions that people feel in response to
different behaviors that parents use for psychological control. Six emotions were
inspected: guilt, shame, anger, sadness, loneliness, and disgust. Guilt and shame were
chosen because parental psychological control uses guilt and shame to manipulate
children. Sadness and loneliness were added to measure the potential depression that
results from psychological control. Lastly, anger and disgust were administered as moral
emotions that people feel when they face unfair situations or when their goals are
blocked.
Hypotheses
Anger would be reported the most, more than sadness. While depression can be a
long-term effect of parental psychological control, violating one’s autonomy, invading
privacy, and disrespecting boundaries would bring out anger more than sadness,
especially in response to individual behaviors by parents.
Methods
Sample.&The University of Southern California (USC) Psychology Subject Pool
was used for course credit. 153 USC undergraduate students (104 female, mean of age =
20.67 years old, sd of age = 1.49) participated in the study. 367 subjects originally
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 8&
participated in the study, but only 167 participants got the right answers for six screening
questions that checked whether subjects maintained their attention to the end of the study
or not. Embedded screening questions are “If you see this question, ignore the earlier
instruction, and choose the _______ option.” with varying options. An additional 14
subjects who took less than 5 minutes or more than 40 minutes for the entire study were
excluded (the mean for duration =10.61 minutes and sd = 5.79 minutes).&
Measures.
Psychological control. The Psychological Control Scale – Youth Self-Report
(Barber, Xia, Olsen, McNeely, & Bose, 2012) was used to measure parental
psychological control. The 16-item Psychological Control Scale that Barber (1996)
established consisted of 6 domains of psychological control: constraining verbal
expressions, invalidating feelings, personal attack, love withdrawal, guilt induction, and
erratic emotional behavior (Barber et al., 2012). The most parsimonious set of 8 items –
the one used in this study – retained the assessment of invalidating feelings, constraining
verbal expressions, personal attack, and love withdrawal (Barber et al., 2012). A sample
item is “My mother is a person who is always trying to change how I feel or think about
things.” The Cronbach’s coefficient for this sample is .86.
Disrespect. The Psychological Control – Disrespect Scale (Barber et al., 2012)
was administered as well. It was developed to test the utility and validity of
characterizing psychological control at such a broad-band level; specifically, as
disrespect of children’s individuality (Barber et al., 2012). A sample item is “My mother
is a person who ridicules me or puts me down (e.g., saying I am stupid, useless, etc.).”
This scale also consists of 8 items. The Cronbach’s coefficient for this sample is .87.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 9&
Both scales were cross culturally validated (Barber et al., 2012). The original 3-
point scale – 1 “Not like her/him,” 2 “Somewhat like her/him,” 3 “A lot like her/him” –
was changed to a 5-point scale to get more differentiated answers using the same three
labels. Both scales were intended to be reported separately for mothers and fathers with
items following: “My Mother or Father is a person who.” For this study, mother or father
was changed to primary caregiver with this instruction: “Think about a person who is
primarily responsible for raising you (primary caregiver). Primary caregiver can be your
mother, father, grandmother, grandfather, etc.”
Procedure. An online study through the Sona system was conducted using
Qualtrics for the questionnaire. First, the psychological control and disrespect scales were
administered to check participants’ perception of their primary caregiver regarding
psychological control. Then, subjects were presented with each individual item on the
scales again and for each item subjects were asked to indicate how strongly they feel each
of six emotions (guilt, shame, anger, sadness, loneliness, and disgust) when their primary
caregiver did what was described in the item. Each emotion was rated on a 5-point scale.
The question was “When your primary caregiver does [items from the two measures],
how guilty/ashamed/angry/sad/lonely/disgusted do you feel?” And then, one open ended
question was added on a 5-point scale: “If you feel something other than the emotions
mentioned above, write down what you feel below and rate how intensely you feel that
emotion.”
Analyses. R (Gentleman & Ihaka, 1997) – a language and environment for
statistical computing and graphics – was used with the psych package (Revelle, 2005) for
descriptive statistics and plots.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 10&
Results
Descriptive statistics for psychological control, disrespect, and six emotions for
each scale were reported in the following table.
Table 1. Descriptive statistics of psychological control, disrespect, and emotions for each scale
Psychological control and disrespect were not strongly perceived by the USC
Psychology Subject Pool participants: 2.163 and 1.900 on a 5-point scale respectively.
Yet most of their mean emotion ratings were higher than their perceived psychological
control and disrespect scores. The following bargraphs show means of each emotion
elicited by psychological control and disrespect respectively.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 11&
Figure 1. Emotions induced by parental psychological control and disrespect
As hypothesized, averaged across all the items in the scale, for the Psychological
Control items, anger was reported the most, followed by sadness, guilt, shame, loneliness,
and disgust. For the Disrespect Scale, results were similar except that shame was reported
to be higher than guilt.
Means for the emotions per item for the Psychological Control scale are shown in
the following table.
Table 2. Mean emotional rating induced by parental psychological control
Participants reported that the most frequent behavior they perceived from their
primary caregiver was bringing up a past mistake when their primary caregiver criticizes
them, which was also the behavior that elicited the most anger and disgust among given
items. The behavior for which the participants reported being the most sad and lonely
Emotions induced by Psychological Control
Emotion
Intensity
Anger Sadness Guilt Shame Loneliness Disgust
0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5
Emotions induced by Psychological Control-Disrespect
Emotion
Intensity
Anger Sadness Guilt Shame Loneliness Disgust
0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0 2.5 3.0 3.5
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 12&
was when their primary caregiver stops talking to them when they hurt their primary
caregiver’s feelings until they please their primary caregiver again. Also, the subjects
reported feeling guilty and ashamed the most when their primary caregiver avoids
looking at them when they have disappointed their primary caregiver.
Mean emotional rating for the Psychological Control – Disrespect scale is shown
in the following table.
Table 3. Mean emotional rating induced by parental disrespect
For disrespect items, the participants reported that the behavior their primary
caregiver does the most is expecting too much of them (e.g., to do better in school, to be a
better person, etc.). The behavior that made the subjects most angry and disgusted was
violating their privacy (e.g., entering their room, going through their things, etc.). The
participants reported feeling sad the most when their primary caregiver ridicules them
and puts them down (e.g., saying that they are stupid, useless, etc.). When their primary
caregiver tries to make them feel guilty for something they’ve done or something the
primary caregiver thinks they should do, the subjects reported feeling guilty the most.
The participants also reported that they feel ashamed the most when their primary
caregiver embarrasses them in public (e.g., in front of their friends). The item that got the
highest loneliness rating was their primary caregiver ignoring them (e.g., walking away
from them, not paying attention to them).
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 13&
Discussion
Participants did report anger more than sadness, as hypothesized. While the
repeatedly reported effect of psychological control is depression (Barber, 1996), it is
interesting that participants reported that they feel angry at their primary caregiver’s
psychologically controlling behaviors, more than they feel sad. While it makes sense to
feel sad and depressed about parental psychological control because those are what
people feel over loss – great loss in this case of losing autonomy due to their own parents,
anger may come out as well about having one’s boundaries invaded through parental
psychological control.
While it is possible that depression is a long-term result of parental psychological
control and anger is a short and direct response to one’s privacy being violated and
boundaries being intruded upon by parental psychological control, it is also possible that
children may have developed a more angry and aggressive personality by reacting to
repeated and long-term parental psychological control. Study 2 will investigate whether
adolescents whose parents exert high psychological control have more angry and
aggressive personalities and whether blocking the satisfaction of needs for autonomy,
competence, and relatedness mediates parental psychological control’s effect on anger
and aggression.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 14&
Study 2: Need Satisfaction, Trait Emotions, and Personality
It was argued that psychological control thwarts need satisfaction of autonomy,
competence, and relatedness (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010) – the basic psychological
needs that Self-Determination Theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000) assumes to be innate and
universal. According to Ryan and Deci (2000), the needs for autonomy, competence, and
relatedness must be satisfied for people to develop and function in healthy or optimal
ways.
Psychological control may frustrate the need for autonomy because children feel
forced to act, feel, or think as parents wish (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010).
Psychological control may also undermine children’s need for relatedness (Soenens &
Vansteenkiste, 2010) because love is contingent upon sacrificing autonomy. Furthermore,
psychological control may take away adolescents’ competence because the critical tone
that accompanies contingent regard, guilt-induction, and shaming conveys the message to
adolescents that they are ineffective in meeting parental expectations (Soenens &
Vansteenkiste, 2010).
When adolescents’ goals to satisfy their needs are blocked, they may get angry
and aggressive. Research shows that frustration from goal blockage brings out anger and
aggression (Berkowitz, 1989; Dollard et al., 1939; Miller, 1941). Furthermore, they may
have developed a more angry and aggressive personality when they have experienced
parental psychological control repeatedly over a long time. Adolescents also may feel
vengeful and feel that they must get even when they have been wronged: exhibiting
accumulated anger and aggression toward their parents for taking autonomy from them
through parental psychological control. They may be less agreeable – less polite – when
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 15&
they learn disrespect from their parents. They may perceive this world as an unjust place
when they felt forced to lose something important and were treated badly by their
parents.
In addition, adolescents with parental psychological control may be more neurotic
than ones without parental psychological control; they may be more volatile and
withdraw more due to not having secure attachment with their parents, as a result of
conditional love from their parents. They may not be very extraverted when they did not
receive responses from their parents. They may also be dispositionally sad when they
deal with great loss in their life: unconditional love from their parents. They may be less
conscientious – less industrious when they become used to not being believed in by their
parents. They may not be especially prone to guilt when they grew up with parental
immoral behavior – doing bad things to them and never getting caught or punished.
In addition to testing relationships between parental psychological control and
need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality, another way to examine different
possible ways in which parental psychological control is related to adolescent disposition
is by testing the effect of priming participants with the psychological control measures
(Schwarz & Clore, 1983). Would these relationships among parental psychological
control, need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality exist only when adolescents are
first reminded of how disrespectfully they were treated by their parents? Or would the
effect still exist when adolescents answer the other questions first and think of parental
psychological control later? There are two possible ways in which priming could effect
responses. First, it could effect mean differences between the “primed” and non-primed
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 16&
conditions. Second, it could effect the strength of the relationship between the
psychological control measures and the other measures.
This study examines whether parental psychological control is related to need
satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality and whether the effect still exists when
adolescents are not reminded of parental psychological control first.
Hypotheses
Adolescents’ needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness would be less
satisfied with more parental psychological control.
Adolescents would show more angry, aggressive, vengeful, neurotic, and sad
responses with more parental psychological control.
Adolescents would be less likely to believe in a just world and less guilt-prone,
agreeable, conscientious, and extroverted with more parental psychological control.
The hypothesized relationships would still exist when adolescents do not think
about parental psychological control before they answer questions about need
satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality.
Methods
Sample. The University of Southern California (USC) Psychology Subject Pool
was used for course credit. 273 USC undergraduate students (190 female, mean of age =
20.56 years old, sd of age = 1.92) participated in the study. 323 subjects participated in
the study originally, but only the data of 273 participants who answered correctly the 2
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 17&
screening questions were entered in the analyses. Screening questions were “If you see
this question, ignore the earlier instruction, and choose the _______ option.” with
different options to choose.
Measures.
Psychological control and disrespect. The same two scales used in the Study 1
were used on a 5-point scale: Psychological Control Scale – Youth Self-Report (Barber,
1996) and Psychological Control – Disrespect Scale (Barber et al., 2012). The
Cronbach’s coefficients in the present sample were 0.907 and 0.878 respectively. The
Perceptions of Parents for College-Student Scale (Robbins, 1994) was added as a mild
form of psychological control. The Perceptions of Parents Scale concerns the degree to
which parents provide what Self-Determination Theory considers an optimal parenting
context (Grolnick, Deci, & Ryan, 1997). It assesses the degree to which the children
perceive their parents to provide warmth as well as involvement and autonomy support.
The original scale consists of 42 items, 21 for mother and father respectively. For this
study, 21 items were used for participants’ primary caregiver on a 7-point scale that was
originally used in the scale. The Cronbach’s coefficient in the present sample was
0.956.
Need Satisfaction. The Basic Need Satisfaction in General scale (Deci & Ryan,
2000) is part of The Basic Psychological Needs Scales: Basic Need Satisfaction in
general, at work, and in relationships. The Basic Need Satisfaction in General scale
addresses need satisfaction in one’s life without asking about specific domains, and it
consists of 21 items concerning the three needs for autonomy, competence, and
relatedness based on Self-Determination Theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000), with responses
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 18&
measured on a 7-point scale. The Cronbach’s coefficient in the present sample was
0.895.
Anger. The Trait Anger Scale (Spielberger, Jacobs, Russell, & Crane, 1983)
assesses the intensity and the frequency of experiencing anger in provoking situations,
with 10 items on a 4-point scale: almost never, sometimes, often, and almost always. A
sample item is “I feel infuriated when I do a good job and get a poor evaluation.” The
Cronbach’s coefficient in the present sample was 0.828.
Aggression. The Buss-Perry Aggression Scale (Buss & Perry, 1992) measures
physical aggression, verbal aggression, anger, and hostility with 29 items on a 7-point
scale: from extremely uncharacteristic of me to extremely characteristic of me. Sample
items are the following: “Once in a while I can't control the urge to strike another
person.” and “I sometimes feel like a powder keg ready to explode.” The Cronbach’s
coefficient in the present sample was 0.916.
Sadness. The Positive and Negative Affect Schedule – Expanded Form (PANAS-
X) (Watson & Clark, 1994) consists of a number of adjectives that describe different
feelings and emotions and asks people to indicate the extent to which they have felt listed
emotions during the past few weeks. A 5-point scale was used: very slightly or not at all,
a little, moderately, quite a bit, and extremely. Only five items for sadness were used:
sad, blue, downhearted, alone, and lonely. The Cronbach’s coefficient in the present
sample was 0.934.
Guilt and shame. The Guilt and Shame Proneness Scale (Cohen, Wolf, Panter, &
Insko, 2011) measures individual differences in the propensity to experience guilt and
shame across a range of personal transgressions on a 7-point scale from very unlikely to
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 19&
very likely. One of the items is “You secretly commit a felony. What is the likelihood
that you would feel remorse about breaking the law?” The Cronbach’s coefficient in
the present sample was 0.769.
Personality. The Big 5 Aspect Scale (DeYoung, Quilty, & Peterson, 2007) entails
2 distinct (but correlated) aspects within each of the Big Five, representing an
intermediate level of personality structure between facets and domains. The 10 aspects
are volatility and withdrawal (Neuroticism), compassion and politeness (Agreeableness),
industriousness and orderliness (Conscientiousness), enthusiasm and assertiveness
(Extraversion), and openness and intellect (Openness/Intellect). Each aspect has 10 items,
so the whole scale consists of 100 items on a 5-point scale. A couple of items are “Get
angry easily” (volatility) and “Insult people” (politeness). The Cronbach’s coefficients
in the present sample were 0.839 (overall), 0.903 (Neuroticism), 0.877 (Agreeableness),
0.782 (Conscientiousness), 0.877 (Extraversion), 0.814 (Openness/Intellect).
Justice perception. The Belief in a Just World Scale (Dalbert, Montada, &
Schmitt 1987; the English version Dalbert, 1994) deals with one’s general beliefs about
justice with 6 items on a 6-point scale: strongly disagree to strongly agree. An item of the
scale is “I am confident that justice always prevails over injustice.” The Cronbach’s
coefficient in the present sample was 0.813.
Attitude toward revenge. The Vengeance Scale (Stuckless, 1992) consists of 20
items and uses a 7-point scale: disagree strongly, disagree, disagree slightly, neither
disagree nor agree, agree slightly, agree, and agree strongly. One of the items is “If I am
wronged, I can't live with myself unless I get revenge.” The Cronbach’s coefficient in
the present sample was 0.906.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 20&
Procedure. An online study through the Sona system was conducted using
Qualtrics. Participants were randomly assigned to either of two orders of the primary
measures: parental psychological control measures ! the other questionnaires or the
other questionnaires ! parental psychological control measures. Within one condition
for each order, the order of scales and items were randomized except for screening
questions; the screening questions were always in the same place.
Analyses. R (Gentleman & Ihaka, 1997) was used with the psych (Revelle, 2005),
corrplot (Wei, 2013), and lavaan (Rosseel, 2012) packages.
Results
Perceptions of Parents scores were recoded for consistency with the psychological
control and disrespect scales such that high scores indicate more psychological control.
Descriptive statistics are reported in the following table; tables for descriptive statistics
including subscales are reported in the Appendices.
Table&4.&Descriptive&statistics&of&psychological&control,&need&satisfaction,&trait&emotions,&and&personality&
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 21&
While the Perception of Parents scale scores are higher than the Psychological
Control and the Disrespect scales, all the scores for psychological control are not high,
which shows that participants did not perceive their parents as highly psychologically
controlling. Due to skewness, all mean scores for each scale were rank normalized for
further analyses.
The order effect based on priming was checked: whether or not filling out the
psychological control scales before the other measures influenced responses. The means
for the different orders – the parental psychological control measure first then the other
questionnaires and the reverse – and Welsh two-tailed t-test results for differences in
means are reported in the following table. Unequal variances were assumed, and degree
of freedom was modified accordingly.
Table 5. Welsh t-test results for the order effect
None of the means were significantly different between the two orders.
PARENTAL&PSYCHOLOGICAL&CONTROL&AND&AGGRESSION& 22&
Correlation.
Correlations are reported in the following correlation plot and tables: (1)
collapsed across order, (2) results when the parental psychological control measures are
first, then the other questionnaires, and (3) the reverse.
Figure 2. Correlations among psychological control, need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality
As hypothesized, psychological control measures are negatively correlated with
need satisfaction; the more participants reported their primary caregiver as
-1
-0.8
-0.6
-0.4
-0.2
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
PsychologicalControl
Disrespect
PerceptionParent
NeedSatisfaction
Anger
Aggression
Sadness
Guilt
Shame
BeliefJustWorld
Vengeance
Neuroticism
Agreeableness
Conscientiousness
Extraversion
OpennessIntellect
PsychologicalControl
Disrespect
PerceptionParent
NeedSatisfaction
Anger
Aggression
Sadness
Guilt
Shame
BeliefJustWorld
Vengeance
Neuroticism
Agreeableness
Conscientiousness
Extraversion
OpennessIntellect
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 23(
Table 6. Correlations among psychological control, need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality (All subjects)
Table 7. Correlations among psychological control, need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality (psychological control -> the others)
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 24(
Table 8. Correlations among psychological control, need satisfaction, trait emotions, and personality (the others -> psychological control)
psychologically controlling, the less they reported that their needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness are satisfied.
In addition, as hypothesized, guilt, belief in a just world, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and extraversion are negatively correlated
with psychological control; when subjects perceived that their primary caregiver used more psychological control, they reported that
they would feel less guilty, they believe this world is a less just place, and they are less agreeable, conscientious, and
extraverted.Moreover, as hypothesized, psychological control measures are positively correlated with anger, aggression, sadness,
vengeance, and neuroticism; the more they perceive their primary caregiver as controlling, the more they perceive themselves as more
angry, aggressive, sad, vengeful, and neurotic. The obtained correlations have the same pattern regardless of the order of the
questionnaires: the parental psychological control measure first then the other questionnaires and the reverse. Two-tailed tests of
differences between the correlations are reported in the following table.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 25(
Table 9. Results of significance tests in correlation coefficients between the two orders
The results indicate that only need satisfaction’s correlations with psychological
control and disrespect are significantly different from each other in the two orders; all the
other scales’ correlation coefficients are not significantly different between the two
orders. Most of these correlations are actually stronger when psychological control and
disrespect are measured last. Correlations with subcategories for scales are reported in the
Appendices.
Mediation.
Furthermore, mediation analyses with the bootstrap method in the lavaan package
in R were performed for psychological control, need satisfaction, and anger/aggression,
and the results are shown in the following diagrams.
Partial mediation effects of need satisfaction on anger/aggression were discovered
as psychological control has direct impacts on anger/aggression, and psychological
control through need satisfaction also has indirect impacts on anger/aggression.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 26(
Figure 3. Mediation results for parental psychological control and anger/aggression
When mediation was examined separately for the two orders, the model for
aggression was significant for both; need satisfaction partially mediates the effect of
psychological control on aggression regardless of when subjects were reminded of how
they were treated by their primary caregiver. The model for psychological control – need
satisfaction – anger was not significant for either order.
Discussion
There can be many reasons for the positive correlation between parental
psychological control and anger and aggression. One explanation for it can be blocked
goals due to thwarted need satisfaction. It was suggested that psychological control
interferes with satisfaction of the needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness
(Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010) – the three basic motivations based on Self-
Determination Theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000). The partial mediation effect of need
satisfaction buttresses this argument. When achieving those important goals is obstructed,
anger and aggression may come out.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 27(
Parental psychological control directly predicts anger and aggression as well
without the indirect effect of need satisfaction, as the mediation results show. There can
be many explanations for this finding. It is possible that adolescents repeat their parents’
aggression without knowing it since parental psychological control and disrespect are
essentially relational and verbal aggression and mere exposure to aggression can bring
out aggression (Bandura, 1978). Parents’ derision and embarrassment of their children
may lead adolescents to do the same things to other people. It was also suggested that
unfair circumstances elicit anger and aggressive behaviors (Choe & Min, 2011). In
addition, parents’ poor emotion regulation may interfere with children’s emotion
regulation; it was also reported that the parents’ negative emotional expression and limits
on autonomy interfere with the children’s ability to regulate their own emotions, which
may lead to more aggressive behavior (Eisenberg et al., 2001). Moreover, it is also
possible that when children are exposed to parental aggression and disrespect in the long
term, that anger and aggression can easily come out when they cannot easily confront
their parents.
Anger and aggression in response to parental psychological control may also arise
from feeling used and manipulated. The idea of having to give up autonomy is unfair, and
they do not want to relinquish it. However, children did what their parents told them to do
anyway because they cannot feel love from their parents until they do what their parents
want them to do. Then they realize that the love they earned was at best conditional – for
parents to get what they wanted from their children. In a child’s mind, parents are the
people who are supposed to love them no matter what. Yet they may feel that their
parents just exploited their desires to be loved. When they realized the time and effort
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 28(
they spent to please their parents – even giving up autonomy and competence – were all
in vain, and they were just misled and manipulated, that is when they lose all three very
important things in anyone’s life – autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Ryan &
Deci, 2000) and that is when they may become really angry and aggressive for being used
and manipulated by their own parents.
In addition, no order effect due to priming was found; the order of participants
seeing psychological control scales or the other measures first did not yield significant
differences in means and correlations, and the mediation effects on aggression still exist
in both orders. These results suggest that the impacts of psychological control on
aggression and the mediation effects of need satisfaction are not temporary or situational,
but rather dispositional. Parental psychological control happens for a long time
repeatedly; children had to deal with it everyday. Unlike a one-time event that can be
effective mainly when it is retrieved again, we may not need to be reminded of lingering
and long lasting events to impact something else. In this way, parental psychological
control can influence adolescents’ personality development.
Parental psychological control is positively correlated with trait anger and
aggression. When parents take autonomy, competence, and relatedness away from
children, the very best things that fuel us to survive and grow, children’s self can be
threatened, and anger and aggression can come out. When adolescents had to defend
themselves from threats by their parents repeatedly, they may have learned that they have
to be aggressive in order to not lose autonomy anymore and get what they want, and they
may have become more anger and aggression prone people. Also, they may have become
vengeful people while watching even their parents treating them badly. They may feel
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 29(
that not even their parents can protect them, ergo they have to punish people who
wronged them and get even in order to not be threatened anymore and secure their
autonomy.
Moreover, adolescents with parental psychological control reported that this
world is rather an unjust place. It can be construed that this belief in the unjust world may
have arisen from parents’ unfair treatment of them. Losing autonomy and competence
due to the actions of one’s own parents and not being able to feel related to one’s parents
is not fair even when children were young. Being treated harshly when they feel that they
did not do anything wrong may form the primitive idea that the world they live in is not
fair and unjust. While looking at their friends getting the love they wanted – support for
autonomy and competence – when they did not, and noticing the only difference is that
their friends were born from different parents may be enough for them to feel that this
world is not fair and unjust. Adolescents may also feel that being polite would not
achieve their goals; they just need to fight to not be threatened and preserve their self.
Not having secure attachment with their parents because their parents’ love was
conditional may have facilitated adolescents to develop more sad and neurotic
personality. Losing love from their parents may drive them to feel sad over their loss for
a long time. Non-responsive parents (e.g. parents’ ignoring children) may reinforce
children to withdraw more; why bother to try when they would not get responses
anyway? They may not be very enthusiastic about developing relationships. Similarly,
they may feel that they do not need to be industrious when their parents’ words saying
that they cannot do things well keep them from trying. They also may have become
volatile when they saw their parents keep changing their attitude toward them: parents
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 30(
being cold, becoming warm when pleased by their children, and being cold again. Parents
may subjugate children regarding their social development with insecure attachment
through parental psychological control.
These results among parental psychological control, need satisfaction, trait
emotions, and personality and the mediation effect of need satisfaction with
psychological control on anger and aggression allow us to speculate on possible
underlying mechanisms. But one cannot know causality with correlation. Therefore, the
next study will investigate causality with longitudinal data.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 31(
Study 3: Aggression and Beliefs about Aggression (Longitudinal Data Analyses)
This study investigates whether early adolescent parental psychological control is
related to later adolescent beliefs about aggression and aggressive behavior. With
longitudinal data that measured both psychological control and aggression at different
ages, more evidence for a possible causal relationship based on temporal precedence was
examined.
Hypotheses
Parental psychological control would predict adolescents’ later aggressive
behavior.
Parental psychological control would predict adolescents’ later beliefs about
aggression, but adolescents’ earlier beliefs about aggression would not predict parental
psychological control later.
Boys would show stronger relationships among psychological control, beliefs
about aggression, and reactive proactive aggression, compared to girls.
Adolescents’ beliefs about aggression would mediate psychological control’s
impact on aggression.
Methods
Sample. The Child Development Project (CDP) longitudinal data for 585 children
(281 female) when they were ages 12, 13, and 16 were used for analyses. CDP is a multi-
site, longitudinal research program aimed at learning more about the processes involved
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 32(
in child and adolescent development. This longitudinal study is a collaboration among
Auburn University, Indiana University, and Duke University that investigates children’s
social development and adjustment by following 585 children from two cohorts recruited
in consecutive years, 1987 and 1988, from Nashville, TN; Knoxville, TN; and
Bloomington, IN. The children were recruited the year before they entered kindergarten,
and annual data were obtained.
Measures. The selected scales from the data set and the times when those scales
were administered are reported in the following table.
Table 10. CDP measures and administered ages used for this study
Psychological control. Psychological and Behavioral Control at ages 12, 13, and
16 were adopted from different scales: monitoring from Brown, Mounts, Lamborn, &
Steinberg (1993) and Dishion, Patterson, Stoolmiller, & Skinner (1991) and
psychological control from Barber (1996). Because CDP’s Psychological and Behavioral
Control measure entails more than psychological control and items of the measures vary
every year, items for psychological control for each age were chosen based on
exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses and reliability analyses. For mother and
father at ages 13 and 16, items were the same, and the factor structure was the same as
well. The number of items for each year based on factor analysis is shown in the
following table.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 33(
Table 11. Number of items for each factor in CDP psychological and behavioral control scales
Seven psychological control items are the same for every year. For school
concerns, a sample item is “Parents know how you do at school.” Two freedom &
support items are “Parents drive you to parties.” and “Mother (or Father) gives me
freedom.” For warmth, an item is “Mother (or Father) believes in showing love for you.”
Psychological and Behavioral Control at age 12 was reported on a 5-point scale, but the
others on a 3-point scale. The Cronbach’s coefficients for this sample in each age for
each parent are reported in the following table for descriptive statistics. The only items
used in further analyses were those loaded as psychological control based on factor
analysis. Factor analysis results are provided in the Appendices.
Beliefs about Aggression. The Normative Beliefs about Aggression scale
(Huesmann & Guerra, 1997) was administered at ages 13 and 16. It includes 2 subscales:
General Approval Aggression (8 items) and Approval of Retaliation Aggression (12
items). A total of 20 items were used on a 4-point scale. Example items are “In general, it
is OK to yell at others and say bad things.” and “Suppose a boy hits another boy, John?
Do you think it's wrong for John to hit him back?” The Cronbach’s coefficients for
this sample in each age are reported in the following table.
Aggression. The Reactive Proactive Aggression scale (Dodge & Coie, 1987;
Brown, Atkins, Osborne, & Milnamow, 1996; Raine, Dodge, Loeber, Gatzke-Kopp,
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 34(
Lynam, Reynolds, … & Liu, 2006) at age 16 was used. Reactive aggression entails
hostile responses to aggressive behaviors of others while proactive aggression refers to
using aggression to achieve one’s goals. 26 items were administered, and 13 items serve
for reactive and proactive aggression respectively, using a 5-point scale. The Cronbach’s
coefficient for this sample is reported in the following table.
Analyses. R (Gentleman & Ihaka, 1997) was used with the psych (Revelle, 2005),
corrplot (Wei, 2013), ggplot2 (Wickham, 2013), and lavaan (Rosseel, 2012) packages.
Results
The Cronbach’s coefficients and descriptive statistics are reported in the
following table.
Table 12. Descriptive statistics and Cronbach's for CDP measures used for this study
Items were recoded first for missing values and coding errors. Normative Beliefs
about Aggression items were recoded from 0-3 to 4-1 to make interpretation more
intuitive; higher numbers mean endorsing aggression more. After that, means were
calculated per person for each measure, and their distribution was checked. In order to
deal with skewness, the mean scale scores for each individual were rank normalized for
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 35(
each measure. Correlation, interaction, mediation, and time lag model analyses were
performed with the rank normalized means.
Correlation.
Correlations among measures are reported in the following plots and tables:
Results are first presented for all subjects, and then separately for female and male
subjects.
Figure 4. Correlation plot for psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (All subjects)
Table 13. Correlations among psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (All subjects)
-1
-0.8
-0.6
-0.4
-0.2
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 36(
Figure 5. Correlation plot for psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (Female subjects)
Table 14. Correlations among psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (Female subjects)
-1
-0.8
-0.6
-0.4
-0.2
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 37(
Figure 6. Correlation plot for psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (Male subjects)
Table 15. Correlations among psychological control, beliefs about aggression, and aggression (Male subjects)
-1
-0.8
-0.6
-0.4
-0.2
0
0.2
0.4
0.6
0.8
1
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PsychologicalControl12Parents
PsychologicalControl13Mother
PsychologicalControl13Father
PsychologicalControl16Mother
PsychologicalControl16Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 38(
Parental psychological control at all ages inspected is positively correlated with
reactive proactive aggression across all subjects. Normative beliefs about aggression are
also positively correlated with reactive proactive aggression across all ages inspected and
all participants. Generally, most of the relationships examined were significant at the .05
level. Further, male participants tended to show stronger relationships than female ones.
Regression.
Regression was performed to predict later reactive proactive aggression at age 16
and later normative beliefs about aggression at ages 13 and 16 by earlier psychological
control at ages 12 and 13. Scatterplots with separate regression lines for boys and girls
are below.
Figure 7. Scatter plot of aggression at age 16 by parents' psychological control at age 12
-2
0
2
-2 -1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl12Parents
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 39(
Figure 8. Scatter plot of aggression at age 16 by mother's psychological control at age 13
-2
0
2
-2 -1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl13Mother
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 40(
Figure 9. Scatter plot of aggression at age 16 by father's psychological control at age 13
-2
0
2
-1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl13Father
ReactiveProactiveAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 41(
Figure 10. Scatter plot of beliefs about aggression at age 13 by parents' psychological control at age 12
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
-2 -1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl12Parents
NormativeBeliefsAggression13
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 42(
Figure 11. Scatter plot of beliefs about aggression at age 16 by parents' psychological control at age 12
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
-2 -1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl12Parents
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 43(
Figure 12. Scatter plot of beliefs about aggression 16 by mother's psychological control at age 13
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
-2 -1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl13Mother
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 44(
Figure 13. Scatter plot of beliefs about aggression at age 16 by father's psychological control at age 13
Regression results are shown in the following table.
-2
-1
0
1
2
3
-1 0 1 2 3
PsychologicalControl13Father
NormativeBeliefsAggression16
Gender
Female
Male
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 45(
Table 16. Regression results for aggression and beliefs about aggression by psychological control
(
Abbreviations:-PC:-Psychological-Control,-RPA:-Reactive-Proactive-Aggression,-and--
NBA:-Normative-Beliefs-about-Aggression
Regression results show that earlier parental psychological control significantly
predicts later reactive proactive aggression and normative beliefs about aggression for all
subjects and male subjects, but not female subjects. Regression slopes for male subjects
are steeper than ones of female subjects.
Interaction.
In order to investigate whether parental psychological control and normative
beliefs about aggression depend on each other to predict reactive proactive aggression or
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 46(
not, the interaction of psychological control and normative beliefs about aggression were
entered in the analyses along with psychological control and normative beliefs about
aggression.
Figure 14. Interaction and main effect models
No interaction was significant regardless of age, gender, or measures. Then main
effects of psychological control and normative beliefs about aggression were inspected
by entering the two without the interaction term in the analyses. Statistics for the
interaction and main effect models were reported in the following table.
Table 17. Interaction and main effect model results for aggression by psychological control and beliefs about
aggression
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 47(
The main effect of parental psychological control at age 12 was not significant in
any case; only normative beliefs about aggression at ages 13 and 16 significantly
predicted reactive proactive aggression at age 16. The main effects of maternal and
paternal psychological control at ages 13 and 16 were significant for all subjects and most
models of male subjects, but not for models of female subjects. Also, normative beliefs
about aggression had a main effect on reactive proactive aggression across all ages and
gender. Since psychological control predicted normative beliefs about aggression as well,
the next analyses looked for mediation.
Mediation.
Normative beliefs about aggression were entered as a mediator in the model of
psychological control predicting reactive proactive aggression. Mediation results are
reported in the following diagrams.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 48(
Figure 15. Mediation results for parental psychological control and aggression
At ages 13 and 16, the mediation effect of normative beliefs about aggression was
found in all subjects and male subjects, but not female subjects. Earlier mother’s and
father’s psychological control predicts adolescents’ later reactive proactive aggression,
and normative beliefs about aggression mediates that effect. There was no mediation
effect of Normative Beliefs about Aggression on the relationship between Psychological
Control at age 12 and Reactive Proactive Aggression at age 16.
Time Lag Models.
Psychological Control at ages 13 and 16 and Normative Beliefs about Aggression
at ages 13 and 16 were entered in the time lag models. Results were shown in the
following diagrams.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 49(
Figure 16. Time lag model results for parental psychological control and beliefs about aggression
Mother’s earlier psychological control predicts adolescents’ later normative
beliefs about aggression in all subjects and male subjects, but not female subjects. Yet
adolescents’ earlier normative beliefs about aggression do not predict mother’s later
psychological control. Likewise, father’s earlier psychological control in male subjects
predicts adolescents’ later normative beliefs about aggression, but adolescents’ earlier
normative beliefs about aggression do not predict father’s later psychological control.
Discussion
Results show that parental psychological control, normative beliefs about
aggression, and reactive proactive aggression are positively correlated with one another;
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 50(
earlier parental psychological control predicts adolescents’ later normative beliefs about
aggression and reactive proactive aggression across all subjects and in male subjects (not
female subjects); the effect of psychological control on reactive proactive aggression
does not depend on the level of normative beliefs about aggression (no interaction);
earlier parental psychological control predicts adolescents’ later reactive proactive
aggression both directly and indirectly through normative beliefs about aggression
(mediation) across all subjects and in male subjects (not female); earlier parental
psychological control predicts adolescents’ later normative beliefs about aggression
across all subjects and in male subjects (not female), but adolescents’ earlier normative
beliefs about aggression do not predict later parental psychological control.
Why does earlier parental psychological control predict adolescents’ later
normative beliefs about aggression? One can think about the nature of psychological
control and the formation of beliefs about aggression. Psychological control entails verbal
aggression, including belittling. When children are exposed to parents’ verbal aggression,
children may build a belief system that aggressive behaviors are okay. With repeated
exposure to parents’ verbal aggression through psychological control, children may take
aggression as what people normally do, and then they may conclude that it is okay to use
aggression in general and for retaliation. Consistent with this, in other research parents’
attitude toward aggression were associated with adolescents’ physical aggression across 5
waves for 3 years (Farrell, Henry, Mays, & Schoeny, 2011).
Why does earlier parental psychological control predict adolescents’ later beliefs
about aggression, but adolescents’ earlier beliefs about aggression do not predict later
parental psychological control? This result may support the idea that parents facilitated
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 51(
adolescents’ beliefs that aggression is okay; not that parents used psychological control
tactics to deal with adolescents who approved of aggression. This result can be explained
by assuming that in most cases, parents have more control and impact on children’s
values and behavior than the reverse.
Because parental psychological control and disrespect include relational and
verbal aggression, but not physical aggression, while reactive proactive aggression deals
with physical aggression, it is interesting to see that parents’ earlier verbal aggression –
not physical aggression – predicts boy’s later physical aggression. Why does earlier
parents’ relational and verbal aggression predict adolescents’ later physical aggression?
One explanation can be children’s development of anger and aggression toward
their parents as time passes by. As defenseless children to parents, children may have
absorbed parents’ aggression without having means to resist or fight. But that aggression
is still there, and aggression may build up as time goes by. When children reach a point
when they realize that losing autonomy, competence, and relatedness because of their
own parents is not fair, like at age 16 here, aggression may be expressed to react to
other’s aggressive behaviors to them (reactive aggression) and also to get what they want
(proactive aggression). Consistent with this, a controlling parenting style contributed to a
stable aggressive pattern over time; controlling parenting increased the odds of physical
aggression, above and beyond risk factors such as being a boy, having a reactive
temperament, parental separation, and an early onset of motherhood (Joussemet et al.,
2008).
In addition, beliefs about aggression can contribute to reactive proactive
aggression as well, as the mediation results show. If children have developed a belief
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 52(
system that it is okay to hit someone, then they may be more likely to hit someone than
people who do not think aggression is okay.
Why are parental psychological control’s effects on normative beliefs about
aggression and reactive proactive aggression found in boys, not girls? Girls can be
expected to show more aggression to parental psychological control because the form of
parental psychological control is relational aggression, which is what girls use more often
than the other types of aggression as demonstrated in a meta-analysis (Card, Stucky,
Sawalani, & Little, 2008). Also, girls whose mothers used psychologically controlling
strategies had higher levels of delinquent behaviors in middle childhood and adolescence
(Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001). But the answer might not be so
counterintuitive. One explanation can be that boys use physical aggression more than
girls, as shown by a 6-site cross national study (Broidy et al., 2003), and physical
aggression was what the reactive proactive aggression scale mainly measured; boys are
shaped and socialized to be more aggressive (Block, 1983). This gender effect on
normative beliefs about aggression is also consistent with previous research using the
same measure (Crick, Bigbee, & Howes, 1996). However, these results do not necessarily
indicate that only boys react to parental psychological control with aggression; the
measure used here captured physical aggression well but not relational aggression.
Further research with verbal and relational aggression measures can reveal more about
girls’ aggression with parental psychological control.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 53(
General Discussion
Why does parental psychological control predict adolescent anger and
aggression? First, what happens to children’s mind when parents control them
psychologically can be considered. When children want to do and decide things on their
own, yet parents interfere by withholding love, children would feel enormous pressure to
behave in a certain way that pleases their parents. This pressure can create severe and
deep cracks in their self; they acknowledge their desires, and they know it is not bad, yet
they do not have a choice to do what they want to do because they have to deal with
parents’ disapproval and ignoring of them, if they do what they want to do. They would
be a bad person who does not deserve to be loved by their parents, and their life would be
in darkness without love and support from their parents for failing to do what their
parents want them to do. They have to walk alone without their parents’ love and support;
surviving in this world would be harder with their parents’ derision and disrespect. Even
as a child, they have to deal with two conflicting desires that have drastic outcomes:
feeling ignored and disrespected by their parents for doing what they want versus feeling
suffocated in a parents’ cage for not being able to do what they want in order to be a good
boy and girl who is loved by their parents. As a child, they might have done whatever
their parents want them to do to get love from their parents and avoid pain and isolation,
but as they grow up and enter adolescence, they may come to realize that giving up
autonomy to get love from their parents is not fair, and they may not be able to hold that
anger and aggression anymore, so that anger and aggression may come out
catastrophically.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 54(
Why does autonomy matter? Respect for the autonomy was suggested to be a
critical aspect of parenting (Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). Under the
condition of “respect for individuality,” children fare best (Barber, Stolz, & Olsen, 2005).
Socializers accomplish this by “acknowledging and respecting a child’s independent self
by avoiding behaviors that intrude, exploit, or manipulate it” (Barber et al., 2012).
However, the message that adolescents get from parental psychological control may be
disrespect; psychological control threatens the self by invading privacy and intruding
upon territory. In order to defend our self and territory and regain respect for autonomy,
anger and aggression may come out.
According to Deci and Ryan (2008), people tend to adopt extrinsic goals that will
lead to external indicators of worth when internal needs have been thwarted, rather than
the internal feelings of worth that result from need satisfaction. As such, extrinsic
aspirations are one type of need substitute – they provide little or no direct need
satisfaction but people pursue these goals because they provide some substitute or
compensation for the lack of true need satisfaction (Deci & Ryan, 2008). When parents
do not let children exert their autonomy and feel competent and loved, it leaves giant
holes in children’s mind due to not being able to get what people need to survive and
flourish: autonomy, competence, and relatedness. They may feel deeply empty and
victimized. However, if they do aggressive things, they do not have to feel like a victim
anymore and they can empower themselves; they are proactive and they can do
something instead of feeling used and defeated. They may bully other children at school
like their parents disrespected them, and they may become a mean boss who makes
everybody else around them miserable at work, because it provides an illusion of having
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 55(
control and autonomy back in their life. Unfortunately, as extrinsic goals are being
pursued they tend to crowd out pursuit of basic need satisfaction, and they fail to foster
integration or wellness, even when attained (Deci & Ryan, 2008).
Then what is the relationship between adolescent depression and aggression
regarding parental psychological control? It may have something to do with two different
ways people deal with losing autonomy via parental psychological control. One way is
trying to get their autonomy back by fighting aggressively and reacting strongly to
invasion through defending theirs vigorously. The other can be giving up; feeling
helpless and depressed when they cannot get anything no matter how hard they try.
Therefore, it is possible that adolescents have aggression as well as depression due to the
intruding nature of psychological control.
This research investigated the relationship among parental psychological control,
need satisfaction, anger, aggression, and personality. The results can contribute to further
research on parental psychological control and youth health. The importance of autonomy
support was emphasized (Deci & Ryan, 2008), and how parental autonomy support
promotes healthy development of children was elucidated (Joussemet et al., 2008) The
results of the three studies in this paper add the effects of losing autonomy to the
literature. Autonomy is essential in people’s lives, and taking autonomy away through
parental psychological control may lead adolescents to aggression. These findings can be
bridges for future research.
Furthermore, the results of three studies here can be adopted for practice of
parenting and counseling. In daily lives, parents can focus more on autonomy support at
home while being mindful of the relationship between parental psychological control and
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 56(
aggression. Satisfying children’s need for autonomy may prevent problems of adolescent
aggression from happening in the first place. Once adolescents experienced parental
psychological control, teachers and counselors can focus on helping adolescents regain
autonomy in constructive ways instead of engaging in deviant behaviors. The results
could be useful for both research and practice.
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 57(
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Appendices
Table-18.-Descriptive-statistics-for-measures-in-Study-2-with-subcategories-
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 65(
Table&19.&Correlations&among&measures&in&Study&2&with&subcategories&
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 66(
Table&20.&Factor&analysis&and&reliability&analysis&results&for&psychological&control&at&age&12&in&Study&3&
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 67(
Table&21.&Factor&analysis&and&reliability&analysis&results&for&psychological&control&at&age&13&in&Study&3&
PARENTAL(PSYCHOLOGICAL(CONTROL(AND(AGGRESSION( 68(
Table&22.&Factor&analysis&and&reliability&analysis&results&of&psychological&control&at&age&16&in&Study&3&
Abstract (if available)
Abstract
The relationship between parental psychological control and adolescent anger and aggression was investigated in three studies. Study 1 showed that anger was elicited the most and more than sadness by individual behaviors of parental psychological control. Study 2 demonstrated that parental psychological control is positively correlated with anger, aggression, sadness, vengeance, and neuroticism while parental psychological control is negatively correlated with need satisfaction, guilt, agreeableness, conscientiousness, extraversion, and belief in a just world. Need satisfaction also partially mediated parental psychological control’s impact on anger and aggression, and this effect still existed even when participants answered questions about parental psychological control after they answered the other questionnaires. Lastly, Study 3 verified with longitudinal data that earlier parental psychological control (age 13) predicts later adolescents’ beliefs about aggression and reactive proactive aggression (age 16), but earlier adolescents’ beliefs about aggression do not predict later parental psychological control. This effect was found in male participants, but not female participants. These results can enrich research on parenting and adolescent anger and aggression and practice of parenting.
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Choe, SoYoung
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How parental psychological control is related to adolescent anger and aggression
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