The Lobas of Monthang: Loba ethnography and tourism as development

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Content THE LOBAS OF MONTHANG:
LOBA ETHNOGRAPHY AND TOURISM AS DEVELOPMENT
Copyright 2003
by
Pushpa V. Tulachan
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirement for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(ANTHROPOLOGY)
December 2003
Pushpa V. Tulachan
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UNIVERSITY O F SO U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90089-1695
This dissertation, written by
P u s h p a V i l a s T u la c h a n
under the direction o f hi. S dissertation committee, and
approved by all its members, has been presented to and
accepted by the Director o f Graduate and Professional
Programs, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of
D O C T O R O F PH ILOSO PH Y
Director
D a * / 0 ' S
Dissertqttifn Committee
Chair
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Acknowledgements
I would like to acknowledge the marathon support and encouragement of my
committee members, Profs. Gary Seaman (Chair), Janet Hoskins, Nancy Lutkehaus and
Tridib Banerjee who have stuck by me through this “long and winding” journey. My deep-
felt appreciation and gratitude to them for all their helpful advise and input. Particularly I
would like to thank Prof. Gary Seaman for his assistance and support that extended beyond
the call of a committee Chair. I would also like to acknowledge Profs. Eugene Cooper,
Andre Simic and Steve Lansing who have been in my committee during this long stint. If
there is any merit in this work, the credit goes to my committee advisors while all the faults
are mine and mine alone.
I want to thank my family members and Buddha Shakya for their faith, patience,
love and support.
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Table o f Contents
Acknowledgements----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ii
Table of Contents------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ iii
List of Tables----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- iv
List of M aps------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- v
List of Figures---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vi
Abstract----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- vii
Introduction:
Chapter 1. The Setting ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 7
A. Geography-------------------- 7
B. Transportation-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 11
C. Settlement------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13
D. The People------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 16
E. Neighbors ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 17
F. Field Site: Lo Monthang ------------------------------------------------------------------ 19
Chapter 2. History of Lo ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------32
Chapter 3. Loba Society of Monthang ---------------------------------------------------------------- 77
A. Social Stratification -----------------------------------------------------------------------77
B. Loba Life Cycle---------------------------------- 94
C. Institutions in Lo Monthang------------------------------------------------------------ 117
D. Subsistence Economy -------------------------------------------------------------------215
E. Religion, Festivals and Practice------------------------------------------------------- 271
Chapter 4. Tourism--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------304
A. History of Tourism in Nepal & L o --------------------------------------------------- 305
B. Tourism as Development ---------------------------------------------------------------316
C. Impact of Tourism ----------------------------------------------------------------------- 328
Chapter 5. Conclusion-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------343
Bibliography---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 379
iii
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List o f Tables
Table 1. Revenue Generation and Funding ----------------------------- 200
to UMCDP by the government from 1992-96.
Table 2. Price range of livestock ----------------------------------------------- 233
Table 3. Barter Exchange Rate in Lo Monthang-------------------------------------------------- 240
Table 4: Resident and Migrant Population ---------------------------------------------- 264
Table 5: Age Distribution of Migrants to Pokhara------------------------------------------------ 265
Table 6: Age Distribution of Migrants to Benaras------------------------------------------------ 266
Table 7: Age Distribution of Residents--------------------------------------------------------------266
Table 8: Number of Visitors to Lo 1992-1996------------------------------------------------------326
iv
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List o f Maps
Map 1. Upper Mustang: Main Settlements and Trails----------------------------------------------- 8
Map 2. Ancient Tibet and Neighbors------------------------------------------------------------------ 36
v
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List o f Figures
Fig.l Walking distance & important villages----------------------------------------------------12
Fig.2 Sketch of Lo Monthang -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 21
Fig. 3 Winter Trade Route------------------------------------------------------------------------------245
Fig. 4 Loba Stalls in Benaras-------------------------------------------------------------------------- 246
Fig. 5 Lobas in Pokhara---------------------------------------------------------------------------------259
Fig. 6 Time Flow----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 347
vi
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation presents an ethnographic study of the Lobas, the people of Lo
Monthang, in northwestern Nepal. It describes the environmental, historical, social, cultural,
religious and economic aspects of Loba life. The Lobas inhabit an extremely harsh
environment in which they subsist utilizing agriculture, animal husbandry and trade. In the
winter, about 60% of the population migrates south to the wanner areas of Nepal and India
where they engage in trade.
Their land was closed to outsiders until 1992 when the first tourists arrived. This
work examines the conceptual discourse in tourism study and its application to tourism in Lo
Monthang particularly the impact of tourism on the environment, economy and socio
cultural aspect of Loba society.
I apply a Hindu-Buddhist model of the Indrajala based on the philosophical concept
of pratityasamutpada as a more comprehensive approach to the study of tourism. The basic
premise of this concept is that all phenomenon are interconnected and interdependent and
must be considered in totality.
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Introduction:
I began my fieldwork in the town of Lo Monthang during the harshest time of the
year, in December of 1994. The “rationale” for “entering” the research site in the midst of
winter was that the enthusiasm and eagerness of the first immersion would help surmount
the most difficult period. This strategy proved successful but the harshness of Lo winter was
a constant challenge. Although I had anticipated major inconveniences, I was quite
unprepared for the severity of the climate.
I had first visited Lo in 1981 and again in 1990 but both visits were very brief,
lasting not more than a couple of days and furthermore, they also occured during late
summer when the weather was more tolerable. But this time I had arrived in winter and was
staying for an extended period. A glimpse of what was to come transpired the very next day
after my arrival. I was extremely filthy and stinking when I entered Lo Monthang after 4
days of ardous travel. I desperately wanted to bathe the next day but the Lobas (residents of
Lo) advised against it and warned that I would be sick if I did. Since the water was
extremely cold I decided to take their counsel. But I was determined to wash my dust caked
long hair. So I went up the roof of the inn I was staying in and washed my hair in the warmth
of the sun. After that I also washed some dirty socks. While doing this washing, the sun had
moved and I was in the shadows. Some time later my hair felt funny and on closer
examination discovered that they were frozen stiff. I quickly moved into the sunlight and
rubbed the frozen hair strands between my palms to help them thaw. (In an effort to “blend
in” I had let my hair grow long so that it could be braided like the older Lobas traditionally
did.) My socks that had been left drying overnight were stiff as a board the next morning.
The cold was more daunting during the nights than during daytime particularly as the days
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got progressively colder. Water in my mug turned to ice during the night. I had to sleep with
four layers of clothing inside a down sleeping bag that in turn was covered with two
blankets. Throughout winter the Lobas rarely get out of their beds before the sun has risen
well above the horizon since they do not have any heating system. Besides, the yak dung
fuel is scarce and the warmest place in the house is the bed. But once the sun is out, then
they go bask in the warmth of the sunlight. Hence it was easier to deal with the cold during
the day than during the night. The only exception was the day when the wind blew from the
north, normally the wind always comes from the south. Lobas warn against venturing out on
a day like that. On one such occasion I attempted to take some photographs. I was under a
building shooting through the doorway and the wind would occasionally veer in my
direction for a couple of seconds but that was enough to make my hands go numb with pain.
I had to abandon my shoot and rush home to warm my hands over the fire. After that
experience I took great caution on days when the north wind prevailed.
I stayed in Lo Monthang until March when I came down to Pokhara for two weeks
to replenish food stock and also to meet family members. The next time I left the fieldsite
was right after the Tenji festival of 1995. This time it was for financial reasons. Since I had
miscalculated my expenses (particularly for my film equipment), my funds were running a
little low so when a German anthropologist friend, Suzanne von der Heide, asked me to help
her make a documentary film about the healing practices of the Thakalis, my ethnic group, I
grabbed the opportunity. I was gone for about two weeks. After the completion of the
filming I was invited to Germany to help edit the film but at a convenient time of my own
choosing. I asked the Lobas about upcoming events and as nothing significant was imminent
until September 10th , the tentative date for the Lama Yartung festival, I chose to be in
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Germany for the month of August to do the editing. When I returned to Kathmandu from
Germany on September 4th , I was informed that the Lama Yartung had already taken place.
It seems that there had been a mistake in determining the auspicious time when they had told
me of the date before my departure for Germany and since I had not left any contact
information they could not relay the new dates to me. So I decided to stay a year longer as I
was now sufficiently funded. The next time I left my fieldsite was during the winter
migration when I went with the Lobas to Benaras. I remained with them for two months
there. I was then compelled to leave India because the permit for my video camera had run
out (the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu would not grant a permit for more than two months
unless I paid extra money) and I was to return the equipment to Kathmandu. I returned to
Benaras after five days and stayed for two more weeks to finish my research there. Then I
left for Pokhara to study the Lobas who had migrated there. I stayed with them for about a
month and then left for Lo Monthang in January of 1996. In mid-April I went down to
Kathmandu for two weeks to take care of personal business (visa applications, booking
return flight to LA, 1-20 updates, etc.). Then on October 13th I left Lo Monthang for the final
time and was back in Los Angeles by October 21s t of 1996.
In total I was in the fieldsite for about 18 months. My objective was to gather as
much ethnographic information on the Lobas as possible since till then virtually no long
term research had been conducted there. Throughout my stay, the Lobes were very
cooperative and helpful in my research. The ethnographic account can be gleaned from the
body of the text, although in an abridged version since everything could not be included. I
have arranged my research into five chapters. The first chapter aims to help the reader get a
general sense of the people and the place, particularly of Lo Monthang, the fieldsite. Chapter
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2 deals exclusively with the history of Lo. To better understand Loba history, it is necessary
to know the history of both Tibet and Nepal since its past is intertwined with the chronicles
of both countries. So a brief historical account of major events in both Lhasa and
Kathamandu has been presented. Chapter 3 portrays the Loba society of Lo Monthang. It
contains the most detailed ethnographic accounts of the Lobas and I have attempted to
describe every aspect of Loba society in this section. Chapter 4 deals with tourism, the hope
for the future development of Lo. In particular the growth, history, politics and impact of
tourims in Lo are presented. Finally the concluding chapter, Chapter 5, attempts to connect
the study and understanding of tourism as a phenonena that needs a broad overview. This
chapter offers some current important and interesting social theories in analysizing and
comprehending tourism and it is also where I attempt to offer an alternative or another
approach based on a Hindu-Buddhist concept of pratityasamutpada or dependent co
origination which emphasizes the interconnected nature of all phenomena. As an example,
this concept is applied to the situation in Lo, particularly the probable consequences and
possibilities of every act and its subsequent consequences in multiple areas. It must be
emphasized that this is a rudimentaiy attempt but one that has possibilities for future
planners and developers in Lo.
I also took a Hi-8 video camera to record visual documentation of all aspects of
Loba life. My initial intention was to shoot in the ethnographic style with long takes in real
time. But the bitter cold shortened the charge of the batteries so drastically that I was
compelled to shoot judiciously and selectively. I had taken a solar panel but it took a long
time to charge and I lost several batteries in the process because the batteries got
overcharged. The panel did not have a device to indicate when the battery was fully charged.
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I had to buy more batteries just to be able to shoot on a regular basis. This was one of the
reasons my original budget became insufficient as mentioned earlier.
The Lobas did not object to my filming them. In fact, when I screened the tape on
Sakaluka, it was the first time many of them had seen this ceremony particularly by those
that migrate south during this time and never get to witness it. Conversely, when I screened
the footages from Benaras those Lobas that remained in Lo in winter or in Pokhara were
“witnessing” the experience of the sweater trade for the first time. This practice of screening
footages whenever possible is probably what made them more accommodating to my
filming them. However, there was one place that they did not want me to film- inside the
gonpas or monasteries. I was a bit surprised because this objection had not been raised in my
two previous visits mentioned earlier. In fact, during the second visit I had taken some video
footage of the Chamba gonpa on their encouragement. But now this objection was clearly
the result of tourism. Another clear impact was the children begging for candy, pens and
money. This had not occurred in my previous visits but this time, when I walked into town,
the children surrounded me besieging me for something.
Finally, for a host of reasons, it took me a long, long time to complete this work.
Because so much time has passed since I recorded my fieldnotes and lots of changes have
occurred in between, I have written this dissertation in the ethnographic present as if it took
place at the end of 1996 except in footnotes where certain things needed clarification. At that
time, it was thought that tourism would bring lots of changes to Lo but during my fieldwork
that was not very discemable. The factor that has really impacted Lo has been a road built
recently from the Tibetan-Chinese border to Lo Monthang. This was obvious when I
revisited Lo in July of 2001 to assist in a NOVA documentary film titled “The Lost
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6
Treasures of Tibet.” Although we were there only for two weeks (mostly engaged in
shooting from dawn to evening), there were already concrete visible manifestations of
change- such as many more buildings outside the town wall, cheap rice and other food, a
motorcycle and a tractor. For a more complete account these recent changes should have
been included but since I did not have the time to conduct an in-depth study. I had to return
with the crew as shooting schedules had been lined up in Kathmandu so these preliminary
findings have not been included here.
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Chapter 1 .The Setting:
A. Geographical:
“Mustang” is a term derived from “Lo Monthang,1 ” the name of the ancient capital.
It is a relative term that has different connotations depending on who is using it and the
context it is used in. Mustang, with a population of 14,292 and an area of 3,573 sq.km2.
(HMG 1995:32,56), is one of the districts in the Dhaulagiri Zone.3 Politicians,
administrators, and non-residents of Mustang district use the term to denote both the
administrative district and northern part of the district whereas the southern residents of this
district use it to refer to all areas north of Samar. But the people who live north of Samar
rarely use this term. And when they do, it is definitely not to designate their land (which they
refer to as Lo Chhyo Dhuin, meaning the seven districts of Lo) but to the whole district. The
term “Upper Mustang”4 is now in use to designate all areas above Kag (Kagbeni in Nepali),
especially amongst scholars, development agencies and government officials. To avoid
confusion, I will use Mustang to indicate the whole district; Upper Mustang, all areas above
Kag; and Lo, all areas above Samar.
1 Although Loba language is derived from Tibetan, the Tibetan spelling is not always used here for various
reasons. First of all, the choice of the form of spelling to be used is problematic, furthermore, not having any
knowledge of Tibetan language, this task could be subject to widespread mistakes. So a transliteration of words
as they are perceived is employed where definitive Tibetan spellings were unavailable.
2 These figures were from the 1991 census according to the publication.
3 Administratively, Nepal is divided into 5 development regions, 14 zones and 75 districts. Mustang falls under
the Western Development Region in Dhaulagiri zone.
4 The term “Upper Mustang,” first used by ACAP (Annapurna Conservation Area Project), to refer to this area
above Kag, is gaining currency these days especially amongst the policy makers, administrators, scholars and
even the local residents, although primarily by the younger generation only.
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Chhonup
Chung Juno \N e9hung
Nya'mdok
Upper Chhoeher
Nifuk—
Lower Chhosher
Kimaiinq
f utya /
nink3r^ . \ 7 */ f Dfiut? Samjong
Narrajya/V^ Nhonyol
Lofnant
Lo Ghekar Gompa
Maran
_ ™ [_ a_Ghara
Swrkhang '-------- ^ 2 * Lun Gompa
Dakrna>S^“ harang
Ghami
Tangya
Chyunka^
T am agau*^* Ghiling
Sya>aonochen
Yam
Bhona
Ghyakar Chaile
Kanama
Chil
B nrakrf/J*^— *-Tetang
Chhuksang
Tangbe
Upper Mustang Restncted Area . .,
/ / / '////////y//// / s, H ,
TiCTTXKagbenl
Mustang Restricted Area
P ak iy ao P h ate^/ — a Chhunkur
• _ v //
Ohakarjong
-•
X ^ s ? Lupra
Jomsom
Khinga ' »
Jharkot
7.5 10km
/ / / / / / Southern Limit of Upper Mustang Restricted Area
Map I. Upper Mustang: Main Settlements and Trails
* (Map from Sharma 2000: 82)
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9
Mustang is situated in northwestern Nepal in what is known as one of the Inner Himalayan
Valleys. The Himalaya transverses east west along the northern border of Nepal
but in the western half of the northern border are areas that lie between the Himalayan
range and the Tibetan marginal mountains which are called the Inner Himalayan valleys.
Mustang comprises both the Himalayan regions in the south and the Inner Himalayan valleys
in the north. The Kali Gandaki River whose source lies in Lo, flows right through the middle
of Mustang, carving the deepest gorge in the world. The basin formed by this river is called
the Kali Gandaki Valley and is flanked on the southern half by two very high mountains-
Dhaulagiri I (8,167m.) and Annapurna I (8,091m.). The northern part of the Kali Gandaki
Valley comprises Upper Mustang while Lo in turn forms the northern part of Upper Mustang
which protrudes out like a thumb into Tibet.
The altitude of Lo ranges from about 3,000-6,500 m., and the habitation zone is
between 3000-4000 m., which makes Lo a cold place to live in throughout the year,
especially in the winter when it is covered with snow for 4 months. The average day
temperature during the summer months is around 26°C and in the winter, it is 10°C.5 Wind
chill factor can drive the temperature even further lower, especially in winter if the wind is
blowing from the north. It must be emphasized that there are climatic variances amongst the
many river valleys scattered throughout Lo due to differences in altitudes and latitudes.
These micro-climatic variations can have dramatic consequences i.e. settlements like Dhe
can be quite warm and yield two crops annually unlike most of Lo which produce only one
crop.
5 In the winter nights, the thermometer in my room was often below 0° C.
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10
Since Lo is situated in the rain shadow of the Dhaulagiri and Annapurna massifs, it
gets very little rain from the monsoon clouds, which provide most of the precipitation for the
Indian sub-continent. So the landscape is arid and dry with scant vegetation and virtually no
trees.6 The average annual rainfall is about 500mm. Additional moisture is derived from
winter snow. This sparse precipitation is insufficient not only for agriculture but also for any
kind of flora except the most drought resistant variety of shrubs and grasses. In the upper
elevations are high altitude pastures and rangelands where yaks (at higher elevations) and
goats and sheep (at lower elevations) are grazed. This region is subject to irregular climatic
conditions according to the records kept by the government and also according to local
residents. The fluctuations in snow and rainfall from year to year and also from region to
region casts a degree of uncertainty both in the agricultural and pastoral domains- two areas
that are vital to the survival of the Lobas (the term for the people of Lo).
Because the towering Himalayan ranges effectively stop clouds from escaping
northwards, Lo, like most of Tibet, gets little cloud cover for most of the year resulting in
many days of intense sunshine. This quickly warms the Tibetan plateau, causing the build up
of a low pressure. The result is that by around 10 am. there is a strong, constant wind
whipping through the whole valley from the south and it dies down only towards sunset. The
conditions of scant moisture and strong winds foster a viscious cycle that is environmentally
detrimental. With scarce rainfall there is virtually no vegetation growth which leaves the top
soil unprotected and makes it easy for the relentless wind to blow the it away and without
any top soil, vegetation cannot thrive. Thus the soil is mostly loose and sandy and subject to
6 There are a few dispersed small strips o f forests with sparse trees but at great distances from any settlement
while many villages now have new growth trees initiated by ACAP.
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easy degradation. Furthermore, the melting of the winter snow causes additional damage.
Millennia of ceaseless erosion by this combination of sun, snow, wind, and scarce
precipitation has created a landscape that is barren, stark, and lunar -astoundingly beautiful
but extremely fragile. In this high mountain desert of about 2100 sq.km, there are human
settlements, which stand out like mountain oases. There are over 20 villages mostly situated
along river valleys and riverbeds.
B. Transportation:
Mustang has one of the ancient and major trade routes between Tibet and Nepal.
Because the passes in this region are not too high (unlike in other routes) and the paths not
too difficult for pack animals to traverse, this corridor conducted much commercial traffic in
the past and thus, historically, it was seen as a prize for conquest by powerful rulers.
From the capital Lo Monthang, the Tibetan border is only about five hours on
horseback while the nearest motorable road in Nepal is about 150 km. south at Nayapul near
the town of Birethanti. It is about 7-8 days journey by foot. There is, however, a STOL
(short take off and landing) airport at Jomsom, the district headquarter, which is about 3 days
walk south from Lo Monthang. The main means of transport is by foot and pack animals,
predominantly horses and mules. Nowadays helicopters are also occasionally used by
development agencies, government personnel and tourists but rarely by the Lobas.7
The only means o f communication is via battery operated wireless radio. The
government has established one such station at Lo Monthang that operates sporadically.
7 On rare occasions, the wealthy Lobas sometimes charter choppers to fly critically ill family members to
hospitals in Pokhara or Kathmandu. This is often a case of life and death situation. Other occasions are when
High Lamas, who cannot ride or walk because o f advanced old age, are flown into and out of Lo for special
events- like when Trichen Rinpoche was invited for the Tenji festival in 1995.
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Tou.ris't
Loba
(D, @ ), D a y s
6 hcmj* y a
J o w s o m
Fig. 1 Walking distance & important village enroute
ACAP has the only station that operates continually throughout the year. The police also
have one but is not open to the public and is inoperative during the winter when the office ‘
closed and the staff migrate south.
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C. Settlement:
Traditionally and historically, Lo has been perceived as consisting of seven districts
or sections and thus the term Lo Chhyo Dhuin is often used by the Lobas when referring to
Lo. However, the government has administratively divided Lo into six VDCs (Village
Development Committee)8 , which nevertheless roughly resemble the traditional division. A
VDC is the lowest level administrative unit in any district and it is comprised of smaller
sections called wards. The six VDCs of Lo are: Chosar, Chonup, Lo Monthang, Tsarang,
Surkhang and Ghemi. There are over 28 major and minor settlements in these six VDCs. As
already mentioned, most settlements are situated in river valleys and riverbeds but some like
Yara and Ghara are high up in the mountains.
It is not certain which settlement is the oldest in Lo. But there is physical evidence to
indicate that the earliest settlers lived in caves. Throughout the whole of Lo, one encounters
cliffs with abandoned caves. Tucci (1956:10) discounts the notion that hermits used these
caves since the small population could not have supported such a large number of ascetics
and so suggests that:
The aboriginal people were troglodytes, using the caves in winter
and shifting to the plateaus in summer for grazing, just as was the
case for a long time in Western Tibet also. But the fact that caves are
excavated in cliffs of very difficult access might also suggest a
certain insecurity and standing danger of incursion.
Recent preliminary investigations of these cave systems indicate that they were
indeed occupied by humans in prehistoric period and can be dated around 300 BC (Simons
et al:1994:l 14).9 Although most of them are now inaccessible, due to erosion and disuse, the
8 These days the concept of Zones is being disused- only 5 development regions, 75 districts and VDCs.
9 At a museum in Jomsom, some pots found in the funerary caves o f Chokhopani are carbon dated as 4000 BC.
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presence of abandoned fields and castles or watchtowers near these clusters of caves testify
that cave settlements were once not only accessible but also common in the early era.
Besides the possibility of insecurity and danger mentioned above, the other probable and
more practical reasons could be that:
The cave-systems represented a settlement type which keep the
neighboring fields free for cultivation and not restricted by
development. ...Moreover, the complicated cave-systems represent a
suitable form of settlement in this arid high mountainous
environment, providing optimal protection against strong winds and
the extreme fluctuations in temperature (ibid: 120).
In the villages of Nifuk and Garfuk in Chosar VDC, there are still many accessible
caves on the cliffs behind the fields and the houses. In older times it is said that most people
from this village lived in these caves but later moved to the river basin to be closer to the
fields. Then a series of floods occurred which washed away the houses and fields. The 1987
flood was the most devastating. It was caused by earthquake tremors, which burst the high
glacial lakes causing terrible damage to Chosar. So some of the people have now moved
back to the caves.1 0 These cave colonies were definitely the first settlement in Mustang.
Amongst the latter settlements, it is difficult to ascertain which is the more ancient
because there are ruins of previous castles and settlements near most villages and there is no
way to gauge their antiquity just by looking at them. The major settlements are Lo
Monthang, the capital, Tsarang, Ghemi and Ghiling, all of which lie in the river valleys
formed by the Kali Gandaki river or its nearby tributaries and along the main trade route.
1 0 Those who lost their houses and could not afford to build new ones and had no choice but to move back to the
caves. A cave dwelling that 1 visited was quite comfortable. Also it was very warm. The only drawback was the
access- a series of steep and narrow log ladders led to the caves which were multiple storied. It is difficult to
imagine navigating these precarious ladders when intoxicated.
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Some smaller and minor villages are also strung along this route while others are situated in
the distant river basins and valleys of the various tributaries of the Kali Gandaki River.
Most settlements in Lo are nucleated and compact-to allow maximum area for
cultivation, also the reason for living in the caves.1 1 In some villages houses are so compact
and clustered that they are built wall to wall. The size of the houses varies from place to
place. The largest houses, palaces or monasteries, are found in Lo Monthang and Tsarang,
all of which were built in the past. Houses can vary from a humble single story dwelling to a
five-storied palace. All houses in Lo are made of mud with stone base and foundations with
minimum timber use. All houses are flat roofed. Generally, animals are kept on the ground
floor while people live on the stories above. There are no new settlements per se, but
construction of new homes has occurred in existing old settlements.
Lo also has about 43 families that are nomadic pastoralists called Drokpas. Their
occupation is raising sheep, goats and yaks. They inhabit the higher alpine pastures on both
the eastern and western part of Lo. They live in tents made of yak hair and have no
permanent fixed residences. Normally a family and its close relatives form a single camp
with several tents. However, some camps have only one tent with a single family or two
families living under one large tent. The camp is moved around depending on the season and
the conditions of the pastures. Generally, they camp at higher elevations during the summer
and move towards the lower pastures or even southwards during the winter. Prior to the
invasion of Tibet by China, they moved their herd to Tibet in the winter because the grass
1 1 Simons et al. (120) cites other authors who have observed that the open settlement construction is very similar
to the cave-system settlements and draw the conclusion that both settlement types “represent the same concept of
settlement.”
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was more accessible, plentiful and of better quality there. The Drokpas are economically and
socially tied to the Lobas. The Lobas come up to their camps to buy yak and sheep dung and
also other animal products like butter, wool, cheese, etc. The Drokpas in turn go down into
towns and villages to get food and other essentials. Some also go to Tibet to procure these
goods and engage in small trade.
D. The People:
The residents of Lo, around 45001 2 in number, refer to themselves as Loba which in
Tibetan means “southerner” or “people of the south”.1 3 Lo’s southern neighbors, particularly
the people of Baragaun, also use this term whereas the people of Thak call them Loten. In
Nepali, they are classified and referred to as “Bhotias” (literally “residents of Bhot” which
was the name for Tibet), a term also applied to Tibetans and other ethnic groups in Nepal
that speak some form of Tibetan dialect. There is no doubt that the Lobas migrated from
Western Tibet. Their physiognomy, language, culture, etc. all point in that direction which
led Fiirer -Haimendorf (1988:137) to observe that, “Culturally, linguistically and ethnically
Lo is almost purely Tibetan.” But Jackson (1984:2) writes that although this is true in
general, nevertheless this “statement would be sure to startle many Central Tibetans.” In a
way both authors are right as the Lobas can trace their roots to Western Tibet but at the same
time there seems to be noticeable differences between Central and Western Tibetans.
Linguistically, the Loba language is a mixture of various dialects of Western Tibet
(Jackson 1984:2). For this reason, the Loba language is not comprehensible to Tibetans from
1 2 As exact statistics are unavailable and those that are available are not totally reliable, these figures must be
taken as approximations.
1 3 This term was routinely applied by Tibetan to refer to the people living in their southern-most borders.
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Central Tibet. My landlady, who comes from the town of Shigatse in Central Tibet, said that
she could not understand the Lobas when she first came here. The Queen who also comes
from Shigatse related the same experience. The Loba language spoken throughout Lo is,
with slight minor variations, quite uniform and undifferentiated between the various villages
and regions.1 4 The Loba society in the past was exclusively influenced and inspired by
Tibetan culture. Since ancient times Tibet has been the dominant power and authority over
this region and Lo emulated the values and practices of the puissant neighbor. Furthermore,
sharing a common root made this process easier. Historically, the Lo royal family has always
married into Tibetan aristocracy and has continually maintained their old ties. The common
cultural heritage is evident in the Loba history, religion, economics, politics, architecture,
mode of subsistence, diet, social structure and practices, etc. These will be elaborated later
but what needs to be highlighted here is that virtually every aspect of Loba life is (or was)
influenced by Tibetan culture.
E. Neighbors:
To the north, east and west of Lo is Western Tibet, what was called in the past as the
Shangshung (Zhang-Zhung) federation. Of the federation, the principal partners that
impacted Lo were the kingdom of Purang in Ngari and Gungthang. Further west was the
1 4 Unlike the Thakali language further south where they are quite differentiated. There is, however, one area
where the language is quite different- the royal household. The form o f the speech is not only honorific and
aristocratic but also employ totally different lexicon from the common usage. Although these days, this form of
speech is not strictly adhered to, it does indicate that in the past it was widely used in the palace when the rulers
had more power, prestige and authority.
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kingdom of Ladakh which also got involved in Lo’s history. To the far east was Central
Tibet. Although it was at quite a distance, Lhasa had an important influence in Lo’s history
as will be illustrated later. To the southwest was the region of Dolpo over which Lo at
various times in the past had control and suzerainty. They call the people of Dolpo, Dolwa.
Further west of Dolpo was the kingdom of Jumla, the archenemy with which Lo had many
disputes and conflicts and which subjugated Lo.
To the immediate south is the region called Baragaun1 5 , which extends to Kag and
also comprises the Muktinath Valley. At one time in Lo hegemony, the southern border
included all of Baragaun.1 6 They refer to these people as Shyopa. Further south of Baragaun
is the region of Thak Khola which also comprises of two parts, the northern Pachgau and the
southern Thaksatsae.1 7 The Thakalis of Thaksatsae had major economic and political impact
in the latter part of Lo history. The Lobas refer to the Thakalis as Thawa. The whole of Thak
Khola Valley (which includes Baragaun) is at a lower elevation (1,900m. -2800m.) than Lo
and has a warmer climate that makes it possible to have two crops per annum. Trees and
forests (of juniper, pine, fir, cypress and some poplar) are prevalent here, particularly in the
southern section. Beyond Thak Khola was the principality of Parbat which was a marginal
1 5 Baragau in Nepali means “twelve villages” although now there is more than that number of settlements.
1 6 One interesting fact about Baragaun is the manner in which the northern and southern half differs linguistically.
The five villages in the northern half (Ghyakar, Chaile, Chhuksang, Tetang and Tangbe) are called Shoyul and
speak a language called sekai which is similar to the Thakali language of Thak Khola while the villages in the
southern h a lf (Kag, D zar, D zong, M uktinath, etc.) speak a language sim ilar to that o f Lo. The interesting part is
that the northern half is closer to Lo than the southern half- it looks like Lo culture spread southward and
suddenly skipped these five villages and established again around Kag. Scholars now believe that prior to Lo’s
successful expansion southwards, a principality called Serib existed which included all of Baragaun and
territories further south. When Lo conquered this region, Loba nobles established themselves in Kag and the
Muktinath Valley.
1 7 In ancient times, Thaksatsse was called Thag.
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player but a presence nevertheless. Parbat is where the middle hills of Nepal begin and the
climate is sub-tropical and temperate.
F. Field site. Lo Monthang:
Lo Monthang, the ancient capital of Lo is where the fieldwork for this study was
conducted. The Lobas refer to their capital simply as “Monthang”1 8 and this practice will be
followed here as well. The term Monthang1 9 (Smon thang) is generally believed to mean
“Plain of Aspiration” (Jackson 1984:7). It is the cultural, political, administrative, economic
and religious center of Lo. It was founded by the illustrious Lo ruler Ame Pal in the fifteenth
century. One local legend relates that Ame Pal’s original fortress called Khejo was built on
top of the mountain just north of Monthang where the ruins of two forts, one large and the
other small, on two hilltops can still be seen today. It is said that Ame Pal decided to
establish a new capital. He loaded a sheep (some say goat) with bags of gold and drove it
away saying that wherever the sheep first rested, that would be site for his new capital. The
sheep is supposed to have wondered about and finally stopped at the flat plain of the valley
where he built his new capital- the site where Lo Monthang is today.
Monthang is established in a river valley that is widest in the east-west direction. It
is built on a relatively flat portion of a plateau that is bounded on three sides (north, east and
south) by rivers. Along the eastern realm runs the largest of the three, the Shyahui river
which flows north south and is the main tributary o f the Kali Gandaki River. Flowing east
west are two rivers, on the northern side is the Dhilu river and on the southern end is a
1 8 This term was pronounced as “Moostang” by the outsiders and later came to be spelled as “Mustang.”
1 9 Jackson also offers other denotations derived from various spellings of this word, e.g. “the plain o f the mind’s
aspiration” or “plain of medicine” or “plain of the Mon” (ibid:7)
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smaller stream rather than a river called Jhyang. The western section slopes up to the snow
capped Dong Mara mountain or Mustang Himal in Nepali.
This town is very unique because it is the only walled settlement in Nepal. It is
shaped roughly like a butcher’s cleaver with the back aligned in the north-south direction.
Originally, the shape is said to have been a square and that the handle section which
belonged to the Chhoede gonpa, was later incorporated into the township. Local accounts
say that Chhoede gonpa (monastery) was originally situated across the Dhilu river to the
north and that a fire burnt it down. It was then moved to the present location but was outside
the wall. Then for security reasons and also to accommodate a growing population, it got
merged. This account is likely to be true since the only large tract of open land within the
town is a field (the only field inside the town) that still belongs to the gonpa. Furthermore,
evidence of the old wall (now fused with the houses) can be seen on the southern end of this
field where the old square configuration would predict it. The entire town is completely
surrounded by a 10 m. high wall with lookout posts at every comer and buttresses at various
distances along the fortification. All along the rampart are narrow parapets that would have
allowed people to circumambulate the entire periphery of the township. Currently, many
sections of the parapets are inaccessible since people have built their houses or roofs onto
them. The entrance to the town is through an impressive portal with enormous thick wooden
gates that open inward. It is called Gegu and is situated in the joint of the “handle” and the
“blade” and facing north. It is a very important socio-geographical marker both symbolically
and physically. Except the Lo royal family, everyone on horseback must dismount outside
this gate and enter the town on foot. Only the royalty is permitted to ride into town- right up
to the palace entrance. The same applies on departure-the horse must be led out through the
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portal and only when outside, can it be mounted. This is also the physical boundary that
demarcates the inside/outside dichotomy. Formerly, the only access into town was through
this gate, which was closed every night and opened early in the morning. Thus, the gate
defined who or what remained inside or outside. These days, this practice is discontinued
and the gate remains open 24 hours. Furthermore, there are now other entrances throughout
the wall although the public uses only the exit on the southern wall. The other entrances are
from private homes, which in most cases lead out to their gardens or animal corrals. Despite
the alternate entrances and the gate not being locked at night, Gegu retains its former
T
7*Kubchci>
[2 go ► 'pa
■ c
Fig. 2 Sketch of Lo Monthang
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symbolic function and significance. All formal exits and entrances are still made through this
gate and it still marks the physical boundary between inside and outside. Despite the easy
access, Monthang is even today an impressive fortress-town that exudes an aura of majesty,
grandeur and safety. When Ame Pal built it almost 600 years ago, it must have been virtually
impregnable and dauntingly formidable.
Situated at an altitude of 3720 m.2 0 , the high walls enclose an area of about 35,800
sq. m. that accommodates 177 houses (including the palace and the 4 gonpas or
monasteries2 1 ) with about 815 people. Three buildings (two on the east and one on the south)
have been built outside but are attached to the wall and are not included in the above count
(since technically they are not enclosed by the wall). There are seven buildings that are
completely outside the walls- except for one, almost all of them are government office
buildings. From the outside, most houses are not visible except the upper portion of the large
white palace and the two red monasteries of Chamba and Thubchen, which will be described
in greater detail later. The palace is the first building one sees dead ahead on entering the
town. Thubchen monastery is southwest of the palace while Chamba is directly west of the
palace. And Chodde gonpa is northwest of the palace and comprises all the north wall of the
town. Most of the houses are built packed together, wall-to-wall, and access to them is via
interconnected lanes and alleys that weave throughout the town. Because of the enclosed
nature of the settlement, many alleys are dead ends and go underneath houses forming
2 0 This reading was according to my altimeter whose accuracy cannot be vouched but is probably within a margin
of 20 m. Other scholars have given different elevation for Lo Monthang.
2 1 Besides the gonpa school and the abbot’s residence, also included are the 18 small cubicle type of structures
inside the Chodde gonpa which were constructed and owned by individual monks.
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tunnels. The wider lanes wind around the palace and the two monasteries mentioned above.
At a few places, the lanes widen into open plazas where people and animal congregate. The
most popular of such public spaces is called Dhe which is right in front of the palace to the
east and is the locus for most festivals and large public gatherings. Equally popular is the
Gegu area, the strip of wide path immediately to the east and west of the main gate and north
of the palace where people congregate during the afternoons and evenings. A small canal
enters the town through the top end of the south wall and exits south of the main gate
through the northern wall. There are also two subsidiary settlements outside the town. One
called Tshorak is on the northern side. It is situated at a lower elevation-at the bottom of the
plateau on both shores of the Dhilu river. There are 20 households here with almost a
hundred people, all from the occupational class. The other one, called Dhurang, is on the
eastern side of Monthang, way beyond the fields at a distance of about 1.5 km. It is also at a
lower elevation but not as low as Tshorak. There are 8 houses but only two families live
here permanently. The other houses belong to residents of Monthang who have fields here
and use it only seasonally during the agricultural period. In total there are about 178
households with 889 people in Monthang.
Traditionally, the town is divided into four sections called sishu, which roughly
coincides with the four cardinal directions. The emphasis being on “roughly” because only
the east section is clearly aligned with the primary direction. So according to this taxonomy,
most of the houses in the eastern part of the town are called Gudang, the southeastern part,
Domalang, the southwestern part, Potaling and the northwestern section, Jhyathang.
Although spatially the palace and the monasteries fall within these four divisions, yet
socially they remain outside this categorization (as will be clear later). The largest sishu is
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Jhyathang with sixty-one households and the smallest is Gudang with nineteen. Domalang
and Potaling each have thirty-five and thirty-nine households respectively. In the daily life
of a Loba this division is not very relevant or imposing but is of utmost importance for
communal endeavors and projects as will be evident later on.
The architecture of the houses is similar to Tibetan houses and is influenced by the
environmental and social concerns. Since there is a dearth of timber, wood usage is
minimized and limited to the essential components- posts, beams, rafters, doors and
windows. Except for the very wealthy, most houses employ undressed timber (tree trunks
and branches) for posts, beams and rafters. For the posts, the straighter ones are employed
but the beams and rafters can often be crooked and bent. Shrubs and twigs are packed
between rafters and a thick layer of mud or gyang spread and pounded over it to construct
the ceiling. In fact, mud is the major building material. The foundations are usually made of
undressed stones and often the base of the house is made of stones. The walls are constructed
either by the earth ramming method in which mud is rammed between planks or by using
sun-dried mud-bricks. In either case, the walls are invariably plastered and often
whitewashed. The rooms have few windows, if any at all, and they are usually very small.
The rooms of the top-most floor have skylights, which are small openings in the ceiling. It
functions both as a vent and a light source. A raised wooden frame surrounding the skylight
protrudes onto the roof (about 6” above the roof level) so that water and dust cannot fall
through the opening. During snowfall, rain or dust storm, the opening is covered with a stone
slate or metal sheet or even plastic these days.
Generally, the houses have a large wooden single panel door as the main entrance,
wide and tall enough for animals like saddled horses to pass through. On the outside of the
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door, laced through two holes, is a loop of rope or thick string that controls the wooden latch
inside the panel. The door can be latched or unlatched from the outside by pulling one or the
other end of the loop.2 2 It opens inward from the alley or lane into an interior courtyard
surrounded by a verandah or open-spaced area above it. The courtyard itself is enclosed by
partitioned spaces and rooms that serve as stable for horses, corral for cows and goats
(sometimes this is located outside the house but always adjacent to it or may be outside the
town), manure pit, storage area for tools, farming implements, fodder, fuel (animal dung)
and other miscellaneous items. The courtyard is an area where many activities take place-
this is where horses are fed, groomed, shoed, treated for ailments and saddled or unsaddled,
cows are milked and fed, pack animals unpacked, horses of guests tethered and where the
Tibetan mastiff is chained. Normally, only animals live on the ground floor. There is usually
a stone staircase with a wooden railing that leads to the second floor. This is where the
people live.
The kitchen and the verandah or open space above the courtyard is the most
important domestic and social space. The kitchen is not just the place where meals are
cooked but also where most social interactions like meetings, gatherings, visits and
hospitality and even some religious rituals take place. Thus a kitchen also serves as a living
room, dining room, social room, day room and as a bedroom. The general layout of most
kitchens is the same- near the center of the room is the hearth with the oven, which is
surrounded by low but wide platforms set along the walls. These are the sitting areas. Often
2 2 This device is only to keep the animals from escaping and not for protection. For more security, the metal clasp
or hinge is used in combination with a lock or some peg to secure the hinge so that it does not come undone when
the door is pushed or rattled.
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the platforms are of different heights to differentiate various social statuses. At one end of
the highest platform is set a low wooden table where the daily offerings of tea and water are
kept.2 3 Usually, there is a wooden partition between the kitchen door and the rest of the
kitchen so that on entering the kitchen, the hearth is not immediately visible until one walks
around the partition. This protects the hearth from any draught blowing through the kitchen
door which is always open when the kitchen is in use. The space near the door is where the
water is stored- traditionally in large copper cauldrons that are still used today but more
commonly these days in large plastic jerry cans.2 4 Hanging from the edge of the cauldron
will be a large copper ladle to transfer water from the cauldron to the cooking pots or
wherever necessary. Also hanging from the central pillar or the wall is the ubiquitous tea
chumer - a wooden tube about lm. tall and 15mm.2 5 in diameter which is closed at the
bottom and open at the top. Brass rings at the bottom, the middle and the top not only
increase its esthetics but also strengthen the tube. Inside the tube is the chumer- a long piece
of stick with a round flat disc attached to one end which fits snugly into the tube. Often a lid,
which is a round disc with a hole in the middle for the handle to pass through, is employed
so that dirt and other objects do not enter the chumer. Invariably, there are also rows of large
and small thermos flasks for keeping tea and hot water warm. The kitchen walls are where
one finds family photos pasted together in a picture frame or just pinned to the wall. Also
2 3 In smaller houses where there is not enough space for a separate altar room, this table serves as the altar and
may hold a few idols wrapped in ceremonial scarves called Khata.
2 4 Copper cauldrons are expensive and poorer houses do not have them but even in wealthy houses where these
pots are used, plastic jerry cans are also used as it serves multiple functions- to transport water from the river or
tap and also to store it in.
2 5 Dimensions and design vary.
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posters of various kinds2 6 decorate the walls. Connected to the kitchen by a door is usually
the pantry or storeroom where grains, food, mattresses and carpets and all other spare
utensils and merchandises are stashed. Many larger houses have an inner room that is
accessed through the pantry, which serves as a special room for heirlooms and other
collections, and also where the house deity is kept and is the sanctum sanctorum.
Lobas use two types of oven; either the traditional mud oven or the newer tin stoves
and some households utilize both kinds. Of the two, the most common is the traditional type
which is made of mud. It is a three-sided triangular shaped cone with a large open apex or
mouth at the top. It resembles a volcanic mountain but with three sides. On the three bases of
the oven are embedded three iron legs that support a ring about 10-14 cm. above the apex.
This ring supports the pots. Two sides of the oven have small slit-like opening through
which spent fuel like ash is pulled or poked out. Since the floor space on both these sides
contain ash that is still warm, cooked food or tea pots are kept on top of the ash to keep it
warm. The floor on the side with no opening is where fuel (mainly dried dung of yak, goat
and sheep) for immediate use is kept. The stove, pots, ash and dung are all contained within
a rectangular (sometimes square) raised wooden frame so that the ash and dung does not
spill beyond the framed boundary. Lighting the oven is a smoky, suffocating experience.
First, some very dry twigs are placed inside the stove and lit. When these catch fire, then
dung is fed from the top. It takes some time for the dung to ignite and bum properly which
causes a lot of smoke to billow out. Since no chimney is employed, the smoke rises to the
ceiling, gets trapped and descends towards the floor. The skylight is never directly over the
2 6 The most popular poster was one of the Potala palace of the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. Often one finds posters of
Indian film stars and sometimes even Hollywood film stars.
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stove. It is offset a little to the side to prevent any dirt or material from falling onto the food,
but it also prevents the direct exit of the rising smoke. If the dung is still damp or is not
lighting properly, the smoke can be so thick that it descends to the floor. Eventually when
the dung bums nicely, the smoke dissipates considerably but there is always some smoke.
Once the fire is burning steadily, then the pot is placed on the ring and the fuel fed through
the space between the ring and the apex. The wealthier households use the metal stoves said
to have been introduced by the Khampa2 7 guerillas. Basically, it has two components- the
table base and the stove. In the middle of a low square table is a hole covered with wire
mesh. Over this hole is attached a small round dram with an opening cut out on the top
through which fuel is fed and where cooking pot is placed. Also attached to the side of the
dram is the chimney pipe that bends upward and goes through the ceiling. The same method
of starting a fire is employed for this stove too but because of the chimney, there is virtually
no smoke except when there is a strong wind that not only prevents the smoke from escaping
but instead forces it back down the pipe into the kitchen. The base table has a drawer into
which the ash drops down and can be retrieved easily. On top of the table all around the
stove are kept pots with cooked food and tea so that they remain hot. The stove and the
chimney radiate so much heat that the whole kitchen can be warm and very comforting in
the winter. Because the room has been warmed, the kitchen becomes a dormitory in the
winter since everyone prefers to sleep here. But this metal stove consumes more fuel (almost
double the amount) than the traditional mud oven and fuel in Lo is scarce and precious. So
only the rich and wealthy use tin stoves. However, during the summer when cooking
2 7 Although the term “Khampa” means Tibetans from the region of Kham, here it is used for Tibetan freedom
fighters who established their base in Mustang and conducted raids on Chinese convoys over the border.
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activities increase, to feed the laborers working in the fields, even rich households construct
a temporary mud oven2 8 which can be (and often is) dismantled when it is no longer needed.
This allows the household to not only to feed the additional hungry mouths but also does it
efficiently and economically since less fuel is used. Furthermore, this type of oven is easy to
construct and can be made in about an hour.
The verandah or open space surrounding the courtyard is another much used area-
for doing the larger dishes, washing, drying, spinning, sewing, cutting meat and making
sausages, delousing, chatting and relaxing in the sun, etc. The verandah also provides access
to several different rooms.2 9 The chapel or altar room called lha khang is one such room3 0
where one of the walls is completely covered with shelves- the bottom half are closed with
wood panels often carved with Buddhist symbols.3 1 Ritual objects and paraphernalia and
other household goods are stored here. The upper half of the shelf consists of the altar with
small arched and carved frames or simple ones like window-frames inside which are
displayed various images of Buddhist deities wrapped in khata (ceremonial scarf). The frame
can have glass pane but often is open. The images vary in size and quality. Depending on the
wealth and heritage of the family, the images can be old or new and can be made of gilded
copper, wood, stone or clay (often a lha khang will contain images made of all these
materials). At the juncture between the open and the closed halves is a ledge where lit butter
2 8 This oven is different from the traditional conical one- in shape and design. It resembles the kind prevalent
amongst Lo’s southern neighbors. It is hollow and rectangular in shape with an opening at one end through which
fuel is fed. There are also two openings on the top where two separate pots can be used simultaneously.
2 9 The number o f rooms and their layout varies from house to house and depends on the size of the house, the
wealth of the family and the number of people in the household.
3 0 The poorer households do not have a separate lhakang and an altar kept in the kitchen serves the same purpose.
3 1 The most popular being the eight auspicious symbols-lotus, eternal knot, conch shell, wheel of dharma, victory
banner, golden fish, parasol, and vase.
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lamps, offering bowls full of water, grains, salt, etc., incenses, plates with other offerings,
etc. are placed along with decorated and/or plain ritual cakes called tormas (gtor ma).
Adjacent to the altar is usually a rack with many small square slots where the collection of
sacred canonical Buddhist scriptures called Kangyur (bKa gyur)3 2 and possibly also
Tangyur (bsTan gyur)3 3 are kept. If the lha khang belongs to a very wealthy household, these
texts may be kept along another wall while the wall with the altar may be completely filled
by statues, reliquary and or small stupas. Often there are a few scroll paintings called
thangka hanging from the walls or pillars and photographs of the Dalai Lama or other
venerated and highly regarded monks. The wall, which faces the courtyard, has several
windows that allow light to enter the chapel. This side also has tiered platforms where
monks sit and perform the necessary rituals. Generally the better carpets in the house are
spread on these seats. The lha khang also serves as storage for various articles and as
bedroom. Guests are often offered this room since it is the cleanest and the best.
There may be one or two more rooms accessible from the verandah. These are
essentially bedrooms or nyalkhang but double as storerooms where more household items
are stockpiled. In wealthier houses, these may be used primarily as private bedrooms and
guest rooms and will also have a separate living room. Many houses also have a toilet on this
floor- a small room with a rectangular hole on the floor. It is generally right above the
manure pit so that human waste is added to the compost. The verandah also has access to the
thara or roof. Usually a notched log ladder is used to go up to the roof through a sizeable
opening in the ceiling. The roof may have a room, which is used for drying meat and
3 2 These are supposed to have been texts revealed by the historical Buddha on various topics.
3 3 Tangyur are sets o f books that have the treatises and commentaries by past renowned teachers and scholars of
the various Indian philosophical schools. Not all lha khangs have the Tangyur or even the Kangyur.
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storage. Along the edges of the roof are low parapets on top of which are piled high
brushwood fuel called takla. These serve as railings and also boundary between contiguous
neighboring houses. Without these barriers, one could virtually go from one end of town to
another just by walking on the roofs. The rooftop is used for drying grains and other food,
and clothes. It is also used for certain outdoor religious rituals- even when there is snow
during winter. There is usually also a pole with prayer flags fluttering in the wind. Wooden
spouts called hathi for draining water from the roof are built at the base of the sections that
faces the lanes, corral and the internal courtyard. The spout cannot drain the water into other
people’s corral or property without their explicit permission. This is because during winter
the snow on the roof can be shoveled down only over the side that has a spout.
This brief sketch of Monthang is presented here as a framework and for contextual
purpose.
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Chapter 2. The History o f Lo:
There are very little reliable extant written documents that deal directly with the
history of Lo. Only the Mollas (written texts of speeches) provides us with the lineages of
the rulers of Lo and it is these materials that have been the basis on which a history of Lo is
being based. Except for the Mollas, the political history of Lo has to be gleaned from
references in the events of its neighbors and bigger political players or from biographies of
monks.
th
The early history of Lo (prior to thel4 century) is not definitive. To date, no
document has surfaced that deal with the history of Lo during this period. So the early
history of Lo is more like a puzzle that has to be put together from fragments found in
various accounts and allusions in different sources.3 4 But the picture that emerges from these
accounts is that Lo was for the most part a peripheral but a separate territory vis-a-vis the
more powerful Tibetan neighbors. Until the seventh century, the whole of Tibet consisted of
many diverse principalities, which sometimes unified together under or were conquered by a
strong leader to forge minor kingdoms and spheres of influence while at other times they
disintegrated into small entities. So as in most marginal areas, the autonomy or dependency
of Lo depended on the political stability of its more powerful neighbors, waxing and waning
3 4 Many inferences to Lo are drawn from the history o f Tibet since it was a part o f Tibet albeit marginally. But
th
even regarding Tibet there are no documentary evidence to inform us o f events prior to the 6 century. This could
th
be because Tibet had no script before the 7 century. However, after Tibet became literate, a record of events
was kept and it is known as the Tun-huang Annals. This is probably the earliest written record in Tibet. There are
however discrepancies in the dates o f the records and gaps between events and so a careful analysis and
comparison is needed. As a cross-reference and primary source, many scholars also use the Chinese T’ang
Annals.
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33
in inverse relation. Bacot et.al.3 5 (1940-46:29) imply that Lo was part of the Shangshung
(.Zhang-Zhung) kingdom or federation which at that time, comprised of most areas now
considered as West Tibet. However, Jackson (1978:199) writing about the history of Se-rib,
an area south of Lo, points out that “ ...in all the sources for Se-rib’s early history, Se-rib and
Lo are referred to as distinct entities, and there is no mention of any connection with Zhang-
zhung.” It could be that the sources were written in an era when the control of Shangshung
over its territories had totally collapsed or had weakened to such an extent that the marginal
areas were virtually autonomous. On the converse, it is also possible that both Lo and Se-rib
were so marginal and far removed that they were able to retain their “distinct entities”.
Whatever the case may be, we can assume with a great degree of certainty that by A.D. 705,
Lo was ruled by Tibet. Jackson (ibid: 199) citing Bacot et.al. refers to an incident around that
period which leads to this assumption- “For a time Se-rib remained under the rule of Tibet,
but following the death of the Tibetan king ’Dus-srong in A.D. 705, Se-rib revolted. In the
year 709 its king was captured and it had to resubmit to Tibet.” Since Se-rib which is further
south and more distant than Lo, was under Tibetan rule it is safe to conclude that Lo must
also certainly have been under Tibetan suzerainty (since an invading army from the Tibet
has to pass through Lo to reach Se-rib). Both of these principalities were most certainly
incorporated into the Tibetan kingdom when, for the first time in the history of Tibet,
Songtsen Gampo3 6 (Srong-btscm sgam-po) unified all the various regions and petty
3 5 Cited by D. Jackson in The History o f Se-rib pg.199 in Kailash vol. VI, no.3, 1978.
3 6 According to the T’ang Annals, Songtsen Gampo was a minor when he came to the throne (Richardson
1998:3). This is confirmed by Tibetan accounts which mention that he was thirteen at the time of his
enthronement.
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34
principalities led by clan leaders into a huge nation state. This was the beginning of the
establishment of Tibet as a regional power in Central Asia. His reputation as a mighty king
was very obvious to the neighboring countries, particularly China and Nepal. The traditional
Tibetan accounts mention that he had two foreign wives, a Chinese princess named Wen-
ch’eng3 7 and a Nepali princess named Bhrikuti and that both of them played very significant
roles in Tibet’s history, particularly the religious history of Tibet. This shall be dealt with
later but from a political perspective, this marital alliance is further proof of his might and
that he was considered a potential threat that needed to be appeased by both countries.
Richardson (1998:3) writes:
...in the eighth year of Chen-kuan, which corresponds with 634
A.D., the Tsan-p’u K’i-lung-tsan - who must be Srong-brtsan Sgam-
po - sent envoys to the emperor The emperor returned his
embassy and in a further Tibetan mission the king asked for a
Chinese princess in marriage. When this was refused, the Tibetan
king attacked first the named tribes on the Chinese border and then
China itself, with the result that in 640 a Chinese princes was granted
as his bride.
It is evident that Songtsen Gampo was a powerful military might and that he reigned over
much of Tibet. When he conquered Shangshung (Tucci 1980:249), Lo was most likely
subjugated during this time around 645 A.D. We can safely assume that from this date
onwards, Lo was under Central Tibet’s rule. After Songtsen Gampo’s death in 649/50 A.D.,
his grandson3 8 Mangsong Mangtsen (Mang-srong mang-brtsan) became king. During his
reign the territorial expansion continued, incorporating T’u-yix-hun (A zha) and Chinese
3 7 Also spelled Chin-ch’eng in some accounts. Tucci (1980) uses both spellings.
3 8 His son died young- some accounts say he was eighteen years old when he died.
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35
territories in Central Asia (ibid) into the Tibetan Empire. After his death in 676 A.D., his son
Dusong Mangje ('Dus-srong-mang-rjef9 continued to expand more into Central Asia. But in
692-4, the Chinese took back some of the conquered territories. Having been stopped by the
Chinese on that front, he lata* turned his aspirations towards the southern borders- into
Nepali territories.4 0 Chinese sources in 702 A.D. mention that the Tibetans, under the
leadership of their king were meddling in the politics of Northern Nepal (Mishra 1991:29).
Eventually both countries went to war and in 704 A.D. the Nepali king Shiva Dev II
defeated the Tibetans and king Dusong Mangje was killed in the battle. The revolt incident
by the Se-rib king referred to earlier took place a year after this battle. We do not know
exactly why the Se-rib king revolted but it could be that he sensed the decline in the
authority of central Tibet when it was defeated by the Chinese and the Nepali forces and
speculated that he could opt for autonomy without incurring any reprisal. But as the above
account indicates, his gamble did not pay off, that he was captured and Se-rib was re
incorporated into the Tibetan empire. This further illustrates the dynamics of power relations
th
between the marginal areas and the central authority. In the 11 century, the great Tibetan
empire fashioned by king Songtsen Gampo and his descendants, the Yarlung (Yar-klung)
dynasty4 1 , began to disintegrate and regional power spheres emerged to replace the power
vacuum. At this time, the western region of Tibet was one such sphere and was called Ngari
3 9 Tucci (1980) mentions that this king was named Khri ‘du srong brtsan.
4 0 It must be noted that at this time the nation state o f Nepal had not been forged but consisted of many small but
autonomous principalities. The region that he encroached into was controlled by the ruler o f the Kathmandu
Valley.
4 1 Because his lineage originated from the Yarlung valley in central Tibet, this dynasty is referred to as the
Yarlung dynasty. According to tradition, he is supposed to have been the 33rC * king in the lineage. The origin of
the lineage is said to have begun by a prince from Magadha in India who wondered into the Yarlung valley, while
other version attribute a divine beginning.
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36
Map 2. Ancient Tibet and Neighbors
(Map source:Stein)
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37
(mnga-ris). The relationship between Lo and Ngari at this time is recorded in some accounts,
which will be mentioned later. At this point it would be relevant to delve into the religious
history of Tibet which is inextricably linked to the political history.
There is general agreement in the scholarship on Tibet that the indigenous pre-
Buddhist religion of this area was Bon, not the new reformed Bon that we find today but
what is commonly referred to as the Old Bon. It cannot be said with any certainty when and
where Bon originated but it seems that it might have come to Tibet from Central Asia since
it was very strongly entrenched in the north-eastern and western parts of Tibet. Referring to
Bon monasteries and shrines, Tucci (1980:213) observes that, “They are especially
numerous in East Tibet, and in the western border areas of the country such as bLo
(Mustang) which belongs politically to Nepal but culturallyand linguistically to Tibet;...”4 2
Although it is impossible to say with certainty what the exact form of the old Bon
religion was, it probably involved many rituals, invocations, magic and exorcism. In a way it
would have been difficult to distinguish it from what Tucci (1980) calls “folk religion”
which grappled with placating the multifarious deities, spirits, demons, etc. that one
encountered in everyday Tibetan life at that time. The secret of Bon’s success probably lay
in the fact that it was able to incorporate a lot of the “folk” rituals and practices. Since there
was no written script in the early period, all knowledge was transmitted orally and hence we
have no documentary proof. However, there is evidence that Bon religion was extensively
practiced all over Tibet because of its practical application. It superseded “folk religion”
when the elite class embraced it. Tucci (1980:213-14) points out that, “The original rituals
4 2 It is not clear on what basis Tucci makes the second observation about bLo since there are no existing
monasteries or shrines there now. On his trip to Mustang in 1953 (the book Journey to Mustang), he does not
mention having found any Bon monastery or shrine in bLo except to observe that some Bon rites were still
practiced there (pp. 64).
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38
had at their base the goal of assuring protection and assistance to the person of the king, the
tribal chieftains and privileged families,... against the powers of evil in situations of crisis
and of danger to life.” We can assume that Bon religion proliferated after the patronage of
the ruling class. It is said that Bon was particularly strong in the western part of Tibet,
particularly during the ascendancy of the Shangshung 4 3 federation. Since even in those early
times, there was contact between various regions, we can presume that there was a gradual
exchange of ideas and beliefs between these areas. O f particular relevance is the fact that the
Shangshung region was in contact with the silk route, India (Kashmir) and China. Since Lo
was part of the Shangshung federation, Bon religion must have been prevalent here too.
There are indications that this was so. Many of the rituals and rites practiced even today
were of Bon origin. In the southern part of Mustang, there is one village called Lubra which
still practices Bon exclusively. The presence of a Bon gonpa (monastery) in Muktinath
(further north-east from Lubra) is another testimony that Bon was prevalent here prior to the
advent of Buddhism. Snellgrove (1961:186-87) mentions finding Bon temples further south
in the villages of Dzongsam (Jomsom) and Thini in 1956. To understand why there are not
many physical evidence of Bon vis-a-vis monasteries and shrines, one has to look at the
evolutionary history of Bon and Buddhist religions which takes us back to west and central
Tibet. As mentioned earlier, Bon areas were in contact with regions that held different
beliefs. Tucci (1980:214) contends that Bon religion was influenced by Saivism lfom
Kashmir, Iranian gnostic teachings and even Islam. O f course the influence of Chinese
Buddhism was a constant factor. The main influence and borrowing was not in the rituals
4 3 Tucci (1980:214) writes that Zhang-zhung was “..a geographical term normally used for West Tibet but which
also served as the name o f a very much larger region extending from the west o f the country to the north and
north-east ( a region within which eight main languages and twenty-four less important languages were spoken)”.
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39
and practice itself but in the formulation of doctrines and concepts, which not only made it
more legitimate but also strengthened its control. In the meanwhile, Buddhism was
beginning to make its influence felt, especially from China and Kashmir. Buddhism with its
more sophisticated doctrines, concepts, and philosophy propagated by a highly organized
and literate institution was a new challenge that Bon religion had to contend with. Although
it did not pose a major threat in the beginning, there were some significant events that were
to change the equilibrium. As already mentioned, when Songtsen Gampo unified all of Tibet
he is believed to have taken two foreign wives4 4 , one was the Chinese princess Wen-ch’eng
and the other a Nepali princess Bhrikuti both of who were devout Buddhists. Among many
scholars, there is great doubt regarding the marriage of the Nepali princess.4 5 But the
44 He is said to have had five wives.
4 5 Most Tibetan sources state that Songtsen Gampo sent an emissary to king Amsuvarma o f Nepal requesting for
a princess in marriage and that he sent his daughter Bhrikuti to Tibet Some scholars doubt that this marriage ever
took place since it is not mentioned in the earlier accounts. Many Nepali historians too have raised reservation
too since this marital alliance is not mentioned in any Nepali accounts nor is there any mention o f Amsuvarma
having a daughter named Bhrikuti whereas his sister Bhogadevi is said to have married the Indian prince
Suradeva (Joshi 1993:218). Furthermore, Amsuvarma had died (621 A D ) before Songtsen Gampo came to the
throne in 630 A D . (this date too is controversial). What is clear is that he was a minor when he came to the
throne (T’ang Annals mention that he was a minor which tallies with Tibetan sources which specify that he was
thirteen at that time). The debate is compounded by the fact that there is no agreement on the date o f birth o f king
Songtsen Gampo. Since the contested dates vary by a huge margin, the ramifications are significant. Tibetan
accounts say that he was eighty-two years old when he died. Since there is a general consensus that he died in
649/50 A D . we can assume this to be an accurate date from which to ascertain other events in his life. If this is
the baseline and we assume that he was indeed eighty-two when he died (birth would be 567/8 AD), then his
enthronement could not have been on 630 AD as suggested by many for he would have been an old man o f sixty-
two and all records indicate that he was a minor at that time. Furthermore, he would have been seventy-two when
he married the Chinese princess Wen-ch’eng which does not tally with the Chinese records. For many other
reasons, the age o f eighty-two can be definitely ruled out. So the question is when was he bom? Without getting
into the many arguments and logics for the different dates let me just state that no definite date emerges as
indisputable. However, if we are to accept that he married the Chinese princess in 640/41 AD and that he was
said to be young by the Chinese observers, then he certainly could not have been bom earlier than 615 AD. If we
go with the premise that he was thirteen when he ascended the throne, his birthday fells on 617 AD. Tucci
suggests the date 620 AD while Richardson thinks it was more likely between 609-17 AD. Even with the earliest
dates, it is evident that Amsuvarma would have died before his enthronement. On this basis alone, it is impossible
for Songtsen Gampo to have asked Amsuvarma for his daughter’s hand in marriage. So who was this Bhrikuti?
Some Nepali scholars have argued that Bhrituki was not Amsuvarma’s but king Udayadev’s daughter. After the
death of Amsuvarma, Udayadev became king and it was his daughter who was sent to Tibet But Udayadev’s
reign was short-lived as he was soon ousted by his cousin Dhrubadev. Udayadev sought asylum in Tibet and later
king Songtsen Gampo helped his brother-in-law, Narendradev regain the throne. But why then is Amsuvarma
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40
traditional Tibetan writings of latter periods, especially the religious history all mention this.
In fact, the two princesses are regarded as the emanations of the goddess Tara- the Chinese
princess is considered to be that of the White Tara and the Nepali princess of the Green Tara.
The elevation of these two women to a deity status indicates the important roles they had in
the propagation of Buddhism. Both of them are believed to have brought along with them as
dowry, statues of various Buddhist deities, mainly Shakyamuni from China and Aksobhya
from Nepal. It is uncertain whether Songtsen Gampo himself was converted to the new
religion, but he allowed the two queens to build temples to house the images that they had
brought with them and establish Buddhist beliefs and practices in the royal household, in
effect patronizing the new religion. It was no longer a religion that was influencing the
border areas only but it now had a strong foothold at the very core of power. The other factor
that changed the balance of influence between Bon and Buddhism was the acquisition of a
Tibetan script during Songtsen Gampo’s reign. The script was inspired by the Sanskrit
language but was very different from it. It now became possible to translate the Sanskrit
Buddhist texts into Tibetan. The initial outcome was minimal but in the long run it had a
profound impact- three generations after Songtsen Gampo. With royal patronage, the
entrenched Bon religion was compelled to co-exist with this new religion but it is clear from
historical accounts that there were violent struggles between them, primarily amongst the
nobility but even between regions.4 6 The rise of Buddhism was a gradual process and only
mentioned? It seems that this marriage o f Bhrikuti was first brought to light by Levi when he translated the
Tibetan chronicles in which the name of the king was translated as meaning “Armour-Ray” (Joshi: ibid). Levi
concluded that it must have been Amsuvarma since Amsu means light. But so does Udaya and that is one more
reason to believe that she was Udayadev’s daughter. Whatever the facts may be, the Tibetan accounts firmly
believe in this marriage.
4 6 The historical accounts are littered with plots, conspiracy and murder of kings, ministers and feudal chiefs.
Although it is safe to assume that such events took place in ancient times as well, now religion was used to
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41
really flourished about 125 years after the first royal patronage, during the reign of king
Trisong Detsen (Khri-srong Ide-brtsan).4 7 Throughout all this period, Tibetan Buddhism was
derived from two sources, China and India. Initially it was the Chinese version of Buddhism
that was more influential since Tibet had closer cultural and political ties with China than
with India.4 8 When Trisong Detsen became king, he sent an emissary to India inviting the
famous Buddhist teacher Santaraksita to Tibet. Although the royal court and Buddhist elite
received him very enthusiastically, he did not have much success with the general populace.
His highly sophisticated philosophical approach encountered not only less eagerness but also
strong resistance from the more ritualistic and magical custom entrenched in the daily life
prevalent then. He left Tibet without much success. He recommended that the king invite the
Tantric master Padmasambhava who was at that time living in Nepal and was more qualified
than him to deal with the kinds of opposition he faced. So Padmasambhava was invited to
Tibet. Regarding his mission, Shakabpa writes:
Padmasambhava was well versed in the magical arts associated with
the tantric form of Buddhism, which was more acceptable to the
Tibetan people. With powerful formulas and rituals, Padmasambhava
was able to subdue the Bon spirits, which opposed the missionary
efforts in Tibet. He vanquished them and caused them to take an oath
to defend the new religion; hence, many of these spirits were taken
into the Buddhist pantheon. (1967:36)
farther one’s power or power was used to farther the religious doctrines. During Songtsen Gampo’s reign, the
Shangshung region which was the main bastion o f Bon religion revolted but was re-subjugated.
4 7 Official accounts mention that even he had to overcome strong opposition by some of his powerful Bon
ministers before Buddhism could be implemented effectively. And prior to his reign, the new religion progressed
in spurts, forging ahead only to be subdued again.
4 8 Tibet and China have had many wars and treaties. China provided Tibet with two princesses who brought with
them Buddhist images, texts and beliefs and were instrumental in hosting many Chinese Buddhist monks to
Tibet. They also are believed to have brought other cultural influence like silk, tea, paper, ink, Chinese calendar,
and also the art o f making wine, beer, paper, etc.
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In traditional Tibetan accounts, Padmasambhava is credited as being responsible for
bringing Buddhism to Tibet, performing many amazing and miraculous things and is now
considered the patron saint of Tibet.4 9 As already mentioned, the conversion was a slow and
difficult process. “The battle for the hearts and minds of all Tibetans was a hard one for the
Tibetan Buddhist clergy, and it was possible for them to replace the Bon-pos only by
remaining to some extent Bon-po at heart and by acquiring greater proficiency in such non-
Buddhist practices as the cult of local gods, oracles and divination, than the Bon-pos
themselves” (Snellgrove et al: 173). Having overcome the hostile forces, the king once again
invited Santaraksita to Tibet. This second visit proved more fruitful. In fact he is credited
with designing and building the first monastery in Tibet called Samye5 0 (bSam-yas) around
775 and where he trained the first seven Tibetan monks on a trial basis. This experiment
proved so successful that soon many Tibetans joined the monkhood and Buddhism spread
throughout the kingdom. But the two versions of Buddhism (Chinese and Indian) now began
to compete with each other. So Trisong Detsen decreed that a debate take place. The Chinese
monk, Hoshang represented the approach that enlightenment can be achieved only by
completely stilling all mental and physical activity, that it was instantaneous; while the
Indian approach that enlightenment was the result o f diligent effort through dialectical
analysis and good deeds, that it was a gradual process, was represented by Kamalasila who
4 9 Tuoci (1980:6-7) contends that Padmasambhava was not a major figure in the earlier sources, that only after
the “second diflusion” o f Buddhism “.. .Padmasambhava the miracle-worker grew to gigantic proportions, and
that he was spoken about as if he was a second Buddha, along with extravagant exaggerations o f all kinds.”
3 0 Some accounts also associate Padmasambhava with the founding o f this monastery, that he consecrated the
ground on which it was built.
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43
was Santaraksita’s5 1 disciple. According to traditional accounts, the debate took place at
Samye monastery and lasted for two years. In the end the Indian perspective was declared
victorious5 2 and this version was recognized as the official state religion. During this period,
not only did Buddhism flourish but the Tibetan empire also expanded. Even though
Buddhism was now the state religion, Bon did not completely disappear. It was still active
amongst certain regions and nobility, resisting and challenging the new religion wherever
and whenever it could. This becomes evident two generations later.
Buddhism continued to receive royal patronage for the next forty years up to the
reign of Tritsug Detsen (Khri-gtsug Ide-brtsan) better known as Ralpachen (Ral-pa-can), the
grandson of Trisong Detsen. On the death of his father, Tride Songtsen (Khri-lde srong-
brtsan commonly known as Sadnaleg) in 815 AD, the powerful Buddhist ministers
enthroned Ralpachen as king over his elder brother5 3 (popularly known as Lang Darma,5 4
Glang-dar-ma) because of his pro-Buddhist inclinations and the fact that his brother was
considered to be “irreligious, harsh, and hot tempered.”5 5 (Shakabpa: 49). This period
marked the concentrated activities in promoting and strengthening Buddhism- many
Buddhist texts were translated and the terms and concepts for translating from Sanskrit to
Tibetan were standardized, new temples were built and Tibetans were encouraged to become
monks and each monk would be supported by seven households (ibid: 50). Being deprived
5 1 Santaraksita had died while in Tibet seme years before this debate took place.
5 2 Some scholars have argued that the result may have been dictated by the political climate at that time- there
was open conflict between Tibet and China Also request for copies o f Chinese classics (by Trisong Detsen’s
father) had been denied by the Imperial court.
5 3 The eldest brother, Gtsang ma (Tsangma) was a monk.
5 4 Also referred to as Khri bdu dum brtsan or Khri ‘U’i dum brtsan.
5 5 The real reason was most likely because o f his preference for Bon over Buddhism.
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44
of his right to the throne, Lang Darma conspired against his brother. In 838 AD, he
convinced two pro-Bon ministers who were loyal to him to murder the pro-Buddhist minister
and the king. He was then crowned king and took drastic measures to destroy Buddhism- the
principle temples of Buddhism were sealed up and some were destroyed while the monks
were “..ordered to choose whether to marry, to carry arms and become huntsmen, or to
declare themselves to be followers of the Bon religion by ringing a bell wherever they went.
Failure to comply with any of these orders was punishable by death” (ibid: 51). Buddhism
was relentlessly oppressed during this period and it was virtually wiped out from Central
Tibet. The persecution was so intense that Tucci (1980:16) says it was “..a devastating blow
to the Buddhist community, which not only lost the protection of the court, but was also
deprived of all its property. Its estates were confiscated and its possessions seized. The
Buddhist religion was outlawed, and its entire organization shattered.” This period is
commonly referred to as the dark era in Tibetan Buddhist history and marks the end of what
is known as the “First Diffusion of the Doctrine”. The oppression was so intolerable that in
842 AD a monk, Lhalung Palgye Dorje (Lha-lung dPal-gyi rdo-rjef6 murdered Lang Darma
to end the persecution. During Lang Darma’s short reign5 7 , Buddhism was abolished and
Bon introduced, mainly in Central Tibet.
3 6 A popular version o f the story relates that he wore a black cloak (which had a white reverse side) with long
loose sleeves inside which he hid a bow and an arrow. He rode on a white horse but just before entering Lhasa, he
applied charcoal all over his horse. He then walked into the capital and encountered Lang Darma and his
ministers. He prostrated before the king and pulled out the bow and arrow and shot him through the heart In the
contusion he made haste to his horse and rode through the river which washed away all the charcoal and he
turned his black cloak inside out so that he was now wearing a white cloak. He managed to escape because the
search parties sent in all directions were looking fin- a man in blade cloak riding a blade horse.
5 7 There is no agreement on how long his rule lasted. Some contend that it was as short as 18 months while others
maintain that he ruled for 18 years.
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45
The death of Lang Darma not only ended the persecution but also the unity of the
Tibetan empire for it fragmented into principalities ruled by powerful regional clan leaders.
Shakabpa (53) contends that the empire was divided between the two sons5 8 of Lang Darma,
Yumtan (Yum-brtan) and O-sung ( ‘ Od-srungs) and later further subdivided between O-
sung’s two grandsons; the younger one called Kyide Nyimagon (Skyid-lde nyi-ma-mgon)
was banished to Purang (Pu-hrang) in West Tibet where he founded a lineage (ibid: 56-57)
that was to play an important role later. Although Buddhism virtually vanished in Central
Tibet, it survived in Eastern and Western Tibet where Lang Darma did not have much
control. So when there was a revival, the place where it manifested most strongly was in
East and West Tibet. But the process was a slow one. Thus the “Second Diffusion of the
Doctrine” is attributed to have started in the tenth century in Western Tibet, in a region
called Ngari and this period is also “..considered to be the beginning of the renaissance of
Buddhism,..” (Shakabpa: 56). The main credit for this is attributed to the efforts of two
persons, Yeshe Od (Ye-shes ‘ od) and Changchub Od (Byang-chub ‘ od).5 9 Yeshe Od, who
had abdicated to become a monk, built a monastery at Tholing (mTho gling) which was the
first Buddhist monastery6 0 in Ngari. He also invited Indian pandits to Western Tibet and sent
many young Tibetans to Kashmir to study the Buddhist doctrine. Amongst these youths,
5 8 M any scholars have contended that the Yarlung dynasty ended with L ang D arm a and that the rulers th at
followed were not of Yarlung descent b ut of his wife’s family.
5 9 Tucci (1980:20-21) contends that during this period. Western Tibet or at least the region o f Purang was under
the control o f the Mai la kings who ruled over Western Nepal. The local rulers were earlier descendants o f the
“former kings o f Tibet”. But Shakabpa as mentioned above contends that they were of more direct descent, that it
was Lang Darma’s great grandson Kyide Nyimagon who was exiled to Purang and established this lineage.
Because o f the doubts regarding the continuation o f the Yarlung lineage after Lang Darma’s death, others
contend that it was the older royal migration that had established this lineage.
6 0 P rior to this there were only Buddhist Lhakang (lha khang) or chapels b ut not a full-fledged m onastery.
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46
Rinchen Zangpo (Rin-chen bzang-po) would later come to eminence for his religious
activities- building lha kang (lha-khang) or chapels and translating many texts.6 1 After Yeshe
Od’s death, his grandnephew Changchub Od once more beseeched the great Indian
Mahayana pandit Atisa Dipankara Srijnana to come to Western Tibet.6 2 Atisa arrived in
Western Tibet in 1042 AD and his activities provided the main impetus for the second
diffusion of the doctrine. Tucci (1980:21) asserts that during this period, “Buddhism
expanded through West Tibet and made a breach in the Bon community.” As mentioned
earlier, this region was a stronghold of Bon from ancient times and during the second
diffusion, the conversion became more complete. Atisa also traveled to central Tibet where
Buddhism had, as already alluded to, almost vanished and where the weak revival attempts
were not very successful because the laity had assumed the central role in the absence of a
monastic authority (which had been destroyed)6 3 and the practice had deviated from the main
doctrine. He had originally planned to stay for only three years in Tibet but remained for
twelve years and died at Nyethang (Snye-thang) in 1054 AD. He emphasized and revived the
importance of monastic order and discipline. His interpretation of Mahayana Buddhism was
6 1 Tucci (1980:21) mentions that local accounts credit him with having built at least 108 chapels and “translated
and revised 158 texts, both long and short,..”
6 2 It is said that earlier on Yeshe Od had sent gold and other presents to invited Atisa who was at the famous
Buddhist monastic university o f Vikramasila in India. Atisa however declined the invitation because he felt that
he was needed in India since Buddhism was on the decline there. Yeshe Od thought that the gold he had sent was
probably inadequate and so in an effort to acquire more gold, he initiated an offensive against Garlog. But he was
captured and imprisoned. The Garlog king said that he could regain his freedom by either renouncing Buddhism
or by payment of gold equal to his own weight. His grand-nephew Changchub Od raised all the gold he could to
free Yeshe Od but it was not equal to his weight. So Yeshe Od told him not to waste the gold in trying to attain
his freedom since he was already frail and old but rather to use it to invite Atisa. He died in prison and
Changchub Od sent the translator Nagtso (Nag tsho) to invite Atisa. When Atisa heard the story o f the effort to
bring him to Tibet, he accepted the invitation and traveled to West Tibet via Nepal.
6 3 Stein (72) mentions that three o f the seven disciples of Atisa’s were from central Tibet. He lists their names as
Khuton, NgoktSn and Dromton.
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called the Kadampa (Bka gdams-pa) school that differed from the unreformed old tradition
started by Padmasambhava called the Nyingmapa (Rnying-ma-paf4 school, which was
prevalent in East Tibet. Later on the Kadampa tradition also further differentiated into
various important sects like the Sakyapa and the Kagyupa (Bka’ -rgyud-pa) with differing
approaches and emphasis.
The dissolution of the Tibetan empire resulted in many fragmented principalities.
Hence, there is a gap or at best little reliable data in the accounts of the rulers between 900 to
1200 AD. However, there is enough material to ascertain the general trend during this
period. These small provinces were ruled by different monks or nobility connected with
monks. A renowned and respected monk would command a following and soon a monastic
center would be established. With the gradual but steady proliferation of monasteries and
monks after the Second Diffusion, the power and influence of the abbot himself and his
familial and political connections must have also continuously grown.6 5 This trend
culminated in 1247 when Kunga Gyaltsen (Kun-dga ’ rgyal-mtshan) commonly known as
Sakya Pandita, became the ruler of Tibet. He belonged to the powerful Khon (‘Khon)
nobility that had played an important role in Tibet’s history since the time of Trisong Detsen.
Kunchok Gyalpo (Dkon ’ mchog Rgyal-po) founded the Sakya monastery in Sakya in 1073.
6 4 Regarding the Kadampas, Sneligrove et. all (131) comments that “The four laws to which its followers were
subjected, abstention from marriage, intoxicants, travel and the possession o f money, had small appeal for the
majority of Tibetans, who though ready to accord admiration and alms to an ascetic, were for more attracted by
the emotional and magical aspects o f Buddhism.” The latter aspects embodied by the Nyingmapa sect may
explain its popularity.
6 5 A list o f monasteries founded during this period some o f which played important roles is mentioned by Tucci
(1980:26) and Stien (7674-77) as: Shalu (Zha-lu) 1040, Reting (Rwa sgrengs) 1057, Sakya (Sa-skya) 1073, Tshur
Lhalung (Mtshur Lha-lung) 1155, Thil or Thel (mThil, Thel) 1158, Drigung ( ’ Brf-gung) 1167, Tshel (Tshal)
1175, Karma Lhadeng (Karma Lha-sdeng) 1185, Tshel Kungthang (Tshal Gung-thang) 1187, Tshurpu (Mtshur-
phu) 1189. Jackson (1977:43) contends that with the establishment o f monasteries, particularly the four Kagyu
monasteries, “ With this the age o f monastic politics began rapidly to unfold.”
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Soon after this, the Mongol’s rise to power and its connection to the Sakyapa sect was a
major factor in shaping Tibet’s history. According to Stien (77), it is said that in 1206 the
Mongol king Genghiz Khan came as far as Central Tibet and that Tibet submitted to his
might. “But we are also told that, before leaving, he sent presents to Sakya and invited its
abbot, Kttnga Nyingpo, to come and preach the religion in Mongolia, thus offering himself
as a ‘donor’ or patron. By surrendering to alien suzerainty, Tibet was able to preserve her
autonomy.” After Genghiz Khan died in 1227, the relationship between the Mongols and
Tibetans deteriorated to such an extent that by the time of his grandsons in 12406 6 , the
Mongols again advanced into Tibet under prince Godan’s leadership. This time the presiding
abbot at Sakya, Kunga Gyaltsen (Kun-dga ’ rgyal-mtshan) also known as Sakya Pandita was
chosen to negotiate a peace. Prince Godan was so impressed by him that he “..was invested
with temporal authority over the thirteen myriarchies of central Tibet” (Shakabpa:63). In
return, he gave the prince instructions on Buddhist teachings. This started a trend of patron-
monk relationship between the powerful Imperial rulers (Mongols first and Chinese later)
and the Tibetan abbots. Thus began the rise to power of the Sakyapa sect6 7 over much of
Tibet. Sakya Pandita died in 1251 and prince Godan also died soon after that. When Kublai
Khan took power, he requested Phagpa (Phags-pa), the nephew of Sakya Pandita to become
his spiritual teacher and gave him the title of “Imperial Preceptor”. He bestowed upon the
emperor the Hevajra initiation and “ ...in exchange the emperor granted to him sovereignty
6 6 Shakabpa (61) mentions that after Genghis’s death, the Tibetans “ceased to send the prescribed tribute...”
6 7 The power of the Sakyapa sect did not go unchallenged. When Genghiz Khan died, the many sects aligned
themselves with the various descendents o f the Khan. Stien (78) writes that the Tshelpas aligned with Ariboga
who was later defeated by Kublai, the Drigungpas chose HQIS’O , the elder brother of Kublai, the Kagyupa
(specifically the Karmapa) had a chance to align with Kublai but decided on neutrality which later was to cost
them dearly when Kublai Khan came to power and he endorsed the Sakyapa.
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49
over Tibet. Emperor and abbot entered into a firm arrangement, resembling that between
some emperors and some popes in European history” (Tucci 1980:27). Under the rule of
these abbots, Tibet once more became unified and became an empire like during the Yarlung
dynasty. This imperial patron - monk prelate relation continued for over six centuries and
only “...ended in 1911, with the overthrow of the Ch’ing Dynasty” (Shakabpa: 71). In the
intervening years, the authority of the Sakyapa sect began to decline because of an
overabundance of male heirs all claiming legitimacy for the Sakya seat. They were also often
challenged by the Kagyupa sect that started the first tradition of reincarnation, especially the
Karmapa sect. This tradition of reincarnation was later to be adopted by other sects. In 1354,
the authority of the Sakya came to an end when Changchub Gyaltsen (Byang-chub rgyal-
mtshan) of the powerful Phagmo Drupa (Phag-mo grtt-pa) family6 8 seized power from the
Sakya. The Mongol court conceded his victory by conferring upon him “...the title of Tai
Situ, and from then on, he was known as Situ Changchug Gyaltsen” (Shakabpa: 81).
Towards the end of the fourteenth century, Tsongkhapa (Tsong-kha-pa) founded the
reformed Gelugpa (Dge-lugs-pa) school which gained authority and prestige and was the
preferred sect by the Chinese court. The tradition of reincarnation amongst the Gelugpa was
started after the death of Tsongkhapa’s famous disciple Gendun Truppa (Dge- dun grub-pa).
The third reincarnation, Sonam Gyatso (Bsod-nams rgya-mtsho) was invited to Mongolia
and in 1578 Altan Khan bestowed upon him the title of Dalai Lama. Thus started the
tradition of the Dalai Lama that has continued to this day.6 9
6 8 The power o f the Phagmo Drupas came to an end on 1435 and was replaced by the Rinpung (Rin-sprung)
family until their decline around 1517.
6 9 It must be mentioned that the authority o f the Dalai Lama was often challenged by other abbots o f different
sects, especially by the Kagyupa sect There were many armed conflicts between the advocates o f the two sects.
In the end, during the rule o f the Fifth Dalai Lama, his Gelugpa sect emerged victorious with the help of the
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From this brief overview of the religious history, it becomes apparent that in the
struggle between Bon and Buddhism, the latter gained supremacy for the majority of Tibet’s
history. It is also clear that at no time was either religion completely eradicated.7 0 But for
Bon religion to survive, it had to adapt the monastic, doctrinal and philosophical model of
Buddhism just as Buddhism in the beginning had to incorporate Bon practice to gain
acceptance amongst the populace. Tucci (1980:213) comments that “ ...the pre-Buddhist
religion [Bon] of Tibet had to undergo a vast process of evolution to become able to compete
with the incomparably more solid doctrinal structure of Buddhism. ...many of the scriptures
which confront us today as part of the doctrinal edifice of Bon were written at a
comparatively late period, and under the obvious influence of Buddhism. From Buddhism
too came the classification of the Bon scriptures into two collections, bKa’ ’ gyur (containing
the revelation of gShen rab) and bsTan 'gyur.” This brief religious history of Tibet illustrates
why there are not more evidence of Bon monasteries and shrines in Western Tibet although
it was at one time a stronghold of Bon. As the birthplace of the Second Diffusion, Buddhism
took deep roots here and effectively diminished any Bon practice. Furthermore, Bon adopted
the physical manifestation of the religion like monasteries and shrines only later in the
history so there would not be any or very few at best in Western Tibet. After the Second
Diffusion when the Kadampa school, particularly the Sakyapa sect, gained supremacy over
much of Tibet, Lo under the influence of Western Tibet too became inspired by the Sakyapa
school. And in the fifteenth century when the Gelugpa school took center stage, Western
Mongols with whom it had close ties. During this period the kingdom of Tibet was the most united since the
Yarlung dynasty.
7 0 Even as late as 1640, in the eastern region o f Kham, Donyo Dorje (Don yod rdo rje), the king o f Beri (Be ri)
was a Bon supporter who openly opposed the Fifth Dalai Lam a But in 1641, Gushri Khan on behalf o f the Fifth
Dalai Lama defeated the Bon king.
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Tibet was for a long time still under the Sakyapa sect and the west central region of Tsang
(Gtsang) under the Kagyupa sect. And since Lo was, in terms of the central Tibetan power, a
marginal borderland even when the Dalai Lama of the Gelugpa school ruled all of Tibet, the
kingdom of Lo remained Sakyapa and is so even to this day.
Now let us examine Lo’s relation to the western region of Tibet called Ngari which
was loosely composed of three areas: MaryOl (Mar-yul), Guge (Gu-ge) and Purang.7 1 But
before getting into the political history, some religious history should be highlighted. Loba
legends claim that Padmasambhava7 2 on his way to Tibet passed through Lo and subdued
many local spirits and bound them by oath to be guardians of die doctrine. If this was true as
some have asserted it most likely occurred between 755 -775 when Trisong Detsen was
enthroned and when Samye monastery was built.7 3 On the assumption that this event
happened, then this is probably the earliest religious reference to Lo. Then when the Second
Diffusion began and Atisa came to Ngari, one of his main disciples was a man called Tonpa
Yangrap (Ston-pa Yang-rab) who was a resident of Lo (Jackson 1977:41). Also around this
time, Lo is mentioned because of the beginning of a new tradition among the Nyingmapa
known as the Terton (Gter-ston) or revealers of hidden treasures which were texts known as
Terma (Gter-ma). These texts were believed to have been written by Padmasambhava
7 1 Tucci (1980:14) contends that Ngari was comprised o f Ladkak, Zangs dkar, Purang and Guge. The inference
being that MaryQl referred to the first two regions fisted here.
7 2 Many areas all over Nepal and Tibet claim a visit by Padmasambhava. If all the accounts were considered he
was simultaneously ubiquitous. But regarding the Loba legend, there might be some grounds for truth since he is
supposed to have traveled through Mangyul Gungthang which is not far from Lo.
7 3 Some have asserted that Padmasambhava left Tibet before the construction o f Samye monastery while some
content that he consecrated the ground on which the monastery was built. Others claim that he was in Tibet for a
very long time.
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himself and hidden so that it would be discovered later at the appropriate time. The first
Terton is believed to have been Sanggye Lama (Sangs-rgyas Bla-ma) and “ ...his first
discoveries were made in Lo, in and around the monastery of Lo Gekar”7 4 (ibid: 42). During
the time of the Sakya abbot, Kunga Nyingpo, one of his disciples, Rong Gom (Rong-sgom),
came and stayed in Samdupling (Bsam-grub-gling) monastery in Upper Lo (ibid: 43 fti.29)
and propagated the Sakya teachings. Then around 1212, according to the Blue Annals, a
renowned scholar from Kashmir called Sakyasri passed through Lo on his return to Kashmir.
“In Lo he is recorded to have returned much gold to his Tibetan follower Khro-phu Lo-tsa-ba,
lest it be lost to brigands as he continued on his westward journey” (ibid: 44). Around the
time of Sakya Pandita in mid-thirteen century, a very famous scholar and translator came
from Lo. His name was Sherab Rinchen (Shes-rab Rin-chen) and was highly regarded both
by Sakya Pandita and Phagpa7 5 (ibid: 45-46).
Now let us turn to the political history. In the earlier period, this region (with other
surrounding areas) was also referred to as Shangshung. Jackson (1977:40) writes that “The
Chronicle of Ladakh (La dwags rgyal rabs) assert that Lo, together with Zhang-zhung, was
part of the Tibetan King Srong-btsan-sgam-po’s seventh century conquests in the western
border-lands.” This is the earliest reference to Lo and illustrates Lo’s relationship with
western Tibet. The next historical reference to Lo is in the mid-tenth century during the reign
of king Tashigon (Bkra-shis-mgon) of Guge. He is said to be the descendent of Lang
Darma’s son O-sung, probably the lineage established by the great-grandson Kyide
7 4 Lo Gekar is regarded as a very sacred monastery which is situated about an hour/ hour and h alf s walk south
east o f Lo Monthang.
7 5 Jackson provides this information based on the letters that the two Sakya abbots wrote to Sherab Rinchen,
particularly noteworthy is the respectful form o f address to Rinchen.
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Nyimagon who had been banished to Purang. When he consolidated all the regions of Ngari,
Lo and Dolpo also came under his rule (ibid: 41). Then in the beginning of the twelfth
century Lo and Purang was conquered by Lha-chen Utpal, the ruler of Ladhak who was a
descendent of the older brother of Tashigon (ibid: 42). Francke (in idbid: 43) mentions that
he conquered areas extended as far south as Muktinath. In the twelfth century, Tashigon’s
dynasty came to an end. It was supplanted by the Malla dynasty that was from West Nepal
and belonged to the Khasa tribe of Indo-Aryan stock. The founder of this new dynasty was
Nagaraja but the next four descendents changed their names to Tibetan and in the reign of
Btsan-phyug-lde, the capital was moved to Yatshe which scholars think correspond to a
place called Simja near the present town of Jumla in west Nepal. During this change of
dynasty, Lo being under the dominance of Purang was by default now part of the Yatshe
kingdom. To the east of Ngari, the region of Gungthang (ruled by the descendants of
Tashigon’s uncle) was also becoming a powerful regional player around this time. Around
the mid-thirteenth century a war broke out between the Gungthang kingdom and the Yatshe
rulers in which the former got defeated and its king, Gompode (Dgon-po-lde) was killed. But
prior to the war, one of the king’s daughters had been given away in marriage as the third
consort of Shangsha Sonamgyentsen (Zangs-tsha Bsod-nams-rgyal-mtshan), the grandson of
Kunga Nyingpo who founded the Sakya lineage. This occurred before the Sakya lineage
came to prominence with the help of the Mongols. Meanwhile, a daughter from this
marriage was given back to wed her cousin, Tsenpade (Btsun-pa-lde), the reigning king of
Gungthang (Jackson 1977:44). But when the Kon family of Sakya rose to power, they
helped Tsenpade exact revenge on the Yatshe rulers by providing them with troops with
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which they subdued the Malla kings (ibid). After this, as long as the Sakya were in power,
the Malla rulers had friendly relationship7 6 with them and it can be assumed that the
relationship between the Yatshe and Gungthang too remained congenial. So the Gungthang
rulers’ fortune was tied to the ascendancy of the Sakya and the Mongols which lasted until
around 1354 when, as mentioned above, Changchub Gyaltsen appropriate power from the
Sakya. As the power of the Sakya was beginning to decline, the Malla dynasty came to an
end for lack of a male heir. So “Bsod-nams-Ide of the Purang ruling house was then invited
to Yatshe probably to marry a Malla princess and he was enthroned there as king. He
adopted the name Malla, and with him began a second period of Malla expansion” (ibid:48).
This expansion occurred during his son’s reign, Prthvimalla when Purang and Lo came once
more under Yatshe rule. But the Malla dynasty came to an abrupt end around the latter part
of the fourteenth century (ibid:48) and some time later, the Gungthang ruler recovered
Purang, Lo and other parts west of Purang. It was during this conquest that the ancestors of
the present king of Lo first came there as its ruler.
From all these sources, it is clear that Lo was once a part of the great Tibetan empire
and then oscillated between the various regional centers of power - being part of Purang,
then Yatshe, and Gungthang, Yatshe again and back to Gungthang. The picture that emerges
from these accounts is that initially Lo was a marginal region. But sources that particularly
recount the history of Lo suggest that by the time of Amepal {A-me-dpal or A-ma-dpal) in
the fifteenth century (fl.c. 1425), Lo had gained status and importance. The main source for
7 6 The relation was one o f subordination. Jackson (1977:48) mentions that, “One king received ordination there
and another offered a gold roof to be erected above the religious throne (chos khri) o f Sakya”
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constructing the history of Lo will be the Mollas about which David Jackson has written an
excellent book called, The Mollas o f Mustang: Historical, Religious and Oratorical
Traditions o f the Nepalese -Tibetan Borderland. The reason for this is that most other
sources7 7 include the historical aspect only in a cursory manner.
The Mollas are “...written texts of speeches whose contents include historical
information. This is a special, restricted sense of mol ba. In its wider sense, however, it
signifies the giving of a discourse by a speaker, or it signifies the discourse itself’ (Jackson
1984:23). Jackson points out that various meanings to the etymology7 8 of the word Molla
can be attributed in the Tibetan language and that all of them connote some sort of speech or
discourse. And that in Lo it came to denote “... as signifying a solemn speech or a book
containing such a speech - that is recited before a religious assembly and that eulogizes the
local rulers and their ancestry” (ibid:25). The value of these Mollas from a historical point is
the names and some of the activities of the past rulers of Lo. The problem is that, amongst
the six versions7 9 that have surfaced so far, not all of them concur.
There is great variance in the names and order of the genealogy of Lo rulers amongst
the various Mollas8 0 . But all of them agree that a Lo king called Amepal (fl.c. 1425) was an
important personality in the lineage. The traditional accounts credit him with founding the
7 7 Except the Lo Gdung Rags (lineage history) in the work called “fi/o bo chos rgyal rim byron rgyal rabs mu thi
li’ l ’ phreng mdzes” (Jackson 1984:115).
7 8 For detailed etymology o f the word Molla, see Jackson (1984;22-25).
7 9 Some Mollas are incomplete being only fragments of the original. The six Mollas that Jackson mentions are
differentiated by associating it with the villages where they were discovered (and used): Tsarang Molla, Namgyal
Molla, Monthang Molla, Garphu Molla, Tsarang-B Molla and Gelung Molla or “Speech” as he calls it since it is
different in form from the other Mollas.
8 0 The Garphu Molla is distinctly the most different. Except for two names, A-me-pal and Ang-mgon Bstan- 'dzin-
bzang-po, none o f the other names listed there can be accounted for in the other Mollas.
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Lo dynasty but other sources mention his father, Chokyong Bum (Chos skyong ’ bum
fl.c.1400) or grandfather, Sherab Lama (Shes rab bla ma fl.c.1380) as the founder. Both
latter kings are mentioned in most of the Mollas as Amepal’s ancestors.8 1 According to the
lineage history of the Gungthang kings, the last re-conquest of Purang by Gungthang
(mentioned earlier) was led by a nobleman named Choky ong Bum and as a reward for this,
he was awarded dominion over Lo (ibid:l 19). However, the Tsarang Molla mentions that the
grandfather, Sherab Lama ruled both upper and lower Lo (ibid: 146). Although this is
contradictory, there is no dispute regarding the important role played by Amepal. All the
Mollas praise this king and describe him as being courageous, wise and pious.
Padmasambhava himself is supposed to have made a prophecy about this king:
In the land called Lo [there will appear] the emanation of me, the one
from Orgyan.
[He will be] sustained by Vajrapani, [and] famed as “A-me.”
That one will subdue many sri mo demons.
But even having subdued them, men will not be pleased;
Even though [the sri mo] try, [they] will not be able to overcome
[A-me-pal]. (ibid: 146)
He is credited with many important accomplishments. He established the town of Lo
Monthang. He is said to have also established other towns. His religious activities are also
exalted in all accounts. He invited the abbot of Ngor8 2 , Kunga Zangpo (Kurt dga Bzandpo)
to Lo and made him his principal religious teacher from whom he received many religious
teachings. According to the Tsarang Molla, he established the monastic seminary of Thubten
Shyadrup Dargyaling ®(Thub bstan Bshad sgrub Dar rgyas gling) in the town of Tsarang. It
8 1 In the Lo Gdung Rags, there are sixty-two kings listed prior to Amepal.
8 2 A sub-sect o f the Shakya school.
8 3 Jackson (1984:147 f.16) notes that no other sources link Tsarang monastery to Amepal and believes that this
could be false, that this could be an attempt to elevate the status o f the monastery as being older and superior to
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is said that this complex8 4 could house over two thousand monks (ibid: 147). When Tucci
visited the monastery in 1952, he notes that:
Priceless Tibetan and Nepalese tankas8 5 , better than in any museum,
hang from the pillars which encircle the antique ceiling. They dangle
there, torn and dusty, with the fabric surrounding them hanging in
shreds. ...Charang was once a gallery of art. In every corner, in
every room, on all the altars, there are Nepalese, Tibetan and Indian
statues, which were carried as talismans or spiritual protection by
Buddhist teachers in flight from the Muslim invasions. (1977:58-59)
He also commissioned the building of many stupas, the installation of holy images
and the production of sacred scriptures. By such actions, he disseminated the Doctrine
throughout the region. The Mollas assert that his fame spread for and wide both to the north
and to the south. The Tsarang Molla profess, “He became the master of the Ngari
myriarchy” (Jackson 1984:146). There is evidence to support this assertion for he is said to
have “..appointed and removed officials to the Kar-dum Fort, a fort designed to dominate
Purang and Guge” (Jackson 1978:216). To the south, he made Trowo Kyaba (Khro bo
Skyabs pa) the fort commander of Dzong, a village near Muktinath (ibid:217). These facts
indicate that Amepal, from his capital in Lo Monthang, ruled or controlled areas as far north
and northwest as Purang and Guge and as far south as Kagbeni and possibly even further
south. If this is true (and all evidence point to it), he had dominion over a vast territory. This
(and the next two generations) was undoubtedly the golden period in Lo history in terms of
its glory and power. It is said that Amepal also had a very efficient minister called Tsewang
other monasteries.
8 4 The complex has now completely vanished. Only the monastery building is still intact. But when I visited Lo in
1981, there were a few ruins of the boundary walls and other buildings which have all been cleared and the
boundary walls have been rebuilt but is lesser in height and thickness.
8 5 Thankas are paintings o f divinities on canvas or silk, which are hung in the chapels or rolled up and stored.
(Tucci 1977:58 fih.l).
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Zangpo (Tshe dbang Bzang po) who aided him in his rule. So the traditional accounts refer
to Amepal, his religious preceptor Ngorchen Kunga Zangpo and the minister Tsewang
Zangpo as the “Three Excellent Men”. Together their accomplishments (particularly the
religious aspect) were such that the Tsarang Molla comments “...[the Three Excellent Men]
fill every direction with their fame” (Jackson 1984:147).
Amepal was succeeded by his son, Agon Zangpo (A mgon Bzang po fl.c. 1450). He
too continued his father’s policies and ruled over a vast area- the Tsarang Molla mentions
that he appointed important officials to thirteen significant positions and that he ruled over
people of many different languages (ibid: 147-48). The latter information suggests that his
dominion certainly included people from the Thak Khola region in the south and possibly
areas around Jumla (these being the closest areas with different languages than that of Lo).
Because of this, henceforth, all his descendants were called A-ham and had an A-seal as his
signet (ibid). (This signet is still used by the present king of Lo.) Emulating his father, he
invited the third Ngorchen abbot, Jamyang Sherab Gyatso ( ’ Jam dbyangs Shes rab Rgya
mtsho 1396-1474), and made him his chief religious preceptor and accomplished many
religious activities (ibid: 147). He is credited with commissioning the construction of the
huge two-story image of Chamba (Byams pa) or Maitreya (the future Buddha) in Lo
Monthang, which is still intact today, and also of the Trakar Thegchenling (Brag dkar Theg
chen gling) monastery8 6 (ibid:147-48). He was succeeded by his son, Aham Tsangchen
Tashigon (A~ham Tshangs chen Tkra shis mgon d. 1489) who continued the tradition of
activities in both realms- secular and religious. The Tsarang Molla contends that not only did
8 6 Jackson (1984:148 fn.20) points out that . .according to Sangs-rgyas-phun-tshpgs (Rgyal ba rdo rje 'chang, p.
327.5),was founded during Ngor-chen’s first visit to Lo.” If this is true then the monastery was built by Amepal
and not his son.
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he rule over the three regions of Ngari but also as far south as Gru8 7 which is even further
south of Thak Khola, the region that had been the previous southern border (ibid: 148). In the
religious sphere, he is credited with many great activities and projects. In keeping with
tradition set by his grandfather, he invited the fourth Ngorchen abbot, Gyaltsab Kunga
Wangchug (Rgyal tshab K m dga ’ Dbangphyug) to Lo and made him his chief religious
preceptor. But he also had the “..learned master of Gser-mdog-can Shakya-mchog-ldan-dri-
med-legs-pa’I-blo-gros [1428-1507], as well as many other scholars and accomplished
yogis, as his chief spiritual preceptors” (ibid). He is said to have invited many renowned
foreign pundits8 8 to accomplish translation projects and that he “...sponsored the translation
of many religious teachings that had never before been translated in Tibet” (ibid). He built
the famous Thubchen Photrang (Thub chen Pho brang) monastery (commonly referred to as
Thubchen gonpa) with a large gilded image of Shakyamuni Buddha (the historical Buddha).
He also founded the Thubten Dargyaling {Thub bstan Dar rgyas gling) monastic center at
Namgyal and constructed many images and stupas. One of his three younger brothers, Lobo
khemchen Sonam Lhundrup (Glo bo Mkhan chen Bsod nams Lhun grub), was a monk and
he was enthroned as the abbot {mkhan po) of Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling monastic center
at Tsarang. This started a trend where the monk sibling of the Lo ruler became the de facto
abbot of Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling. So for many generations, the Lo rulers maintained
the tradition of inviting illustrious teachers, mainly Ngorchen abbots but also others, to be
8 7 Jackson (1984) notes that Gru probably refers to principality o f Parbat south o f Thak Khola and not the Turks
(in the far west) to which this term is also applied.
8 8 “Active in Lo at this time were Lo-chen Manju-ba, Gu-ge pan-chen Grags-pa-rgyal-mtshan, the Singhalese
Chos-kyi-nyin-byed, and Snye-shang lo-tsa-ba. A work composed by Chos-kyi-nyin-byed was translated into
Tibetan and preserved in the Tanjur.” (Jackson 1984:155 fti.26). Also mention o f Loktara is made in the Molla.
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their religious preceptors while the royal sibling who had entered the monastic order became
the abbot of the monastic center at Tsarang.
Instead of listing all the remaining kings in the Lo genealogy, only a few will be
mentioned-those that stand out for their activities or for involvement in regional events. The
seventh king after Amepal, Dondub Dorje (Don grub Rdo rje fl.c. 1580), built a palace in
Tsarang which, although greatly dilapidated, is still extant today. He is also said to have
restored one of the oldest and most sacred monasteries in Mustang, that of Lo Gekar. His son
Samdub Dorje (Bsam grub Rdo rje) is credited with constructing the main temple hall of the
Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling in Tsarang “ ...which was excellent in its distinctive features
and its pictorial decorations” (ibid: 149). Snellgrove (1961:194) describing this artwork8 9 in
1956 writes, “The frescoes are good and still unspoilt.” He also mentions in the Four Lamas
o f Dolpo that one of the Dolpo lamas (Lama Lord of Merit 1660-1731) had to go to Tsarang
to paint the temple on the order of the tax collectors from Lo (245). The tenth king, Samdrup
Palwar (Bsam grub Dpal 'bar ft. c. 1675), is said to have defended and defeated all enemies
when there was conflict with Jumla, Tibet and others (Jackson 1984:150). His son, Aham
Tsewang {A-ham Tshe-dbang fl.c. 1710 ) also known as Phuntso Sugyen Norbu (Phun tshogs
Gtsug rgyan norb bu) was acclaimed for his religious knowledge and zeal. He propagated
the religious approaches of all different sects, particularly of the Sakya, Kagyu and
Nyingmapa schools, without discrimination. His son, Tashi Namgyal (Bkra shis rNam rgyal
fl.c. 1724) is mentioned in the Ladakhi chronicles as having married the Ladakhi princess
Norzin Wangmo (Nor ’ dzin dBang mo). He is also alluded to for having hosted the visits of
the 8*k Shamar Karmapa and Situ Rinpoche who were en route to Mount Kailash in 1724 (L.
8 9 We have already noted earlier Tucci’s opinion o f the thankas found there.
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th
Petech in Jackson 1984:130'*> ). According to Petech (ibid), this Lo ruler also visited the 7
Dalai Lama (mentioned in the biography of the Dalai Lama). The fourteenth Lo king,
Wangyal Dorje (Dbangs rgyal M o rje fl. 1780) is probably the most well known in outside
sources because of his involvement in the conflict between Nepal and Tibet (1788-929 1 ).
Regarding this incident, the Tsarang Molla gives credit to the Lo king for brokering a
peaceful resolution and mentions that he “ ...used a combination of skillful means and
wisdom [to help resolve the conflict]. Consequently, from the great heavenly ruler (gnam
bskos gong ma) [the emperor of China], he received great recognition, [including] verbal
praise, official name and rank, [and high insignia, such as] a crest-omament and a feather9 2
[to be worn atop] the head. From that time forth, the fame of the Lo religious king filled all
lands- [from] Rdza-ri dbyug-pa’I-rgyu in the west [to the land of] the weavers of the queen’s
silk in the east [=China]” (Jackson 1984:151). After this king, four other generations of
kings are mentioned. During the reign of the third kind, Kunga Norbu (fl.c 1845), the most
important event in the history of Nepal took place, which was to have a dramatic impact on
Lo.
The year was 1846. In the capital, Kathmandu, Jang Bahadur Kunwar (Rana) came
to power in a bloody coup known famously as the Kot Massacre where in one single
conspiratorial act, he and his aids successfully slaughtered all of his opponents, high ranking
til
9 0 L. Petech (p.90): “When early in 1724 the 8 Zhva-dmar-pa and the Si-tu Pan-chen passed through Glo-bo en
route to the Kailasa, they were received by the chief or king bKra-shis-mam-gryal and his wife, as well as by die
chiefs lather and mother. Apparently the old chief i.e., the man who had been made prisoner by the Mon, had
abdicated in favor of his son. His wife was the elder (a-pi, literally grandmother) Nor-’ dzin-dbang-mo; at that
time there were two Ladakhi princesses o f the same name, who had married in the Glo-bo family. Upon the their
return from the Kailasa, the Zhva-dmar-pa and the Si-tu met again chief bKra-shis-mam-gryal as well as the rje-
btsun-ma (his widowed mother?) and the La-dvgs-pa(?).” Quoted in Jackson 1984:143 in.78.
9 1 According to Regmi and Jackson but according to Shakabpa it was from 1788-91.
9 2 The feather is still worn by the present king during the Tenji festival.
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officials or those officials perceived as being a threat. He took absolute control by
banishing9 3 the reigning king, Rajendra Shah and the two queens to India and installing one
of the minor sons, Surendra as the new king. He ruled with absolute dictatorial power in the
name of the king who was virtually a puppet under house arrest or as Rose et. al (1980:28)
calls it “palace arrest”. He was a very shrewd and daring person. To mitigate the threat that
the British posed to his rule, he initiated an amicable relationship. In 1850-56, the British
were occupied with the Russians in the Balkan area and also their rule was being challenged
and threatened by “mutiny” in the central and northern India (ibid:37). During this same
period the Chinese were also engaged with the Taiping uprisings. Sensing that the two great
powers would be reluctant to get involved in further conflicts, Jang Bahadur Rana invaded
Tibet in 1856 over some trade violations.9 4 His main objective was to restore the historical
monopoly and concessions that Nepal had enjoyed in the past but lost it in the 1792 treaty
(Mishra:1991:41). In this war, the Nepali government did not seek the help of the Lo ruler as
was done with King Wangyal Doije in the 1788-92 war. In fact, Jang Bahadur, a staunch
Hindu, did not trust the Buddhist rulers or leaders along the northern border, especially those
who were of Tibetan ancestry -suspecting than of harboring sympathies towards Tibet. So
the invading Nepali authorities recruited the help o f leaders from other ethnic groups with no
Tibetan ancestry. The Gorkha forces attacking from the Mustang area chose Balbir
Sherchan, a Thakali leader from Thak (the southern most neighbors of Lo) to act as
interpreter. For his services, he was awarded the 108 volume of kyangur and 220 volume of
9 3 He sent them to Banaras on a “pilgrimage” after vesting on him all the powers that the royalty held. O f course,
they were not allowed to return from the “pilgrimage”.
9 4 To insure that the British would not interfere or intervene, he dispatched ten regiments of Gurkha
soldiers in 1856 to help the British put down the “mutiny” in India (Rose et. al 1980:28).
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63
tangyur that were taken from Tibet (Vinding 1998:74). But more important than these
rewards, was that he was now known and trusted by the rulers in Kathmandu. So in 1869, he
managed to bid for and win the custom contract that controlled the salt trade in Mustang.
With his rise to wealth, power and prominence, the influence of the Lo rulers was
challenged, curtailed and compromised even within the kingdom of Lo. Gradually, he and
his descendants known as the Thakali Subbas9 5 became the most powerful clan in all of
Mustang. His descendants continued to hold the monopoly9 6 of this trade until the time of its
termination in 1927 and were to play an important role in the destiny of the Lo royalty as
depicted below.
Coming back to the genealogy of the Lo kings, the list stops in the late nineteenth
century when the Tsarang Molla was written. The ruling king at the time of the Molla is not
definitive since various accounts differ but the most likely person was Tenzing Jampal
Dradul (Bstan dzin jam dpal dgra dui). It was probably during this king’s rule that the above
war took place. The first Lo king that Western scholars personally met was king Angun
Tenzing Trandul9 7 , the father of the present king. He had three sons and in 1950, he
abdicated in favor of his eldest son Angdu Nyingpo. During his son’s reign, the Rana
autocracy in Kathmandu was overthrown and democratic reforms initiated. Many political
parties were formed, slavery was abolished and land reform movement started. This
democratic fervor that was sweeping the nation also reached Thak. At this time, the
9 5 The Nepali term “Subba” means the governor o f a district but was also used for a high ranking civil officer in
the government. This title was later also bestowed on custom contractors who also acted as civil administrators,
especially in remote areas like Thag which was far from the central authority.
9 6 The contract was not held continuously by his descendants. There were other interim contractors but they did
not hold the contract on a long term basis. For more information on this see Vinding (1998) and Messerschmidt
& Gurung(1977).
9 7 He was ruling or alive when Tucci, Snellgrove and Peissel visited Lo.
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descendants of Balbir Subba (now first cousins) were divided into two bitter rival factions.
Both groups were powerful with ties to the central authorities in Kathmandu and influence
over the various regions and villages all over Mustang.9 8 One faction advocated the
elimination of the Loba monarchy since they perceived it as being feudalistic." They
accused the Lo king of exploiting the Loba populace and filed a case against him at the
district court in Baglung.1 0 0 The court sent regular summons ordering the accused to appear
in person at the court.1 0 1 For the Lobas the stifling heat of the middle hills was very taxing. It
is believed that when Angdu Nyingpo was answering one of these summons, he contracted a
disease and after returning to Lo, he died from it in 1961. The father, Angun Tenzing
Trandul, took over the throne once again to get his youngest son ready for the role- the
deceased son had not sired a male heir (he had two daughters) and the second son, in
keeping with tradition, was a monk and the abbot of Tsharang monastery. At this juncture,
the Lo monarchy was in serious threat of being abolished since the anti-king Subba faction
had powerful connections and influence in the royal court of Nepal whereas the Lo king had
no such connection or access. So the Lo ruler appealed to the rival Subba faction for help.
9 8 It is said that ail the inhabitants o f Thag, Pachgaon and Baragaon were also divided into two camps allying
with the two powerhouses.
9 9 This episode is based on what I heard from various sources while I was growing up as I am related to both
factions- one from my paternal and the other from the maternal lines.
1 0 0 At that time the district headquarter was Baglung in the middle hills of Nepal and that was also where the
nearest court was located.
1 0 1 The legal system was a slow and arduous process. One was free to file a case in any court of your choice.
Many cases were filed just to harass the adversary. By filing in courts that were located at fer distances, the
accused would have to travel very long distances. Also the summons could be so influenced that the accused was
required to be present during the most difficult season like during the summer when the monsoon rains caused
floods and landslides making travel very dangerous and arduous. If the accused failed to show up on the
designated date, he/she would automatically lose the case, therefore, it was imperative that one had to surmount
all the hurdles no matter how hazardous. On presenting oneself, you had to sign and attest that you were present
and then sent home after that. Often the hearing would take place only after many such summons.
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65
This faction with its own powerful connections to the court in Kathmandu was successful in
not only adverting the fall of the Lo monarchy and protecting it from further encroachment
to its authority but also convincing the central authorities that the institute of Lo monarchy
was essential and crucial for the Lobas and national border security. When his father died in
1967, the present ruler Jigme Palwar Bista was crowned king and remains so today.
Another event that had a great impact on many aspects of Loba life was the invasion
of Tibet by China. Here we shall deal only with the political aspect. After many years of
negotiations and skirmishes that started in 1950, the Dalai Lama accompanied by many of
his main officials fled to India in 1959 and the conquest of Tibet by China was complete. In
the next couple of years over 100,000 Tibetans fled their homeland to Nepal, India and
Bhutan where they took asylum and remain as refugees to this day. One group of Tibetans
who fled the country was the Khampas from the region of Kham in eastern Tibet. These
people were historically known for being fierce warriors. The CIA trained these Khampas in
guerrilla warfare at the top-secret Camp Hale training center in the Rocky Mountains of
Colorado.1 0 2 Then in 1960, they set up several bases in Mustang from which they conducted
raids on the Chinese troops in Tibet.1 0 3 They also had many depots along the Kali Gandaki
valley to transport food and other supplies. In Monthang, they established one large depot
and also ran an inn. The Khampas were well armed with American weapons and they had
free reign over Mustang, particularly over Lo. The Lo king had no army or fighting force
(the king has only a bodyguard and several palace staff) and the Nepali military was based in
m The training o f Khampa guerrillas had actually been initiated earlier in 1956 when the Americans were
approached by the Tibetan for help and they had even air-dropped these guerillas and weapons into Tibet to help
the resistance movement there.
1 0 3 They had a large army base in Kaisang, east o f Jomsom and one near Gemi.
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66
Jomsom. Furthermore, the American government had pressured the Nepali authorities to
allow them to operate these bases from Mustang so the Nepali army would not interfere.
Older Lobas recall that in the beginning the Khampas terrorized them, not because they
carried their weapons publicly but because they had killed several Lobas traders who had
continued to do business with the Chinese despite being warned not to do so by the
Khampas. They also allegedly raped Loba women who went alone to collect dung,
plundered the animals and decimated the forests.1 0 4 The king was powerless to take any
action and his authority was severely compromised and curtailed. The other powerful force
in Mustang, the Thakali Subbas were also in no position to challenge the Khampas. Most of
the Subbas had long moved out of Mustang to other big cities like Kathmandu, Pokhara and
Bhairahwa when the salt trade had started to dwindle in the 1950s and virtually stopped in
the 60s. There were only three Subba families in Thak at that time.1 0 5 Then there was a
change in the leadership of the Khampa (the elder man Hisi was replaced by the younger and
western trained leader Wongdi1 0 6 ) guerrillas and he enforced more discipline amongst his
ranks and made it a policy to obtain local support and the harassment ended. Then in the mid
1960s, the CIA started to phase out their support for the Khampa rebels because President
Nixon had initiated friendly ties towards China. And one of the conditions the Chinese made
was withdrawal of American support to the Khampa guerillas. By 1968, the Americans had
totally abandoned the Khampa rebels that they had nurtured and trained. Nixon’s visit to
1 0 4 It is reported that the forests in Ghemi and Surkhang were particularly deforested.
1 0 5 Furthermore, the Khampas did not commit the kind o f atrocities in Thag that they are accused o f having done
in Lo.
1 0 6 It is believed that he was trained in North Point in the United States. He spoke fluent English and was a strict
disciplinarian.
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China in 1972 finally sealed the fate of these warriors. In 1973, the Chinese government
demanded that the Nepali authorities abolish the Khampa guerillas. Without Washington’s
interference, the Nepali government was free to demand the surrender of arms and the
disbandment of the bases in Mustang. When the Khampa guerillas refused, the Dalai Lama,
fearing a bloody confrontation sent a taped message telling the Khampa rebels to surrender
and comply with the Nepali government’s demand. Many surrendered themselves to Nepali
authorities but a small group, led by their leader Wongdi, fled west heading for India. The
Nepali army cut off their escape and they were all ambushed.
With the Khampas out of Mustang and most of the Thakali Subbas having migrated
to the southern regions, the authority of the Lo king was again restored, at least within Lo.
Also when the democratically elected government of Nepal was ousted in a coup d'etat1 0 7 by
the ruling king Mahendra Bir Bikram Shah in I9601 0 8 , he introduced a new political model
called the partyless Panchayat System. The Thakali Subbas were predominantly supporters
of the ousted democratic parties and hence did not have any major part in the new political
system, furthermore, as already mentioned most of them had migrated to the southern cities.
This was advantageous to the Lo royalty since the new emergent political leaders of southern
Mustang had to woo the Loba votes, which was almost completely under the Lo ruler’s
control. This block of votes became even more crucial and significant when in 1974 the
areas south of Ghasa, which was originally in Mustang, was transferred to Myagdi district
and the district headquarter for Mustang was shifted from Dana to Jomsom. The importance
of the Loba votes is clearly indicated in the 1979 referendum that was announced by the new
1 0 7 With the help o f the army, king Mahendra imprisoned all party leaders and took absolute control.
1 0 8 In that year, an act was passed that eliminated all the petty kings o f Nepal except 4 principalities,: Mustang,
Bajang, Salyan & Jajarkot.
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Nepali king, Birendra Bir Bikram Shah1 0 9 , to calm the nationwide unrest and dissatisfaction
against the Panchayat System. The referendum called for the people to decide if they wanted
a multi-party system or continue with the Panchayat system. The nation voted to continue
the old system by a slim margin - 54 % were for the Panchayat System against 46 % that
wanted the multi-party system1 1 0 . But in the district of Mustang, an overwhelming 85 %
voted for the old system and it is believed that the Lobas voted en mass (under the order of
the Lo king) for the Panchayat System. By the 70s, the central authority was well established
in Jomsom with a sizeable administrative staff and police and military presence. Although
the Lo king had been bestowed the honorary title of a colonel in the Nepali army, the
predominantly Hindu administrative officials did not hold him in high regard.1 1 1 But when
King Birendra visited Monthang in 1980, he asked the Lo ruler Jigme Palbar Bista what he
wanted. King Jigme requested for an automatic gun like the one carried by King Birendra’s
bodyguards. It was immediately dispatched via a helicopter.1 1 2 This visit of the Nepali
monarch (an incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu) and the immediate fulfillment of the Lo
ruler’s wish greatly enhanced the prestige and power of Jigme Palbar Bista, particularly in
the eyes of the district administrators who were predominantly Hindus. After this incident
they started to exhibit due deference to the Lo king. His authority remained unchallenged as
1 0 9 King Birendra ascended to the throne in 1972 after the death o f his father, King Mahendra.
1 1 0 Many people believe the election was rigged since there was no interim government and the Panchayat party
was in power.
1 1 1 High caste Hindus regard Tibetans with disdain since they consume yak meat and all Lobas are perceived as
being Tibetan or of Tibetan stock by the Hindus and referred to as “Bhote” which has a derogatory connotation.
1 1 2 This incident o f the gun was the “hot topic” in Mustang at that time. Many critics of the Lo king derided him
for this and argued that he should have requested for something that would have benefited the whole society. His
defenders counter that the Lo king understood the question to mean what he personally wanted from king
Birendra since he had already talked about the many problems that needed to be addressed in Lo.
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long as the Panchayat System remained in power. In 1990, violent pro-democracy protests
rocked the capital Kathmandu and quickly spread throughout the nation threatening the very
existence of the Nepali monarchy. King Birendra was compelled to terminate the Panchayat
System and introduce multi-party democracy. The return of democracy saw a limited
resurgence of the Thakali Subba presence in the political arena of Mustang. This in itself did
not diminish the authority of the Lo king although it was somewhat compromised. What
really impacted his control was the fact that he could no longer overtly endorse any one
particular party but had to adopt the appearance of neutrality. In fact he was compelled to
issue a letter in which he proclaimed that the people were free to vote for whichever party
they preferred.1 1 3 Despite the loss of total control, the king still enjoys a lot of support in Lo
and so candidates standing for election from various parties still seek his help or want to
appear as being endorsed by the king to get the Loba votes.
This brings the political history to date but an analysis of the old historical material
is needed. Like all historical accounts, the Mollas too are biased and selective. The
accomplishments and qualities of its rulers are often exaggerated and only incidents that
portray a favorable image are mentioned. So the most likely historical events and
trajectories have to be gleaned by matching and contrasting several accounts but with the
caution that these sources in turn are also subject to similar partialities.
As already mentioned, Lo became a regional player during and since the time of
Ame Pal. The establishment of huge monasteries and the visits of renowned abbots from
Tibet is an indication of its power and influence. The fact that Lo was often seen as a prize
1 1 3 It was no secret that he favored the old Panchayat System that now ran as a party. Many Lobas followed his
lead but others openly declared allegiance to other parties. Even amongst the nobility, there have been factions.
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by its neighbors is a testimony to its economic importance, mainly as a trade route. The
existence of the ruins of many large forts all around Lo Monthang and the still extant high
walls surrounding the town is further indication that the area was often under attack and
needed to be defended against powerful enemies. We know that there were often conflicts
between Lo and its neighbors from various sources. The Tsarang Molla mentions that the
tenth king Samdrup Palwar (fl. c. 1675) defended and defeated many enemies -Jumla and
Tibet being specifically mentioned against whom he was victorious. However, Tibetan and
Nepali sources do not specifically refer to this king or this event although references to
conflicts between Tibet and Nepal during this period are found in both sources. For instance,
it is documented that when the fifth Dalai Lama came of age and took control of temporal
power, Tibet was shaken by fractional conflicts.1 1 4 This condition persisted for some time
and in 1657 when the Desi [Regent] Sonam Chospel died, “ ...the news of his death was
concealed for over a year because of the unstable conditions in the country. Until the new
Desi was appointed, the Dalai Lama carried out the duties of the administrator himself’
(Shakabpa:l 18). Also that in 1661, “ ...there was trouble on the Tibetan-Nepalese border,
which resulted in Tibetan troops, under the command of Tashi Tsepa, Gyangdrongpa, and
Mechagpa, being dispatched to drive the Nepalese insurgents back” (ibid). This above
reference is a bit misleading in the sense that Nepal was not a unified state at that time but
consisted of many principalities. According to Mishra (31), Ram Shah, the ruler of Gorkha
did invade the southern border of Tibet in order to secure the Kerroung pass which was one
of the main trade routes to Tibet. Also king Pratap Malla of Kathmandu successfully invaded
1,4 There were many conflicts between the Gelukpas and the Karmapas, aided by regional rulers and different
Mongol factions.
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Tibet in 1630 to secure the Kuti pass, which was a major trade route (ibid:32). The above
Tibetan reference to “Nepalese insurgents” implies that Tibet had authority over Nepal but
Nepali accounts contradict that vis-a-vis the signing of the treaty in which Pratap Malla
procured the right for Nepal to mint coins for circulation in Tibet, the provision for
stationing his representative in Lhasa and establishing thirty-two Nepali trading shops there
with duty-free privileges for Nepali goods and the agreement where Tibet had “..to make a
present of one tolabuki gold, 13 masa silver and one pathi salt” (ibid). Thus historians and
scholars often have contradictory interpretations of the same event. These references do
indicate that there were conflicts during the reign of Samdrup Palwar and he may well have
defended his kingdom against Tibet and Jumla. If we adopt the premise that local accounts
rarely mention defeats and submissions while exaggerating victories and accomplishments,
then it follows that in Lo chronicles (the Mollas) his triumphs (victories) would be trumpeted
while no reference would be found in the Tibetan and Jumla accounts. And so it is. In
reference to Jumla and Mustang, Regmi (8) writes that copper plates with invocation to
Muktinath was first found in 1724 during the reign of Surath Shah. He posits that “..the
adoption of invocation to Muktinath implied control of Jumla over Mustang”1 1 5 and that it
“ ...was probably reassertion of old claims” (ibid). If this is to be taken as valid, then
Mustang came under Jumla’s authority sometime before 1724. So even if Samdrup Palwar
had successfully defended Mustang against Jumla, Mustang probably capitulated either
during his son Tsewang’s (Tshe-dbang fl.c.1700) or the grandson Tashi Namgyal’s
(fl.c.1720) reign. True to our assumption of local historical bias, there is no mention of
1 1 5 Regmi mentions that invocation was also made to Badrinath suggesting “.. Jum la’s hegemony over Garhwal
and Kumaon at one time in the past” (8).
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Mustang’s capitulation to Jumla. In fact, the Mollas never mention the subjugation of Lo
throughout its history whereas Tibetan and Nepali accounts make definite references.
Shakabpa (150) writes that during the reign of the seventh Dalai Lama1 1 6 (1708-57), “Two
local lords of Jumla and Lo Menthang, living on the border with Nepal, were feuding with
each other. Both petitioned the Dalai Lama for assistance and he told them that since they
were Tibetan subjects, he could not favor one against the other. He then salt his
representatives, Ngor Khenpo and Saga Gopa, to investigate the dispute. It was decided that
the lord of Jumla was in the wrong and he was subsequently deposed and replaced by his
son. The Dalai Lama gave these vassals instructions for keeping the peace and then
presented them with official seals for use on all petitions to him.”1 1 7 This account claims that
during this period (between 1751-57)1 1 ® not only Mustang but also Jumla was a dependent of
Tibet. This assertion is, however, not mentioned in Lo or Jumla records.
According to Regmi (330), Nepali records illustrate the relationship between Jumla
and Mustang. After the Gorkha ruler Rana Bahadur Shah conquered Jumla in 1789, he
issued a copper plate to the Lo ruler Wangyal Dorje stating:
In a copper plate, statement made by Rana Bahadur
addressing Wangyal Dorje, the Raja of Mustang, on Samvat 1847
Jyestha sudi 5 roj 4, [1790 May 19, Wednesday] it is said that
territories annexed forcefully by Jumla were returned to Mustang,
whose Raja was to rule directly over an area comprising all lands to
the north-east of Bandarghat plus the valleys of Baglung Khola and
1 1 6 He assumed spiritual and temporal powers in 1751 (Shakabpa:150).
1 1 7 This incident occurred after the seventh Dalai Lama assumed power in 1751 and before he died in 1757. But
as mentioned earlier, Regmi posits that Lo was under Jumla rule by 1724 (interpreting the invocation to
Muktinath in copper plates). So the above incident occurred about 27 years after the subjugation o f Lo. The cause
o f the feuding is not specified nor is this mentioned in the records of either Lo or Jumla.
1 1 8 Since the seventh Dalai Lama took temporal power only in 1751 after the murder of Gyumey Namgyal in
1750 (the man who held actual administrative and political power) the above account probably occurred between
1751 and 1757 when the Dalai Lama died.
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Charka Khola, while he was entitled to receive customary dues from
Thak, Thimi, 12 villages of Manang, and Taranisyan. The Raja was
further enabled to receive dues from traders, which so far was
forcefully realized by Jumla.
In return the Raja was to act and cooperate with men and
money with any officer of the King of Nepal, who happened to be
there and in the neighbourhood. The Raja was also to maintain
military outposts and join in the campaign undertaken by the king’s
army.
The Raja was to pay as tribute Rs. 929 and 5 horses to the
King of Nepal on the day of Magha Smb-anti, which they had been
surrendering to Jumla so far. The amount of Rs. 71 paid as tribute to
Lhasa should continue as usual.
From this statement it is clear that prior to this date of 1790, Jumla had conquered
many territories that had in the past belonged to Mustang and that Mustang was indeed under
the authority of Jumla. The reason for restoring all these territories and privileges to the Lo
ruler is not specified. But from the above statement it is clear that Mustang had been paying
tribute to Jumla that was now to be offered to Kathmandu, that this was a trade route that
generated some revenues and that Mustang was to continue paying the traditional tribute to
Tibet. This plainly indicates that Nepal perceived Mustang as its territory. But the last
instruction regarding payment of tribute to Tibet is a bit perplexing. The first impression that
emerges is that the Gorkha ruler appears to be appeasing the Tibetan authority or at least
trying not to antagonize it since Mustang had been acquired de facto without an armed
incursion. But this makes little sense because in the summer of 1788 the Nepali forces had
invaded and occupied many Tibetan districts. They were on the verge of attacking the
second largest city of Shigatse when the Chinese Imperial army of two thousand troops came
to Tibet’s aid. Shakabpa (158-62) claims that “ ...the Chinese army was more of a hindrance
than a help to Tibet in the war with Nepal.” He posits that the Chinese general Shen T’ai-tu
was very reluctant to engage the Nepali troops in actual battle and that he was more
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interested in a negotiated settlement. Hence, the Tibetans were forced to sign a humiliating
treaty in the spring of 1789 (ibid: Mishra:37; Regmi:433). One of the provisions in the
treaty was that Tibet had to pay an annual tribute to Nepal. Then in the winter of 1789, the
Gorkha ruler conquered Jumla. The above statement was issued in 1790 when the Nepali
authority was dominant over all the regions, so the impression of appeasement is not logical
and can be ruled out. Furthermore, in the summer of 1791 Nepal invaded Tibet again for
non-compliance with the provisions of the treaty1 1 9 - particularly for failing to pay the annual
tribute; further undermining the appeasement suggestion. On this occasion, the Chinese
Emperor sent the Manchu general Fu K ’ang-an with thirteen thousand troops to help the
Tibetans. This time the Nepali forces were not only driven back but the combined Sino-
Tibetan troops advanced within a day’s journey of the capital, Kathmandu. At this juncture
Nepal was compelled to sue for peace and sign a very unfavorable treaty on September of
1792.
The Tsarang Molla asserts that the Lo king, Wangyal Dorje, played a vital role in
resolving this conflict. But in the official accounts of both Tibet and Nepal there is no
mention of this king or his participation in the negotiations. Shakabpa (167-68) mentions
that the chief negotiators representing Nepal were Bhim Sahib and Kula Bahadur while
Kunga Paljor Shatra and Doring are named as members of the Tibetan delegate. But he also
writes about an anecdote that indicates that the king may have played some part in the war of
1790:
In 1796 a feudal lord, with estates at Lo Menthang near the Nepalese
border, had stopped paying his annual tax of gold to the Lhasa
government. He claimed that he had been exempted from his tax by
1 1 9 Rose & Fisher (36) suspects that the reason for this immediate second invasion may be political.
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the Manchu General, Fu K’ang-an, in gratitude for his services
during the Gurkha war. The Kashag informed the lord that the
Manchu General had no authority to grant an exemption of tax, as he
had come only as an ally to assist in the military campaign. The lord
of Lo Menthang was obliged to pay up his tax arrears.
(Shakabpa:170)
The mention of the Manchu general indicates that Wangyal Dotje participated in the
second war since another general led the first war. It is possible that he was involved as a
member of the negotiating party. The above episode does confirm the Molla’s claim that he
did indeed take part in the negotiations but his role was most certainly a minor one and not
as glorious as asserted there.
To understand the political situation of this period, it is best illustrated by what
Schuh calls “ ...the two basic structures, the formation of alliances and the practice of
suzerainty” (68). This refers to the practice of cultivating and fostering multiple alliances
and sovereignties, particularly for smaller principalities or regions. This was a strategy for
survival and practical autonomy. It involved sustaining as many cordial relationships as
possible especially with the more powerful neighbors. This often took the form o f paying a
yearly tribute and accepting dominion, in theory at least. But in actuality, this did not in any
way impair the autonomy of the smaller states since the dominant power rarely had resident
representatives or troops. In fact, the common practice was to allow the ruling elite to
continue governing in exchange for an annual tribute and a pledge of military assistance in
times of conflict or war. So Mustang was paying tribute to both Jumla and Tibet while Jumla
was also paying tribute to Tibet which in turn was, at times, paying tribute to Nepal and at
other times receiving tribute from Nepal. Mustang in the meanwhile was also receiving dues
from smaller neighbors like Dolpo, Baragaon, Thak, Thini, etc. The custom of collecting
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dues from smaller neighbors while paying tribute to more powerful ones was a strategy
practiced by all the principalities.
But this strategy was more complex and dynamic than it appears. The status of any
state depended on the prestige and military might of the ruler, which was in a constant state
of flux (influenced by a multitude of factors, to mention just a few- past history, economic
strength, internal cohesion, affinal ties, and the personal charisma, ambition and skill of the
ruler). Furthermore, the condition of neighboring principalities (which were also subject to
similar factors) mutually affected the status of any state. Therefore, the history of any
particular state becomes clearer only when many histories are juxtaposed and combined. To
that effect, the histories (however brief1 2 0 ) of Tibet, Gungthang, Purang, Jumla and
Kathmandu have been incorporated.
1 2 0 A more detailed account would be better but is beyond the scope o f this undertaking.
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Chapter 3. The Loba Society o f Monthang:
A. Social Stratification:
As previously mentioned, Loba society is (or rather was)1 2 1 deeply influenced by
Tibetan culture and values. For Lo, Tibet was the cultural and religious center and the ideal
model to emulate. A close examination of the Loba world will validate this statement.
Like Tibetan society, Lo society is also stratified. Lobas can be divided into two
basic classes (like in Tibet)- the nobility and the commoners.1 2 2 (The clergy are a separate
class by themselves but for most purposes, it remains outside the social classification). The
nobility or aristocrats called Kutak are the ruling class in Lo as were the nobility in Tibet.
They have the highest status in the society and have control and access to both social and
material resources. These days they use the surname “Bista” which is the Nepali name of a
Brahmin sub-caste. The current Lo king’s name is Jigme Palwar Bista, however, his father
did not use this surname.1 2 3 The first use of this title can be found in a legal document by
King Ranabahadur Saha ini 790. It refers to the leader of the Muktinath Valley, in the
Nepali version of the document, as “Topal Bista of Dzarkot” whereas in the Tibetan version
it simply mentions “Khro dpal,” an abridged form for “Khro bo dpal mgon” (Schuh
1994:43-44). All Loba nobility now use this surname. But not all Bistas are of equal status.
There is a hierarchy that emanates from consanguineous proximity to the king. At the apex
are the king and queen (Gyalpo and gyalmo) and their children. This constitutes the Lo
royalty, which occupies a distinct and privileged rank from the rest of the nobility- this will
1 2 1 The Chinese invasion o f Tibet effectively severed the ties between Lo and Tibet.
1 2 2 This applies only to larger settlements in Lo since the nobility is absent in many o f the smaller settlements.
1 2 3 The present king’s father was Angun Tenzing Trandul.
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be elaborated later. Next in status are the “pure Bistas,” those members of the nobility who
can claim their ancestry to be “pure Bistas.” The notion of purity is determined by two
criteria- that the genealogy has not been diluted by either hypo or hypergamy (vis-a-vis the
Loba commoners or outsiders) and that both ancestries be descended from Tibetan nobility.
So the issue of purity is rooted in Tibetan heritage, not just any Tibetan but in the nobility
and the aristocracy of Tibet. Traditionally, Lo kings acquired their queens from Tibetan
aristocracy. The present queen is from an aristocratic family from Shigatse in Tibet. Also Lo
nobility married with Tibetan nobility or with Lo royalty. So in a sense purity was
maintained by refraining from intermingling with the indigenous populace and by an
infusion of “outside” genes. Although it seems ironical that the Loba nobility receives its
status and privileges by being less indigenous and more foreign, it is not all that surprising
especially when one considers the relationship between any dominant center and its satellite
regions. (In the history of Nepal, the immigrant Brahmins from India claimed higher status
and purity than resident Brahmins because India was considered the cultural center of the
Hindu world. In fact, the caretaker priests of Pashupatinath temple in Kathmandu,
considered the holiest of all Hindu temples, have always been and still are to this day
Brahmins from South India.) On the last tier of the nobility are the “adulterated Bistas” or
the quasi-nobility. These are Lobas who can claim at least one ancestor to be of pure
nobility. Although there is hierarchical ranking amongst the nobility and some dissention
amongst them, they function as a corporate group in opposition to the rest. The nobility is a
minority in Monthang and constitutes only about 6% of the total population.1 2 4
1 2 4 Many nobility from Monthang have migrated so the number o f them actually living in Monthang is lower than
their total population. For instance, the crown prince and his family lives in Kathmandu, the capital o f Nepal.
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The commoner class is known generally as Miser Bhija and they comprise the
majority of the Monthang society (and all Lo society in other places). Most of them now
have adopted the surname “Gurung1 2 5 ” which is the name of one of the ethnic groups of
Nepal living in the middle hills. This practice is a growing trend amongst the Tibeto-Burman
groups occupying the northern regions of Nepal like the Neshyangba of Mangang
(commonly known as Manangi in Nepali) who have called themselves “Gurungs” for some
time. These “Gurung” commoners insist on distinguishing themselves from the other group
of commoners that form the occupational class. They consider themselves as of higher class.
The “Gurung” commoners are currently less differentiated and function almost like a
monolithic egalitarian group. But local sources indicate that in the past, it was also ranked
into various sub-groups mainly into three major categories. The highest ranking among them
was a group that formed the defending force during armed conflict but functioned as
agriculturists, pastoralist, traders, laborers, etc. like the rest of the Lobas for the rest of the
time. The next ranked commoners were those that provided specialized services- like
astronomy, medicine, art, and performances. The lowest ranking commoners were artisans
like carpenters and masons. All together, these commoner class forms about 85% of the
population of Monthang.
At the very lowest rung of Loba society are the “other” commoners- the
occupational classes called Ghara.m In public they are generally referred to as the “River
People” (a Nepali term; also “River Man! Woman/ Boy/ Girl/ Children”) since the term
Ghara is considered derogatory. I will follow this convention throughout the rest of this
1 2 5 The Gurungs achieved feme as the brave “Gurkhas soldiers” when the British recruited them into their army.
Although other ethnic groups from Nepal are also recruited, the Gurungs form the majority o f the soldiers.
1 2 6 Ghara also means “water mill” which are exclusively located in this settlement and thus this term.
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paper. Some of them have also adopted the “Gurung” surname but the new trend is to call
themselves “Bishowkarma,” another Hindu term used by the Hindu occupational castes.
They are not only the most disenfranchised group and have traditionally been excluded from
most social and political processes but were prohibited from living inside the town. They had
to live not only outside but also far away from the town- the subsidiary settlement of
Tshorak. Their clusters of houses are built on the narrow riverbed between the Monthang
plateau on the south and the Sura plateau on the north. The houses are not compacted
together like in the town but are separated from each other by fields, river, and corals or
yards. Because the Dhilu river has enough water and velocity, several communal water mills
called ghara are constructed here. The Jhyang river on the southern end is closer to town but
it does not have the volume and the current to power a mill. This settlement is much warmer
than the town not only because it is at a lower elevation but because it is effectively sheltered
from the south or north winds. There is, however, the danger of flooding which is a real
threat. The occupational class makes up about a little more than 10% of the population.
Loba social stratification also exhibits characteristics of a caste system,1 2 7 the system
that originated in India. Although caste has been defined in many different ways, we will
accept Bougie’s (1971) explication where according to him, the caste system divides the
whole society into distinct hereditary groups characterized by separation, economic
interdependence and hierarchy. Separation is maintained mainly through endogamous
marriage and rules of conunensality, economic interdependence is perpetuated by strict
specialized division of labor so that one is dependent on the services o f others, and hierarchy
is upheld by ranking groups into superior and inferior positions relative to each other. The
1 2 7 In fact one Loba referred to it as “caste” using the Nepali term “jaat”.
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main underlying principle or structure governing all three areas is “the opposition of the pure
and the impure” (Dumont 1970:43). This dichotomy of the pure and the impure is not only
prevalent but also significantly operant in Loba society. The ritually impure are the people
from the occupational class, the River People, as opposed to the rest of the society that are
considered ritually pure- the nobility and the commoners combined. It must however be
emphasized that this division is not as rigorously enforced as in India, like between the achut
or Untouchables and the rest of the society. In this sense, the River People are not considered
Outcasts, at least not these days. The fact that they have a totally separate settlement outside
the town and that they were not allowed to live within the walls of Monthang,1 2 8 does hint
that in the past, they may have been treated like Outcasts. But unlike the Outcasts of India,
the River People were not barred entry into town or the houses of the aristocrats, not even in
the past. The area where this opposition is strongly enforced is in marriage and
commensality- the greater the difference in caste hierarchy the more stringently such rules
get enforced like between Kutaks and River People.
Just like in the classic caste system, this division of two opposing ranked blocks is
pervasive throughout all Loba castes to varying degrees. Implicit in the notion of pure and
impure is that the former is superior and the latter inferior. The higher ranked pure castes
will collectively oppose and suppress the impure castes. The pure castes are further divided
into two opposing blocks, the nobility and the commoners between which the same principle
apply. In all cases, the higher-ranking group exerts dominance. This process that I call
“imperialism of caste hierarchy” operates not only between different groups that closely
1 2 8 One person now lives within the town.
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follow the class distinction but also between each caste where the notion of purity takes
precedence.
Amongst the Kutaks, as mentioned earlier, the ranking is determined by the purity of
their genealogy and the closeness of their consanguinity to the ruling royal family. At the
very apex is the immediate royal family followed closely by the king’s agnates.1 2 9 Next in
standing are the pure Bistas followed by the diluted Bistas. Because the population of the
Kutak caste is so small, there is not much dissension amongst themselves vis-a-vis the rest
but whenever it occurs, it is mostly between the pure and the impure Bistas.1 3 0 These
conflicts are seldom serious. They mostly involve misunderstandings, conflicting opinions or
pricked egos, often when the parties are inebriated.1 3 1 These kinds of altercations are not
taken very seriously but if it goes beyond the acceptable limit then when sobriety has
returned (usually the next day), the lower ranking person (almost invariably) goes to the
house of the higher ranking person he has offended the previous night, offers him a khata
(ceremonial scarf) wrapped around a bottle of chang (barley beer) and asks for forgiveness.
Sometimes, a small token amount of money is also offered. This ritual gesture invariably
guarantees forgiveness and is frequently used by Lobas as a means o f conflict resolution.
Only on really serious belligerent conflict amongst the Kutaks will the king interfere but on
lesser discord he is not involved. But if the higher ranking person is indisputably at fault or
is perceived to be at fault and has not acknowledged it, then the lower ranking person can
1 2 9 His eldest brother died without a male heir and the middle brother became a monk so practically speaking, he
does not have any surviving agnates.
1 3 0 Contention in the royal family can be devastating to the whole society and particularly to the nobility since
ideological, marital, commercial and personal ties bind every member of the nobility to various members o f the
royalty. The huge rift this caused will be discussed later.
1 3 1 The few occasion where I observed friction was regarding the national political parties and their ideology,
another time was regarding a past event.
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make the same offering ritual gesture to the king and request for justice.1 3 2 This also applies
to nobility of the same rank. It must be stressed that as much as possible they try to resolve
all grave conflicts amongst themselves first and if this fails then they get other respected
members of the nobility to mediate and it is only when this fails that as a last resort they will
seek royal intervention.1 3 3 Because of their minority status in terms of population but as the
highest caste, it obliges the Kutaks to remain unified and united. In the past, they had
exclusive access to social, political and material resources. They owned not only all the
fields and land but also slaves which came from the commoner class. They had total
ownership over these slaves and could be exchanged or bartered at will- this is not specific
to Lo, the tradition of slavery and this kind of practice was common throughout Nepal. The
Kutaks or their agents were also engaged in trade and their affinal ties to Tibetan nobility
gave them further advantage in this commerce with Tibet. All authority and power was in
the hands of the Kutaks vis-a-vis the Lo royalty who held absolute jurisdiction. In the past
and even today1 3 4 , for most Lobas the Kutaks are the only conduits and advocates to the
palace. Whenever the commoners have conflicts, disputes or any disagreement amongst
themselves, they must first approach one of the Kutaks with the obligatory khata, chang, and
money and present their grievances or requests. If the case involves minor issues,1 3 5
1 3 2 There was a case where the commoner wife o f a quasi-nobility went to the king for justice (she wanted a
separation) but since it was a domestic dispute, he advised her to take back her request and to patch things up
which is what she did and according to my information they are still together and quite happy.
1 3 3 Except for the big inheritance case between the royalty, there has been no serious conflict amongst the nobility
in recent times that warranted a royal hearing.
1 3 4 This applies to most Loba commoners from out of Monthang mid even to most commoners from Monthang,
although some who have close ties with the palace can have direct access.
1 3 5 Cases like non-violent domestic or neighborly quarrels or infringement of certain rights or insults, etc. are not
considered serious.
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normally the Kutak advises the disputing parties to come to an amicable understanding but if
the case is more serious1 3 6 then only the king can make the decision. In such cases, the
sponsoring Kutak has to take the case to the king first before the parties are called to testify
at the palace. As mediators between the palace and the people they hold immense influence
and authority over the general populace. They also enjoy special privileges- only they are
permitted to build houses more than two stories tall and decorated with a special black
colored parapet called nyaka along the edges of the roof. So it is easy to distinguish a
Kutak’ s house from a distance. Also they always sit above and at a higher elevation than the
commoners, they get precedence and have right of way mi the streets or anywhere and the
commoners must greet them with reverence by taking their hats off, bowing slightly,
scratching their hair and sticking out their tongue.1 3 7 They must also always be addressed in
the honorific form. In the past, according to some old informants, these rules and norms
were strictly enforced but now they are more lax and informal although still practiced.
The other “pure caste,” lower in ranking to the Kutaks, were the Phalwa caste or the
commoners. They were (and still are) the caste that formed the backbone of Loba society.
They provided the main labor force, the defending army, the agriculturists, traders and
artisans. They also provided corvee labor and other services to the palace and the
aristocracy. They were not allowed any ownership of land for cultivation but had
usufructuary rights to land that they cultivated for the nobility. The Phalwa were the caste
1 3 6 Cases like violent assault and injury, disputes involving large property, grazing and irrigation rights between
villages, breaking of social taboos etc.
1 3 7 The story (in succinct version) behind this gesture is that once an evil king ruled Tibet (some say it was Lang
Darma) and caused much suffering to the people. But when the persecution got intolerable and he was
assassinated, they discovered that he was a demon and had horns on his head which had been concealed by a hat
and that his tongue was blue. So to indicate that the person is not a demon or the descendant o f this evil king, the
person takes off the hat and scratches the hair to show that there are no horns and sticks out the tongue to show
that it is not blue. The gesture is now an indication o f extreme respect and deference.
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that also provided the slaves or bonded workers or indentured servants to the Kutaks. Like in
other parts of Nepal, the commoners in Lo also got enslaved through indebtedness. Since the
aristocrats were the only caste that had wealth and resources, they were always enslaved to
the Kutaks. And once enslaved, the probability of paying off the debt incurred was virtually
non-existent since they did not own or were permitted to own the means to produce wealth.
If the indebted person was married with small children, then his whole family was enslaved
in perpetuity. If an unmarried slave desired to wed, he needed to get the permission of his
master. In fact, permission was necessary for most anything in a slave’s life. Often the
master (or mistress) chose the spouse, invariably another slave, for his/her slave and the
offspring from this union was also considered slaves. Thus, the Phalwa provided feudal
servitude on which the aristocracy thrived. These days, the extreme serfdom depicted above
is a thing of the past for the Phalwa. When democratic forces deposed the Rana autocratic
central government of Nepal in 1951, slavery was abolished throughout the nation. The
Phalwa too were freed. They now own their own land and they do not have to provide
corvee labor to the aristocrats although they still offer it to the palace. The difference is that
in the past, they not only had to work for free but also had to bring their own meals to work.
Now, the palace provides ample food and drinks (chang) and also pays a little cash but this
is just a token gesture and is below the market rate. Although the nobility is still respected
and accorded higher status especially by the older generations, the younger generations are
less deferential. The Phalwa caste is now almost undifferentiated and operates as one but
there is evidence that indicate that in the past there was hierarchy amongst them as well,
following closely the sub-class ranking mentioned earlier. As a group they have now
adopted the surname “Gurung” without making any distinction between themselves.
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However, they consider themselves higher than the “impure” occupational caste- the River
People.
The lowest ranking caste, the “impure” group collectively referred to as the River
People, consists of three main sub-castes - ironsmiths (Ghara), tailor/musicians, and
cobblers/butchers (Semba) ranked in that order. Like the Phalwa caste, they too had no right
to own any cultivated land. But unlike them, they had no usufructuary rights. Their only
means of subsistence was from the service of their occupational skills for which they were
paid in food and other material goods. As their services were quite vital to the community,
they were not enslaved since slaves could be bartered or given away. Furthermore, there
were only a limited number of them- according to some older Lobas, there were only about
7/8 houses in the distant past and in their absence no other higher castes would fill the
vacancy. Maybe it was for this reason that they were prohibited from entering the clergy
since Buddhism is supposed to be without castes.1 3 8 They inhabited a totally separate
geographical and social space. They lived in the settlement of Tshorak and were excluded
from the more important and critical community processes of Monthang life. These days
their life has changed too- they are able to own cultivated lands, engage in animal husbandry
and trade or other economic activities. They also work as hired laborers to the aristocrats and
wealthy commoners and are required to provide corvee labor for the palace like the rest of
the Lobas.
As is evident, many of the traditional caste restrictions and practices have been now
mitigated but the primaiy opposition of the pure and the impure is still rigorously imposed in
1 3 8 Yet I suspect that the notion o f impurity and pollution probably were paramount considerations since some of
the monks were from the aristocracy.
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the domains o f marriage and food sharing. Marriage in Lo is generally endogamous along
caste and class classification. Hie prescribed rule is that marriages take place within the
same caste groups. Hie greater the disparity in ranking orders between the partners, the more
severe the consequences. So marriages between pure and impure castes result in pollution of
the pure status of the perpetrator and it results in corporal punishment, ex-communication,
social ostracism and sanction.1 3 9 This is one of the greatest Loba taboos, especially between
a Kutak and a River People, The offspring of such a union cannot claim their father’s status
since the father has in effect lost his original caste standing. Hypergamous and hypogamous
marriages between the pure castes are recognized but not encouraged. When these unions
occur, it is desirable that they happen between the closest ranking castes, i.e. between a pure
Kutak and a diluted Kutak rather than to a Phalwa or between a diluted Kutak and the
highest ranking Phalwa than the second or lowest ranking one. These marriages result in the
downgrading of the caste status or ranking of the offspring.
In the area of commensality, the rules are not as harsh as those in the Hindu caste
system where even touching the cooking and eating utensils are considered polluting and
where they are not permitted into file house but have to wait and perform their tasks outside.
In Lo, the impure castes are not barred from entry into the kitchen and often they will even
eat in the kitchen of the pure castes but they will tend to occupy the lowest spatial
placement- as near to the kitchen door as possible. The rule of commensality applies only to
sharing eating utensils, especially the wooden cup. This is called “kha shegi” or those who
can eat from the same utensils as opposed to “kha meshegi” meaning those you cannot share
with. This is particularly significant when considering the fact that Lobas do not wash their
1 3 9 In the distant past, this breach was said to be punished by death, particularly for the Kutaks.
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utensils after eating with them. They normally use a large bowl-like cup made of rosewood
for most of their meals.1 4 0 Even when plates are used, the utensils are licked clean and stored
away after the meals.1 4 1 Every member of the family has his or her own personal cup that is
not used by others. Guests are served in bowls made of china, metal or plastic (never
wooden ones, particularly those used by the household members) but the utensils used by
them are washed. Thus, the Lobas will share their cup with only those that are of the same
caste and of the same ranking. A pure Bista will not share the cup with a diluted Bista. The
larger the gap between the castes, the graver is the pollution. The privilege of cup-sharing is
therefore one indication of caste differentiation. One definite way to demonstrate the caste
demotion of a particular person is by refusing to share the cup by his former caste associates.
If such pollution does occur, the person perpetuating it will be expelled from his/her caste
unless the pollution transpired unwittingly in which case the person (or persons) can be
reinstated but only after undergoing a purifying ritual conducted by the king.
The process of restoring the purity of a polluted person depends on the type of
pollution involved. There are two types of purification rituals that follow the Loba belief in
the two purifying elements- fire (meh) and water (chu) and one metal- gold (sher). For most
pollution, like the cup-sharing kind mentioned above, the gold-water (sher chu) method is
applied. In this ritual, some gold ornaments like rings are submerged in a bowl of water (or
just water in a bowl made of gold will also do). The king then sprinkles the water over the
1 4 0 These days, stainless steel plates are also used for dishes like rice and a thick porridge like food called yhopa
or dhindo in Nepali.
1 4 1 This practice has practical logic. First o f all, water has to be carried from the source and that can be at
considerable distance, particularly potable water (in Monthang these days, community taps are located at several
spots but they still need to be carried home). Second, the freezing weather is not conducive to handling cold
water especially in the winter. Third, every morsel o f food is ingested and so nothing is wasted. And finally, no
one else uses that particular cup.
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person or persons seeking absolution and also makes them sip a little bit of it. The defaulters
may also be fined a certain amount which goes to the royal coffer. Another source of
pollution is through sexual contact. This is considered the more serious kind. Sexual liaison
between the pure and the impure castes is strictly taboo and is considered a grave offense. As
with all cases, the wider the gap in the ranking of the castes, the more serious the
consequences, especially if it happens between a Kutak and a River People. An actual
example will better illustrate this point. An incident occurred where a Bista male was
believed to have had sexual relations with a River Woman. This person was a pure Bista
called Tashi.1 4 2 He came from a good family. He was a bachelor at that time and lived with
his father and an elder brother who was married with children. When the elder brother,
Sonam, heard that the younger sibling was having a sexual relationship with a River Woman,
he went into a rage. Sonam was yelling and at the same time trying to physically assault
Tashi but was prevented from getting to him by his wife. The father and uncle were also
shouting and scolding Tashi. All of them were in effect saying, “How could you do this?
You have brought shame to the family! You have blackened the family name!” etc. Tashi
who was standing in the middle of the kitchen denied everything but nobody believed him
because of his “unreliable” character.1 4 3 Sonam was the most agitated-he kept shouting and
tossing around and banging the table. He made several attempts to lunge at Tashi but was
prevented from getting to him by others. He also started to cry saying, “How can I show my
face? How can I live here now? How will we face the society?” His wife and children also
started to cry. The father told everyone to get out of the house and leave him alone and the
1 4 2 To protect the identity o f the persons involved, the names have been changed here.
1 4 3 He had a list o f questionable past* he had borrowed money and not paid back, had walked out on social
commitments, was known to lie, etc.
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children were sent out to play. Then the wife of another Bista dropped in to borrow
something and she too started to cry and then left. A little later her husband arrived to
console the family, he kept saying, “Sad, sad, sad!” A few more relatives dropped in to
sympathize and left. The uncle and the new Bista took Tashi away because the father and
Sonam were getting more and more aggravated by his presence. After Tashi left, the whole
family sat in stunned silence. The gravity o f the offense was obvious from the highly
charged and intense ambience. This would not only bring shame to the family but Tashi
would be ex-communicated. Furthermore, he may have polluted other caste associates if he
shared his cup with them and hence they too would have to be expelled but only temporarily
before being reinstated. For this serious breach, the gold-fire (sher meh) ritual is the only
way to absolve the defaulter. A golden needle is heated over a fire and placed on the tongue
of the offender and burnt a little. He also has to pay a heavy fine to the king and must adhere
to a salt free diet for about a week. In the old days, the defaulter would also be whipped but
the people say that that practice not occurred in recent memory. So it looked like Tashi
would certainly have to undergo the sher meh ceremony to maintain his caste status (only if
his caste associates agreed to reinstate him) and the others who had been polluted by him
would be absolved by the sher chu method. Fortunately for the family, it turned out not to be
true- it was a complete misunderstanding. Apparently the uncle overheard an old River Man
say, in a state of inebriation, that he would bring shame to Tashi’s family. He had also heard
rumors that Tashi was interested in a River Girl.1 4 4 So the immediate conclusion was that he
had had sex with her and on that basis the whole episode ensued. The old man whose remark
Tashi was “visiting” a Gurung girl on a regular basis and the River Girl that he was supposed to have been
involved with was rumored to be having an affair with a “Rongba” or a southerner man from the middle hills.
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sparked off this event denied making such a remark or contended that he did not remember
since he was quite intoxicated. Even if had made such a remark, he could not be punished
too harshly since he had not explicitly implicated any sexual contact1 4 5 . The accusation of
sexual pollution was a result of misinformed inference and so he wa.sfined nominally for
slander only. But the incident underscored the seriousness of sexual pollution and that it is of
grave importance. Loba society is patriarchal with total bias towards patrilineal and
patrilateral descent. That is why if reinstatement of a defaulter occurs, it is only the Loba
male who is eligible for that whereas a Loba woman is not eligible. If a Loba woman of the
pure caste is polluted through sexual contact, she cannot be reinstated as she loses her former
caste status and is ex-communicated and must accept the status of the impure caste
permanently. In previous times, the woman could be killed particularly if she was from the
Kutak caste.
So the two most important considerations that regulate the Loba life are class and
caste. These factors are of particular significance where marriage is concerned. Both caste
and class rules prescribe endogamous marriages and whenever possible within the same
caste and class hierarchy. The invasion of Tibet by China has brought a major social crisis to
the Kutaks of Lo. As already mentioned earlier, the high status of the Lo nobility was linked
to their association with Tibetan aristocracy. With this traditional and important connection
severed, the very survival of Loba aristocracy, in its purest sense, is in serious doubt. Not
only was their economic source dried up but more importantly their cultural and social root
suddenly disappeared. The access to the supply of their spouses was totally cut off. As one
1 4 5 Shame to the family could entail Tashi not paying bade borrowed money, which he had done in the past, or it
could also involve lying, cheating or stealing.
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young, educated and probably the most eligible pure Bista youth put it, “Marriage is a big
problem for us because we cannot find suitable spouses. We cannot marry lower caste girls
from Lo and the Tibetan girls in Tibet cannot adapt to Loba life-style because they are now
very modern (educated and urban) there. We will have a communication gap because many
speak Chinese only. The Tibetan girls in Kathmandu and other cities will not survive here
and will not want to live here. So that is a big problem.1 4 6 ” This poses a major dilemma for
the Lo nobility, particularly for the “pure” Bistas. To maintain their “pure” status, they have
to marry Tibetans of aristocratic descent most of whom have left Tibet and are now settled in
Nepal and India. But these candidates are all educated and used to modem amenities of city
life and do not want to settle in Lo where the conditions are very rudimentary at best. The
same factors apply to those few Tibetans with aristocratic ancestry who are still living in
Lhasa or Shigatse.1 4 7 Besides, the influence of Chinese education and communist ideology
makes them more alien to the Lobas than those from Nepal or India. So the candidates from
Nepal and India (preferably Nepal since India is further away) are more favored than those
in Tibet but there is a downside to this choice. The pure Bistas can preserve their untainted
status by such a choice but at the cost of out-migration1 4 8 for there has been no case where an
aristocratic bride from the cities has settled in Lo. This would further decrease the total
population of the nobility and their hold on Loba society. The alternative is to compromise
their pure status and marry a Loba “Gurung” commoner. Many have opted for this as they
1 4 0 He later (after I finished my field study) married a Tibetan girl from Kathmandu and now lives in there for
most o f the time.
1 4 7 Prior to Chinese invasion, the cultural and living condition between Tibetan cities and Monthang was not very
different but with the changes brought about since Chinese occupation, the differences are very drastic.
1 4 8 The crown prince is married to a Tibetan woman with aristocratic and powerful links but lives in Kathmandu
permanently. Also see fit. 148 above.
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have no other choice if they want to remain in Lo. That is why even a pure Bista like Tashi’s
(mentioned above) relationship with a Gurung girl was tolerated, although not approved by
the family- not so much because of her lower caste but because of her family’s questionable
reputation (at least in the eyes of Tashi’s family). With this growing trend, the number of
“pure” Bistas will eventually vanish or will be reduced to a handful but residing outside of
Lo. For the “Gurung” commoners, this problem of finding spouses has not been impacted by
the Chinese invasion of Tibet since they are not too differentiated and have a big enough
population to permit endogamy. It must be mentioned that some of them did marry Tibetan
commoners-in the latter period (after they were allowed to own property and engage in
trade). But this was extremely rare and minimally significant. The above crisis for the
nobility has meant that some of the more influential and wealthy commoners now have the
opportunity for hypergamous and hypogamous marriages. At the bottom aid, the other
commoners comprising of the occupational caste are, like the nobility, also facing some
difficulty in acquiring spouses. Caste endogamy is more strictly applied to them than any
other castes. Therefore caste mobility is impossible. Because of their impure status the
opportunity for hypergamous or hypogamous alliances are non-existent. Their limited
population is a further factor for exacerbating the problem. Since occupational castes do not
exist in any significant numbers in other villages, their choices are very limited. For them,
the only hope is time. Nepali law has outlawed the concept and practice of “untouchable”
caste and prohibits any discrimination based on caste or class or race. But Nepali law is
rarely enforced in Lo and does not have much sway. But even if the law were enforced, there
would be no family of the pure castes willing to exchange spouses with them so the situation
would still remain unchanged. In the unlikely event that some young couples fell in love and
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eloped without parental consent, then the couple would be ostracized and social sanction
imposed against which the Nepali law is powerless. Their situation is bound to change as it
has, however marginally, for other occupational castes throughout Nepal. It is only a matter
of time.
B. Loba Life Cycles:
This section will briefly portray the various life cycles of a Loba. When a child is
bom in Monthang, a stone with paint splashed over it is placed outside the main entrance
door at the base of the one of the doorframes. If the child is a son, white paint is used and red
paint for a daughter. The placing of this stone also signals the quarantine of the house. This
stone is also displayed when a person is critically ill. Once this stone is installed, no person
other than the immediate family members may enter the house. Amchi (local healers with
training in Tibetan medicine) and lamas ((monks) can enter but only when summoned and
accompanied by a family member. In case of a serious emergency when access to the family
is crucial, the only method to alert the family is to strike the painted stone with another rock.
The banging of the stones will eventually bring a family member to the door but calling out
and banging on the door (the normal methods of enquiry) are strictly prohibited. On the third
day after delivery, a monk is called to perform the purifying and name giving ritual called
lapsang. This is a simple ritual in which the monk, through recitations and invocations,
consecrates a vase of water that is then used to purify the pollution caused by the birth of the
child. Lobas consider the mother’s blood during childbirth to be contaminating, particularly
to the mother, child and the tutelary deities. Thus, the purification takes place by what is
called, thyu -the sprinkling or washing of the defiled persons and objects with the
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consecrated water. On that particular occasion, the monk also gives the child a name based
usually on the day of birth1 4 9 and sometimes by also adding the lama’s name. The family
then makes an offering to the monk (food and money) after the conclusion of the lapsang
ritual. Only then is the painted rock removed which signals the end of the quarantine and
return to normality.
Lobas believe that when a child reaches the age of nine, he or she is very susceptible
to the influences of negative planetary and evil forces. To ensure the safety of the child and
dispel any pernicious impact, a prayer ritual called Kag is performed. Lobas do not have any
particular coming of age ritual or marker to differentiate between childhood and adulthood.
However, amongst the girls, there seems to be a sort of transitional phase indicated by a
certain kind of clothing material.
There is gender bias in dress code or fashion in Lo. Loba women dress more
traditionally than Loba men. In fact, all Loba women wear the traditional Chuba, a kind of
loose sleeveless dress with wide bottom that is pulled back tight in the front and with pleats
on the back. Underneath the Chuba, they wear a blouse and a trouser and over the top a
sweater or jacket. Traditionally, the men too wore Chuba (which was different from the
women’s in that it was open in the front like a dressing gown but much larger) but these
days, except for some older ones who still prefer the Chuba, most men dress in the Western
way- jackets, shirts and trousers. The gender bias in dress code starts early in childhood.
Girls will be often wearing Chuba whereas the boys1 5 0 usually will be in shirts, trousers and
jackets.
1 4 9 This is one reason why many Lobas and Tibetans have the same names.
1 5 0 There are always exceptions. For the young girls, in the summer especially on warmer days they can be found
in frocks, pants, jump suits, etc. Boys o f poorer families still wear Chubas because it is usually made of
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When the girls reach the age of twelve or fifteen they are allowed to wear the kiten.
This is a triangular piece of woven cloth made of wool. It has mutlti-colored strips running
horizontally along the piece. It is wrapped around the waist with the apex of the triangle
pointing down the back. It covers most of the back from the waist down and also the upper
thighs in the front. It is tied to the waist by a strand of long cloth belt called Kau. Several
reasons were offered why the kiten is worn. One was that it provides warmth- this is most
certainly true since it provides an extra layer of clothing. But this does not explain why
younger girls who also need warmth are not given the extra layer nor why wait till the girl is
twelve. Another reason was that the younger children are unable to handle and maintain the
extra bit of clothing. This is probably true since tying the kiten and keeping it on requires
some dexterity. Finally it was suggested that it was an indication of maturity. Both of the
latter reasons in combination seem to make the most sense since physical aptitude is
necessary in its application and that can be attained only after a certain age (which happens
to be twelve or fifteen). This age also coincides with the growth period when a sense of
responsibility is cultivated. This capability is one of the indications of maturity. Thus, it
would seem that amongst the girls at least, there appears to be a marker of transition from
childhood to incipient adulthood. There is no such physical marker for Loba boys but once
they reach the age of fifteen, they are treated as adults or at least no longer as children.
The next transition comes with marriage. There are certain behaviors and norms that
are expected after a person is married. They are expected to be more responsible and exert
self-control. When Loba boys and girls come of age (around fifteen years of age), they begin
homemade cloth and it lasts longer whereas trousers, shirts and jackets have to be bought with cash and wear out
sooner.
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to play “sexual-tag”. This takes place in the evening but in public. The favorite places where
the Lobas hang out in the evening are the area between Gegu, the town gate and the north
side of the palace and the adjoining plaza on the east of the palace called Dhe. The Gegu
strip is bounded on both east and west by general stores. A young Loba girl runs the store on
the east end. Most of the teenager and older girls tend to gather in front of this store. The
store on the west-end is operated by a young married man. Young boys, older and married
women tend to congregate in front of this shop. On the northern side, along the western part
of the gate is a ledge and tiered parapet where older men gather. Directly in front of the gate
is a shrine of Chenrezig1 5 1 and in front of it is also a small space where young boys stand.
This spatial configuration according to age, gender and marital status is most of the time
very consistent. In the center of the strip is where little children play. The girls always go
about in small groups, chatting, joking, laughing, singing and teasing the boys. The boys
normally don’t go about in groups but tend to stay in their designated areas and pass
comments and tease the girls. When they do go around, it is usually done alone or with
another boy. There is a lot of teasing, flirting and taunting in the beginning but when the
evening starts to get a little darker, then the chasing and grabbing starts. It can start in many
ways but the most common way is by snatching a piece of clothing or some belongings- for
example, a boy will snatch a scarf or cap or shawl of one of the girls and run away. The girls
give chase and if they are closing in on him, he will usually toss the item to one of his
friends. Now, the boy who received the item is chased and he will do the same and this
continues until the item is recovered. Of course the table can be turned when the girls snatch
1 5 1 Chenrezig also known as Avaloketshwara in Sanskrit is the Bodhisattva o f compassion.
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an item belonging to the boy (usually the baseball hat1 5 2 that virtually every Loba youth
wears these days) and it is tossed from one girl to another. This teasing inevitably leads to a
more physical and sexual phase. One of the boys will rush towards a group of girls that has
been taunting them. The girls flee in many directions. The boy, who has already decided on
the girl he wants to “grab,” pursues her until he gets to grab her in his embrace either from
the back or from the front. Sometimes, he has to wrestle her to the ground since there is
fierce resistance from the girl and Loba girls are strong. Often he will make copulating
thrusting gestures but since they are all fully clothed (often in multiple layers), this gesture is
merely symbolic play. But before he can get too physical with the girl in his clutch, her
friends descend on him en masse and pull him away using any means possible- hitting,
shoving pushing, etc. The attack is so relentless that the boy if forced to let go and the girls
all flee laughing and taunting and reform their group.
As the evening progresses and it gets darker, the “battle’ gets louder and more
frequent. This is the time when the more timid individuals who have refrained from
participating also join in the fray since it is difficult to identify individuals in the dark except
from real close up. These wrestling bouts only last for a short duration because help
invariably arrives to rescue the victim. The older men and women watch all this with great
amusement and at times they will even make comments or jokes about what is going on.
Once an elderly woman who was quite intoxicated was amongst the girls on the east end of
the strip regaling them with tales of her youth. She was saying “What is wrong with you
girls? Why are the boys not after you all? When I was your age, I used to be constantly
1 5 2 Baseball hats are extremely popular with the Lobas. One person even had a hat with the USC (Univeristy of
Southern California) logo.
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grabbed by the boys. They could never resist me and would chase me all over town. I was
very pretty, look how pretty I am!! You are all unattractive and that is why the boys just
stand there and don’t chase you. I am still chased by old men. My husband, if he cannot
please me I will find another one, etc.” Her remarks evoked howls of laughter from all the
girls and bystanders. Older men also make comments on similar vein to the young Loba
boys. Once a group of old men were discussing how the younger generation these days
exhibit less virility than they did when they were young. They boasted of how in their youth
they did not spare any girl and that in those days, “Girls would conceive from different men
but now they don’t conceive even from a single man!” The general consensus amongst both
genders of the older generation is that compared to their own experience, the younger
generation these days have little vitality and libido.
This kind of physical and verbal banter continues until it gets too dark to see
properly or is time to go home. Although it looks licentious, it is only play albeit highly
charged with sexual overtones. No actual sex ever occurs in these instances, thus my
reference to it as “sexual tag”. Furthermore, it takes place in public space under public gaze.
These evenings provide a lax and inhibition-free “time-space” where the intermingling of the
sexes is tolerated.1 5 3 So many young boys take this opportunity to arrange for “night visits”-
they inform the girls they like that they will visit them that night. It must be pointed out that
the Bista girls do not participate in this game. They refrain from any physical contact with
the Loba males although they may engage in some verbal teasing- even then primarily girls
1 5 3 Lobas gather in the Gegu strip during the day too, especially in the afternoons prior to the harvest season. As
in the evening, they congregate in similar areas according to gender and age. But no chasing or “grabbing” takes
place.
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who are from the diluted Bista families do it. The pure Bista girls strictly abstain from such
activities.
“Night visits” or “carrying ladder” is another behavior that the young bachelors
engage in. Depending on the particular situation, Loba youths either work alone or in teams.
As mentioned earlier, most houses in Lo Monthang are clustered together with adjoining
walls. If the intended girl’s house is in the same cluster as the boy’s then he will usually
work alone (since her house is accessible via rooftop), unless he needs another person as a
lookout or for moral support. Depending on the distance between the boy’s and the girl’s
house, various strategies are employed. If they are in close proximity, the boy will simply
climb over the brushwood boundaiy, jump down on the roof of the neighbor, traverse the
neighbor’s roof and climb over his boundary and keep doing this until the girl’s house is
reached. Since he has to travel over other people’s rooftop, one has to be as light footed and
cautious as possible since footsteps over these mud roofs emit a lot of noise. But if the
distance is further, he will tty to gain access first to the parapet along the wall and then walk
along the parapet until he is near the girl’s house and then jump down onto the roof of other
houses thus minimizing the need to walk across other people’s roofs. Once he makes it to the
roof of the girl’s house, he will climb down the log ladder and enter the house provided that
the door leading to the roof had been left unbolted by the girl. That is why the co-operation
of the girl is crucial. Without her consent, it is virtually impossible for a successful night
visit. For this reason, the boys have to make their intentions known prior to their visits so
that the girl can make the proper arrangements like leaving the roof access door unlocked.
Often young adolescent girls sleep in a separate room from the parents but in the company of
the grandmother or other elders, thus she has to ensure that the rest of the household is not
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aware at least overtly of the visit, especially the parents. One informant said that the girl he
often visited slept with her grandmother and that she was aware of his visits but pretended to
be asleep whenever he entered the room.1 5 4 In most cases, it appears that some members of
the household are aware of these “visits” and that it is permitted particularly if they know
who the visitor is (a common knowledge in many cases). If the suitor is not approved, then
steps are taken to bar access to the house, for example, the doors will be locked from the
inside or the girl will be made to sleep in one of the inner rooms or the sleeping chaperon
will be one of the disapproving members of the family instead of the tolerant grandmother.
All these precautions may deter the nightly visits but it cannot prevent the young lovers from
having an amorous affair if they so desire as there are other opportunities when they can
meet in secrecy e.g. while going to collect dung, gather takla brushwood, while visiting
relatives or on errands to other villages, working in distant fields, etc.
The consent of the girl is crucial in all cases for it is up to her to convey the specifics
of the information to her lover- like which particular yak herd she will be visiting to collect
dung or when and where she will be on a particular errand. Depending on the nature of the
relationship of the couple, the boy will either spend the night with the girl and return home
in the very early hours before the household wakes up or will leave the girl soon after the
sexual act is consummated. The former behavior is mostly adopted by boys who are
involved in a serious relationship with that particular girl while the latter behavior is
1 5 4 In this particular instance, the tolerance can be attributed to the fact that the boy was of a higher caste and
class than the girl but in other instances too, I have been informed that the grandmothers were often aware o f the
visits and condoned them.
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manifest by boys who are still undecided.1 5 5 Most of the nightly visits take place within Lo
Monthang but sometimes the male youths of Monthang also go visit girls from other
villages. However, these incidents are rare as it entails more danger and risks. The usual
mode of transportation is by horse.1 5 6 Some of the obvious risks are: riding a horse over
rough terrain in the dead of night is perilous both for the animal and the rider, the villagers
do not welcome outsiders, the village dogs (Tibetan mastiffs) have to be contended with, if
discovered one can be mistaken for a burglar and beaten, the risk of running into the village
youths who are also on night visits, etc. For all these reasons, night visits to other villages
are rare. Most of the visits take place within the same village.
A single person working alone can achieve the above-mentioned visits. But if the
girl’s house is in a different cluster then access to her house cannot be accomplished via
rooftops as mentioned above. In such cases, access is possible with the use of a ladder. These
ladders are made of a solid log with steps cut into them. As they are quite heavy, it requires
two to three persons to carry them, particularly if it has to be transported over some distance.
So friends work in teams of two or three, hence the term “carrying the ladder” for night
visits. The ladder is propped over the wall of the house and one of the boys climbs over onto
the first roof of the first floor. Then the usual rooftop method is used. Sometimes the ladder
has to be pulled up to access a higher rooftop. Friends help each other in visiting their own
1 5 5 This does not apply to all situations. Long-term lovers said that on occasions they had to leave prematurely
because it was unsafe to spend the night or that one o f the couple had early chores to perform while boys not in a
serious relationship said that they sometimes spend the night with the girl.
1 5 6 Informants said that they usually rode bareback and removed the bell that is usually tied to the neck o f the
horse so as not to make any noise. The horse was usually led out of Monthang as quietly as possible and then
ridden to the girl’s village.
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particular girls or all available girls in general.1 5 7 Lobas view sex as natural phenomena and
are very tolerant regarding sexual relationships. There are no prescribed rules for visits and
since sexual attitudes are quite liberal (amongst permitted castes that is), almost all Loba
girls are, in theory, approachable.1 5 8 However, it must be emphasized that this does not apply
to the Kutak females who are expected to be sexually more conservative. The higher the
class ranking and the purer the caste, the more stringent is the sexual restrictions for Bista
girls. Therefore, pure Kutak girls not only refrain from sexual relationships but do not even
participate in the teasing and grabbing game. In fact, they are discouraged from being too
familiar with the commoners. Once I saw a pure Kutak woman was sitting out on the streets
with her commoner neighbors, chatting and taking in the sun when suddenly she darted
behind a chorten. She stayed crouched behind the chorten for some time and then ducked
into her house. Later when asked why she acted in that manner, she said that the King had
come up to the palace roof and that if he saw her out on the street chatting she would be
reprimanded. In another example, a relative of the Queen, a pretty young girl called Dhoka,
was visiting the royal family and stayed in the palace for almost six months. During this
whole period, she ventured out of the palace only once1 5 9 , that too accompanied by the King
during the Lama Tenji festival.1 6 0 Thus, Kutak girls do not have the same kind of sexual
freedom that the rest of the Lobas enjoy. However, this does not apply to the Kutak boys, at
1571 have been informed that some girls will even accept multiple visitors on a single night in which case all
friends could visit the same girl but this feet could not be confirmed.
1 5 8 The relationship between one boy Tashi (name changed) and his girlfriend Doma (name changed) was well
known by the whole village, but one night one informant told me that he noticed some boys other than Tashi
placing a ladder on Doma’s roof. On another occasion I noticed a notorious youth grab Doma in public.
1 5 9 At least that was the only time the author observed her in public sphere, although she could be seen if one
visited the palace or sometimes on the palace roof with the Queen.
1 6 0 She was representing the Queen who was unable to attend due to health problems.
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least in practice. The Bista boys from a pure ancestry are expected to be more discriminating
and careful in their sexual exploits than those of diluted ancestry but judging from the
illegitimate children, called ngyalu, sired by some of them from “Gurung” women, it seems
that these infringements are tolerated since there are no punishment or fines for fathering
ngyalus.1 6 1 Some pure Bista boys of wealthy and influential family do adhere to the
expectation, at least within their own community and do not participate in neither the
grabbing game or the night visits. Generally speaking, sexual behavior is inversely related to
the purity and ranking of the family ancestry- the Bista boys of lesser ancestral purity and
ranking exhibit more indiscriminate promiscuousness.
But no matter what your class and caste, once a Loba gets married, both “sexual tag”
and nightly visits are terminated or at least it is expected to stop. Recently married Loba
boys do indeed stop participating in both activities but older married men have been
observed breaking the rule. On one occasion, a married man grabbed a woman as they were
crossing each other on the street. She struggled for a bit but did not say anything. It lasted
only for only a couple of seconds but it did illustrate that married men do grab on
occasions.1 6 2 In another village, a married Kutak man casually grabbed the breast of a
woman as we passed each other. It must be pointed out that in both of these examples, the
men were of higher caste and class than the women and took place in more secluded areas
1 6 1 This does not mean that it is condoned. In fact, there is disapproval, mainly from the family, understandably
from the wife in particular.
1 6 2 The man took this liberty probably because the woman had separated from her husband for some time and she
was living alone and was rumored to be entertaining other men.
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without any onlookers.1 6 3 In general, the obvious, overt and public participation in these
activities by married Loba men are curtailed.
Most marriage ceremonies in Lo are simple affairs. When a boy has visited the girl
he likes over an extended period and is ready to marry her, he will solicit a relative to request
permission from his parents.1 6 4 If the parents agree, the father of the boy will approach the
girl’s parents to ask for her and if there is agreement, then a monk or astrologer is consulted
to compare the horoscope of the couple for compatibility and pick an auspicious day for the
wedding. All the relatives and friends are informed of the date.
On the morning of the wedding day, a monk is called to perform certain rituals to
ward off evil spirits, negative planetary influences, sickness, witches and bad luck that might
come into the household with the bride. Then later, relatives and friends come with khatas
and money and offer them to the couple. All who come are served special meals and a lot of
chang, a very popular local beer made of barley. These kind of arranged marriages require
the consent of all the parents. If for some reason, either of the parents opposes the union,
then the couple can chose to elope and they will be recognized as married by the society.
The opposing family may not initially accept than into their house but inevitably they will
be reconciled.1 6 5 The only exception is if caste prohibitions have been infringed. In one case
where this happened, the couple had to out migrate to India because the parents of the boy
1 6 3 In both incidents, I was the only witness.
1 6 4 Rarely does a son personally approach his parents to seek permission. Respect demands that other elders be
used.
1 6 5 The parents o f one boy was opposed to his choice o f mate (the opposition was mainly because she was not
only lfom a lower caste and class but her character was being questioned) and the son did not know what to do.
One relative suggested that he simply elope with her and that the family will have to accept it eventually. I
learned later (after my departure from Lo) that this is exactly what transpired and that the son was not only
accepted but even given some property.
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refused any contact or communication with him. In fact, the parents don’t even mention his
name.
Although monogamous marriages are the norm these days, traditionally in the past,
most marriages used to be, as in Tibet, polyandrous. The most common kind of marriages
was fraternal polyandry where the entire set of male siblings was married to a single woman.
This form of marriage, in tandem with the primogeniture rule of inheritance evolved in
response to the ecological, economical and geographical constraints of Tibet and its
surrounding regions. According to tradition, the eldest son inherited all the ancestral
property and wealth. One of his younger siblings, usually the middle one, was predestined to
be a monk while the rest of the siblings could either live together with him and share a
common wife or choose to live separately. In the latter case, the outgoing sibling had no
right to the ancestral property and wealth. Trying to survive on your own without any initial
capital, labor or estate was extremely difficult if not virtually impossible. Agriculture is not
only labor intensive but arable land is scarce and not very productive. Furthermore,
cultivation is irrigation-dependent, so even if one wanted to farm some abandoned and
unwanted land, water rights have to be secured first (an extremely difficult undertaking since
existing water demands are barely sufficient) and then the canal has to be extended to that
particular patch which again requires labor and capital. Also low soil fertility necessitates
relatively large field holdings to support a family’s need which in turn requires more labor
than can be provided by a single couple. Furthermore, agriculture by itself is insufficient for
subsistence and needs to be supplemented by other enterprises like animal husbandry and
trade. All these constraints are formidable deterrents to any person who wants to establish
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an independent household and so most younger siblings have little choice but to accept
polyandry.
The polyandrous arrangement ensured that there was a large enough labor pool to
look after agricultural needs, animal husbandry and trade. Additionally, since only the eldest
son had the right to ancestral property, fragmentation of land and field holdings did not
occur. This prevented the reduction of the family wealth as would have certainly happened if
it had been split equally amongst the siblings. Polyandry offered a viable solution to these
ecological, economic and geographical hurdles but it also had problems. The younger
siblings were always at a disadvantage and there could be resentment from them -creating
discord in the family. Although all the siblings were “husband” to their common wife, only
the eldest represented the family both socially and legally. As already mentioned, not only
did he have exclusive right and access to ancestral wealth but all the children were
considered his offspring even if biologically his siblings had fathered them. All the children
referred to the eldest as “o&T or father while all the siblings were labeled as “aku” or uncle
although a particular child may look exactly like one of them. If the age difference between
the eldest and the youngest male sibling is great, the youngest brother usually resents having
to accept an older woman for a wife. For all these reasons, it is said that the wife has to be
very skillful and understanding to keep all her husbands happy. If she shows any preference
to one of the siblings over others, there is usually discord and bickering in the family.
But this form of marriage is virtually extinct now in Lo- there were about five
households that practiced fraternal polyandry in 1995. These were all of the older
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generation.1 6 6 In one case, it had actually started off as monogamous marriages. Nupu and
his brother had monogamous marriage with two women who were sisters. Nupu and his wife
did not have any offspring so later on they adopted one of his brother’s sons. Then his
brother’s wife died and Nupu and his brother decided to share his wife in a polygamous
relationship. There are no cases of the younger (below 30 years of age) Lobas engaging in
polyandry in the town of Lo Monthang. Monogamous marriages are the standard practice
now. In the past monogamy was also practiced but only by the very wealthy and high caste
families (as in Tibet). All land belonged to them and since they also owned slaves and had
access to corvee labor, they did not have to worry about land fragmentation or labor shortage
and thus they were the only ones practicing monogamy. Since the Kutak class comprised a
very small percentage of the total Loba population, monogamous marriages were few
whereas the rest of the population was compelled to practice polyandry.
As mentioned earlier, monogamy is now dominant. This trend towards monogamy
can be attribute to many factors like changes in the political, legal, social and other spheres.
The abolition of slavery and the introduction of new land tenure system was the initial step
that helped usher in monogamy. But it was primarily the influence of non-Tibetan cultures
from the southern parts that made monogamy widespread. After the invasion of Tibet by
China, their historical ties with Tibet were totally severed and the Lobas were forced to
nurture new ties with their southern neighbors who all practiced monogamy. Furthermore,
the new dominant influence was now the Hindu culture of Kathmandu that not only
advocated monogamy but made polyandry and polygamy illegal. The younger generations
1 6 6 This accounts for only the active polyandry households while other households either have no older
generations alive or if they are, they are widows or widower.
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have all been weaned on these new values and hence prefer monogamy to polyandry. This
has been further strengthened by the modem ideals of love marriage, which has taken roots
amongst the new generation not only via modem education but mainly through the media
particularly through Indian films which are very popular throughout Nepal. The most
conspicuous consequence of this trend was that most families experienced labor shortage for
agricultural tasks since siblings were now choosing their own spouses and establishing
separate households.
Although the legal code of Nepal gives equal rights to all siblings regarding the
ancestral property, the traditional customary law of primogeniture still prevails in Lo. The
younger siblings could claim inheritance rights in any court in Nepal and legally win their
case but this is never done since most people all over Mustang view the Nepali legal system
with mistrust and suspicion. Thus, in most cases, the ancestral land is passed down from one
generation to another almost intact. It must be noted that these days the younger siblings are
given some fields and capital (not a substantial but a token amount) after they marry and
establish a separate household. This is more advantageous than the traditional custom
whereby they got nothing. Still its is less than what they could claim legally but which
entails prolonged court appearances at indiscriminate times and contending with a system,
which they do not understand. This minor concession does reduce slightly the land size
holdings per household but does not totally fragment them as would have happened if all the
siblings were given equal share. Recently, some households have begun to adopt a more
equitable distribution among the male siblings of ancestral property. One Loba who had split
the family property more or less equally amongst three brothers confided to me that maybe
the old system of polyandry was better. He said that his share of fields was not only
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insufficient to meet the needs of his family but that he had to hire expensive labor during
planting and harvesting season. He was also worried that if he split what he had amongst his
four sons equally, they would each inherit only a small parcel of land, which would be
virtually useless. Many Lobas also expressed the same sentiment that probably polyandry
was right for Lo, but they were resigned to the fact that the younger generation would never
accept it particularly since they themselves had opted for monogamy. Since Loba society is
patriarchal and patrilineal, in both monogamy and polyandry, the post marital residency is
patrilocal.
There is another form of marriage which is monogamous in nature but which was
also practiced by the commoners. It is called “mhakpa” marriage. This occurs when a family
has only daughters and no male offspring. To secure the continuity of the family property,
the eldest daughter marries a man who agrees to move into the wife’s household. He is
called a “mhakpa,” or resident son-in-law. Few Lobas have any desire to be a mhakpa since
the position of a mhakpa is a very subservient one. On one hand, the mhakpa forfeits all
rights to his own ancestral property while on the other he has no rights to his wife’s
inheritance which is passed on directly to his children. It is extremely difficult for him to
obtain a divorce and even if he does, he will walk out with nothing of his wife’s inheritance.
In fact, he can be expelled from the household at any time for a multitude of reasons like
having an extramarital affair, being lazy or quarrelsome, or drinking too much etc. For these
reasons the mhakpa carries very little prestige in Loba society. Therefore, the only Lobas
willing to enter this arrangement are ones from very poor families who do not have any or
much ancestral land or wealth and who are not the first bom. Even though the position of a
mhakpa is not a very desirable one, the girl’s family will seek someone who is of the same
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caste and who is industrious since he is an additional hand to the family labor pool and the
only young male worker. In this arrangement, the post-marital residency is obviously
uxorilocal.
The traditional Loba wedding ceremony is simple (except those of the rich and
powerful Kutaks1 6 7 ) but Loba funeral rites by contrast, are quite elaborate. When a person is
near death and about to die, a monk (preferably the abbot) is called to help the dying person.
The monk will narrate the Phok prayer or instructions in which the dying person is
encouraged to visualize certain deities while the monk recites the appropriate mantras and
prayers. It is believed that if the dying person follows the instructions properly, he or she can
achieve liberation and enter heaven directly. But if the person dies before the arrival of the
monk then sanctified water called Chilap should be sprinkled on the body by the monk or
others but without touching the body. In fact, under no circumstance should a corpse be
touched before the Chi has been performed. It is considered polluting, dangerous and
inauspicious to touch a corpse.1 6 8
Chi is a kind of divination and there are several kinds of Chi like Pakchi, Sinchi, etc.
that are used for different purposes. For determining the funerary procedure the Sinchi is
applied. This is done by designated specialists only- mainly by Amchi Tashi Chusang (and
his two sons) and another Nagpa man. They take turns in offering this service. When a
1 6 7 No such wedding took place during the field study but I was later informed that a Kutak wedding took place
on a grand scale involving many important people from many areas and the feasts are more elaborate.
1 6 8 One winter a corpse of an Indian woman was discovered in the abandoned building o f the police office
(during the winter the office is closed and all personnel move south). Apparently, she was mentally ill and had
been wandering throughout Mustang ill clad and ill fed. Everyone said that the body should be disposed
immediately since the hungry village dogs would definitely try to eat the flesh (the body was extremely
emaciated with no flesh at all) and that was considered very inauspicious. But nobody stepped forward to handle
the body and no amount o f coaxing could persuade them to pitch in. In the end, the non-Lobas o f ACAP and the
author moved the body down to the river and threw it into the water.
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person dies, the horoscope of the deceased is consulted. Various other factors are also
computed and then divinations performed. These will determine the cause of death, the mode
of handling the body, the direction the body has to face, the obstacles that have to be
overcome in performing the funerary rites, the realm where rebirth will take place, the day,
time and method of body disposal, etc. If the Chi decrees that the corpse needs to be handled
by an animal, then a leg of a dead goat or sheep is employed. The corpse is first touched or
shaken by the animal leg and only then can humans handle the body.
But not all people may touch the body.Ppeople bom under certain signs (according
to the Chinese Zodiac calendar) should not handle the body1 6 9 - this too is determined in the
Chi reading. This applies also to the monks who are called to conduct the funeral rites. To
overcome this prohibition, the officiating monk makes some drawings accompanied by a
short ritual, which makes it permissible for anyone to touch the body. The monk or monks
then undress the corpse and push aside the clothes with the animal leg. The body is placed
upright cross-legged in a lotus position in a comer of a room. It must be placed facing the
cardinal direction dictated by the Chi readings. A blanket or sheet is wrapped around the
body. A menlam or prayer offering is recited and then a Vajrasattava puja or ritual must be
conducted on the first day. This ritual is repeated every seventh day until the conclusion of
the ritual on the 49th day. From the first day onwards, a monk1 7 0 will continually recite the
Bardo Thodol1 7 1 , day and night, for forty-nine days. On every seventh day, more monks will
join to conduct the rituals and on those days it gets noisier and more elaborate.
1 6 9 If the Chi says that the body needs to be touched by a goat leg, then people whose birth signs are monkey or
pig can touch the body but all other signs are prohibited from having any physical contact.
1 7 0 Wealthier households will commission more than one monk to do the recitation.
1 7 1 Known to the West as “The Tibetan Book of the Dead.”
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A butter lamp is kept lit day and night in front of the body for the entire duration of
the rites. Three times a day, the designated monk has to make food offerings to the deceased.
Chya (salted butter tea) and Sur (all kinds of foods mixed in flour) are offered to the
departed person by putting it in the fire lit in front of the body. These offerings are
accompanied by recitations called Surmae and they are performed around 8am, 1 pm and 5
pm every day. The family is kept busy preparing all the necessary ingredients and materials
for the rituals. Relatives and friends visit the family with a plate of flour or rice for
condolence. There is much crying and bereavement, particularly amongst the female
members and visitors.
The household members must observe certain restrictions as a sign of mourning.
They cannot take a bath, comb hair, wash or change clothes for the entire forty-nine days.
They must also abstain from singing or dancing. The 49th day after the death of a person is
the most important day. It is not only the concluding day when the disposal of the body takes
place but it is also believed to be the day that the departed soul will take rebirth. At the
prescribed time according to the Chi divination, the last rites according to the Bardo Thodol
are carried out. On this day, many monks are invited to perform the rituals. Then a further
last propitiatory prayer offering is made to Jyamba (Kubera in Sanskrit), the deity of
prosperity and well being, to ensure that the wealth and luck of the family does not leave
with the corpse. The monks then leave the house in a single file. Usually, the time of
departure is very early in the morning but that is determined by C h i.1 7 2 The leading monk
will blow on the thighbone horn to clear the way for the funeral procession. The body is
1 7 2 One departure I witnessed took place around 5 am while the other one was around 7 am. but informants say
that it can even happen at night.
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carried out of the house on the back of a person. The monks and the family members
accompany the deceased for some distance out of town. From that point only one monk, the
oldest amongst the participating monks, will accompany the body to the funeral site. He will
be accompanied by the disposal specialists (usually the village butchers) and other helpers.
The body is disposed off according to the Chi consultation. There are four possible
disposal methods that the Chi can ascertain: sky burial, ground burial, water burial or
cremation. For the general populace, no matter which manner of disposal is prescribed, it
ends up being a sky burial which entails chopping up the body into small pieces and feeding
it to the vultures. If for example, the Chi demands disposal by fire, a tiny piece of flesh is
first cremated as token offering. Having fulfilled the dictates of the Chi, the body can then be
disposed by sky burial. This holds true also for water or ground burial. The reason for this is
that cremation requires a lot of wood fuel, which is a scarce and precious commodity. So
only the very wealthy can afford to cremate their dead. Water disposal, which entails
throwing the corpse into the river, has potential hazards that the Lobas do not like to risk- the
body can be washed ashore somewhere down the river course and be consumed by the
village dogs. This is considered very inauspicious and also dangerous because the dogs
having had physical contact with the dead can then pollute the whole community.
Furthermore, the water level in the rivers is low during the winter months and the
temperatures are freezing. The same fear of dogs and other wild animals digging up the
corpse prevents the Lobas from undertaking a ground burial. Additionally, the ground is
frozen hard during the colder season and digging deep becomes impossible. For these
reasons, the most practical and efficient method is the sky burial.
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There are several sites where sky burial is performed. If the fields have been planted,
then the western sites can be used otherwise the northern site near the river must be used.
The corpse is taken to the designated site and placed on a platform. The monk sits at a
distance from the platform and bums specially prepared juniper incense powder on a small
pile of charcoal embers. This will purify the area. Then he performs a ritual prayer called
Sang Sergin to appease the deities of Lo Monthang for the funerary act is considered
polluting. He also performs the Chyakup (Chyaku~vultures) ritual prayer which is an
invocation that invites the vultures to feast on the corpse. Sometime during these rituals, the
monk indicates when it is time for the disposal experts to start chopping the body into small
pieces. The monk recites mantras accompanied by the appropriate hand mudras and the
ringing of bell and blowing of hom.
When the body has been chopped and scattered around the platform, all the people
move away some distance from the platform and wait for the vultures. Inevitably a few
vultures appear high up in the sky and slowly start to descend and land at some distance
from the corpse. Soon more and more vultures descend and mingle around the body parts but
hesitate to consume it. Lobas believe that the vultures will not start to feed until the “King
vulture” comes and eats first. It was difficult to verify this since all the birds looked alike
and from a distance it was impossible to tell which one was the first to eat.
There is a lot of squabbling and fighting amongst the birds but eventually the more
courageous vultures cautiously snatch the nearest pieces of flesh. Promptly, there is frenzy as
most of the birds start to feed and fight over the pieces. After the scavengers have consumed
most of the corpse, there will always be some body parts that are too big for the birds to
swallow and these will be chopped into smaller pieces and tossed to the vultures. Only when
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every part of the corpse has been completely consumed will the skull be crushed and fed to
the vultures as the finale. It is believed that the vultures love human brain (there may be
some truth to that since there was a mad scramble for it when the skull was smashed) and if
it is offered first then the vultures will depart and will not consume the rest of the body. By
waiting till the very end the body gets completely devoured. With nothing left to eat, all the
vultures slowly take to the sky.
It is said that sometimes the vultures don’t come.1 7 3 And even after repeated
invocation if the vultures do not appear, it is said that the monk will himself consume a small
piece of flesh and blow on the horn to call the birds and then they will come. Since contact
with the dead is considered polluting, any ritual ingredients that are left over are thrown into
the charcoal embers and all the participants must be purified before entering the village and
one’s house. This is done either by blowing incense smoke all over the body or by stepping
over a blazing fire.
After the funeral, the family prepares balls of rice that have to be distributed to the
relatives and to the rest of the villages. The portions destined for relatives are delivered to
their homes while for the villagers it is distributed in the village plaza- a ball of rice is given
to whoever comes along.
From this brief description of a sky burial, it can be seen why this is the most
pragmatic and efficient method of corpse disposal-requiring only disposal experts, vultures
and an officiating monk all of which are available in Lo. Also this method is not subject to
seasonal variations, for example, sky burial can be undertaken even in the winter months.
1 7 3 This is said to happen when the deceased has been a very bad person and has accumulated a lot o f negative
karma.
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There was another kind of funerary practice that is very unique to Lo-it is probably
found nowhere else in the world. It is called Michyung. It must be emphasized that this is no
longer practiced now but occurred in the past. The michyung was undertaken only under
very specific circumstances. If a family had experienced three or four consecutive cases of
child mortality (stillborn or dead soon after birth), particularly of sons, then a small hole
was made in the wall of the house and the remains of the last dead child put there. The hole
was sealed up and mud plastered. This was supposed to ensure the survival of the next child.
Michyung is no longer performed because the child mortality rate has dropped with
improved health care and education. Even in the old days, successive multiple child deaths
were not an everyday occurrence and so it can be inferred that michyung was most likely
sporadically practiced but it was obviously prevalent enough to have elicited this tradition.
Lobas mention that when some old houses are demolished, tiny skeletons are sometimes
found buried in the walls. This practice is said to have stopped about 50 years ago.
C. Institutions in Lo Monthang:
There are several institutions in Lo that influence or impact the life of every Loba.
Some institutions like the Loba monarchy, monastery and village management committee
are all traditional institutions that have historically shaped the unique Loba lifestyle and are
still to this day intimately intertwined with Loba life. But within the last two decades, new
institutions have made their way into Loba society- some are more relevant than others to the
Loba society.
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1) Monarchy:
From the analysis of the history of Lo, it is clear that Lo monarchy originated as a
result of a military campaign in a feudalistic environment of the Tibetan empire. Therefore,
unlike the traditional monarchies in Africa, Polynesia, the Americas and some states in Asia,
the Lo monarchy did not claim divine origin, and was never endowed with supernatural
powers or assigned sacred status. It did, however, assert a direct lineage to the Yarlung
dynasty to which some accounts attribute divine origin. The absence of spiritual or religious
status did not mean that the Lo monarchy was without power.'7 4 In feet, it wielded absolute
political power.
Right from the very beginning there was separation of the crown and the church. But
this did not undermine the authority of the king since the principal abbot, the highest
religious authority in Lo, was inevitably his brother. Consequently, the state and the church
not only complemented each other as universally found throughout the world but in Lo the
relationship was strengthened by the fact that the same ruling family controlled both
institutions. Except for spiritual power, the Lo monarchy had absolute and ultimate judicial,
administrative, military, economic and political authority.
Lo kingship was inherited by the rules of primogeniture. The eldest son was heir to
the throne while the second son usually joined the monastic order and eventually became the
abbot. The Loba monarchy thus emulated the model of the traditional Tibetan kingship.
Loba kings took only Tibetan aristocratic nobility for their queens.1 7 5 Unlike the rest of Loba
society, Loba kings did not practice polyandry. They engaged primarily in monogamous
1 7 4 The relationship between divine origin and concentration of power is not always correspondent although in
most cases they go together. For the exception see Evans-Pritchard, 1948.
1 7 5 Some Loba historical accounts mention marriage alliances with Lhadaki royalty.
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marriages although it can be safely inferred that there were probably times when polygynous
marriages took place since it was an effective tool for forming political alliances as amply
demonstrated by the accounts in Tibet’s history mentioned earlier.1 7 6
In the highly stratified Loba society, the monarchy plays a very vital and pivotal
role. The king is the source from which the caste and class division emanates. He is,
therefore, the sole person who has the legitimate authority to restore any imbalance in the
system. As already mentioned earlier, a Loba who has engaged in activities (of
commensality or sex with impure caste members) that cause caste pollution will loose his
caste status and can also be excommunicated depending on the severity of the pollution.
Only one person can reinstate the defaulter- the King. In many other cultures, the prerogative
of restoring purity or granting absolution falls under the jurisdiction of the spiritual head or
priestly castes. But in Lo, the abbot has no such powers. Only the king has this authority.
Depending on the nature of the pollution, he will restore the defaulter’s caste and class by
using the sher meh (gold-fire) or sher chu (gold-water) purification method. Therefore, in
matters of caste, it can be said that there are no compromises and that such issues must be
resolved directly by the monarch using rituals described earlier. The King must perform the
rituals himself and in person and cannot use a proxy. From this aspect the Loba monarchy
remains indispensable to maintain the caste and class social structure.
But there is now a legal dilemma that has not yet come to a head but could in the
future. The very critical function of the monarchy as the source, upholder and preserver of
the caste system runs counter to the modem state legal code that has made the caste system
1 7 6 When the present King’s brother died, it is said that he was willing to take his brother’s widow as his principal
wife even though he was already married.
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illegal throughout Nepal. Yet in Lo, it is this very function that gives the Lo King his
authority and status. It must be pointed out that although the caste system is illegal, it
continues to operate- covertly in most instances but overtly in remote village communities
throughout Nepal although it is becoming less prevalent and effective. Like in other remote
areas throughout Nepal, in Lo too the state decreed laws and legal codes take a back seat to
customary laws and traditional practices nor is there likely to be any change or challenge to
the caste system in the near future. Furthermore, the historical centrality of the monarchy
makes any opposition even more difficult. But eventually the expansion of education and
communication is bound to make the people more aware of their legal rights. When that
happens will the legitimacy of the monarchy be challenged? Or will the monarchy resolve
this paradox before it becomes a threat? Before answering these questions one needs to
consider the multitude of functions that the monarchy fulfills.
One of the most important services that the king provides to the Loba people is in
dispute resolutions. This judicatory function is of paramount importance in a place like Lo
where the modem state legal system is non-existent. The nearest Nepali court is three days’
journey south by foot, in Jomsom, the district headquarters. Furthermore, the court in
Jomsom is virtually inoperative. Historically, the people of Mustang have rarely utilized the
state legal system- those that did were all community leaders vying for leadership and power
(mainly the Thakali Subbas and non-Thakalis1 7 7 ) but the common people never took their
grievances to the state court. Traditional village councils, leaders or elders always resolved
such conflicts. To this day, most people are reluctant to resort to state justice and so the court
in Jomsom remains idle for most of the time,
1 7 7 For exact cases see Vinding, 1998.
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For the Lobas, there are insurmountable hurdles when involved in Nepali legal
courts. First, there is the language barrier. Most Lobas do not have a very comprehensive
mastery of the Nepali language, the only speech form used in the courts. Second, in the event
that a Loba has exceptional command over the language, the legal terminology will still
remain incomprehensible. This is true even for a well-educated Nepali whose mother tongue
is Nepali because the legal jargon is not only ambiguous and obscure but is written in the old
traditional and antiquated style. Third, for these reasons, a lawyer has to be employed. And
since there are no Loba lawyers or even lawyers from Mustang district, communication is a
major issue. Then there is the question of the lawyer’s fee, which cannot be ascertained
because the case can drag on for a long time. Because the lawyers get paid by the time spent
on any particular case, it is in the interest of lawyers from both sides to stretch the lawsuit for
as long as they can. A lawyer did admit that they do indeed prolong most cases so that they
remain employed for longer periods. Being ignorant of the basic legal procedures and
processes makes them not only totally dependent on their own lawyers but easily exploited.
Fourth, lawsuits usually take many summons and hearings before it is resolved. For a Loba,
just commuting to and from the court is both time-consuming and expensive. Moreover, the
summons can be issued at any time and if it falls during the planting or harvesting seasons, it
can adversely affect the agricultural productivity or the family budget. One needs to spare at
least four days just for travel time and that too if a horse is used. If on foot, it will take at
least six days. This does not include the days one may have to stay in Jomsom. Four to six
days of absence from an important agricultural activity can be disastrous particularly if there
is a acute shortage of labor. And labor is expensive if one has to hire extra hand to cover the
shortage. Furthermore, if the case entailed serving subpoenas to other villagers as witnesses,
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it would be equally detrimental to them as well for all the above-mentioned reasons. It is
little wonder then that the Lobas virtually never utilize the state legal system. They prefer
their traditional mode of conflict resolution.
On the other hand, the customary method used to settle any conflict depends on the
nature and severity of the conflict. Minor personal conflicts or infringements are resolved at
the personal level without involving anybody else. One of the parties involved in the conflict
will tender formal apology by presenting a bottle of chang with a khata wrapped around its
neck. Usually there is also a token cash offering- either put in the folds of the khata or placed
near the bottle. In most cases this form of apology is accepted and the offence forgiven.
Since Loba society is highly stratified, it is generally the person of the lower rank in caste
and class that inevitably ends up making the apology. Most conflicts of this nature are
frequently the result of inebriation- when sober, a Loba of lower caste and class standing
will avoid any altercation with another of higher status. But when drunk, they can sometimes
be oblivious to the people and situation around them and they can say or do things that can
be perceived as insulting or offending.
A common example is one that I witnessed. In one of the popular inns, a young
“Gurung” Loba was drinking quite steadily. At first he started to talk about all the hardships
he had to endure to get where he was (he had managed to accumulate some wealth by then).
But as he got more drunk he got progressively more and more belligerent. He began to
harass anybody who was near him and so people began to leave. With only a few people
remaining, he began to pick on me but I managed to slip away without much difficulty since
he was quite oblivious of his surroundings. The next day I learned that soon after my
departure a “Bista” man had dropped in. Incapable of discriminating, the Bista man was also
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not spared. Feeling insulted, the Bista man hit the intoxicated person and before he could
inflict further violence, others stopped him. The next day the Gurung man went to apologize
to the Bista man and when I met him on the street, he appeared extremely sheepish and
embarrassed.
If those involved cannot resolve personal conflicts then the intervention of
respected village leaders is sought first before taking the case to the palace. When the
conflict cannot be resolved by the village leaders or elders or they refuse to get involved,
only then will the Lobas approach the King for justice. As much as possible, the common
people will try to settle their differences at the lower level since the King’s decision is not
only final but also completely binding. Whatever his decision, it must be honored since there
is no higher authority to which to appeal the verdict. It is the finality and the gravity of the
judgment that makes this judiciary system functional and useful to the Lobas as both parties
are compelled to abide by the rulings. So the King’s decision is sought only as a last resort
when all other methods have failed.
Theoretically, all Lobas have access to this system but in practice it is a little more
difficult for Lobas from distant villages with no social ties to some of the elite. To seek royal
justice, one has to first have access to the palace. Since the King lives on the fourth floor of
the palace guarded by fierce mastiffs, one cannot simply walk into the palace. Besides the
dogs (which are tied most of the time but still feared), one needs to find out when the King is
free to hear the pleas. Since that is known only to the palace staff or to those who have
unfettered access to the palace (mostly the Kutaks and some village leaders), a connection to
these people is helpful. Then a time has to be scheduled for the hearings. Because the verdict
is unpredictable, it is advantageous if one can convince a Kutak to plead
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on your behalf, or to at least obtain his advice before appearing before the King. For those
Lobas who have no such connections (applicable mainly to those from remote villages), it is
difficult to get an audience. If these “outsider” Lobas know someone from the town of Lo
Monthang then they can request him or her to approach one of the Kutaks that they have a
connection with and request for advise or help. In case they have no such connections, they
will seek out relatives, friends or fictive kin called nechyang who knows somebody in Lo
Monthang and request their help in getting access to the palace. The residents of Monthang
all have the potential to be power brokers vis-a-vis the peripheral villages.
Likewise in theory, all Lobas of Monthang have access to the King because they
have the opportunity to approach him directly when he comes out of the palace. He is often
in the fields with the laborers during planting and harvesting seasons. Or one could catch his
attention when he performs the kora (a circumambulation usually accompanied by the
chanting of mantras; walking around the whole town in this case) every morning around
5:30-6 am. In practice, this direct approach is rarely done. Even residents of Monthang will
try to enlist the help of a Kutak. So a patron client relationship often develops with the
Kutaks acting as powerbrokers. However, within the last decade it has been easier for people
to have direct access without having to go through an intermediary. After listening to both
sides and cross examining them, the King often proposes a compromise; at other times he
will give his verdict favoring one party and if there are liabilities or damages incurred he will
assess the amount and make the guilty party pay it. If there are any fines imposed, it goes to
the royal treasury and in most cases both parties have to pay some penalty. It is also for the
latter reason that people use this form of resolution as the last resort.
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The importance of this judiciary system is not so much in resolving personal
differences, although this service cannot be undervalued, but in settling disputes between
factions or between villages where whole communities can get involved. Factional disputes
are often caused by personalities who vie for leadership position in the community. This can
be between actors from traditional rival factions or families trying to outdo each other or
between the older leaders and new emergent ones. With the advent of democracy and the
multi-party system, there are now diverse political ideologies that have created their own
leaderships and their respective factions or parties. As one Loba put it, “Nowadays we have
too many leaders all fighting for the chair”. If the leading personalities clash, their followers
also tend to get embroiled and the conflict cannot be easily resolved. Inevitably the King is
called to intercede. This open conflict for leadership has not occurred in Lo Monthang since
the King still reigns supreme and nobody has enough courage or the following to challenge
that. But in other villages like Geling and Samar such power conflicts have arisen. This kind
of problem can be very detrimental to a community and so a quick resolution is essential
which is provided by this judiciary system. The most important role of the King as a
mediator and judge is manifest when there are inter villages conflicts- mainly over water and
grazing rights both of which evoke highly charged emotion and passion. Cultivation is
possible only where irrigation is available. As there is a shortage of water for irrigation, an
infringement on the source of water or its availability is a grave concern and the Lobas take
it very seriously. In the past, villages have fought violently over water disputes (one
occurred between Phowa and Lo).
The same goes for grazing rights. Animal husbandry is very important to a Loba and
with insufficient grazing areas to support all the animals, there is a premium on pastureland.
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Since there are no marked boundaries or fences indicating the range belonging to a village,
some animals will inevitably stray and the straying animals are usually impounded and fines
imposed. This especially happens to animals of neighboring villages. Tensions can rise if the
transgressions are frequent or occur during the drier years or at times of drought. To resolve
these more serious inter-village disputes, the King often travels to these villages to talk to the
people, examine any written documents or claims and also to review the physical situation.
His decision is binding and final. In such cases, he will make the representatives of both
villages sign a document of agreement accepting his ruling. If any party fails to uphold the
agreement, they will have to contend with the monarch. Since he can impose heavy fines
and/or punishment on the defaulters there is little incentive to default. The historical
acknowledgement of his authority is what gives the King so much power to maintain law
and order for he has no army or military body to impose his rule. In fact the only manpower
he has is a bodyguard and several palace workers. But as in the past, the King still has the
ability to easily rally the Kutaks and other Lobas into an effective enforcing body should he
so desire or the need arise. In addition, as leader and chief administrator of Lo he can now
call upon the state police force (which has a small contingent of personnel in Lo Monthang)
to make arrests or maintain peace and security. Thus, the monarchy is providing not only law
and order but is also the linchpin that is holding the Loba society from fragmenting from the
conflicts of “too many leaders”. This is also obvious from the following example. The King
has a vast holding of agricultural fields. It seems that he found it more and more difficult to
manage them and had wanted to dispose of all his holdings but the people would not allow
him to do so citing that if he had no fields, there would be chaos during planting and
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harvesting seasons since the traditional order in which things were done would be disrupted
and that would lead to many conflicts. So he was compelled to hold on to his fields.
The monarchy also oversees the administrative body- mainly in Lo Monthang and to
some extent throughout Lo. In the past it is believed that the monarchy was more actively
involved in the administration of his kingdom. But these days, others conduct the daily
administration. In Lo Monthang, there are two parallel administrative branches as a result of
the synthesis of the traditional and the new or modem models. The traditional Village
Administration is called Chimae Mitu comprising of elites and commoners. The monarch
nominates one person to this council but he is not directly involved. However, this
administrative body always consults and seeks the opinion and endorsement of the king in
all major issues and decisions. Nothing important is undertaken without his consent. So even
though the king is not officially part of the administrative body, in reality he is the chief
executive head. This council still controls and operates over areas that it has historically
managed and in a fashion that is still very traditional. As for the other villages, he
administers through proxy. Most village leaders are the elite Kutaks (if they are represented
in the village) who owe allegiance to the king. These leaders demonstrate their allegiance to
the king and their solidarity by meeting annually during the Tenji festival in the palace. In
the early 1960s when the Panchayat System was introduced throughout the kingdom of
Nepal, Lo was also obliged to adopt the new administrative system. Accordingly it was
divided into six Panchayats; the name of which has now been changed1 7 8 to VDC (Village
Development Committee or Gaun Bikas Samiti in Nepali). Each VDC was divided into nine
1 7 8 The change was instituted by the new democratic government in an effort to eliminate any vestiges o f the
autocratic Panchayat regime.
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wards. A VDC Chairman, Vice-Chairman, (Pradhan Pancha and Upapradhan Pancha in the
old Panchayat system) Secretary, Treasurer and committee members elected from among the
representatives of the various wards would form the main administrative body for that
particular village or villages. There was (and is) no conflict or overlapping between the VDC
and the Chimae Mitu because the only activities that the VDCs managed were
“development” related projects and special governmental directives, which did not interfere
or contradict with the traditional management system.
This new VDC system was meant to be more democratic and representative but
throughout most of rural Nepal, the traditional elites and leaders co-opted the system to their
own advantage or to maintain their traditional hold. And Lo was no exception. Although the
new system really did not have much use or impact on the lives of the Lobas, the position of
VDC Chairman was inevitably taken by the nobility because of the prestige attached to it
and the financial resources it provided. So the Kutaks monopolized the chairmanship of the
VDC in Monthang. In fact, for many years the Queen was the Chairman during the
Panchayat era. It is only recently that a non -Kutak has held that position but even then he is a
very wealthy and prominent figure in the society. No matter who the Chairman is, he or she
(as in the case of the Queen) will without fail confer with the king and seek his counsel. It is
the tradition in Loba society (a characteristic of highly stratified society) to show reverence
to your superior. If someone of higher caste and class is available, the person of the lower
rank will seek the consent and advise of the higher caste member even if the lower ranked
person has a higher political or administrative position. An example will illustrate this
important custom.
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During one winter, there was heavy snow all around Lo Monthang. Some staff
members of ACAP (Annapurna Conservation Area Project) expressed concern that the wall
frescoes in the Chamba monastery could be destroyed when the snow melted and the water
seeped through the cracks in the roof. It was suggested that covering the roof and the parapet
walls with plastic could prevent the seepage from occurring. But first the snow would have
to be shoveled off the roof and labor was not readily available since over half the people had
migrated south. The VDC Vice-Chairman, Angel Bista, was present when this conversation
took place. He declared that he would provide the labor if ACAP would contribute the
plastic required. ACAP agreed to his terms. Then he quickly said that he would first have to
confer with Pema Rinzin Bista, that “Big people have to be consulted before doing
anything.” Since the king and the Chairman had migrated and was not in Monthang, he as
the Vice-Chair was the next highest-ranking administrative figure. But Pema Rinzin was of
higher social ranking because he was not only a pure Kutak (Angel was diluted) but also the
brother-in-law of the king. Even though Pema Rinzin had no political or executive position,
his consensus was not only critical but essential because of his caste and class standing. If
this kind of respect is extended to a high-ranking Kutak, the monarch will command
complete consultation. When government officials, politicians or any agency representative
visit Lo, they will call on the king and solicit his opinion, recognizing the fact that the king is
in fact the chief executive head. Consequently whether through the new political system or
the old traditional custom, the king is effectively in controll of the administration of Lo.
The monarchy also has certain public duties that it performs. One of the most visible
and spectacular is during the three-day Tenji festival. For the last two days of the festival,
the king must appear adorned in the finest attire, ornaments, jewelry and special hats and
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surrounded by the nobility and leaders all dressed up for the occasion.1 7 9 He primarily graces
the event but also performs a few rituals (described later in the section on festivals). Both his
appearance and acts are loaded with symbolic meanings that save to reinforce his authority
and power. The palace chapel is also used to facilitate this festival. He also attends the Lama
Tenji festival, which takes place about a month later in the Chhoede monastery. But this
festival lasts only for a day and is not as spectacular. The king does not bedeck himself for
this event nor does he perform any ritual but his presence is crucial. The king presides over
all important village meetings when requested to do so. He entertains VIPs (also
international VIPs now) and other high officials that visit Lo. As an extension of this
traditional hospitality, has come a new obligation- to receive tourists. Many tourists who
come to Lo want an audience with the king and want to visit the palace so to keep the
tourists happy, he is expected to meet and talk to them. The government of Nepal has
granted him the rank of an honorary lieutenant colonel and a stipend. So officially he must
occasionally present himself at the royal court in Kathmandu especially during exceptional
national celebrations like a royal wedding or coronation. He is also authorized to oversee the
border security and deal with any local disputes between Lobas and Tibetans or Chinese
officials- mainly on trade and animal or grazing issues. He has led many negotiations teams
regarding these problems with Chinese and Tibetan authorities. As the central government
and development agencies institute new projects and programs, he is often entreated to
inaugurate or dedicate these undertakings.
1 7 9 The Queen may sometimes accompany the King but she seldom makes public appearances since her health is
a bit frail.
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The monarchy also has a hand in the agro-economic sector of Lo. In the past, only
the aristocrats were permitted to own cultivated land and the king had the largest holdings.
Furthermore, all uncultivated public land was considered the property of the king. He could
demand corvee labor from the people to work his vast fields. After the land reform acts were
promulgated throughout Nepal, the king sold off many of his cultivated land to the people
who were now able to own the land they worked on. But they were still required to perform
corvee service to the palace. To this day, the people provide labor to the palace during
planting and harvesting seasons but now they get fed and paid a token wage whereas in the
past they had to eat their own food and work for free. Because the palace owns so much
cultivated land, it has a food surplus. The excess grains are rented out for seeds to those who
need them for the next season and the remainder are traded or sold.
Another economic area impacted by the palace is trade. The monarchy has
historically engaged in trade, primarily with Tibet. Mustang was one of the main trading
routes between Tibet and Nepal (and ultimately India) and the revenue generated by taxing
the commodities that passed through this route gave the palace enormous wealth. Moreover,
the palace itself engaged in the business of trade either directly or by proxy, further
increasing the royal coffer. The main bulk of the trade was the barter of Tibetan salt for
Nepali grain. Even though this trade has dwindled to a trickle, the king still does business
with Tibet (now part of China) but on a limited scale. With the demise of the barter trade and
the introduction of the cash system, the king now lends money to other traders and collects
interest.
Another source of income for the palace is animal husbandry. The king is one of
three Monthang residents who own yaks and he has the largest herd. The herd provides
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wool, cheese and yak butter which is commonly used for making Tibetan salt tea and is
always in high demand. But the most important contribution of the yak herds is the dung
which when sold can bring a tidy income since it is the main and only source of fuel for all
Loba households. The palace also owns several hundred sheep that provide wool mainly
destined for the markets in the cities. The animals can also be sold in the meat market.
Finally, the palace is intimately interlinked with the religious organization of Lo. In
theory, these two institutions- the monarchy and the monastery- are supposed to be separate
and independent but in reality they are inter-dependent and co-operative. Since the abbot
was always the monk sibling of the king, both institutions fitted like hand and glove. From
the historical accounts it is clear that the Lo kings were chiefly responsible for establishing
the monasteries and spreading the Buddhist religion in Lo. Conversely the monasteries
legitimized the rule and secular authority of the king. In the past the monasteries were not
only supported and financed by the palace but they also belonged to the king. It is said that
both the Thubchen and Chamba monasteries were later handed over to the people and now
they are the property of the village. But to this day, the king is still regarded as the patron
and protector of the Buddhist religion.
Opening up of Lo to the outside world has thrust upon him or has given him the
opportunity to perform tasks beyond the confines of his own region and the nation. In 1995,
the king (and the crown prince) was invited by the American Himalayan Foundation of San
Francisco, an organization that was involved in the development of Lo, to visit the US to
help raise funds for the organization. The foundation is headed by Richard Blum, the
husband of Senator Dianne Fienstien who has been serving as the honorary consulor for
Nepal and was rewarded for his service and influence by being allowed to visit Lo in 1990
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before it was officially opened to tourists. It seems the king’s visit to the US helped the
Foundation raise enough money to fund some projects in Lo. Besides being a fund-raising
event, the trip was also personally motivated- an all expense paid VIP trip (unofficial visit to
the White House, dinner with leading politicians, Disney Land, tour of LA by helicopter,
etc.) would by itself have been enough incentive. After his trip to the US, he was invited to
Japan for a similar mission and some German donors were also toying with the same idea.
But for reasons that will be explained later, he was compelled to turn down the offer.
From this description it is clear that the Lo monarchy has many functions and serves
the Loba society in various ways. Its significance is obvious particularly in the absence of
any modern state or other institutions (no courts, executive offices, banks, etc.). But it must
also be emphasized that all this comes with a price. If a person feels that he has not received
fair ruling by the king, there is no higher authority to appeal his case. There are bound to be
such instances since the king is just another human being subject to personal prejudices and
emotions. Furthermore, there are no legal codes that he is bound to follow and all decisions
are based solely on his own discretion. The amount and types of fines and punishments are
also subject to his will. Inevitably such a judiciary system is fraught with nepotism and in a
highly stratified society like that of the Loba, it is stacked against the lowest ranking
echelon. Thus, the lower ranking castes or class are subject to exploitation for they have no
recourse to fair justice against the elites. Knowing this, most commoners will not even
attempt to seek justice for grievances against the Kutaks unless the violation is so flagrant
that it will disrupt the community. Another price is the labor that has to be provided to the
palace at a discounted wage. One cannot refuse this service nor can this compulsion be
challenged legally since the king is the judge, jury and executioner. So the common Lobas
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feel that they are paying a heavy price for the services provided by the monarchy but at the
same time they realize that without the palace, there would be chaos and unrest in their
society.
This fear is probably a realistic assessment judging from the squabbling and leg
pulling amongst the village leaders. How and whether the monarchy will endure is difficult
to predict but it will have to face new challenges and new realities. The younger Lobas are
now more aware of their legal rights and are exposed to new concepts and values with the
introduction of democratic ideology throughout the whole nation. It is inevitable that
sometime in the future, these values will contest or at least question the existing traditional
system. What form this will take and how it will be resolved is impossible to posit but the
global trend of expanding democratic ideology does not augur well for the palace. The irony
is that at a time when monarchies are disappearing throughout the world, the tourists who
come to Monthang express the desire for the Lo monarchy to survive and continue. As long
as the present ruler, King Jigme Palwar Bista is in the throne, the monarchy will definitely
continue. Whether it will persist after he dies or abdicates is difficult to tell. He does not
have any offspring, his only son died when he was eight years old. So he adopted his monk
sibling’s son,1 8 0 Jigme, as his heir and has been officially designated the crown prince. But
crown prince Jigme lives in Kathamndu with his wife and three children and visits Lo only
occasionally. He operates a carpet factory and a trekking agency in Kathmandu. The
question is will he move to Monthang, as he would have to, when it is his turn to rule and
more importantly what kind of monarch will he be? Will the modern education he has had,
the global exposure he has experienced and the urban life he has enjoyed mold and influence
1 8 0 In Tibetan Buddhist clergy, some sects of monks are allowed to marry.
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the new kingship of Lo? Or will he resume the traditional role? He has expressed his
willingness to live in Lo when his time comes to reign but his family is not too keen- his
wife is of Tibetan nobility raised in urban centers and not used to village life and all his
children are city kids having been bom and raised in Kathmandu. In a sense the future of Lo
monarchy hangs in the balance but for now the Lobas feel that they need the monarchy. The
following account of trouble in the Lo royalty will make that clear but also hint at the
possible problems in the future. Since a detailed account of this incident would take too
much space only the salient facts will be mentioned.
The present ruler ascended to the throne only because his elder brother who was
then the ruler died prematurely from an illness. Furthermore, his deceased brother left no
male offspring having sired two daughters only; consequently entitling the current ruler to
became the king. Some time later, the widowed ex-queen Dikki Dokha Bista moved to
Kathmandu with her two daughters. When the daughters grew up, both of them married
Tibetan refugees who had fled Tibet and settled in Kathmandu. The elder daughter and her
husband started a modest hotel, which over time became quite substantial. The couple had
two sons. In the meantime, the Lo king had, as mentioned earlier, officially adopted the son
of his monk sibling as the heir apparent. After completing his education in the cities, the
young prince returned home for a brief stint and then went back to Kathmandu where he
settled and eventually married a girl from Tibetan aristocracy. The two families remained in
good terms and when the Lo king and queen migrated south every winter, they often visited
their relatives and partied together.
In 1990, democratic forces ousted the ruling Panchayat autocracy and introduced a
multi-party government. The new government wanted to open up many of the restricted
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areas to tourism. When Lo was being considered, the planners and leaders in Kathmandu
thought it prudent to garner local feedback and involvement if the program was to succeed.
They had the idea of establishing hotels in Lo that would be owned and operated by the
Lobas. So they invited the royal family and their relatives (who were the most qualified
Lobas for the job) to a meeting for their input. The crown prince and his hotelier cousins got
together and proposed that they be allowed to operate a chain of hotels and that they receive
financial help. This proposal was received favorably so hotel sites were surveyed and plans
were being drawn. But in the midst of all this preparation, suddenly there erupted a bitter
wrangling between the crown prince and his cousins-each side accusing the other of betrayal
and deception. The discord got so acrimonious and egregious that the hotel plans had to be
abandoned. But the conflict did not end there. It took a very serious turn that was to embroil
not only the Lo royalty and their relatives but all of Lo, various political parties and local
news media. There was even mention of international personalities, agencies and media.
What happened next depends on whose version is heard. The Lo ruler’s supporters
contend that the king’s sister-in-law petitioned the royal court1 8 1 in Kathmandu to declare her
grandson as the legitimate future heir of the Lo throne since the current ruler did not have a
male offspring of his own and the one he adopted was an illegitimate son of his brother
hence ineligible to rule. According to this version, the Nepali king decreed that only
partilineal descendents are eligible to rule and therefore her grandson could not be the heir
apparent. When this strategy failed, they then claimed that the Lo ruler had seized their
inheritance share and forcibly driven them out of Lo virtually penniless. When the
1 8 1 According to royal protocol, all royal disputes amongst the four remaining kingships were to be resolved by
the royal court in Kathmandu and that is why this case was first taken to the Nepali king’s attention instead of the
legal courts.
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secretaries to the Nepali monarch could not resolve the issue, it was suggested that the case
be taken to the legal courts. After this decision, they filed a case against the Lo ruler in the
district court of Jomsom claiming their share of inheritance.
According to Dikki’s supporters, they never made any claim for heirship of the Lo
throne. In fact they claim to have no interest in Lo but when the Lo ruler, particularly his
adopted son, began to malign them and spread malicious lies, they decided to stand up to the
king and his past injustice. They decided to claim their rightful inheritance, which had been
usurped from them. When asked about the allegation of his family’s solicitation for the
heirship of Lo, the older son (the one accused of wanting to be the next ruler) replied, “Why
would I want to live in a remote and backward place like Lo? I have a good life here and
have no desire whatsoever to move to Monthang.”1 8 2
Soon after this dispute became public (by going to court), the local news media1 8 3
started to write about the Lo ruler’s inheritance case. Virtually every piece was venomously
critical of the ruler. Most accounts emphasized the fact that he became king only after the
death of his brother. One newspaper even hinted foul play for it claimed that his brother had
died under very suspicious circumstances. All versions described how the king had seized
property belonging to his widowed sister-in-law and banished her out of Lo as soon as he
became the ruler. They accused the king of being a tyrant who terrorized his people and
forced them to do his bidding at the point of a gun and listed all the injustices he had, and
still continues to commit. They also commented on the illegality of the adoption of his
brother’s son as heir. Some papers questioned his loyalty to the state of Nepal because they
1 8 2 It was difficult to confirm or refute the contention that a petition for heirship was made since the entire issue
was handled by the royal palace in Kathmandu in camera.
1 8 3 It started in July o f 1995. The story was mostly carried by Nepali weeklies and at least two English dailies.
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contend that when he was in the US he is supposed to have said that Mustang was an
independent kingdom according to the San Francisco Chronicle. One article charged that he
was an agent of the Dalai Lama (trying to help the “Free Tibet” movement) while another
said he was a CIA agent. All this negative attention on his US visit compelled the king to
turn down invitations to Japan. Several references were made to two of the king’s nephews,
Subama and Pema Rinzin Bista1 8 4 , who were said to have been beaten by the king’s
bodyguard and were harassed by the palace people as they had sided with Dikki in this
conflict. This was claimed to be an atrocity because they were members of the Nepali
Congress Party. All the editorials, reports or letters to the editor reiterated the deplorable
injustices perpetuated by the Lo king and claimed that the people of Lo were against their
ruler. Most of the allegations were all based on second-hand information and none of the
reporters ever came to Lo to talk to the people or conduct their own investigation. So there
are some incomplete facts and half-truths but since the intent of the articles was distinctly to
malign the Lo ruler, they acquire the air of complete truths. It can be ascertained that the
stories were planted or influenced by various individuals and groups with their own vested
interest. The stories concerning the inheritance issue all use only sources that are from the
Dikki camp- they quote Dikki herself or her grandson but there is not a single representation
from the Lo ruler’s side nor does it seem like there was an attempt to present the other side.
Regarding the case of the king’s nephews, from all accounts it was confirmed that the two
incidents cited did take place- a physical encounter between the nephews and the king’s
bodyguard and assistant.
1 8 4 This is not the king’s brother-in-law referred to earlier although both have the exact same names.
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But the version of what actually transpired differ depending on which side is telling
the story. Regarding the first occurrence, the newspapers reported that on July 8th. 1995,
while Pema Rinzin (one of the king’s nephew) was transporting sheep meat on his horse the
king sent Lakpha Tshering (a palace worker) with a gun to confiscate the meat. Then Pema
Rinzin was told that if he wanted the meat back, he should come and collect it in the village
of Thinker. But the villagers had warned him not to go since the palace was plotting to
murder him if he came to claim his meat. The king’s worker contends that while he was on
his way to Thinker village, he ran into Pema Rinzin outside the main gate. They exchanged
verbal abuses and in his anger he snatched the meat off his horse and went to Thinker. Later
when the king found out about it, he gave some money to another Loba to buy a whole sheep
and give it to Pema Rinzin. Regarding the plot to murder Pema Rinzin, it was explained that
the Lobas were angry at the two nephews for their betrayal in this conflict and many youths
had threatened to harm them in the heat of passion and this was seen as a plot to kill him.
The second incident occurred nine days later on July 17, 1995. While the two
nephews with some friends were on the trail they encountered the king with his entourage
(usually his bodyguard but often a couple of other people too). According to the papers, the
king’s “thugs” beat up the nephews and one newspaper even claimed that the bodyguard was
about to shoot them but that some passersby stopped him. The version of the king’s side is
that they did meet the nephews and their friends on the trail. First there was some verbal
altercation and then the bodyguard grabbed one of the nephews by the shirt but before any
physical blows could be exchanged they were separated. The articles highlighted the fact
that the king did this because he was a staunch supporter of the old Panchayat Party whereas
his nephews were both members of the Nepali Congress Party. The Lo king was accused of
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persecuting anybody who belonged to the Congress or Communist Parties. Therefore, some
leftist newspapers implicated the Lo ruler of being a CIA agent or the agent of the Dalai
Lama in an effort to overthrow the Chinese authority in Tibet.
It is true that king Jigme had openly supported the old Panchayat Party in the past
but after the advent of democracy, he has been careful to give the impression of neutrality in
public. Despite this attempt, it is no secret which party he prefers. Yet to assert that he is
openly repressing and intimidating other party members to prevent the influence of that party
makes no sense particularly in a multi-party system where any of the new parties could come
into power in Kathmandu. Furthermore, the party that he favored had done dismally at the
polls and held only a few seats in the parliament, thus eliminating the possibility that it
would ever govern again. It must be pointed out that the Lobas who were opposed to the Lo
ruler had embraced the Congress or the Communist party not so much for its ideological
principles but with the hope of gaining some leverage. Some of the king’s close relatives
have aligned themselves with the Congress Party but remain close to the palace.1 8 5 So these
incidents were never a party or ideology issue as claimed by the newspapers. It was strictly a
family feud that was politicized by party leaders who saw an opportunity to undermine the
Lo king’s authority or hold over the Loba votes. It is significant that none of the reports
mentioned that the nephews were aligned with Dikki in the conflict over inheritance.
This royal feud impacted the whole of Lo. It seems that soon after Dikki petitioned
for heirship (as claimed by the king’s supporters) at the royal court in Kathmandu, the elite
Lobas suggested that the adopted son, Jigme, should be officially declared the heir apparent.
1 8 5 As with many conspiratorial approaches, it could be said that the relatives were encouraged to join the various
parties to act as spies and not for ideological affinity.
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Apparently this was hurriedly accomplished.1 8 6 The story that was circulated in Lo was that
Dikki had made a bid for the throne for her grandson. Most Lobas, even those who were
generally opposed to the king expressed that they were against the idea of Dikki’s grandsons
ascending to the Lo throne since their father was not a Tibetan aristocrat.
Later when the case was filed for property, many Lobas said that Dikki had sold her
share before she went away. Some even complained that the king had helped her get rid of
some of her land and charged a higher price than the market value. Even the Lobas who are
generally opposed to the palace confirmed this fact. Given this to be true, one could
nevertheless surmise the possibility that the proceeds from the sale of land may have been
retained by the king and not handed over to Dikki. To this charge, the king’s supporters
contend that the king has a photocopy of a document stating that the inheritance was
received. The palace was searching for the original but had not been successful. The
photocopy is said to list two members of the Thakali Subba family, Indra Man Sherchan and
Govinda Man Sherchan, as being witnesses and also said to mention that the document was
drawn up by Chakra Bhattachan, another Thakali. Unfortunately, both witnesses were
deceased while the author of the document is now old and although he did seem to
remember having prepared a document for the Lo royalty he could not recall the exact
content.1 8 7 Since the law requires original documents the photocopy had not been submitted
to the court.
1 8 6 According to the Loba traditional calendar no major event was scheduled for that period except weeding and
protecting the fields and waiting for the crops to ripen. So I had gone to Germany to help edit a film about my
ethnic group when all these events occurred.
1 8 7 When I questioned him about the content of the document, he said that he was not sure but that it probably had
something to do with inheritance.
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In this atmosphere of uncertainty, when the court in Jomsom issued a summon to the
king, the people called a meeting and decided that one person from each household would go
to Jomsom on the appointed day with the king’s representative. So the Lobas descended on
Jomsom, surrounded the court and made protests and some youths are believed to have
threatened Dikki’s daughter and grandson who were also required to be in Jomsom for the
preliminary hearing. But the main tension was between the two nephews and the Lo palace
since both lived in Lo (the nephews lived in the village of Marang although originally from
Monthang) whereas all members of Dikki’s family lived in Kathmandu. Furthermore, the
two nephews were accused of trying to mobilize opposition to the king.
In one meeting in Monthang, the people of Lo (other villages had sent
representatives) decided that they would impose mepcha chupeha or social sanction on the
two brothers and any household that would not agree to this decision would similarly suffer
the same fate. According to Loba tradition mepcha chupcha (m e-fire, chu- water) meant
literally not providing food or water to the accused. In practive this meant total social
ostracism- the villagers would not extend any privileges, help or hospitality to the designated
people. The following event will illustrate the extent of this measure. Surendra Bista, the
eldest brother of the two nephews lived in Lo Monthang and was liked by many Lobas. His
father-in-law had just demolished his old house when this decision was passed. Surendra
requested that he be allowed to at least feed his brothers if they visited his house but the
villagers refused. So he, his father-in-law and another relative refused to sign the document
to which all the villagers and representatives had affixed their signatures or thumbprints. The
result was that all his friends stopped visiting him and he was not welcome to any other
household. His father-in-law faced a worse dilemma. His house remained in ruins since
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nobody would help him re-build it. If left unfinished, it would be disastrous since winter was
fast approaching and his family was living under a makeshift plastic sheet in one room.
Another major problem faced by all these families was that with the harvest season
approaching, it would be impossible to reap the crops without any help.1 8 8 So in the end they
had no choice but to capitulate and agree to impose mepcha chupcha to his own brothers.
Thus social sanction is the most powerful method of arm-twisting unless one chooses to
migrate out of the village permanently. This decision of mepcha chupcha created frequent
friction between families who were supporters of the nephews and the rest of Loba society.
The royal feuding resulted in embroiling the whole of Lo yet the actual reason or
cause that initiated this conflict seems to have eluded all Lobas- at least according to my
own investigation and analysis. Let us first examine the issue of inheritance. From all the
evidences it can be inferred that Dikki did receive her inheritance. The fact that Lobas who
are otherwise quite antagonistic to the palace all affirm that the division of inheritance took
place is a strong presumption that it did. One of the deceased witnesses to the document,
Indra Man Sherchan1 8 9 , was the Active kin (mit in Nepali) of Dikki’s elder son-in-law.
Therefore, it can be definitely assumed that Dikki received her fair share. But since the
original document remains missing, positive proof is still lacking.
That being the case, let us review this issue from another approach. If the Lo ruler
had appropriated all the inheritance and driven Dikki penniless out of Lo, then the cordial
1 8 8 Had this occurred during the planting season, the defaulters would not receive any labor, water, no animals
would be loaned or rented to them and animals straying into their fields would not be taken into custody. In fact,
one member o f the family while coming up from Jomsom to Lo Monthang could not get food or drink from any
household after crossing Samar.
1 8 9 Both witnesses were my maternal uncles. Also when some o f my older close relatives were questioned, they
confirmed that Dikki had received her share.
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and close relationship between the two families up until the time of this conflict makes little
sense. Furthermore, their collaborative attempt to start a chain of hotels in Lo does not
support the penniless story. That the two families, prior to this hostility, had maintained
close and warm kinship ties is an irrefutable fact, hence, there could not have been any
dispute regarding inheritance. Whatever triggered this destructive animosity occurred during
the planning of the hotels in Mustang. This is what I found out from talking to some
members of both families.
It turns out that each family had been informed that the other side was spreading
malicious rumors and slurring their names. Each camp then reacted in anger and made
disparaging remarks, which were again fed back to each group and which in turn further
spawned even more vitriolic responses. This process of accusation and counter accusation
spiraled out of control and resulted in the destructive family feud. But when I questioned
each side about the insulting remarks they were supposed to have made, their reply was that
it was in response to the other side’s offense. Furthermore, when asked if they had
personally heard these insults being voiced, none of the family members from either side had
done so. They all said that they had heard it from 3 rd parties. Both sides also claim they never
made those first disparaging remarks that they were accused of. So the entire conflict was
based on hearsay.
This does seem ridiculous but not when one considers the possibility that it was a
very well orchestrated plot. Since both sides profess that they never made the first
accusations (which is most likely true as they were about to embark on a business venture as
partners and therefore had no reason to do so), the question then is who started it and why.
Although no concrete proof can be offered to support my conclusion, all logical deductions
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lead to the same answer. My contention is that it was an orchestration by one or more
political leaders from southern Mustang.
As mentioned earlier, the Loba ballots were always the deciding factor in electing
representatives of Mustang (at the district or parliamentary level) since they tended to vote
as one block. Whereas the votes from southern Mustang were always split since the
contestants were always from these southern villages. So any candidate that could gamer the
Loba votes (by acquiring the king’s endorsement) was most likely to be the victor. To date,
all the leaders representing Mustang have always been Thakalis from southern Mustang
because they have the education, wealth and connections whereas the Lobas of older
generations did not have the education or the connection. But the new generation of Lobas
like the crown prince and his cousins are very well educated, wealthy and have fostered
political ties since they live in Kathmandu. As long as they were committed to living in
Kathmandu, they did not pose a threat to the status quo in Mustang leadership but with the
plans to establish hotels throughout Lo, they would be spending more time in the region and
eventually would vie for parliamentary leadership. When this happened, the Lobas would
vote as a block along ethnic line even if some Lobas were affiliated to different party
ideology. Since the southern votes are likely to be always split, a Loba candidate would
always be an assured winner. In this scenario, the leaders of southern Mustang would never
emerge victorious.
There was only one solution and that was to destroy the plans for the hotels and
create a rift in the Loba society so that their block voting got split. Consequently, malicious
gossips were spread without letting the other party confirm its veracity or possibly they saw
no need to verify the rumors since the source was a person (or his emissaries) trusted by both
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sides. Once a counter insult was uttered, this “insult” was then again fed back and from then
onwards the perpetrators had to merely report the actual responses as it turned ugly and
vicious. This strategy not only halted the hotel plans but also caused a deep chasm in the Lo
society. The result of this conflict manifest several years after the field study when one of the
Lo ruler’s relative, an educated Loba contested for the district chairmanship and lost because
the Loba votes got split. To this day no Loba leader has emerged to unite the votes- the
political leadership still remains in the hands of the Thakalis.
2) Chimae Mitu -Village Administrative Council
As already mentioned earlier, the traditional administrative body of Lo Monthang is
called Chimae Mitu. It is a council comprising of nine members who are charged with the
governance of Loba society. The structure and modus operandi of the council, which has
changed little throughout its history, reflects the stratified hierarchy of Lo society.
The head of the council is called Temba (and Gemba; Mukhia in Nepali) or
headman. A member of a Kutak family always holds this position. A commoner can never be
a Temba. There are only thirteen aristocratic families in Lo that are entitled to hold this post.
Among these families, it is exclusively the senior male member who is eligible to be a
Temba. This post bears many responsibilities but is also a highly respected position. Next to
the king, the Temba is the most important official in Loba society. He is responsible for the
welfare of the village and must ensure the proper management of the irrigation Systran,
agricultural and grazing practices, social harmony, maintenance of public works and any
problem that the village encounters. He serves as the mediator between the people and the
palace. Any personal or community problem is first brought to him for resolution. On issues
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that have historical precedents and are of common occurrences (most cases fall under this
category), he will give his decision independently. But on issues that have wider
implications or are new in character, he will first consult with the palace before giving his
verdict. It is only when he cannot make a decision (because of the gravity of the case or his
inability to enforce the ruling) that he will refer the case to the palace. Since he is a Kutak,
his judgment will concur or reflect that of the king even if the king is not directly involved.
The rest of the council members are all from the commoner class. After the Temba,
the next in hierarchy are the two Mithu or assistant/spokesperson. They are usually higher
ranking commoners. One Mithu is nominated by the king and the other by the Temba. It is
their job to assist the Temba by making sure his decisions are carried out and also by acting
as his spokesperson. They are in effect the managers that get the job done. But it is the six
Chumae (Katuwal in Nepali) that actually implement all the decisions.
All members of the council serve for a year and then a new council is formed. Both
Chumae and Temba are selected on a rotational basis. In the process of selecting a Chumae,
all the commoner households are divided into two halves. Starting at the dividing line, three
contiguous households are selected from one half and three from the other to serve as
Chumae. When their term is over, the next three contiguous households from each half are
selected. The direction of selection travels clockwise in one half and counter clockwise in
the other. By adopting this configuration, the two halves will eventually meet and when this
occurs, the whole process begins from the start. The selection of a Temba is rotated only
between thirteen aristocratic families in predetermined order. There is also a position called
Ama or treasurer/accountant that is normally assigned to the senior Chumae.
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One of the most important tasks that the council performs is the maintenance and
repair of irrigation canals and ditches that supply the water necessary for cultivation. Every
year prior to the planting season, the new council surveys the various canal systems to assess
their condition. Usually, the canals need a lot of work. The melting of the winter snow can
cause fissures in the embankment or landslides that damage the system or cause massive
segments to be washed away. Besides, most of the trenches are regularly covered and
blocked by debris. Because the irrigation systems are miles long and the soil loose and easily
susceptible to erosion, a major breach in the system is also inevitable. So the council decides
on the time and day the repair work will be undertaken.
This information is conveyed to the community via the town crier (one of the
Chumae) who yells at the top of his voice from various spots around the town. He will not
only tell the day and time the work will be undertaken but also the amount of fines for not
showing up for this public work. Usually the call is for each household to send one adult
representative for this job. The Mithu and Chumae take attendance of all the households that
show up for the work and also reject any representative who are unfit for work. Some
households try to slip in a young or a retired member of the family as a representative. By
doing so they not only fulfill their duty and thus evade the fines imposed on defaulters but
also only lose the least productive members of the household. But the council members are
aware of such attempts and so some of them will remain near the village and turn back
anybody who is below eighteen or over sixty years old and tell them to send someone more
fit for the job. Most repair work requires heavy physical labor that the young and the retired
are incapable of performing. So the council members have to enforce these rules otherwise
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every household would send unproductive representatives and the job would never be
accomplished.
The villagers show up with digging implements and baskets. Once everyone is
gathered a small ritual is performed. A Chumae offers a little chang and butter to a young
man (this is offered to the Temba if he is present but he rarely comes to supervise the work
and never this early) and the man drinks the beer and applies the butter to his head. This
ritual is also repeated with a woman. After this, the young man digs a little bit of debris in
the channel and the woman shovels it out. This auspicious symbolic act signals the start of
the work. The section of the channel nearest to the fields is tackled first and then they work
their way towards the source.
First the Chumae will measure a section of the canal with a piece of rope and mark
the end of the length with a rock. This section will be assigned to a group of men and
women. From the rock he will extend the rope towards the water source to measure the next
section. This section will be allocated to the next group of people and by repeating this
process all groups will be put to work. The Chumae will keep marking many equal sections
along the channel so that when any group is done, they will be assigned a new section. This
ensures an equitable distribution of work.
For most of the time the work required is relatively simple. Generally the channel
needs to be dug a little deeper and all the debris covering and blocking the canal cleaned out.
In some places the channel may require widening. Men do most of the digging while women
shovel or carry the dirt and debris. But there are always sections along the system where
major repair work is necessary because of landslides or washouts. At sites like these,
division of labor takes precedence- the people with masonry skills will do the repair work
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while other men are put on tasks that require heavy lifting, pushing or digging and women
will usually perform lighter digging, carrying and carting jobs.
No matter how serious the damage, community work is invariably lax and laid back.
People do not have any incentive to work hard or seriously and they attempt to get away
with the least amount of effort. People are constantly teasing, chatting and fooling around
and so the Chumae and Mithu must cajole, coax or even scold them to work seriously. But if
the Temba is present (only occasionally will he come to supervise), then the work progresses
more earnestly. (One ACAP member observed, “Community work in Lo is more like a
picnic than work. The Lobas are joking all the time and hardly doing any work. They are
very lazy when it comes to community work but they work extremely hard when doing their
own work- even working in the dark.”). The council officials often complain that the
villagers are lazy while the villagers accuse the Chumae of doing nothing but drinking chang
(local barley beer) and bossing people around. The council has funds out of which the
officers often buy chang, the favored beverage of most Lobas. The working villagers are not
allowed to drink chang, only the council members are permitted to do so. They may also
have one of their members cooking food or at least making tea on the spot whereas the
villagers have to bring their own food, usually unleavened bread. During lunch break, groups
of friends gather together and share their food. A large scarf is spread on the ground and
each person in that group brings out his or her bread and breaks it into chunks and places the
pieces on the scarf. When everyone has contributed their lunch, the chunks are mixed
together and the group begins to eat. So the council members get to eat hot food or at least
drink hot tea and also have beer whereas the villagers have to eat cold bread.
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But on certain occasions the whole working force gets hot meals. This happens
when a particular job takes many days to complete. Usually the palace will contribute money
or food to feed the work force for a day. On that day the work force will eat in four groups
divided according to their respective sishu or village sections-Gudang, Domaling, Potaling
and Jhyathang. Near the banks of the river are four circular corrals (made by stacking
boulders and rocks about waist high) where designated members from their respective sishu
will cook the meals. This also serves as the dining area as the stonewalls protect not only the
fire but also the people and the dining space from the incessant cold wind. Often the
monastery will also sponsor food for one day. Other individuals or agencies may be
approached to follow suit.1 9 0
Depending on the extent of repair work needed, the villagers may be required to
contribute anywhere from a day to a week’s labor.1 9 1 Most of the time the villagers go to the
site after breakfast and return home before evening. But if the damaged section is very far,
like when the irrigation canal gets damaged or needs repair nearer to the source of water
(which can be miles away from the village), the workers will camp out at the site for the
required period rather than return home every evening. When the irrigation system is has
been repaired, a short ritual prayer is performed and then the water is released into the canal
system. Since the initial flow can bring debris, mud and silt, the whole system needs to be
first cleaned out. This is done by letting the water flow some distance through the channel
and then it is diverted out of the channel and allowed to flow down the side of the hill so that
1 9 0 On one occasion the VDC Chairman, Pema Wongdi, who is a wealthy individual also sponsored lunch. ACAP
likewise provide food for another day and I too contributed money to buy food.
1 9 1 For jobs requiring more than three days, it will be not be undertaken in one stretch but with breaks in between.
Or sometimes the four sectors of the village will take turns- two sectors will work one day and the other two the
next day.
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the debris, mud and silt is siphoned off the canal. Then when the water runs clear, the breach
is blocked and the water allowed to continue along the canal through the next section at the
end of which another breach is made. This process is repeated throughout the length of the
entire system until only clean water reaches the fields.
The Chumae must insure that the water flows continually and without any loss in
volume. To do this, they must constantly be on the lookout for any leaks or breaches in the
channels. Their vigilance is required even at night since even a minor damage or breach can
over time develop into a major breach or washout. So for the three months during the
watering and cultivating season, the six Chumae take turns in monitoring the status of the
system. At any one time, two of them will be stationed to safeguard the canals. There are
small single roomed sheds build along the canals nearer its source where the Chumae can
rest at night during their nocturnal survey1 9 2 or they may sleep there and continue their daily
monitoring. They are also responsible for the fair and proper distribution of water. They
supervise the order in which water is distributed and make sure that nobody tries to “steal”
water i.e. to irrigate their fields before their turn.
Another important function of the council is protecting the crops from straying
animals. During the cultivating season, a major portion of their time is devoted to this task.
On a certain day soon after all the fields have been planted, all entrances (breaches in the
wall) in the town are closed except the main gate. A committee comprising of one
representative each from the village council (usually one of the Chumae), palace, ACAP, the
1 9 2 These structures are located at some distance from the town so that the attendants can use it without having to
commute for long distances at night or during the day by sleeping there..
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police and border security1 9 3 is formed to carry out this work. These people go together to
every private gate in town and lock the doors and also affix a seal to the door. The southern
town gate is also locked. This is done so that the movements of animals can be controlled for
now the only entry to town is through the main gate. There are also barricades erected on
paths leading to the fields to prevent the animals from getting to the crops.
It is the job of the Chumae to take into custody any animals that have strayed into
the fields and have fed on or damaged the crops. The delinquent animals are caught and
placed inside an open enclosure located outside the town just north of the main gate. The
door to the corral is locked and only the Chumae have the key to it. When the owners of the
delinquent animals find that their animals have not come home that evening, they first peep
over the wall of the corral to see if their animals are there before going off to search for
them. If the missing animals are in the corral, they will pay the appropriate fines to the
Chumae in charge and reclaim the animals. The fines vary for different animals and different
circumstances. If a large animal like a horse or mule is caught straying in the fields, the
penalty is Rs.10 per animal. For smaller animals like cows and donkeys it is Rs. 5 per
animal. But if the animal has been in the field overnight then the fine is Rs. 100 (used to be
Rs. 50 a decade ago).
Most people pay the normal fines and free their animals but some times they may
refuse to pay for overnight straying. If the Chumae is not able to collect the fine then he will
call the Mithu to persuade the owner. Usually he will convince the owner to pay up but
should he fail, the council can call a village meeting and if the village decides that the owner
1 9 3 The inclusion o f the last three agencies is a latter addition while in the old days it used to be just the council
and the palace.
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must pay the fine, the amount increases to Rs.500. The threat of convening a village meeting
is enough to change the mind of any reluctant owner. All these fines go into the funds of the
council some of which will be shared amongst the members while others will be used for
food and drinks. If the animal has in addition to consuming the crops also caused
considerable damage to it, the owner of the field will complain and if the complaint is valid,
the Temba will ascertain the amount of compensation the field owner should receive. Most
owners reclaim their animals as soon as they can because the defaulting animals are neither
fed nor given water. But some owners will let their animals remain under lock and key
particularly the older animals that are not very useful and may stray again.1 9 4 If any animal
had remained unclaimed in the corral for some time and the Chumae cannot identify the
owner, they will release the animal which will head straight to the owner’s house because it
has been starving for several days.1 9 5 Chumae also apprehend animals belonging to other
villagers that have strayed into Lo Monthang’s pastures or fields and they are released only
after the payment of designated fines, which tend to be higher for non-residents.
The Chumae also collect fines from households that have not contributed labor for
community work. Depending on the type of work, the defaulting household can be fined
from Rs. 50-2001 9 6 per day of absence. Exempt from labor contribution are the palace and
the monastery. Certain households, which render specialist service like the Chi reading
during funeral rites, are also excused for five days of labor. Chumae can also slap fines for
1 9 4 No matter how long the animal has been in custody, the fine is the same so there is an incentive to leave the
unproductive animals for longer period just so that they will not stray again into the fields.
1 9 5 The corral to hold these delinquent animals was just outside my window. Many times the animals mooed and
brayed the whole night from thirst and hunger.
1 9 6 Fines for contractual work cm government or other agencies’ projects tend to be higher than for traditional
community work. Many projects have a clause stating that the village has to provide certain amount o f labor
contribution and the penalty for absences on such projects are high.
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tardiness- anywhere from Rs. 1-5 depending on how late they show up. Another area where
stiff fines are imposed is in water distribution particularly the penalty for “stealing” water
(usurping water out of one’s turn). The exact amount of fine is at the discretion of the Temba
but it can reach as high as Rs.1000, which indicates the seriousness of this offense.
Another responsibility of the council is to organize and supervise all agricultural
tasks on fields belonging to the palace. Also after all the private entrances have been sealed,
once every ten days a Chumae accompanied by a police will examine all the locked
entrances to make sure that the seals are intact and have not been tampered with. If the seal
is broken, the owner is fined Rs.2000. The seals are officially broken and the accesses
opened only after all the fields have been harvested. Hence, the agricultural season is an
extremely busy and trying time for the Chumae as they have to fulfill both their official
duties as council members and family obligations simultaneously. Therefore, most Lobas do
not look forward to serving their turn as a Chumae although they recognize the necessity and
importance of doing so.1 9 7
The changing of the council members occurs during the festival of Sakaluka in early
February. On that day, a ritual prayer is held at the home of the incoming Temba prior to
initiating the festival. During the main ritual, the outgoing and incoming officials must be
present and sit facing each other. Since this festival takes place in mid-winter when the
majority of Lobas are absent (having migrated south for trade), many of the council
members may not be present so they can be represented by relatives or authorized deputies.
The next day after this festival, the handover meeting takes place at the home of the
1 9 7 It is like jury duty- essential and obligatory but undesirable.
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incoming Temba where all official documents, records and other council belongings are
handed over to the new council members by the outgoing members.
The Temba is the ultimate authority of the council and is responsible for making
major decisions but he is not directly involved in most community work. He simply
delegates the authority to his subordinates. The only exception is when supervising work on
royal fields at which time he is always present. This is because the king himself is often in
the fields during this time. The two Mithus carry out the bulk of administration since most
decisions and responsibilities are routine and simple (the Temba will nevertheless be kept
updated on all matters). It is only when unusual or difficult problems arise that the Temba is
personally involved. But the dirty work is all performed by the Chumaes the lowest ranking
members of the council.
An interesting fact is that the impure caste is excluded from membership to the
council. This mirrors the social reality of the society where not only the settlement of the
impure caste is physically separated (outside and away form town and down by the river) but
their membership in the community is also disavowed. They are excluded from village
meetings where major decisions are taken and also from other communal activities but are
expected to contribute labor to the palace fields and other “development” projects. Thus the
council hierarchy of office corresponds to the caste and class hierarchy of Loba society.
3) The Gonpa or Monastery:
Another important institution that impacts the life of a Loba is the gonpa or
monastery. The gonpa, even to this day remains indispensable to the Lobas since the ritual
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ministration of a monk is required from birth to death in Loba society. Since it fulfills the
spiritual need of the community, there is a great deal of veneration for the gonpa.
From the religious history of Lo it is clear that the monastic system that was
promoted and adopted in Lo was due mainly to its rulers who invited certain renowned
monks of the Sakya sect from Tibet especially Kunga Zangpo, the abbot of Ngor. Central to
the establishment of Buddhism was the founding of certain religious centers in Lo. One of
the more important centers was the Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling gonpa in Tsarang village.
It occupies a large territory that could have quartered a substantial number of monks. As
pointed out earlier, some accounts mention that it housed over two thousand monks
(Jackson: 147). Even if this was an exaggeration, other descriptions vouch for an extensive
monastic order indicating the presence of a large building complex. Currently, the renowned
Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling monastery consists of only one building-the original chapel
structure. The old complex has now completely vanished. But when I visited Lo in 1981,
there were a few ruins of the original boundary walls and buildings. These have now all been
cleared. The boundary walls have been rebuilt but is lesser in height and thickness. It can be
safely assumed that both the structural complex and the monastic community were modeled
after some of the great gonpas of Tibet with thousands of resident monks.
During Lo’s golden era the monasteries were powerful and influential religious
centers that attracted many scholars from different regions and different denominations some
of who undertook translation of Buddhist texts. The rulers supported the monasteries with
financial donations and land endowments and the church legitimized the authority of the
rulers. The link between the palace and the gonpa was further strengthened by the fact that
the abbot was always a monk of royal ancestry, usually the sibling monk of the ruler. In case
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of the early death of the king, the abbot would be the uncle of the new ruler. Conversely, if
the abbot died early, the new abbot would be the nephew of the ruling king.
But after 1869, with the rise of the Thakali Subbas, the economic condition of the
rulers declined. So their support of the gonpas also diminished and the monasteries had to be
more self-sufficient. And when the general economy of Lo dwindled even further, the
monastic order could not be sustained and so it was compelled to downsize and finally
disband. The many ruined structures that scatter the Lo landscape attest to the widespread
disintegration of the monastic system.
The Thubten Shyadrup Dargyaling gonpa of Tsarang used to be the monastery
where the sibling monk of the ruler was the abbot. Following that tradition, the present
king’s brother was the abbot but since by then the monastic order had completely vanished,
he and a few assistant monks were more like caretakers. He took a wife and together they
had a son but several years later, the wife died. The king then adopted his son and he moved
to a remote monastery in Dolpo. He remained there for many years and later married a local
woman who had nursed him when he was seriously ill. Then at the request of the king, he
returned with his new family but does not live in Tsarang. He has chosen to reside in
Kathmandu but frequently visits Lo.
Although the Chamba and Thubchen gopas of Monthang were most certainly
established earlier than Tsarang gonpa, they were most likely not crucial to the propagation
of Buddhism. That is because both gonpas did not have a monastic community. As both
Chamba and Thubchen were built inside the town (virtually in the center of town), available
space was limited. Because of this spatial constraint, both monasteries occupy only enough
area to house the main chapel and some peripheral rooms but not much more space.
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Therefore, these monasteries despite their amazing art, architecture and statuary, could not
have housed a thriving community of monks. It is possible that there were a few resident
caretaker monks but not a monastic order. Furthermore, both monasteries were believed to
have belonged to the palace (and all evidence support that contention) in which case they
were magnificent private chapels but certainly not monasteries-at least not in the traditional
sense. A detailed description of both monasteries will be presented later when discussing the
cultural heritage conservation program.
The only gonpa today that has some semblance of a traditional monastic community
is the Chhoede gonpa of Monthang situated on the northern part of town (for an account of
its incorporation into the township see the section on Settlement above). This monastery has
a body of clergy and is headed by an abbot1 9 8 but there are only a handful of resident monks
living in the monastery. Most monks live in their own homes and go to the monastery during
the day to study or participate in rituals and rites but return home to eat and sleep. This form
of monastic structure evolved during the economic decline of the region mentioned above.
According to the abbot, monks in Lo were previously allowed to marry and they stayed with
their own families in and around the gonpa. But around 1937 (when he was thirteen years
old), the present king’s father invited Khenpo Tashi Chyombyal, a revered monk from Tibet
to Monthang and he abolished marriage amongst monks and implemented celibacy in the
order. The punishment for breaking the celibacy vow was a fine of 100 pathis (about 457
liters) o f wheat or Rs.500,’9 9 flogging and expulsion from the order. The same rule applies to
this day except the fine has been raised to Rs. 5000.
1 9 8 This abbot is not a royal sibling or an aristocrat.
1 9 9 The cost o f wheat was Rs. 5 per pathi.
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With the institution of celibacy, the monastery complex needed to be secluded and
so the monastery bought back all the property owned by the married monks and set up the
present boundary. Throughout the region, celibate monks became the norm. The tradition of
contributing one son to the church continued but the monasteries could no longer feed all the
monks so they had to be returned to their families. Thus the monasteries were emptied of all
resident monks except a handful needed to look after the monastery. In many cases, even this
had to be dispensed with and the monastery was attended to by a non-resident caretaker
monk or kongyer who lit butter lamps and changed water offerings every day. But in
Chhoede gonpa, there were always enough resources to support a small contingent of
resident monks- in particular the abbot and a couple of monks to assist him.2 0 0 This is true to
this day.
The monastery is headed by the seventy-two years old abbot,2 0 1 Tashi Tenzing. He
lives in a private quarter situated on the northeast comer of the monastery compound. A
private secretary who is usually a monk that is related to him and one that he can trust assists
him.2 0 2 The cook may be another monk but often the abbot’s female relatives pitch in to
prepare his meals. A managing committee headed by the abbot administers the monastery.
Except for the abbot all other positions are filled on a rotational basis. The posts of lochen
(teacher) and umjay (master of prayers and rituals) are held for three years while all others
are rotated annually. These posts are dhakyo (general manager), chyothim (disciplinarian),
2 0 0 This was because Lo Monthang had a large enough lay population that could underwrite the survival expenses
of the gonpa, provide the labor force to undertake religious projects and work the fields o f the monastery or lease
it.
2 0 1 This was in 1995.
2 0 2 At the time o f the field study, the secretary was known to the non-Loba officials in Monthang as “Chang
Lama” because of his fondness for chang, the local beer.
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nyarpa (treasurer or director), dhachang (master torma maker) and a kongyer (caretaker).
With the establishment of a school for young monks in 1994, the post of nyarpa has been
increased to five to handle the expanded workload.
During the winter when most Lobas migrate south, three other monks are assigned
to sleep in the monastery to guard the statues and other religious paraphernalia from
burglars.2 0 3 Because all posts (except the abbotship)2 0 4 are allocated on a rotational fashion,
the management of the monastery is quite democratic. So theoretically, each managing team
can bring their own agenda and new approach but that seldom happens. The inertia of long
held and practiced tradition is very strong. Often there is conflict between the older monks
who are more conservative and the younger monks who want to try new ideas.
The Chhoede monastery complex has two main chapels at the center of the
compound- the smaller original structure and the new larger hall. Both halls and their
respective courtyards are used for various functions and celebrations. Along most of the
length of the northern wall and one quarter of the western wall is a row of one-room
structures constructed contiguously wall-to-wall. These rooms were built by monks with
their personal funds and are the private property of the individual monks who built them.
This is where the owners will undertake their retreats or withdraw for uninterrupted study.
To the east, right next to the entrance is an old two-story structure that houses the
Mahakala deity on the top floor but the bottom and front portion has been renovated into a
school for young monks. Between the school and the abbot’s residence is a recently built
2 0 3 Theft of statues and other valuables from monasteries have been increasing in recent years. This usually
occurs in the winter months when there are less people around.
2 0 4 There are also certain jobs that are by their very nature exclusive e.g. not all monks can be a lochen (teacher)
since one has to be qualified for that but if one has acquired all the necessary credentials then one can qualify for
that particular post but that is not so for the abbotship.
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large house that is now the new kitchen and dinning area (previously it was in the eastern
section of the courtyard in the new chapel). Adjacent to the entrance to the west is a small
room that houses a large prayer wheel. And always lounging around the monastery complex
are the infamous gonpa mastiffs (mostly sleeping during the day and barking throughout the
night). There are at least three or four of them and act as an effective deterrent to outsiders.
Many unwitting tourists who wander into the monastery have been attacked. Fortunately
there has not been any very serious incident as a monk was always at hand to intervene or
because of the clothes worn by tourists, the bite was not as severe- in one case the lady was
wearing a heavy down jacket that protected her.
When Lobas want to visit the monastery, first they peer down the narrow path that
leads to the entrance to see if the gonpa gate is closed or open. If it is open, they will remain
where they are and yell for a monk. If the gate (an iron grilled door) is closed then they will
approach the monastery and call for a monk from outside the gate. They will never enter the
gonpa compound unaccompanied by a monk.2 0 5 If a monk is with you, the dogs do not
bother you but if you are alone, they will invariably attack.
The monastery and the clergy fulfill many social and spiritual needs of the Lobas.
First there are the numerous rituals and prayers conducted inside the monastery by the clergy
for the benefit of the community and all sentient beings. Normally there are at least six
mandatory rituals that have to be preformed every month, each dedicated to a specific deities
2 0 5 This was a dilemma that we (my landlord and 1) faced when we visited the abbot one time. His secretary, the
“Chang Lama” came to the door and accompanied us to the abbot’s house. After we had spent some time there,
we took our leave from the abbot and came out o f his room. But his secretary (quite inebriated) insisted that we
spend some time with him drinking. We obliged him for some time but he would not allow us to leave. We could
not leave on our own because o f the dogs but he would refuse to come out with us and insisted that we stay
longer. Furthermore, there were no other monks around. After a long time, he finally accompanied us to the gate.
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or protectors. On the fifth day of each month of the Tibetan calendar,2 0 6 the Lamchyo (to the
gums) is performed; on the eighth day, Neychyo (also called Tensol to Shakyamuni the
historical Buddha); on the tenth day, Chejeu (to Gum Rinpoche or Padmasambhava); on the
fifteenth day, Dhochyo (to Dolma or Taras); on the twenty-fifth day, Thakchyo (to Dakini)
and on the twenty-eighth (and often also on the twenty-ninth) day, Kangchol (to Mahakala).
On these occasions the monastery provides food to the attending monks whereas at
other times, they have to eat at their own homes. Every monk is encouraged to attend these
six ritual prayers but not everyone can make it. In between, depending on the month and
situation, there will be other occasions when ritual prayers are required: during the month of
Saga Dawa (birthday of the historical Buddha), or the birthday of the lineage head, or for the
long life of certain revered lineage holders, or when a specific ritual is requested and
sponsored by the laity.
Besides these monthly rituals there are other major rituals, events or functions that
the gonpa observes annually. It must be pointed out that the Tibetan calendar does not
always correspond to the exact dates in the English calendar. For example, first day of the
Wood Pig Year 2955 fell on March 2,1995. But on the following Fire Rat Year 2956, the
first day of the year coincided with February 19, 1996. On the first lunar month2 0 7 of the
year, the monastery performs the Monlam prayer rituals for nine days. This involves reading
and chanting special Monlam texts. On the 14th, 15th & 16th of the first month, the Nyungne
celebration is observed. From the 27th-29th of the third month, the New Tenji ritual is
2 0 6 The Lobas follow the Tibetan calendar which is taken from the Chinese zodiac system.
2 0 7 The first month o f the Tibetan calendar does not correspond to any particular exact date o f the English
calendar. The first day o f the Wood Pig Year 2955 (corresponding to 1995-96) fell on March 2,1995. But on the
following Fire Rat Year 2956, the first day o f the year coincided with February 19,1996.
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observed. This is the most spectacular and widely publicized of all the Loba festivals. This is
one ritual that is performed outside the monastery and in a public arena. The fourth month is
known as Saga Dhawa, during which prayer rituals are performed for three days. On first
week of the fifth month, the Lama Tenji is celebrated. On the 15th of the fifth month, the
Yamey begins and lasts for forty-five days. And on the 7th month, the Lama Yartung takes
place. Some of these will be described later in more details under the heading of Festivals.
The monastic events and rituals are financed from the income generated by the
various fields that the gonpa owns. These fields are mostly across the river in the Suru
plateau. In fact the majority of these fields belong to the gonpa; that is why a monk and not
the village council supervises the repair work on the aqueduct that irrigates these fields.
Since many of its fields (about one third) are left fallow because of insufficient water so the
earnings generated have drastically declined. Another source of income is donation- from the
palace and laity. But this too has declined over the last fifty years. As the abbot said, “People
were more pious in the old days and gave more generously to the gonpa. But these days
people everywhere only care about money and fashion and don’t care about Dharma. At this
rate, religion might one day disappear.” According to the abbot this was one reason why the
gonpa could not support, feed and house the monks.
The monastery also provides certain services directly to the laity that is of major
significance. There is a tradition of monk-client relationship that in many cases have been
established on a hereditary basis from earlier times. A monk will have one to several
households as his principal clients and he will primarily cater to all the religious, spiritual
and health needs of these households especially the performance of rituals. If the ritual
requires more than one person, he will invite monks from his own group of friends and
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relatives to assist him. Many monks who do not have their own clients often work as
assistants to those who have. This system favors the more learned, senior, qualified and
higher-ranking monks since their services are highly sought after, particularly by the wealthy
families.
The main criteria for advancement within the order are the degree of spiritual
achievement through rigorous practice, scholarly accomplishment, family lineage and
personal charisma. The monastic system as evolved in Lo favors those monks who come
from wealthy and high-ranking families. Since his family and not the monastery support a
monk, monks from poorer households are compelled to help their family in household
chores, agricultural activities, animal husbandry or trade. This limits their ability to engage
in spiritual or scholarly pursuits. Moreover, many spiritual practices entail long periods of
secluded retreat which can be anywhere from three days to three years or even longer.
Naturally, the longer the retreat the more status and value attached to it. This deprives the
family not only of essential labor but in addition the family has to provide food and other
necessary expenses required during the duration of the retreat. The clergy in Lo does not
have the highly qualified teachers needed to teach, instruct and guide many of the more
important retreats. One therefore has to travel to the urban centers where qualified teachers
are available. This necessitates a lot of expenditure since the cost of living in the cities is
very high.2 0 8 So only wealthy families can afford to support their sons undertake long
retreats. Not only do the rich households earn merit by supporting their sons but their sons in
turn gain status by having undergone the retreat. This will further their chance of
2 0 8 In the old days, they could travel to Tibet and seek instructions. Often, if one could not afford to pay for the
teachings, it was possible to work for the teacher and receive instructions in return. But now all the teachers have
fled Tibet and Lobas cannot live in or travel freely to Tibet even if there were some qualified teachers there.
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advancement in the order. This holds true not only for long-term retreats (which are not very
common) but also in doing the various practices necessary for any spiritual advancement. To
do any of the practices the person has to first receive initiation and empowerment from a
qualified teacher. As already indicated, the Lo clergy does not have highly educated and
qualified monks so even to start some of the ordinary practices, one needs to travel to the
cities. This situation has changed recently because of the Venerable Chogay Trichen
Rinpoche (popularly known as Trichen Rinpoche), one of the highest ranking and highly
enlightened monk in the Sakya sect. He is a relative of the Lo king and has visited Lo several
times- on each occasion he has given teachings, initiations and empowerments to the monks
and laity for different practices. This has enabled the poorer monks to start the practice. He
also has a monastery in Kathmandu and Lumbini where some monks from Lo are being
trained. There are also other opportunities for empowerment offered by the visits of revered
monks to Lo or the sacred site of Muktinath. The other criteria, scholarly accomplishment,
for advancement is likewise stacked against the poorer families. Lo does not have any local
shedra or monastic college and until lately it did not even have a school for monks. All the
colleges and centers for higher learning are established in the cities of Nepal and India. So
the pursuit of scholarly knowledge also requires substantial funding. There is one exception
to the barriers for advancement: if the monk demonstrates extraordinary intelligence and
diligence he will usually find a sponsor amongst the wealthy to further his education as this
brings merit to the sponsor. Another important factor that improves the chance for quick
promotion is the family lineage of the monk. Elite households have connections
(consanguine or affinal or as donors) to high-ranking monks and abbots of many
monasteries. These connections are a major consideration when monks are assigned
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responsibilities and position since the abbot or head monks make such decisions. For all
these reasons, monks from wealthier families have a better chance for promotion and
advancement in the monastic order than those from poorer households.
There are many occasions when the laity requires the services of a monk. Already
mentioned are the purification and name giving rites during childbirth, marriage rituals and
the funerary rites. Another regular ritual that the laity observes is Chejeu Chaiwachyu where
monks are required. This is dedicated to Guru Rinpoche and performed on the tenth day of
every month as it is done in the monastery (referred to as Chejeu). Monks are also called as
needed and irregularly to dispel or remove evil influences like sickness that can afflict
household members or to prevent harm from befalling the family. For this the monk
performs a ceremony called Kyajo Tenjo. A single monk can do this. The monk makes
tormas (ceremonial ritual cakes) and reads texts and mantras-often accompanied by
drumming, playing the cymbals, horns and bells. Through this ritual performance, the agents
(demons, spirits, etc.) responsible for the problems are bound to the tormas. In the evening,
the cake offerings are physically thrown out into the street outside the town, thus expelling
the evil influences.
Another kind of healing that often requires a monk is possession by witches. Lobas
of Monthang believe that there are many witches in their town and often women get
possessed by them. The first symptoms of a witch possession are that the woman will have a
headache, then her face will undergo change (as one monk said, “her eyes will look like an
elephant’s, slightly squeezed”) and she will begin to shiver and talk strangely. When this
happens, a monk is called. It is said that holding both thumbs of the victim together will trap
the witch making it impossible for her to leave the body of the victim. Thus entrapped, the
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monk will interrogate the witch to find out her identity and the reason for the possession. It
is believed that in this situation whatever is done to the victim is felt by the witch- if the
victim is beaten she will not feel any pain but the witch will or that if the hair of the
possessed woman is cut, it is the witch’s hair that will be chopped. So when the witch
refuses to answer, the victim will be beaten or threatened and usually she will cooperate.
Then the monk performs the Kagu ritual that compels the witch to leave the victim. After the
exorcism, there is usually a purification ritual called Thyu that involves washing the face and
head of the victim with consecrated water to cleanse away the pollution. This is a little
different from the usual thyu (mentioned earlier as a method of removing pollution) in the
sense that here a broom is also used to strike certain parts of the body.
Another service that the laity often receives from the monks is the Mo reading- a
kind of divination. This can be performed only by highly qualified and trained monks and
there are only a few who can do this reliably. When faced with serious dilemmas,
uncertainties, or simply to ascertain the best possible option, Lobas will resort to Mo reading
to help them make a decision with confidence. The divination is done either with the help of
the rosary or with dice or with both depending on the nature of the problem, the outcome of
any one particular reading and the predilections of the monk performing it. There is often a
short ritual and invocation prayer involved before “doing the Mo” i.e. throwing the dice or
counting the beads of the rosary. The abbot is particularly sought after to perform this kind
of divination although a few other monks (or nagpas2 0 9 ) and even laity2 1 0 are able to do it.
2 0 9 Famous for divination was the Amchi, Tashi Chusang who died in 1996.
2 1 0 The king is said to be proficient at it too.
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Finally, when a person reaches the age of eighty-four, a ceremony called Tharchang
is celebrated. It is predominantly a secular occasion with a lot of feasting and dancing but
monks are called to perform special prayers, primarily to the Medicine Buddha for the peace,
well-being and long life of the person. During all these rituals, the monks will be served
endless cups of butter tea and fed the best meals that the house can afford. Depending on the
type of ritual and the rank of the officiating monk,2 1 1 special meals will be prepared.
For all these services performed for the laity, the monks are rewarded with cash and
also often with groceries. The higher the ranking of the monk, the more cash or groceries
will be offered. In addition, the wealthier the households, the more substantial are these
remuneration offerings. Whatever the monks receive during these rituals are theirs to keep
although many may share some with the monastery.
The impure caste is not allowed access to the order. They were prohibited from
becoming monks in the past and although it would be illegal to apply this restriction today,
no individuals from the impure castes are represented in the order. It appears that the gonpa
is reluctant to accept the individuals from the impure caste as monks since there seems to be
strong opposition from the general populace for this idea. This stems from the fact that
monks in Loba society are usually accorded a lot of respect and honor by the laity. For
example, the son who becomes a monk, even as a minor, will be treated with respect within
one’s own household. They are usually not made to do household chores like the other
children, they will be seated higher than their elder siblings, will be served meals first before
other siblings, etc. Generally, a monk will receive a higher seat than a layperson of the same
2 1 1 If the abbot is the officiating monk, then the best kinds o f food will be prepared whereas if there is only one
monk and is of ordinary ranking, then the usual family meal may be served, except meat will inevitably be
included.
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status, like the King pays deference to the abbot or an aristocrat will relinquish his seat to a
monk of aristocratic descent. If an impure caste became a monk, the pure caste would have
to honor and pay reverence to him and that is why the Lobas are opposed to the idea of
admitting the impure castes into the clergy. Moreover, the issue of pollution would have to
be resolved first prior to any acceptance or attempts to assimilate the impure caste. And this
is unlikely to be resolved in the immediate future. One could say that the monastic system in
Lo practices, however tacitly, selective caste segregation and the irony is that when
Buddhism first emerged in India, it opposed the entrenched caste system-advocating that all
people and all life are equal.
In the past over a century ago, according to the abbot Khenpo Tashi Tenzing, there
were also many nuns in Lo. Almost all villages had active nunneries like in Namgyal,
Marang, Ghemi, Geling, Luri, Garphu, and Lo Monthang. In fact, the nunnery in Monthang
was right behind Chhoede gonpa but is now in total ruins. In the past, the monastery and the
nunnery existed side by side, but as the economy of the region deteriorated, nuns were
forced to spend more and more time working at home and less and less time in religious and
spiritual activities. Eventually, they could not devote any time to religion and they began to
marry and have children. People thought badly of this trend and so the ordination of nuns
was stopped and the convent system collapsed. Initially the monks looked after many of the
abandoned nunneries but because of a lack of funds, they have mostly been abandoned. The
nunnery in Monthang had about twenty fields up along the western part of Monthang but
they are all fallow now because of insufficient water. Most of the nuns that married and
started a family have all died. There are only five surviving now and all of them are old. But
they are still referred to as “ zhyoma” or nun. They come to the gonpa three or four times a
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year to observe certain rituals but otherwise lead a secular life. There seems to be no desire,
movement or aspiration to revive the nunneries and the convent system like there is for the
monastic order.
Lobas frequently express their desire to continue and promote the monastic order.
To ensure continuity, a monastic school for young novice monks called Tsechhen
Shedrubling Monastic School, was instituted in Chhoede gonpa with the help of outside
donors (primarily AHF or American Himalayan Foundation) and local support. It was
established in 19942 1 2 under the auspices of (Annapurna Conservation Area Project). The
school not only provides education but also lodging and meals to its young pupils. The main
focus of the school is in religious education but it additionally imparts secular education like
math, general science, art, Nepali, Tibetan and English. As the principal, the school has
employed a Brahmin from Kathmandu who converted to Buddhism. He is in charge of
running the school and teaching the formal syllabus while several monks assigned by the
gonpa take care of the religious education. The bulk of the financial burden is borne by
ACAP but the school raises additional funds by selling souvenirs like T-shirts and postcards
to the tourists that visit the gonpa or by accepting cash donations from them. The novice
monks also pay a nominal fee to cover some expenses. Monks from the three villages of Lo
Monthang, Chosyar and Nynyol2 1 3 are waived this charges and have enrollment priority over
other villages but in exchange they have to provide fuel wood for the school and also manual
labor should the school so require. The novice monks from other villages pay the fee in cash.
The school is overseen by a managing committee, which comprises of the abbot as the Chair,
2 1 2 On May 17,1994 the Lo ruler inaugurated the opening o f the school.
2 1 3 These three villages are seen as patron villages o f the school.
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the crown prince (or palace representative), chief officer of ACAP, VDC Chairman, two
representatives from the parents, and the principal of the school. So far the management of
the school has been quite efficient and commendable.
Nonetheless, the school has been the source of heated debate. The older monks
raised the issue of providing food and boarding to the young pupils only while they do not
enjoy such privileges. The younger monks argued that the older monks should give the
income from their clients to the monastery if they want free meals and lodging. The younger
monks want to institute the residency system like elsewhere where monks live inside the
monastery and engage only in monastic activities and in lieu of which food and
accommodation is provided by the gonpa. But the older monks are opposed to give up their
clientship and the status they currently enjoy in this system of monk-client relationship. This
dissension got contentious in 1995 and some monks suggested that the issue should be taken
to Sakya Trizin, the head of the Sakya lineage and that everyone should abide by his
decision. But the suggestion was never implemented. And as the debate continues, the
traditional system persists and the status quo remains intact.
4) ACAP (Annapurna Conservation Area Project):
The three institutions described above are traditional indigenous establishments that
have survived through Lo history and are effective and functional to this day. But the
changes in national policies and ideologies have introduced and imposed new institutions to
the Loba community. One of the most significant and recent institution is called ACAP
(pronounced “eh-cap”) or Annapurna Conservation Area Project. ACAP was originally a
project conceived and implemented in 1986 by a non-profit NGO called King Mahendra
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Trust for Nature Conservation (KMTNC). The guiding philosophy was a grassroots
integrated approach advocating local community involvement in all the processes of
development and conservation projects. This was contrary to the prevalent top-down
philosophy of most development agencies. It was first introduced in the Annapurna region,
one of the most popular trekking areas. The mandate was to manage the region’s natural
resources and tourism in an ecologically prudent and socially and economically sustainable
manner. ACAP imposed a small fee to all tourists visiting this region and the income from
tourism was used to promote and finance local conservation and development efforts or
alternative energy projects. The ACAP experiment was a huge success and received much
publicity and international awards and commendations. So when Mustang was finally
opened to outside visitors in 1992, HMG Ministry of Tourism entrusted the management of
Mustang’s natural resources, tourism and development activities to KMTNC’s ACAP
project. It must be emphasized that ACAP was officially charged with this responsibility
four months after the first tourists had already entered Mustang and hence it can be said that
they had to act hastily with the bare minimum preparation. After assessing the needs,
priorities and potentials of Lo, ACAP identified four areas that had to be addressed: a)
energy b) heritage conservation c) community development and d) tourism management.2 1 4
With this assessment ascertained, ACAP launched the Upper Mustang Conservation and
Development Project (UMCDP) with a permanent field office in Lo Monthang. Although
technically the office should be referred to as UMCDP, it is popularly known as ACAP to
the Lobas and will be used here in that sense unless stated otherwise.
2,4 Cited in the tourist brochure on Upper Mustang Conservation and Development Project.
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When ACAP was established in Lo in 1992, the people had very high expectations
from the organization. This was because political and other leaders had campaigned in Lo
promising them that 60 % of the fees charged to tourists visiting Lo would be set aside for
Lo’s development. Although skeptical, when ACAP actually established office in Monthang,
their hopes soared. The Lobas were particularly impressed by the fact that the ACAP office
was established in November and remained operative throughout the winter months whereas
all government offices shut down during the winter and the staff leaves for southern Nepal;
even Lobas migrate south.2 1 5 When I first went to Lo Monthang in January to conduct my
field study, a Loba expressed puzzlement and said, “Why do you want to go to Lo in winter.
Even dogs migrate south.” In the beginning there was much enthusiasm, rapport and
cooperation between the people and ACAP. O f the many programs (like clean-up, health
and environmental awareness campaigns) that they initially launched, none had a greater
positive impact than the health post that ACAP established. It was well stocked with
medicines and the health worker was always available but more importantly it remained
serviceable throughout the winter months. But for various reasons the goodwill and the
collaboration soon deteriorated. Before delving into the causes of this decline, let us examine
some of the programs that ACAP carried out. All the programs that ACAP implemented
were focused on the four main areas identified earlier.
a) Energy: In the area of energy ACAP started the Natural Resources Conservation
programs. These programs were aimed at alleviating the problems regarding fuel wood,
pasture, energy and deforestation. Lo has a perennial and acute shortage of fuel wood. Since
2 1 5 My first journey to Lo fi>r field study was undertaken in January. A Loba expressed puzzlement and said,
“Why do you want to go to Lo in winter. Even dogs migrate south.”
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the region is virtually treeless it could be said that Lo has practically no fuel wood and what
little they have is comprised mainly of a shrub bush called takla and some stunted juniper.
The main source of fuel is yak dung. The collection of takla and dung is also linked to the
health of pastureland. The takla is harvested by uprooting it as the roots also make good fuel
wood. In the process there is much damage to the grass in the pastureland causing the soil to
loosen and succumb to erosion. This is particularly devastating because of the general dearth
of other vegetation to hold the soil. Furthermore, the takla also protects the scant vegetation
cover of the rangeland from the relentless wind. The gathering of yak dung deprives the area
of a valuable and essential source of fertilizer. Therefore, the combined practice of gathering
dung and collecting takla means an ever-increasing decrease in the quality of pastureland in
Lo. Since the health of the pastureland is linked to fuel shortage, addressing the fuel shortage
would also affect rangeland.
To mitigate the fuel shortage, ACAP established kerosene depots operated by the
locals. ACAP kept the price of the fuel low by subsidizing the transportation cost. They also
introduced kerosene stoves and taught people how to use them. The hope was that most
people would switch from yak to kerosene as the main fuel source. But this did not happen.
There were several reasons but the main hurdle was mechanical problems. The stoves broke
down frequently and although ACAP had technicians who could fix the problems they were
not always available as they could be engaged in other projects or working on assignment
outside the town. Then there was the problem of parts, which were not readily obtainable.
The supply of kerosene in the depots was not reliable, the stove was very noisy and the
people, especially the women were not comfortable using it- they had heard of cases where
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the stove exploded and seriously injured or even killed the user.2 1 6 So instead of being the
main method of cooking meals, the use of kerosene stove is infrequent and as a backup in
case of emergencies. Kerosene is used primarily for lighting purposes although some use it
for cooking. To decrease the cooking time (and fuel consumption), ACAP also distributed
pressure cookers at subsidized costs. This was the most successful experiment since most
households acquired them and even if yak dung was used, this certainly reduced its
consumption.
Another solution to reduce fuel shortage was trying out the various energy
alternatives. One such consideration was micro-hydro electricity. Prior to ACAP’s arrival
there were already a couple of micro-hydro installations in Lo but were inoperative for
various reasons. The first step that ACAP embraced was the repair and rehabilitation of these
small power plants. The next step was establishing new installations. The government had
allocated a micro-hydro project for Lo Monthang prior to ACAP’s arrival but it had never
been implemented for reasons that are very complicated and vague. The Lobas of Monthang
requested ACAP to complete the project but because it was enmeshed in a conflict involving
several agencies, departments and personalities, ACAP was hesitant. Besides, the cost
estimate of the project had risen significantly since its inception and ACAP did not have the
budget for it. But more importantly, ACAP felt that this was not a priority need since they
were aware that electricity would not replace yak dung as fuel source but would be used only
for lighting purposes. But for the people, the electrification project became a symbol for
power, development and progress. The refrain repeated by many Monthang residents was,
2 1 6 Hie stove is hand pumped to give pressure for the fuel to jet out o f little pores. Defective stoves are said to
explode if too much pressure is applied.
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“We are the capital of Lo but we do not have electricity and live in the dark while smaller
villages like Tsarang and Marang have electricity!”
When ACAP explained that they did not have the budget for electrification, the
people were suspicious for they had been promised vast funds from tourism. This created an
atmosphere of distrust and disillusionment. Consequently, ACAP had to acquiesce otherwise
all other projects would be jeopardized. When funding was finally procured and the project
got the green light, then there was trouble amongst the Lobas. According to the original plan,
both Lo Monthang and its neighboring Namgyal village were to collaborate. The water for
this project was to be taken from a canal in the north that belonged to Monthang but traveled
through Namgyal. As the volume of water in this canal was insufficient to operate the
turbines it was agreed that Namgyal would divert their irrigation water into this canal to
augment the water volume. They would also contribute land for the construction of the
powerhouse since the ideal location with the largest drop was in lands that belonged to
Namgyal. In fact, they had already built a boundary wall around the designated area where
the powerhouse was to be built. In return they were promised electricity. But when the
project was being finalized in Jomsom, Namgyal announced that they would not participate
in the project stating that the people of Lo Monthang had duped them. This caused a halt in
the project.
A town meeting was convened in Monthang where representatives of Namgyal were
asked to be present. Three people headed by an older man came to represent Namgyal. They
explained that there would not be enough water to irrigate their fields if they diverted their
water for generating electricity. The Lobas of Monthang assured them that the water would
be sufficient since it would be redirected only during the night and that too for only a couple
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of hours. But Namgyal remained unconvinced. Finally, they were asked why they had not
raised this issue before and why they had signed the co-operation agreement. The old leader
countered that they never signed an agreement. The king then pulled out a document from
his pocket and showed it to everyone. It had the signature or thumbprint of the old man
himself and other representatives from Namgyal. Then he argued that he was not aware of
the content of the document when he affixed his signature. No amount of arguing,
convincing or even warning of dire consequences was able to change their decision and so
the original project site and plan had to be abandoned.
Immediately after this unsuccessful attempt, another meeting of Monthang residents
was held in which it was unanimously decided to cut off the drinking water supply to
Namgyal since they had tapped the water from the source that belonged to Monthang. They
also decided to destroy the canals that Namgyal had been permitted to construct to get water
from this source. It was also decided that they would not permit animals from Namgyal to
graze on pastures that belonged to Monthang as had been previously allowed. So on a
designated day, the people of Monthang (one male member per household) marched to the
water source and destroyed the canals and cut off the polythene pipe that carried drinking
water to Namgyal village. Some of them even trampled the crops instead of walking along
the edges of the fields. They camped and cooked lunch at the Namgyal school compound
while waiting to meet the people of Namgyal2 1 7 but not a single inhabitant showed up to
negotiate or to stop the destruction. Animals belonging to Namgyal were prohibited from
grazing in pasture range that belonged to Monthang and if the animals were caught straying,
2 1 7 The people of Monthang were waiting there to give the villagers o f Namgyal one last chance to reconsider
their decision but the residents of Namgyal were too frightened to come out because the Lobas o f Monthang were
high strung and rambunctious.
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the penalty fees levied were very steep, far higher than the normal rate. Despite all these
difficulties, Namgyal did not relent and the relationship between the two villages became
strained and antagonistic and remains so to this day.
Since this conflict was disadvantageous to Namgyal, why did they undertake this
decision? The residents of Monthang blame a young man from Namgyal for all this trouble.
He is supposed to have persuaded his villagers that if they allowed their water to be siphoned
off, there would be no water left to irrigate their fields. They said that he always schemes
behind the scenes and “is never in the front” and that he orchestrated the whole episode of
older illiterate men representing his village during the meeting in Monthang. They accuse
him of aspiring for leadership position in Lo. They also suspect that he secretly supports
Dikki, the king’s sister-in-law and that he was trying to create discord so as to discredit the
claim of solidarity for the king during the court case regarding royal inheritance. He of
course denies these allegations. It must be pointed out that he is a soft-spoken young
educated Loba who is also a member of the Congress Party and a member of the District
Committee. He was also present at the meeting in Monthang when this issue was being
debated but he was there as a member of the District Committee while the elder men
represented his village Namgyal. He did not say much in that meeting. But the villagers of
Namgyal were staunchly convinced that there would be no water for irrigating their fields if
they were to participate in their original scheme.2 1 8 Since the plan was to generate electricity
only during the evening for a couple of hours, they would be without water for about three
2 1 8 Since the plan was to generate electricity only during the evening for a couple of hours, they would be without
water for about three hours each day. If this plan was adhered to, it would most likely not make any or much
difference to their water supply but in times o f drought or low water volume, it would definitely be disastrous.
The residents of Monthang contend that in case o f drought, they too would need every drop o f water and so
would stop operating the generators.
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hours each day. If this plan was adhered to, it would most likely not make any or much
difference to their water supply but in times of drought or low water volume, it would
definitely be disastrous. The residents of Monthang contend that in case of a drought, they
too would need every drop of water and so would stop operating the generators.
The old plan had to be relinquished and a new survey was conducted. It was decided
that water from a stream in the north would be diverted into the original canal and the
powerhouse would be located further east at the end of the settlement of the impure caste.
This increased the cost of the project since it entailed building a channel from the stream to
the original canal. The job of this additional work was contracted to the Vice-chair of
Monthang but there was constant bickering during construction of the canal. The laborers
and the contractor did not get along- the contractor said that the workers were lazy while the
laborers complained that they were overworked and underpaid. There was also conflict
between ACAP and the contractor. ACAP felt that the quality of work was shoddy and that
the work was progressing too slowly. The contractor demanded more money for the project
and often threatened to walk out. This project was a constant and a major source of hassle
for ACAP. For example, when installing the penstock and the generator or constructing the
power house, ACAP was to provide the skilled workers (overseers, engineers, masons, etc.)
while Monthang was to contribute labor (for collecting and transporting rocks, breaking
stones into gravels, shifting sand, etc.) but ACAP officials complained that the Loba laborers
were too slow or too few and that the progress of the project was being hampered. This led
to much conflict and the project was not completed on time.2 1 9
2 1 9 ACAP had planned the project completion by the summer o f 1996 and had proposed that the inauguration be
done by Prince Gynendra.
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Right from the beginning ACAP had already realized that electricity would not
replace yak dung as the main source of fuel but only serve the lighting needs of the people.
So they also experimented with the idea of utilizing solar energy since Lo, being in the
rainshadow of the Himalaya, remains virtually cloudless for most of the year. They
introduced small solar panels of voltaic cells to charge a car battery throughout the day and
later the charged battery could be used to power electrical gadgets. But the energy from the
battery was insufficient for cooking purposes2 2 0 and was good only for lighting a few bulbs.
A series of batteries would be needed to provide enough power for cooking needs and the
cost for this strategy would be vastly prohibitive. The main hurdle was the cost of the solar
panels that were all imported (some companies in Kathmandu also make solar panels but
their efficiency is less than the imported panels).
Besides the proscriptive cost of solar technology, there were several obstacles that
prevented its extensive implementation. The first hurdle was the transportation of the car
batteries- not just because of the heavy weight but also because they contained acid, a
hazardous material to transport either by animals or humans.2 2 1 Moreover, there was the
environmental problem posed by expended batteries. How to dispose of these batteries was a
major concern because even if they were carted away from Lo, Nepal has no facility to
dispose them in an ecologically sound manner.2 2 2 In addition, ACAP did not have the
2 2 0 ACAP had wanted to power a very rudimentary electric stove used in urban areas o f Nepal and India which
consists o f a coil o f wire that is heated by the electric current like in a bread toaster.
2 2 1 The airlines will not transport batteries unless the acid is emptied and since the acid has to be transported
separately, the danger is not diminished.
2 2 2 Therefore simply transporting them out o f Lo would be only transferring the problem to another area in Nepal.
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expertise2 2 3 to maintain or repair the voltaic cells and spare parts are not readily available
even in the cities. Another objection to solar energy comes from the tourists who do not want
to see solar panels on the roofs of traditional houses. Unless the cost of the system can be
drastically reduced and used for cooking, solar energy is will remain a novelty used by only
a small number of households to power a few light bulbs or gadgets like radios, cassette and
video players.
ACAP’s effort to mitigate the pressure on traditional fuel wood has not been
successful because the entire alternative energy source introduced has not been a viable
option. Lobas use of yak dung is almost exclusively for cooking purposes. Therefore, to
alleviate the use of dung, an energy source has to be cheap, simple to use and renewable so
that it can be used for cooking. Unless it replaces yak dung, any form of alternative fuel
source will remain marginal. Hydropower and solar energy have only replaced the lighting
method from the traditional oil and kerosene mode. In areas like Tsarang where micro-hydro
power is available, electricity has actually increased the consumption of yak dung. Because
there is light in the evening, people stay awake longer socializing thus expending the scarce
fuel wood and yak dung. Another effect is that more tea and chang is consumed. The local
resources that are renewable and have potential are hydro, solar and wind but all three are
currently very costly to implement. As the costs of these technology drop (as with solar and
wind at least), it is possible that in the future these resources could be harnessed to replace
yak dung.
Under the rubric of Natural Resources Conservation, ACAP viewed the local
wildlife as a very important resource that needed to be protected. Although the density of
2 2 3 Solar technology is still an emergent field in Nepal and there are few Nepali specialist in this area.
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wildlife in Lo is pretty scarce compared to other regions, nevertheless there are several
species of highly endangered animals in the region. At the top of the endangered list are the
lynx and the snow leopard. There are also other rare species like the wild yak (believed to be
extinct now but unconfirmed), wild Tibetan ass (kyang), Argali sheep and bharal or blue
sheep. Although no comprehensive wildlife study has been undertaken (ACAP does not have
a qualified wildlife expert nor the funding to conduct surveys), some of the common fauna
that one encounters are the Himalayan marmot, rabbit and various species of birds like the
Himalayan raven, crows, pigeons, vultures, sparrows, hawks and kites, hopee, woodpecker
and Himalayan snowcock. Sightings of foxes and jackals have also been reported.
Sometimes, the migrating Siberian cranes also settle in the fields on their way south. The
Buddhist religion forbids the taking of any type of life so the Lobas do not generally kill or
hunt these wildlife.2 2 4
Ironically, as far as the Lobas are concerned, the common wildlife is left unharmed
whereas it is the endangered animals that suffer from human action. Both lynx and snow
leopard are often stoned to death when they enter a goat or sheep corral to feed on the
livestock2 2 5 and cannot escape. Whenever a predator animal is killed, it is skinned and
2 2 4 In the winter months when snow covers all the land, small boys will sometime set traps to catch pigeons. First
the boys yank a strand or two of hair from the horse’s tail. Several slipknot loops are fashioned on each strand
and the end is tied to a heavy rock that will act as anchor weight. Then a small area on the fields is cleared o f
snow mid the ground exposed. The hair trap is concealed on the ground and left there. When the pigeons see the
exposed ground, they flock to the area in search o f food. When their feet get caught in the loop and try to pull
away, the slipknot tightens around the feet and the rock prevents the bird from being able to fly away. The boys
come periodically to check if a pigeon has been caught-1 was told that the pigeons are caught for the meat but did
not witness any killing o f the birds. On one occasion, a young boy caught a pigeon on his trap and after showing
it to his friends and playing with it, he released the bird.
2 2 5 Lobas believe that snow leopards are vicious killers, that they love to drink animal blood and that they go on
slaughtering rampages killing as many as 30 sheep at any one time. After drinking the blood o f the numerous
victims, the leopard is said to be intoxicated and unable to escape and that is when the people stone it to death.
The Lobas also relate that the leopards are very strong and agile and that once it kills a sheep, it uses the tail to
swing the dead animal onto its back and escape with the victim. This belief is widespread.
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stuffed with straw. Then the people who killed it parade the animal from door to door and
from village to village. Each household rewards the killers with money depending on how
many livestock the household own. The more animals one has, the greater the reward. ACAP
has not been able to convince the Lobas from not killing these endangered animals since
they prey on livestock.
b) Heritage Conservation. In the area of Heritage Conservation, ACAP undertook
several programs to preserve and restore heritage sites and Loba culture. One principal
feature of Monthang that ACAP wanted to preserve and restore was the special wall
surrounding the town. They wanted to prevent construction of buildings outside the wall so
as not to obstruct the unique view of the wall, but they were unable to do this because all the
areas adjacent to the wall were now private property2 2 6 over which neither they nor the
village committee had jurisdiction. Ironically it was tourism that was the stimulus for an
increase in such construction- one large hotel was built right into the wall and many areas
were converted to camping grounds. Initial attempts (they could only advise and suggest
since they did not have the authority to stop it) to prevent some of the building projects were
not only unsuccessful but created friction between the people and the organization so it was
abandoned. The people did not see the wall as a significant cultural heritage and did not care
about its preservation. However, they were deeply concerned about the conservation mid
restoration of Chamba and Thubchen gonpas, two monasteries that ACAP had also pledged
to protect.
But this latter task proved, for reasons beyond their power, to be another huge
headache that created further animosity between the people and ACAP. It all stemmed from
2 2 6 As reported earlier, these areas were sold by the king to the public.
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the national law, which stated that, any sort of repair or construction in old heritage buildings
and sites required the prior approval and authorization of the Archaeological Department of
Nepal. Both Chamba and Thubchen monasteries were severely damaged and needed urgent
repair and restoration of the building structures and the wall frescoes. Of the two, the people
were very concerned about the state of Thubchen gonpa as the roof on the western end of the
monastery hall was sagging and was only inches above the head of the main statue of
Shakyamuni, the historical Buddha. The people themselves wanted to do something to stop
the progressive sagging of the roof but ACAP would not permit them since the
Archaeological Department had not authorized it. ACAP had repeatedly requested the
department (both formally and informally) to send an archaeologist to investigate the
worsening situation but despite the assurances that someone would be delegated, it had not
transpired. The Lobas were impatient with the inaction but ACAP was helpless as it was
beyond their jurisdiction.
The monumental problem ACAP had to overcome is the Nepali bureaucracy that is
distinguished for its snail-paced inertia and perpetual procrastination. To make matters
worse, the urban-based officials consider Lo one of the most remote and difficult regions and
so are disinclined to travel there.2 2 7 But the main deterrent it seems was the fact that the daily
allowances that the government paid its officials assigned to travel throughout Nepal was
insufficient to cover the actual cost of coming to Lo. This meant that the visiting
archaeologist would have to pay the difference out of his or her own pocket. When ACAP
eventually discovered this fact, they offered to take care of the archaeologist’s food and
2 2 7 Also low altitude dwellers have suffered from altitude sickness and always complain about the lack of good
food and lodges.
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lodging needs but the department still did not comply with the request or at least had not up
until the end ofl996.2 2 8 In the end, the Lobas became quite enraged and directed their
frustration at ACAP.
Of the two monasteries Chamba is the older. The gonpa is believed to have been
built by king Agon Zangpo around 1450. It is located west of the palace and according to
local belief he constructed it there so as to be able to see the face of the Chamba Buddha
from the window of his palace. The statue of the Maitreya Buddha (Chamba or Future
Buddha) is made of clay and about fifty feet tall. The pedestal and the lotus flower seat takes
up the whole bottom floor while the statue of the seated Chamba fills the entire first story.
The image is superbly sculptured and the dress and the ornaments are beautifully painted
while the face and the body is gilded. He is depicted seated with his legs crossed in the lotus
position or Dhayana asana2 2 9 (meaning meditative posture in Sanskrit) and the hands are
held in the Dharmachakra mudra or the teaching gesture.2 3 0 It is a very beautiful and awe
inspiring image that towers over the visitors and is set towards the western wall of the hall
that houses it. The hall is relatively small-just large enough to cover the image and with a
little bit of space on three sides. But the walls are covered with beautifully executed and
detailed frescoes of large mandalas dedicated to various deities. The mandalas are about five
and a half feet in diameter and in between the mandalas are paintings of many Buddhist
2 2 8 It appears that the personnel that were assigned always made some excuse not to follow the order- mostly
medical excuses.
2 2 9 In this posture the legs are crossed with the soles o f both feet visible and feeing upward.
2 3 0 Dharma in Sanskrit means “law” and chakra means “wheel” and so Dharmachakra means the Wheel of Law
or what is known as the turning o f the Wheel of Law- the moment when the historical Buddha gave his first
sermon. Therefore this gesture is also called the Teaching gesture and it is formed by holding both hands in front
of the chest with the left palm turned inward feeing the right palm turned outward. The index finger and the
thumb o f each hand touch forming a circle while the other fingers are kept extended.
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deities and protectors. But these paintings can barely be discerned in the available light
provided only by the door and a little opening over it (the one through which the king
viewed the face of the Buddha). Besides, the frescoes are covered by centuries of dust, dirt
and soot from the butter lamps lit every evening. So to view them properly a light source is
necessary.
Above this hall is a room that has a large central opening with a wooden stairs that
leads to the roof. All the walls in this room have paintings of different mandala too which
have mostly been damaged by water.2 3 1 But a few mandala paintings that are intact are of
extremely high artistic quality and probably one of the finest of their kind in the world. This
room is normally inaccessible and one has to bring a tall ladder to enter this area.
In front of the hall on the ground floor is a courtyard where most of the village
meetings are held. The courtyard is quite dilapidated and some sections are in ruins but there
are many large circular wooden columns2 3 2 with carved capital and joist ends which indicate
that in the past this structure was quite grand.
The other monastery, Thubchen, which was built about fifty years later around 1490
by Aham Tsangchen Tashigon, is even more impressive in terms of the artwork. It is an
unusual structure because it is built about 4-5 feet below the ground level.2 3 3 The monastery
consists of a single huge cavernous hall but the remnants of ruined walls on the roof indicate
that there was a second story in the past. After entering the main gate from the east, a
descending flight of steps leads to a large porch with huge larger than life size clay statues of
2 3 1 The extend of damage to these invaluable artwork is truly devastating when compared to my previous visits,
first in 1981 and then in 1990.
2 3 2 These columns are about 15-20 feet tall and are made by joining three separate pieces together.
2 3 3 Generally, monasteries are found at elevated sites whenever possible-many can be found high on top of hills,
cliffs etc.
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the four guardians, two on each side sitting on a raised platform. The enormous doors at the
end of the passage mark the entrance to the main hall.
Inside, the first thing one notices are the 36 huge columns that support the ceiling of
the hall. They are about thirty feet tall and are made of large blocks of wood that are joined
together. Each column, squarish in shape and slightly tapered and etched, supports an
exquisitely carved capital. All the wood in the ceiling are incised with finely detailed and
stylized carvings. In the center of the ceiling is a covered rectangular opening that allows
daylight into the hall. Along the edges of the opening are delicately carved lion heads with
the front legs projecting forward. There are many empty spaces where the lions are missing
and some of the extant lions have their teeth missing or are otherwise damaged.
At the west end of the hall, on a tiered 8-9 feet tall platform, is the big 9-foot tall
copper statue of Shakyamuni Buddha which is the one that is in imminent danger of being
crushed by the sagging ceiling. He is flanked by three smaller (smaller than Shakyamuni but
larger than life-size) statues of Guru Rinpoche (Padmasambhava), Manjushree and
Chenrezig (Avaloketswara) all made of clay. In front of the platform towards the central
opening of the hall is another beautiful statue of Heyagriva in yab-yum (sexual) form.
But the crowning jewel, the piece de resistance, is the exquisite artwork (frescoes)
on the walls of the monastery. Except for the west wall, all the other walls (about 125 by 65
feet) are covered with the most exquisite paintings of large Buddhas (Shakyamuni and the
Dhyani Buddhas), deities, monks and animals. But the frescoes have suffered much damage.
It seems that in the past the northern wall either collapsed or was in danger of coming down
so the Lobas tore down the wall and moved it inward except for about 15 feet at the eastern
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end of the wall2 3 4 which was left intact with the original paintings. The new wall is devoid of
artwork. The frescoes on the southern wall have also been severely ravaged by moisture-
leakage from the roof and seepage from the floor (aggravated by the fact that the street level
is higher than the foundation). The eastern wall with the entrance door is the least affected
although not totally spared. The quality and execution of artwork is extremely refined and
detailed and of the highest standard comparable to the best frescoes in Tibet. The subtleties
and the varieties of colors used are astounding. Many large figures are gilded and numerous
mantras are written in gold. These invaluable treasures needed to be salvaged immediately or
at least stabilized so that further deterioration could be prevented. This urgency was
recognized both by ACAP and the Lobas which made their contention over its renovation
and restoration even more poignant, further eroding the trust and goodwill between the
people and ACAP.
To make things worse, the two international parties that wanted to restore the
frescoes offered not only opposing suggestions and approaches to ACAP but were
themselves involved in malicious negative campaigns about the other party’s plan and
personnel. This left ACAP in a quandary since not only the organization but all of Nepal did
not have a specialist that had worked in renovation and restoration of old frescoes. An
American couple, the Liebermans who were professors in Brown University had initially
expressed their desire to work on the Thubchen restoration project. Later AHF (American
Himalayan Foundation) also exhibited interest in the project. Eventually the project was
granted to AHF mainly because it had the funding whereas the Liebermans were still seeking
2 3 4 Thus the original structure which was square in shape was changed to rectangular except for the eastern end
where the original wall was left intact. So there is a little offset comer at that end.
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funds. But another significant reason that most likely swayed the decision was the fact that
AHF was an important donor to ACAP and was already involved in several projects in Lo
(novice monk school, health post and micro-hydro). As the Archaeological Department had
not yet authorized any restoration work, nothing was done up until the end of the field study
in 1996. There were other heritage sites that ACAP was also interested in restoring and
conserving like Luri gonpa and some of the ancient caves but in light of their impotence in
the Chamba and Thubchen projects, they did not pursue other such sites.
ACAP was also concerned with living culture and so initiated the school for novice
monks already mentioned. They wanted to promote education of the Lobas in their own
native tongue but the education system established by the government was not
accommodating. Furthermore, there were other practical problems that made this impossible.
First, there were not enough qualified Loba teachers to fill all the schools throughout Lo.
Second, training non-Loba teachers to speak Loba language would take time and money
which ACAP did not have and even if they did master the language, the government kept
rotating and transferring teachers from one area to another and thus, this would have been
impractical. So this idea was abandoned.
ACAP also wanted to encourage the use of traditional dress amongst the Lobas. The
women all wear the traditional Chuba while in Lo2 3 5 but only some of the older men wear
the Chuba. Most men are attired in trousers and jacket. Some of the younger boys even wear
studded leather jacket and belt a la Michael Jackson. Since this is a personal decision, ACAP
was unable to influence the desired dress code. But at the societal level, they were able to
2 3 5 When in the cities, the women often wear kurta surwal (an Indian outfit very popular in Nepal), sari, frocks,
skirts, and trousers.
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highlight the significance of Loba tradition during the Tenji (Teji) festival. This is the most
spectacular of all Loba festivals and is celebrated for three days. ACAP discovered that there
were large gaps between events on all three days when nothing happened so they decided to
make the festival more interesting by sponsoring and organizing competitive events between
the different villages of Lo. They also made an effort to cater to the interests of all age and
gender divisions by including both traditional and modem events. Thus, they scheduled
competition in archery, wool spinning, tatokpa2 3 6 for men and women, volleyball, tug-of-
war, horse race and traditional dancing. One of the most anticipated and appreciated event
was the traditional dancing because the participants were judged not only on the quality of
their performance but also on the attire. So they came dressed in their best traditional
costumes, which was like a fashion show. In this respect ACAP did manage to impart a
social awareness and appreciation of the traditional attire to the Lobas in general even if they
could not persuade individuals to wear them on a daily basis. Prizes were then distributed to
the winners the next day after the festival ended in a special ceremony organized by ACAP.
As with all competitive events there were always some controversies. Some monks
complained that while the lay people got all the prizes, they received nothing, when in fact,
they were the main performers of the Tenji festival. These were manageable disputes but
during the prize distribution of the 1996 Tenji, an unfortunate anti-ACAP incident occurred
(described later) which was so devastating to their image that henceforth they stopped being
involved in the Tenji festival.
c) Community Development. In the area of community development, they have
launched some successful programs. The most successful of these is in the area of health. As
236 A local gam e in w hich an object (piece o f wool w ith the skin far w om en and m etal rings w ith wool
for m en) is kept up in the air by kicking it. T he longer one can keep it up the better.
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mentioned earlier ACAP established a health post that was their best public relations tool.
The health post provided service throughout the winter months. It was normally well stocked
with medicines and equipments (which were supplied by AHF). But more importantly, the
health worker was a very dedicated person and was always willing to serve the patients2 3 7 .
Furthermore, he was conversant enough in the Loba language to understand the patient’s
explanation. This was very helpful when treating older Lobas who did not speak Nepali. His
service was enormously appreciated and everyone liked him.2 3 8 ACAP also conducted health
camps during the winter months where the health worker and his assistant visited other
villages. Depending on the size of the population, they spent several days treating the sick
and needy and also distributing free medicines. During the summer months, the ACAP
health post was supposed to close as the government run health post was operative, but his
service was in demand even when the government health worker was available. The only
problem with this situation was that the health worker was in constant demand. Since he
could not be in all places at the same time, there were always occasions when some did not
receive treatment on time. He had a Loba assistant who was being trained but the assistant
was not very bright and so was ineffective. ACAP could do better if they could train some
Lobas with formal health education and bring them back to serve their people.
Another health program that they initiated was the clean-up campaign. They
conducted regular sweeping of the streets and collecting of garbage. This program was
partially successful as those involved in the clean-up work were mainly women and children
2 3 7 1 accompanied him to another village on one occasion and have observed him traveling even in a snow storm
when he was called from another village.
2 3 8 Once I jokingly told a Loba that the health worker was being transferred out o f Lo but she took me seriously
and wanted call the people to petition ACAP not to transfer him. O f course I told her that I was just kidding but it
exhibited the extent to which his service was required and he was valued.
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while the men rarely pitched in. Sweeping streets and alleys had only a very short-lived
cosmetic effect since there was perpetual dust blown around by the incessant wind. It is
virtually impossible to keep the streets and rooms free of dust.
But collecting garbage was an effective campaign particularly picking up rags, old
shoes, paper, plastic and broken glass2 3 9 that littered the streets of Monthang- both inside and
outside the town. These clean-up campaigns made the town look clean and tidy but more
importantly it got rid of the dangerous shards of glass that were a potential threat to both
animals and humans (particularly the children). But even in this endeavor ACAP ran into a
problem for which they could fmd no solution. When ACAP first tried to bum the garbage
that had been collected, the people would not allow them to do so because of the local belief
that burning garbage offends the gods and local spirits. So they built two burial pits located
some distance outside the township- one at the southern end and the other at the northern
end. But there was so much garbage that the pits were soon overfilled making these two
locations a horrible sight to behold.2 4 0 Because it is extremely dry and cold, garbage that is
normally easily biodegradable elsewhere, decompose and degrade at a very slow rate in Lo
and hence last for inordinately long periods. This exacerbates the garbage situation and the
disposal efforts.
A greater problem was posed by the non-biodegradable trash like rubber (from
rubber soles of shoes) and plastic (noodle wrappings and bags) which in Lo’s environment
will last virtually forever. There are no recycling facilities even in the major cities of Nepal
2 3 9 Lobas, both adults and children, have the habit of breaking empty bottles whenever they are found. The bottles
are usually smashed outside of town but sometimes little kids do it inside too. They seem to have a particular
fondness for shattering the green bottles used for Chinese alcohol.
2 4 0 Both garbage pits were basically dumping sites dug right on the path that leads to the town and so cannot be
avoided.
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but even if such facilities were available transporting the trash to these center would be
exorbitantly expensive. So both biodegradable and non-biodegradable rubbish continue to
accumulate in the garbage pits with no solution for a permanent disposal.
ACAP initiated a tree plantation campaign in an effort to address the acute fuel
demand. They distributed saplings of Bhote Peepal, a high altitude variety of the peepal tree.
To encourage widespread acceptance of this campaign, they offered cash incentives for each
sampling planted and nurtured. But prior to any plantation, the people had to first build a
protective wall around the plantation site so as to safeguard the saplings from animals or
from being trampled. Cash remuneration was offered for building the walls. Protective walls
around a plantation site were mandatory but the Lobas were also encouraged to build walls
around their agricultural fields for which they received similar cash compensations.2 4 1 The
tree plantation campaign has been quite successful in terms of the initial introduction. The
actual impact can only be gauged many years later after these saplings have grown into adult
trees and what percentage of the saplings have survived into maturity2 4 2 can be assessed. The
immediate benefit of this campaign has come from the construction of protective walls-
particularly around agricultural fields. This has alleviated the destruction of crops because
animals can no longer consume and trample the plants.
ACAP has also initiated drinking water projects in many villages. In many areas, the
source of drinking water is at some distance from the village so potable water is transported
2 4 1 The plantation sites were first appraised and approved before the saplings were issued. Then the saplings had
to be planted according to certain specifications like distance between plants, depth for roots and how well-cared
it was. There was also specifications for the walls particularly for width and height but there was no limit to
length. In feet renumeration was calculated by measuring the length o f the wall after the height and width
requirements were met.
2 4 2 Also the future will tell if the wood from these trees will be used for timber or for fuel and if the leaves and
soft shoots will be used for fodder.
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by means of polythene pipes and brought to the village centers. This makes the task of
fetching water more convenient and easier. The only problem with this system is that they do
not function during the winter months when water in the pipes freezes into ice and breaks the
pipes. Thus drinking water has to be carried again from the source during the winter, a
period when conditions are worse and the need for functioning water taps are more urgently
felt. Also, the damaged pipes have to be repaired every spring.2 4 3 So this program is
positively advantageous during the warmer period of the year but not in winter when it
would be most worthwhile and prized. Another program that ACAP started was in
horticulture. They rented some land and experimented with various vegetables and
techniques. A small greenhouse2 4 4 was also constructed where plants requiring warmer
conditions were planted. The experiments with growing vegetables like onions, Swiss
chards, potatoes and cauliflower were highly successful. So they held demonstration
workshops for those interested in starting a kitchen garden and also distributed various kinds
of vegetable seeds. The objective of this program was twofold; one was to provide healthier
nourishment as there is very little greens in the traditional Loba diet and the other was to
furnish some cash benefits by selling the vegetables to the trekking organizations. The
groups could enjoy fresh vegetables and the agencies would have to carry less weight. It was
not possible to assess the impact of this program since it was introduced in the final year of
2 4 3 Some areas had metal pipes but when these pipes got dam aged, fixing them was a m ajor endeavor and costly.
One solution considered was burring the pipes deeper into the ground but that would m ore costs and still there
was no guarantee that the pipe would not freeze since at the end where the tap juts out, the water was bound to
freeze.
2 4 4 This was a simple structure m ade by covering plastic over a series of arched metal rods. The tem perature
inside this enclosed greenhouse was quite hot even in the winter.
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the field study but even if the cash benefit does not materialize, it would certainly make the
Loba diet more wholesome and nutritious.
To warrant the success and amiable reception of these programs, ACAP set out right
from the very beginning to build local institutions. One was the founding and initiation of
what was called Conservation and Development Committees (CDC). In every village CDCs
were formed and launched. They also wanted to target the Loba women so a separate
institution called Ama Samuha (mothers’ group, more commonly referred to as Ama Toli by
the Lobas) was formed. Both institutions were organized at the grass-root level and operated
by the people themselves to carry out programs that ACAP had devised in consultation with
the people. ACAP made available their resources (technology, skills, knowledge, manpower)
to these institutions and also provided some financial aid. They identified some of the more
active members of Monthang and encouraged and nurtured a close relationship with these
individuals. The aim was to encourage them to take leadership in these institutions so that
they could influence the people to accept and adopt these programs.
O f the many individuals that ACAP targeted, there were several people that were
considered distinctly “pro-ACAP”- a man and a young female from the commoner class and
a Bista youth. The former two Lobas were given a leadership position (in the CDC and
mothers’ group respectively) while the latter was sought for his advice and participation in
mobilizing the youths. To further encourage and motivate the people, ACAP organized all-
expense-paid educational tours to visit other ACAP sites throughout Nepal where similar
programs had been successfully implemented. The people who enrolled in these tours not
only got first hand knowledge of these programs but also got the opportunity to exchange
and share their ideas and experiences with other villagers. The hope was that the participants
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would be inspired by the tours and hence would be staunch advocates and supporters of
ACAP.
d) Tourism Management. When ACAP was first given the mandate to manage the
Annapurna area, its prominent reputation was basal on its innovative and different approach
to tourism management. At a time when the tourism industry was managed with a top-down
philosophy, ACAP advocated a grass-root approach where the community-oriented model
was given primacy. The strategy was to utilize the revenues generated from tourism for
community development. Since the success of this approach was contingent on tourist
income, tourism in these areas had to be managed in a sustainable manner which entailed
that the impact of tourist on the culture and environment had to be minimized, that tourists
continued to visit the area, that the community got involved in the tourism industry and that
both the hosts and guests were educated. With this highly successful approach and
philosophy, ACAP (UMCDP) set out to repeat the same process in Upper Mustang.
To insure that the impact of tourist visits is minimal, ACAP prepared and distributed
brochures with the trekking permits. They established an office at Kag (Kagbeni), the
gateway to Lo, where visitors were also given brochures that provided various informations
on Lo. It also contained a set of guidelines called the Minimum Impact Code. It listed tips
“on ways to ‘step gently’ in this fragile area” like Travel Ecologically (use pack animals
instead of porters), Save Fuel (bring your own fuel like gas and kerosene, don’t buy fuel
wood locally, no open fires, limit hot showers, etc), Do Not Pollute (bum all paper products
including toilet paper, carry out non-combustible rubbish, bury vegetables and food scraps,
use toilet tent and cover toilet pits, do not pollute rivers, etc.), Protect Wildlife (do not buy
endangered animal parts or interfere with wildlife animal or habitat, no walking on
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vegetation or collecting plants and flowers), Respect The Culture (respect local customs,
wishes and beliefs, do not remove religious artifacts, dress appropriately, no nudity, do not
give to beggars, ask permission to take photographs, etc). The code ends with the reminder
that “Nepal is here to change you, not for you to change Nepal.”
One measure instituted to minimize the impact of tourists was to limit the number of
visitors. A study carried out to determine the carrying capacity of Lo had recommended a
maximum of 200 visitors per year and hence ACAP operated within that recommendation. It
was also prescribed that all visitors travel in groups under the management of a registered
trekking agency to facilitate control. Furthermore, each group was required to bring along an
“Environmental Officer” (a government official appointed by the Tourism Ministry) who
would oversee that the trekking agencies and tourist complied with all the rules and
regulations and would also liaise in case of problems (hence they were also referred to as
“liaison officer”).
To ensure that Lo was not littered with non-bumable rubbish, all trekking agencies
going to Lo had to first declare the number of cans, plastic containers and bottles of food or
drinks that they were bringing. They were required to carry back all of these used containers
and other non-biodegradable garbage. On their return, the office would make a tally before
giving them permission to leave. Unless they wanted to take the used containers, the
agencies could leave the empty cans with the ACAP office in Kag that had plans to recycle
them.
Upon arriving in Monthang, the trekking leader and the liaison officer had to report
to the police office and the ACAP headquarter and present all the necessary permits. Each
group was required to be self-sufficient in both fuel and food but they could use the kerosene
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depots if they so desired. ACAP also made signs in Tibetan, Nepali and English that
identified villages and heritage sites. They repaired and improved trails particularly those
sections that were seriously damaged. ACAP conducted workshops on lodge management
training to help the Lobas meet the new needs and challenges of the tourist industry.
As mentioned earlier, there was unanimous support and good will towards ACAP in
the beginning but soon conflict and mistrust developed between the organization and the
people. Many reasons can be attributed for the emergence of this state of bad public
relations-some of which were beyond the control of the organization while others were of
their own doing. In this brief overview the reasons can be divided into external and internal
causes. The first external factor was the government’s hasty decision to open Lo to tourists.
Based on their experience in other areas, ACAP (not UMCDP) had fervently requested the
government not to open Upper Mustang to tourists for at least three years, the amount of
time they would require to assess the needs and aspirations of the people, set up the
necessary infrastructures, build new or/and strengthen existing institutions, train the local
people, establish lodges and camping sites, provide viable alternative fuel sources and waste
disposal methods and build trust and confidence between the people and the organization.
The government not only declined their request but they permitted the first tourists to enter
Mustang on March 1992 and only then did they officially authorized ACAP to manage the
Upper Mustang region in July 1992- four months later! After a hasty feasibility survey and
assessment they established a permanent headquarter in Lo Monthang in November 1992,
nine months after opening the region. So it is evident that ACAP did not have sufficient time
to plan and design a model that would be appropriate to the ecological, social and cultural
demands of Lo. In fact, they had to improvise and ad lib as they went along in accordance to
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the dictates of specific situations and circumstances. Therefore, many of the failures can be
attributed to the government’s decision that was not only recklessly hasty but was also in
essence putting the cart before the horse.
The second external factor was financial: the root cause of many subsequent
problems. This stemmed from the promise made by the government to allocate 60% of the
tourist revenues from fees towards the development of the Lo. The government not only
Table 1. Revenue Generation and Funding to
UMCDP by the government from 1992-96.
Year Revenue in US$ Funds to UMCDP
in US$
Percentage
Received
1992 303,100 126,100 41.60
1993 534,800 139,000 25.99
1994 541,100 139,000 25.68
1995 527,000 80,000 15.18
1996 563,500 78,000 13.84
Total 1,906,000 484,100 25.40
Source: ACAP
rescinded on their pledge but gave ACAP progressively decreasing amount of funding even
as the total revenue was increasing (see table above). Since rent, salary and other office
expenses were deducted from the amount received, the total money left for projects
dwindled even further. With this kind of financial constraint, large expensive projects could
not be attempted and so they had no choice but to offer many smaller and cheaper programs.
This was a common complaint of the people, since they wanted ACAP to undertake large
projects that the villagers could not accomplish on their own like micro-hydro or gonpa
restoration or hospital projects instead of tree plantations, construction of boundary walls,
horticulture, etc. which the villagers felt they could carry out with minimum input from
ACAP. Many young Lobas are educated enough to know how much revenue is being
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generated and what their share should be. Since the funds pledged never materialized, the
people feel betrayed and so their anger and frustration was directed towards ACAP, the
agency that was designated to deliver the promised goods.
Another external factor that made ACAP’s task of sustainable community
development even more difficult was the decision of the government to raise the number of
tourist allowed to visit Lo. From the initial cap of 200 tourists per annum, it was raised to
400 in the same year. Then it was again increased to 1000 tourists. So even before they could
implement measures to curb the impact of the projected number of visitors, the approach and
strategy would be ineffective as the actual number of tourists coming to the region increased
by a large margin.
A major external factor that was detrimental to ACAP was that they were granted
the responsibility to supervise and manage the development of Lo but without the full legal
authority to implement their mandate. They were required to monitor each trekking agency
that brought in the tourists but if some regulations had been violated, they had no authority
to penalize those defaulters or take any action on the matter- they could only report the
infringement to the central authorities who did nothing about it.
One violation that angered ACAP was regarding the requirement that an
Environmental Officer (EO) should escort every group. Often groups would arrive in
Monthang without their designated EOs. The EO was highly paid by the agencies for their
service and in addition was also awarded clothing allowances to buy down jackets for the
journey. Many unscrupulous EOs would fly into Jomsom with the group and accompany the
tourists for a day and then return to Jomsom complaining of altitude sickness, an ailment that
is easy to feign (simply complain of headaches and nausea) but difficult to disprove. He
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would wait for his group in Jomsom (where the food was great and modem amenities
available) and then return to Kathmandu with the group- making a large sum of money for
doing nothing. The trekking agencies also complained that the EOs would often demand a
lot of money and if they were not satisfied with the offer, they would refuse to come along
by making health excuses at the last minute. This would leave the agencies in a fix since
they could not find a replacement at the last moment but even if they did, the same
bargaining game would have to be repeated. ACAP reported these incidents but some of
these same EOs would be reassigned even though they were known to suffer from “altitude
sickness”. ACAP as well as everyone in Mustang was aware that the “altitude sickness”
excuse was a scam but they did not have the authority to do anything about it.
What really infuriated ACAP was that without the EO, the agency was virtually free
to do whatever they liked and there was no way to monitor their compliance. Sometimes the
agencies took advantage of this situation and took their group to areas for which a permit
had not been sought or where they were prohibited entry. ACAP did not have the authority
to physically stop or arrest the culprits- only the police had that power. So when the police
office is closed in the winter, ACAP is left in a quandary as happened in the winter of 1995
when a Japanese man sneaked into Lo without a permit. He walked right into Monthang
dressed like a monk. Because of his features and also because he spoke Tibetan, he was not
stopped at the check-post in Kag. When ACAP discovered his presence in Monthang, they
did not know what to do since they did not have the authority to arrest him and the police
had migrated south. They were concerned that he might go further north into Tibet or other
areas of Lo. All they could do was to inform him that he had entered illegally into Lo and
that he could not proceed any further. They worried that he might try to escape yet they did
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not have the power to physically restrain him or confine him. They discussed and weighed
many options but in the end they advised and convinced him that he should return
immediately otherwise he would be in great trouble. To ensure that he would actually go
back, ACAP had one of their personnel and a Loba (who happened to be going south)
accompany the Japanese with strict instruction to never let him out of their sight. He was
escorted to Jomsom where he was handed over to the district authorities.
Another area where ACAP felt the lack of authority was regarding other
development organizations. The government had given organizations like Mustang
Development Service Association-Japan, CARE International and International Labor
Organization (ILO) permission to carry out their own projects in Lo. They were permitted to
operate independently without any communication or consultation with ACAP. The result
was that projects were often duplicated which fostered a sense of negative competition
between the implementing agencies. The people would play one organization against the
other in an effort to derive maximum benefit. But the worse aspect of this disparate and
uncoordinated development was that some of the objectives or consequences were
incompatible with the stated goals of ACAP2 4 5 but yet they were powerless to intervene or
even offer guidelines.
Another external factor that had a dampening impact on ACAP was politics- at the
district level. As already indicated, the political leadership of Mustang was in the hands of
politicians from southern Mustang and they resented the fact that the revenues from tourism
was being funneled directly to ACAP (UMCDP), thus bypassing their authority and control.
2 4 5 One example is the distribution of bicycles to some school in Lo by the Mustang Development Service
Association-Japan based in Jom som . This did not accord with ACAP’s objective of making the com munity self
sufficient. Not only was there no place to ride the bicycles but once broken they were soon discarded as they
could not be repaired.
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They wanted a share of the pie or a say in its distribution since Lo was part of their district.
The local leaders and politicians were not only uncooperative but openly hostile towards
ACAP. In one instance, a politician even filed a lawsuit against ACAP for taking timber
from southern Mustang to Lo.
There was also resentment amongst government departments and other
organizations that had offices in Jomsom towards ACAP. The principle cause of this
animosity was turf control and/or salary disparity. The government departments regarded Lo
as being under their administration yet they did not have any direct control or say over
ACAP’s activities. Furthermore, ACAP officials received a much higher salary than
government workers and this fact created envy and hostility. The other organizations,
particularly Mustang Development Service Association-Japan that was based in Jomsom,
disliked the fact that ACAP had been granted the responsibility for the development of Lo
instead of them. Hence, there was often vitriolic criticism in Jomsom, the district
headquarter, regarding ACAP personnel and activities. With this amount of hostility and ill
will, it was difficult for ACAP to operate effectively since they often needed permission,
consultation, aid or advice from the local politicians and leader, government departments or
other organizations.
Besides these external factors, there were also many internal causes that impeded
ACAP’s operation. A chief factor was the organizational structure and the management style
that pervaded throughout the organization. The parent organization was KMTNC (King
Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation) headquartered in Kathmandu. ACAP (Annapurna
Conservation Area Project) was one of several projects that it managed through its Regional
Office in Pokhara. UMCDP was under the jurisdiction of ACAP. The Chairman of KMTNC
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was Prince Gynendra (now the current king of Nepal) who was partial to wildlife and nature.
The Member Secretary (MS), in effect the CEO of KMTNC, was a person who was
nominated by the Chair at his own discretion. During the period of the field study, the
Chairman appointed a career diplomat with no experience in development and conservation
work as the new MS. So the allegiance of the MS was solely to the Chair. This fostered an
atmosphere where only projects that pleased the Chair were given priority i.e. projects that
emphasized wildlife and nature. The senior personnel vied to work in these more
“prestigious” projects whereas projects like UMCDP were given only token backing. In fact,
except for one person, who was himself from southern Mustang, most of the senior
administrators of KMTNC were apathetic to the UMCDP project. For instance, in many field
reports sent to KMTNC, UMCDP mentioned how the Lobas of Monthang vehemently
wanted electricity and regarded it high on their list of priorities. But when AHF (American
Himalayan Foundation) repeatedly asked KMTNC what the people of Lo needed or wanted,
electricity was not even mentioned.2 4 6 So the people of Lo got the impression that the local
UMCDP office was not heeding their request. Also there were times when office supplies
and equipment were not dispatched on time causing problems for the field staff. On one
occasion their funds did not arrive on time and I had to lend them some cash. At other times
they were out of rations or medicines because the Regional Office or the Jomsom office had
failed to dispatch them on time. This lack of support and understanding from the central and
regional offices has hampered UMCDP’s efforts.
2 4 6 F rom the Lo king’s visit to the US, A H F had raised funds intended for projects in Lo. It was only when the
president of A H F cam e to visit Lo that she found out from the Lo ruler the desire of the people for electricity.
K M TN C had not told her about it even though there was enough funds for it
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The other internal factors were some of the decisions and choices ACAP made both
at the central and local levels. Because they were denied the opportunity to conduct a proper
study prior to formulating operating principles and implementing programs and also because
the management responsibility was thrust upon them, the KMTNC officials decided to adopt
a model and methodology that had proven very successful in other areas further south. But
the situation in Lo was radically different from those areas. Unlike the villages of the south,
the Loba society was highly stratified - particularly in Monthang where the UMCDP
headquarters was established. The class and caste hierarchy was paramount in Lo, the
importance of which the ACAP workers failed to realize.2 4 7
Another major difference was the characteristics of the people. In the southern
villages where ACAP originally worked the people were mainly farmer/soldier. Many had
served in the British or Indian army and had retired or served their term and returned home
instilled with a sense of discipline and order from years following orders in the military.
Therefore, the most effective approach was a direct and honest proposition. And it was
easier to motivate and convince the whole community if the highest-ranking person could be
persuaded to be the spokesperson. But in Lo, the people were predominantly farmer/trader
who were used to bargaining and negotiating for the best deals and advantages. As far as the
Lobas are concerned, unless an agreement has been formally ratified, it was subject to
change and manipulation. This proved to be a constant source of misunderstanding between
ACAP and the Lobas.2 4 8
2 4 7 O r was discounted since it was contradictory to the democratic values which was taking root throughout the
nation.
2 4 8 A CA P officials often complain that the Lobas do not adhere to their w ords or agreement and so their
assurances are unreliable.
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For example, in the case of the electrification project mentioned earlier, the local
contractor would frequently threaten to stop the construction work or quit the project entirely
unless certain conditions were met; he was always attempting to squeeze more concessions.
But ACAP, having proceeded in good faith, had no alternative solution or strategy to counter
this constant bickering. They were under tremendous pressure to complete the project on
time from all sectors-the international donors, regional and central headquarters and the
people themselves and this made them more vulnerable to manipulation. In the first place,
ACAP should have anticipated that further bargaining would occur (as it inevitably happens
on all situations) and should have been prepared for it- by determining ahead of time what
concessions would be granted and where to draw the line and be prepared to call the bluff
(i.e. be willing to stop the project). In anticipation, the completion date should have been
accordingly adjusted for possible delays caused by the process of engaging in constant
negotiations.
As a consequence of inadequate study, the ACAP office in Lo Monthang committed
some wrong choices and mistakes. As mentioned earlier, they had selected a few individuals
(a commoner man and woman and a Bista youth) who they recognized as having potential to
further some of their programs. But ACAP failed to realize how extensive the power of class
and caste consciousness was imbedded in the Loba psyche. Thus, the commoner man was
given the top position in the CDC. The committee attempted to accomplish a few programs
but did not have complete success. Being a commoner, he did not have the standing to lead
since the high class and pure caste groups would refuse to follow and his authority was
subject to challenge by other commoners. Although the CDC did manage to do a few things,
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it was unable to meet the high expectations of the agency as it was handicapped right from
the start because of the choice of the leader.
The Ama Toli or Samuha (mothers’ group) program did not take off in Monthang for
similar reasons. Each of the four sections of Monthang was encouraged to form their own
mothers’ group. In one group, ACAP promoted their young commoner woman to the
leadership position. In this case two further mistakes were committed. The first was again
the issue of caste and class. Traditionally, the Bista women in their respective sectors
assumed leadership and were respected by the commoner womenfolk. So bypassing other
higher-ranking women was the first step that made the group difficult to function. But a
graver mistake was made by appointing her as leader to a section that she was not even a
member of. According to Loba tradition, the section allegiance is determined not by one’s
present residence but by one’s original membership. For example, if a household that
belonged to the Potaling section had now moved residence to Dhomaling section, the
household would still be considered belonging to Potaling. ACAP did not realize that the
person they had groomed actually belonged to a different section but because she was living
in her present section, they appointed her the leader of this section. Thus the mothers’ group
program did not fare well in Monthang whereas in other areas (particularly in the Annapurna
region and even in southern Mustang) it has proven to be very active and powerful.
Another factor that contributed to the hostility of the Lobas was the composition of
the staffing stationed in Monthang Although highly enthusiastic, most of them were all
young- predominantly men (out of 20 only 3 were women). Over half of the staff (including
the women) was single. Since there was not much in terms of entertainment, after office
hours and during weekend (Saturday only) the young men would frequent the local inns
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where they would drink, dance and gamble. But this created a negative impression on the
people as sometimes the drinking and gambling would get out of hand. As the staff was
highly paid by Nepali standard, some of the young men would gamble substantial amounts.
The residents of Monthang viewed this as squandering their money since ACAP was funded
by tourist fees that had been promised to them. In an effort to curtail the people’s
resentment, the OIC (Officer in Charge) of ACAP banned his staff from gambling in the inns
and also discouraged them to consume alcohol there. Instead they were to gamble and drink
within the premise of their communal kitchen only.
Also there were rumors that some male staff of ACAP had affairs or had flirted with
Loba girls.2 4 9 The latter may have been true but the gossips about affairs were never
substantiated, nonetheless the rumors gained currency which further corroded the worsening
relationship. The inability of ACAP to deliver their demands and personal friction and
misunderstanding caused a growing rift between the people and the organization. This also
explains partly the conduct of the local contractor in the electrification project. The
contractor was taking advantage of the fact that ACAP was very unpopular in Monthang and
so he would not be censored for making these threats about quitting or causing delays but
had the situation been different, the villagers would have held him accountable.
ACAP was conscious of the frustration and resentment of the people but they were
not aware of the extent or how pervasive it had become. So they were taken aback when it
was publicly expressed. But what really shocked, bewildered and devastated them was the
people who led the denunciation. During the prize distribution ceremony of the Tenji festival
2 4 9 This growing resentment compelled the A CA P O IC (officer in charge) to ban his staff from gambling in the
local inns and also discouraged drinking alcohol there. Instead, they were to gamble within the premises of
ACAP (where the com m unal kitchen and dinning was done) only.
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in 1996, the young Bista youth that had been favored by ACAP went to receive his prize for
the volleyball contest and then shouted condemnations about ACAP- labeling it as a
swindler and accusing it of partiality. Everyone was stunned by this public display and soon
there was a loud female voice that joined in the castigation. The voice belonged to the
commoner woman that ACAP had groomed and promoted. There was much confusion and
pandemonium as people were shouting at each other while others were trying to prevent the
shouting. Finally, it was the abbot who managed to calm the audience and the program was
concluded.
Apparently the Bista youth’s justification was that ACAP had insulted his father by
not inviting him to the dais whereas other guests and elite of Lo had been invited to sit on the
platform. Even if that was the case, it did not warrant that kind of public display nor explain
why the commoner woman also joined in the denunciation. My own analysis is that the issue
about his father was only an excuse. Both of these individuals had been staunch supporters
of ACAP but as the public sentiment against ACAP grew and gained momentum, they were
isolated and chided for being pro-ACAP. Some people even speculated if they were being
paid for their support. So both of them chose the most public moment to switch sides.
Ironically, the people condemned this public display and both of them ended losing whatever
standing and status they had both in the community and with ACAP. The damage to
ACAP’s public image was particularly devastating because there were many important
people in the audience at that moment: the King the abbot, the crown prince, an MP
(Member of Parliament) from Mustang, the CDO (Chief District Officer) and ACAP’s
Regional Director. So after this incident, ACAP totally stopped organizing events or
participating in the Tenji festival.
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5) Government Institutions:
There are also government institutions in Monthang that have some impact on Loba
life. Only a brief description of each will be presented. Except for the post office, all
government institutions close during the winter months and the staff go to their homes in
southern Nepal. The post office remains operative throughout the year because the local
people manage it. It offers stamps for sale but not much else. The mail is transferred and
transported by mail runners. All the mail is put in a cloth bag and sealed. The mail runner
carries this bag half the way to the next village. He waits there for the runner from the other
village to show up and they exchange the mailbags and return to their respective villages.
Since the volume of mail is minimal (a couple of letters at the most), little boys often act as
mail runners.2 5 0 The system is not very efficient or quick-mails often get lost or take
inordinately long time.2 5 1
O f all the state institutions, the school has had the most impact on the Lobas. The
school building is located outside the city- to the east of the “handle”. It is funded by and
operated under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. Therefore, the department of
education appoints all the teachers and the curriculum are set according to national
standards. In Monthang, at least two of the teachers are Lobas but in many other villages the
schools are taught entirely by Rongbas (southerners, those from outside of Mustang). Most
teachers (and all other government officials) detest being assigned to Lo since they are not
2 5 0 Once near the village of S am ar we ran into the mail ru nner from S am ar who was resting on a rode. He was
quite tipsy an d as we also stopped to rest, he got up and left. Only later did we realize that he had left the mail
bag on the rock and gone without it. The mail was returned to the S am ar postm aster.
2 5 1 1 did not receive m any mails from friends who swore that they posted it
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used to the food, the climate, the language and are away from their family.2 5 2 So the teachers
employ all kinds of excuses to get out of Lo and that is why most schools in Lo are
understaffed. The students are often left to themselves while the teachers are chatting
together or basking in the sun. The two Loba teachers also sell souvenirs to tourists so as
soon as a new group arrives they leave the school to peddle their goods to the visitors. It is
no surprise then that the quality of education is very poor. The school buildings are pathetic-
bare and dark rooms with some benches for classrooms. The people accuse the teachers of
being lazy and drunkards- one often sees the teachers (from other villages) staggering
through the alleys of Monthang. The teachers complain of the lack of support from the
government and the people, that the people do not value education and attendance is
irregular. During the harvesting season, the older students are all absent since their labor is
required by the family. With shortened teaching period, irregular attendance, delinquent
teachers and poor quality education, the students are not expected to benefit much from the
schools in Lo.
• But some impact can be observed. Many Lobas have Nepali names besides their
Tibetan names. This is because the teachers who are mainly Brahmins cannot pronounce
local names so instead give them Nepali names hence one finds Lobas who are called Indra
(name of the Hindu god of heaven) Bista or Bishnu (one of the Hindu Trinity- the preserver)
Dhukey. Some view this as an affront to their Loba identity. But a more damaging aspect of
this education is the inculcation of Hindu ideals and values at the expense of traditional
values. One positive aspect of the education system is the fact that it teaches the Lobas how
to speak Nepali, the lingua franca of Nepal. This allows them to communicate, trade or
2 5 2 F or any government official, being transferred to Lo is a sort of banishment, like being sent to Siberia.
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interact with a wider group of people virtually anywhere in the nation. It also offers any
aspiring Loba the opportunity to get involved in regional or even national politics and have
their voice be heard.
The government has established a small police force in Monthang. The police office
is just north of the school. Except for capital offense like murder (which is very rare), all
conflicts and crimes are resolved locally according to Lo customary laws. As the police
cannot intervene unless a report or complaint is filed, they remain idle for most of the time
since their service is rarely sought. With the advent of tourism, they have the job of checking
the permits and the papers of the agencies and the tourists (the group leader is required to
visit the police office with all relevant papers). Sometimes they will accompany a group
traveling further north of Monthang to make sure that no tourists go beyond the designated
places in the permit and that they return the same day.2 5 3 Nowadays they are also deployed
during the Tenji festival to control the crowd and facilitate the events but other than that they
are never seen publicly in uniform.
Just outside the north wall of Monthang, the government built a health post. Most
government health posts throughout Mustang are virtually useless and ineffective because
there are no medicines and the health worker is frequently absent. In many places, it is the
peon (the person hired to clean and do other office chores; usually a non-Loba) who
substitutes for the health worker- even diagnosing and dispensing medication. In Monthang,
the ACAP health post is supposed to close during the period when the government health
post is operative but the people prefer not to use the government health post. They complain
2 5 3 Tourists are not permitted to stay overnight beyond M onthang. All groups who have permission to visit sites
n orth of Monthang must retu rn to Monthang at night.
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that for every sickness, the same medicine is prescribed as there is no other medication.
Furthermore, the health worker does not speak the local language nor does he have someone
to assist him with the translation that creates problem with older patients who do not speak
Nepali or have a good enough command of the language to explain their ailment.2 5 4 Most
government health posts in Mustang (and other remote areas of Nepal) are a joke.
The Nepal Food Corporation (the state owned food distribution agency) has an
office in Monthang to help alleviate the food shortages of the region. It supplies rice to the
people at subsidized rates. This is quite a helpful program since the poorer section of the
society benefit by it, particularly the people from the remoter villages of Lo. The villagers
come to Monthang on their assigned day to buy the rice which is dispensed according to the
number of members in each household. The rice distributed is of poor quality so the more
affluent section of the society does not get their rice from this office.
There is also an Agricultural Office in Monthang located outside the town towards
the west. The office is supposed to help the farmers by distributing seeds and teaching them
to care for these crops. But the services do not benefit the people as the seeds distributed are
not suited for the climate of Lo and the officials are rarely available. Furthermore, the people
complain that the person in charge of the office exploits them. He visits their homes with the
seeds but always comes during mealtime and demands to be fed. Then he does not give out
the care instructions at once but parcels it out so that he can make many more visits. He will
first teach them how to prepare the planting bed and sow the seeds. He will then tell the
people to call him when the seeds have sprouted for the next proper care instruction and so
2 5 4 O n m any occasions, the people who had been turned away by ACAP an d had been told to consult the
governm ent health w orker, would instead come to me with their complaints as I had a stock of medicine for m any
illnesses. They did not trust the health w orker nor the medication that he provided.
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on. Similarly another office that has little use is the Border Security Police. They are
supposed to monitor and secure the border between Nepal and Tibet but they seldom venture
out of Monthang to the border which is about five hours away on horseback.
Because of language and cultural differences, these government officials do not
interact with the Lobas and tend to socialize amongst themselves. Most of the time they get
together to gamble and drink for there is no other source of entertainment. Since they detest
being in Lo, at the slightest excuse they will leave their post and once away will use other
justification to extend the leave. These people (mostly Hindus) often view the Lobas with
disdain (for consuming yak meat but also for being dirty, ignorant and “uncivilized”) while
the Lobas see them as exploitative, cunning, lazy and a bunch of drunkards.
D. Subsistence Economy:
Because of the harsh ecological conditions of Lo, the people cannot survive using a
single mode of livelihood but have to combine several strategies for meeting their sustenance
needs. These activities have proven to be effective over centuries of Lo history and are still
practiced today. They are: agriculture, animal husbandry and trade. This strategy is not
unique to Lo but other communities in Tibet and Central Asia also utilize similar methods as
they share similar ecology and obstacles.
1) Agriculture: For most Lobas (except the Drokpas, the pastoralists) agriculture is
the predominant occupation and one in which virtually everyone has a stake. The
agricultural cycle, the time of sowing, planting and harvesting is determined in accordance
with astrological consultation by the town astrologer- an eminently respected amchi (herbal
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doctor) called Tashi Chusang.2 5 5 The amchi announces the schedule during the ceremony of
Sakaluka which is also the most auspicious and important day to undertake planting. This
day generally falls in the month of February when the ground is frozen hard and often
covered by snow making plowing and sowing impractical. So the people perform symbolic
plowing and sowing acts (described later during Sakaluka festival) to obtain the benefits of
the propitious day.
Soon after this symbolic act, the first agricultural activity begins. The manure in the
stables that has been accumulating for the entire year is dug up and transported to the nearest
fields or corrals just outside the town wall, or to other public open areas like the gonpa field
inside the town. Mainly women and young boys and girls do the work of transporting manure
as most Loba adult males have not yet returned from their migration to the south. But before
long, they will return and join the manure-hauling task. Relatives and friends pool together
their manpower and take turns helping each participating household. Woven bamboo baskets
(carried on the back with a strap over the forehead) are used to haul the manure. If the manure
from the open corrals has to be transported, it is first dug up in the afternoon, as it is too hard
to do so in the morning. For fields that are further from the town, animals are used. The
manure is packed into a small burlap sack and the mouth closed with a rope. Each animal2 5 6
(generally horses but also donkeys and mules) is loaded with two sacks and the heard is
driven to the intended field where it is unpacked and collected in heaps. The manure is
deposited in heaps on the fields. Lobas believe that exposing it to the sunlight ferments the
manure and makes it a better fertilizer. They say that if it is not properly fermented, one does
2 5 5 He died in 1996 and his son has taken up the mantle.
2 5 6 Most animals are also taken south during the winter so they m ay be late coming back. But they are normally
back in time to haul m anure to the distant fields since that is done last.
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not get good crops only abundant grass. And if left on the stable, the fermentation is slow and
besides, the whole house will stink.
The next preparatory activity is the repair and maintenance of the irrigation canals.
Because Lo is in the rainshadow of the Himalayan range, it receives little rainfall. It is
insufficient for cultivation and consequently the Lobas rely on irrigation to do their farming.
In fact, without irrigation cultivation is impossible. The water for the main irrigation system
in Monthang is routed from the Dong Mar mountain (also called Mustang Himal in Nepali)
4 to 5 miles to the west. Because the water travels such a long distance over a crudely
constructed channel, there is much loss due to seepage and leakage. By the time the water
reaches the fields the volume is one-third of what it was at the source. There is one section
just fifteen minutes by foot from town that is particularly susceptible to damage and needs
constant repair. In this location, a ravine carved by a small seasonal stream has created a
wide gap in the canal. Several hollowed out logs supported on pillars made of stacked rocks
are used to connect the two ends of the canal so that the water can flow through. A lot of
water leakage and damage occurs at this juncture. The government built a large closed metal
pipe to replace the hollowed out logs. But after being operational for a couple of weeks,
there was a huge leak in one of the joints spilling a lot of water down the ravine. Luckily, the
people had not dismantled the old logs and the water was redirected through the old system.
Just next to this section, the hill is steep and subject to continual landslides. The irrigation
canal is carved into the side of this hill and so is always damaged. This section as a whole
causes the biggest problem virtually every year.
When the canal has been repaired, a few water reservoirs are also mended-usually
digging up the silt and mud and insuring that there are no leaks. When all is ready, on the
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day specified by the astrologer, the water is allowed to flow to the fields. The fields closer to
the canal at the higher levels are watered first. Water rights are taken in turns in the order
that has been practiced from ancient times. Since the order of taking turns is known when a
household has almost finished watering their fields, they have to inform the next household
in line so that they can get ready to divert the water to their fields. When there is not
sufficient water or time, fields are watered even during the night, in which case the
household next in line must be woken up to inform them of their turn.
Because of the differences in altitude and climate of the villages, planting and
harvesting times vary from village to village. In southern Mustang two crops per year can be
grown but in Lo only one crop can be cultivated because of the harsh climatic conditions.
The most important crops are wheat and barley but buckwheat, mustard and peas are also
grown. The planting starts around the end of April or early May.
Lobas consider Monday the most auspicious day to do plowing whereas Sunday is
considered very bad and will avoid this day as far as possible. On the day of sowing, the
household is busy from early dawn. First they prepare food for the field workers who all
meet at the house and after breakfast proceed to the fields where a small ritual takes place.
An incense offering is made to a stone placed at the center of the field which represents the
Lu, the spirit inhabiting the fields and water. Then a cup of chcing is offered to the head of
the household and the plowman. After they drink their beer, a little bit of butter is applied to
the horns and the temples of the pair of zhos (crossbreeds of yaks and cows) that are the
preferred plow animals. Since few people in Monthang own zhos, most people have to rent
them from those who own them or from other villages like Thinker and Dagmar. The rental
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is 2 pathis and 4 m am s of grain per day for the pair and in addition the renter has to feed the
zhos grass and the caretaker (food and chang) who comes along with the animals.
The workers (mainly women) take the manure from the mounds and spread it
throughout the field in a circular fashion. The plow is then hitched to the zhos and the soil
tilled. A person with a small basket follows the zhos broadcasting the seeds from the basket
to the plowed soil. When the entire field has been covered, the people and the animals move
on to the next field owned by the household. Food is brought to the field and everyone takes
a break for lunch that usually consists of rice (made into balls), lentils with meat, chang and
tea. Even the zhos are unhitched and fed. On the day that a household performs its first
plowing, close relatives are presented with balls of rice and lentils with meat. However, if
the relatives are also plowing for the first time on that same day, those households are
excluded. Later during the day, a snack of tea and bread will also be served. The fields for
buckwheat will be plowed later when the second round of water is available in about 10/15
days.
Before any Loba can work on their fields, the King’s field must be serviced first. In
fact, the work on the royal fields opens and sets the agricultural timetable. All residents of
the four sections and the River People have to contribute labor for the palace fields. The
palace land holdings are extensive and three pairs of zhos are employed to expedite the work
so that the people can attend to their fields more quickly. The starting ceremony is more
elaborate- a monk is commissioned to perform ritual prayers throughout most of the day and
many more people are working together.
Once all the fields have been plowed and planted, the main access to the fields are
barricaded with rocks so that animals do not stray into the fields. Also all secondary access
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into town are sealed leaving the main gate open making it the only entrance to either enter or
exit town. As the plants begin to grow, the fields are weeded twice. Only grass inside the
fields are allowed to be weeded but those along the edges of the public paths must remain
untouched so that animals that have managed to enter the fields will feed on the grass rather
than the crops. Weeds cannot be cut but must be uprooted. During the weeding period, the
chumae wait at the main gate to check if this rule has beat violated.
Around mid September the harvesting season begins. After the grass has been
weeded out for the second and last time, the first crops to be harvested are peas, mustard and
buckwheat from the royal fields. The king himself supervises the harvest activities. On the
first day of the harvest, he performs certain religious rituals at one side of the field while the
workers harvest the crops. The pea plants are cut and bunched together and stacked upright
like a tepee whereas the buckwheat and mustard stalks are cut and left in the fields to dry.
Ideally, the stalks should be allowed to dry for a week but because of the danger of
rain and foraging animals, they are left out only for a day or two and then taken into their
respective uja or threshing enclosure or other safe areas. The processing of the stalks are all
done in the uja, as the floor there is usually compacted and plastered with mud so that the
surface is relatively flat and smooth. After they are dried, they are threshed using horses. The
women do the winnowing. They take the threshed parts in a small flat basket, raise it up to
shoulder height and tilt the contents slowly to the ground. While doing this they usually
shout, “Khyoyo! Khyoyo! Khyoyo!” calling the wind to blow so that the chaff is swept away
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by the gust while only the grains/seeds fall to the ground.2 5 7 The grains/seeds are then sieved
to get rid of the dust and the clean products are packed into sacks.
Right after the king’s peas, buckwheat and mustard crops are harvested which takes
about 2 days and while it is being dried, the people start to harvest their own crops. When
most people are done with their harvesting, a date is determined when the dried harvests can
be hauled. But a day prior to that, people with fields along the public path are allowed to
harvest the crops (usually wheat)2 5 8 but only along that section so that the animals used to
transport the harvest will not consume or trample the crops. So while the royal harvest is
drying, the people reap their own fields and while their crops are drying, they process the
palace harvest. And by the time they are done with the king’s crops, it is time to process
their own.
The same cycle is repeated for harvesting wheat. No person can work on their wheat
fields before the king’s fields have been serviced. The only exception is for those along the
public paths and those who have planted a variety called dho mapu2 5 9 (c//jo=wheat
mapu-rod) or “red wheat” which can be harvested as soon as it ripens. But for the more
popular dho kau or white wheat variety, they have to wait until the palace wheat has been
reaped. Lobas consider dho mapu to be inferior and of poorer quality than dho kau.
Harvesting wheat is more labor intensive than other crops. The plants are cut as
close to the root as possible and then the stalks are bundled together and tied with another
2 5 7 If the walls of the enclosure are too high and the wind does not blow through, they will get on top of the small
room usually built to store fodder and other items and do the winnowing fro m the roof where they are certain to
catch a strong wind.
2 5 8 Peas are seldom planted on fields next to the public paths since people (especially the children) will have easy
access to the pods when it ripens. Loba tradition permits a person to consume as m uch peas as one wants from
an y field in the area b ut is not allowed to carty away any pods unless it is from one’s own field.
2 5 9 This variety of wheat is considered of less value and poorer quality an d is not com m on like the white variety.
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stalk. These bundles are hauled to the uja and stacked together. When the wheat crops from
all the fields have been collected, each bundle is first unbound and the stalks are first cut in
half.2 6 0 The straw portion is tossed to one side. The other half with the seed is then bunched
together by bouncing the bundle on the ground. Then the bundle is cut as close to the seed
heads as possible. The seed heads are tossed in the opposite side while the cut stems are
thrown into the pile with the straw. The seed heads are spread over the flattened ground of
the uja to be dried.
Horses again do the threshing. The horse is bridled with a long rope which is held by
a man standing at the center of the uja and with the aid of a whip he makes the horse trot
over the grains spread on the ground. The trampling of the hoofs separates the seeds from the
husks. Multiple horses tied together are often employed as this hastens the threshing process.
The women spread the grains around with their feet by shuffling on the grains after the horse
has made a pass. When the seeds have been hulled, they are swept together with a broom,
winnowed, sieved and sacked. Harvesting wheat is not only more arduous but also more
frenzied- with the days getting progressively shorter and colder, there is tremendous pressure
to finish it on time before the winter migration starts and so people often work into the night
with as many hired hands as possible. This urgency is intensified by the labor shortage and
so the stress is enormous.
There are two kinds of labor available in Lo: Lobas (locals) and Rongbas
(southerners). The people prefer Loba labor to Rongbas but there is a shortage of local help
and many people are compelled to hire outside workers. In Monthang, there are some poorer
households with no or very little land holdings (owned or rented) and they will be done
2 6 0 The implement used to cut is a long sickle blade stuck upright into a large piece of wood.
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earlier and their labor made available. Many households from the river settlement hire out
their labor. Local help can also be sought from other villages because of the different
agricultural cycles due to elevation variation. For instance, wheat is harvested earlier in
Tsarang than Monthang while buckwheat is harvested earlier in Monthang than in Tsarang.
So poorer households from Tsarang can work in Monthang buckwheat fields and then return
home in time to work on their own buckwheat or work on their wheat fields first and come
up to Monthang for the wheat harvest. Local labor is also be procured from other
neighboring villages like Chosar, Tinker, etc. The normal payment for one month of service
was 35 pathis of grain, plus some token clothing and money. The Rongbas demand payment
in cash (anywhere from Rs.150 or more per day) so they are not favored as the first choice
but wealthier households with large2 6 1 or many fields or an average household with
insufficient manpower have little choice but to hire these Rongbas2 6 2 when available.
This agriculture cycle determined by the palace applies only to those fields in the
Monthang plateau. Fields in Dhurang (situated at a lower elevation on the east end) are
exempt from this rule. Those fields can be harvested as soon as the crops are ready even if
that happens to precede the royal harvest. It also depends on the type of crops-for buckwheat
the rule is that it cannot be harvest before 80 days from the time of sowing the seeds whereas
for other crops, the harvest time is determined by the readiness of the crops whenever that
happens to be.
2 6 1 Lobas measure the size of a field not by its physical dimension but how m any pathis of seeds are sown in any
one particular field. Of course, it is logical that the larger the field, the more seeds are needed.
2 6 2 The labor rates are m ore favorable in Mustang than the southern hills of Nepal so these southerners come u p
for better wages. In Jom som , the wages are very inflated (as high as Rs. 150-200 a day) because of the tourists
who pay top prices (compared to local rates) to have their stuff carried.
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Agriculture is a very important subsistence activity but is by itself inadequate to
support a Loba household. Many households are so poor that even the seeds for the next
season are consumed. This compels them to rent seeds from the king or some of the wealthy
households.2 6 3 In fact, all of Lo is a food deficit region. There are many reasons for this
predicament. Probably the most important factor is that only a single crop can be cultivated
in most areas. Nothing can be done to change this fact. The only option is to maximize the
one crop production. There are two ways in which the Lobas can achieve this increase in
output- cultivate more areas or increase productivity of existing areas. The soil in Lo is not
fertile and the Lobas use plenty of manure as fertilizer to compensate for this shortcoming.
Also crop rotation is practiced, particularly the planting of legumes like peas which fix
nitrogen to the soil and thus prevent nutrient depletion from the soil. Some people toyed with
the idea of introducing improved varieties of wheat to boost production but these crops
always require abundant chemical fertilizer and water. The excessively high transportation
costs rules out any possibility of importing the fertilizers. Moreover, the use of chemical
fertilizers is not only environmentally hazardous but its overuse can make the fields barren
(as happened in other parts of Nepal) and also foster a dependency on outside resources for
which much needed capital will have to be expended.
The other factor of production, water, is in short supply too. Increasing the current
supply of water is virtually impossible without major investment in improving the irrigation
system or finding other water sources. Since this in not feasible with local resources, more
2 6 3 The rental in Monthang was 1 pathi for every 4 pathis o f seed. Whereas in Tsarang it was 1 pathi for every 8
pathis of seed.
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water cannot be supplied to the new variety of wheat. In the present situation, these varieties
cannot survive.
The other alternative of cultivating more fields to increase total production is also
unattainable for three primary reasons. First, the available labor supply (of both animal and
human) is inadequate to fulfill the current demand and so additional fields could not be
cultivated. Second, even if it were done, there would not be adequate manure to fertilize the
fields. Most households have just enough manure for their present land holdings and
consequently there are none for sale and none for the new fields. Third, there would not be
enough water to irrigate these new fields. The current supply of water can barely meet the
present demand.
Many abandoned fields throughout Lo indicate the significance of water. The supply
is so limited that vegetable gardens and tree plantation sites are not included in the water
allocation rights. This issue was highlighted during a village meeting when an old man
requested permission to water his gardens from the canal. The people got angry by his
solicitation pointing out that there was barely enough water for the crops and that if he was
granted his wish then everyone would convert their barren land into vegetable gardens and
demand water. The king agreed with this sentiment and the request was denied.
Informants claim that most major conflicts occur over water rights although none
was observed throughout the duration of the field study. However, it is understood that
people try to “steal water” i.e. take water when it is not one’s turn. It is difficult to do this for
agricultural fields since everyone can see it. Besides, plenty of water needs to be diverted
which will alert the rightful owner since a drastic reduction in water volume could mean
either a breach in the irrigation canal or that water is being siphoned off. In either case, the
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rightful person will investigate and so will easily detect water being “stolen.” But vegetable
gardens and tree plantation sites have high-gated walls with thorns or broken glass on the top
to prevent pilferers from climbing over the wall. Often the irrigation canal passes close to
these gardens making it easy to divert a little water into the garden without detection,
especially if done at night. Since these plots are usually small and require little water, the
rightful owner will not even notice the decrease in the volume. The Lobas traditionally grew
some radish and potatoes but now have started to grow greens like Swiss chard and green
onions that ACAP introduced.
2) Animal Husbandry: From the above account it is obvious that animal husbandry
is crucial to agriculture in Lo. Particularly as a source of fertilizer, the animals are
indispensable. On this basis alone, agriculture would be impossible in Lo without animal
manure. In this sense all animals (ungulates) are invaluable although only certain kinds are
directly used in farming. In the agricultural sector, Lobas use only zhos as draft animals to
plow fields. Horses are used for threshing and hauling grains and manure. Mules and
donkeys are also used for hauling grains and manure. Lobas also keep other animals like
palang (cattle), goats, sheep and yaks although not every household own all the animals-
particularly the last three.
Many animals have multiple uses and their value is higher than those with limited
use. People say that except for horses, most livestock population in Lo has either remained
virtually stagnant or declined over the last two decades. People offer many reasons for this
situation, the principal one being a recent historical event. China invaded Tibet and in 1959
the Dalai Lama fled to India. Thousands of Tibetans left Tibet seeking refuge in Nepal and
India. Many of the refugees came through Lo bringing along their livestock with them. For
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two years, large numbers of refugees continued to cross over through Lo.2 6 4 This created an
enormous pressure on the local rangeland and resulted in overgrazing and degrading the
pasturelands of Lo. But the most devastating consequence of the Tibetan invasion was the
impact on Loba winter grazing practice. For centuries prior to the Chinese takeover, the
Lobas had been taking their livestock (estimates range from 20-30,000 heads) to the snow-
free steppes of the Tibetan plateau during the winter. They had always been allowed
unrestricted access. But soon after the Chinese invaded Tibet, the Chinese authorities
restricted the number of animals that could use the Tibetan rangeland. They started not only
to tax the animals but to also progressively reduce the total number of animals permitted into
Tibet. This was a constant source of friction between the Lobas and the Chinese. Finally, in
1983 the Chinese and the Nepali government agreed to totally stop this practice of winter
grazing by 1985.2 6 5 This agreement forced the Lobas to look for alternate pastures during
winter.
In the meantime, other international decisions also impacted the already dire
livestock situation in Lo. This was the decision by the American government in 1960 to
establish, under the guidance of the CIA, Khampa guerrilla camps throughout Lo to conduct
raids on the Chinese military. Lobas claim that the Khampa rebels were virtual sovereign
over Lo and often raided their herds. Their demand for grass, fodder and feed for their
animals was detrimental to Loba livestock. Furthermore, they did not heed the traditional
2 6 4 After two years, the Chinese military managed to halt the mass exodus by patrolling the border region but
Tibetans continued to escape via Lo although the numbers were now a trickle and without their livestock (except
horses for riding and portage) since travel with animals not only increased the chance o f detection but also
hampered the speed o f the flight. To this day, Tibetans flee through this pass in small number every year. The
most recent high profile escape o f His Holiness the Karmapa was through Lo.
2 6 5 The Nepali government had no choice in this matter since the terms were dictated by China.
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grazing practices and abused the pastures of Lo. The Khampa occupation ended in 1973
when the US initiated friendly ties with China and withdrew its support to the Tibetan rebels.
The Lobas contend that the Khampas were responsible for aggravating and exhausting the
already deteriorating condition of Lo grassland during this period. They are also blamed for
causing massive deforestation of the few remaining strands of forests in lower Lo, near
Ghemi and Samar.
Initially, the closure of the Tibetan pastures forced the Lobas to utilize whatever
little winter rangeland was available within Lo. This proved devastating to the herds that
were excluded from the limited allotment to Tibet by the Chinese: there was not enough
grass due to the overgrazing caused by the exodus of the refugees and the excess winter
population of the animals that was forced to survive on the limited supply. This situation
severely depleted the quality and the health of the Lo pastures. The Lobas had no choice but
to travel further south since Lo was surrounded on the other three sides by Tibet. Their
southern neighbors of Thak in turn could not sustain the huge livestock population of Lo that
now turned southward. The rangeland there did not have the capacity to accommodate this
large addition since the Thakalis also practiced animal husbandry and had their own
livestock. Furthermore, the Thakali practice of charging fees to outsiders for using
community pastures forced the Lobas to travel even further south- all the way to the Pokhara
valley, a trek of about 8-10 days. Here the animals are allowed to graze freely in the fields
that have been recently harvested and also in the public meadows. But if an animal strays
into a cultivated field, the owner of the animal is charged Rs.100 as fine. To ensure that the
animals do not forage into cultivated fields and also to look after their welfare, herders are
assigned. Lobas engage in two strategies-communal or individual shepherding. Large
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numbers of households may pool together their animals and pay two or three people
(depending on the size of the herd) to look after the livestock. Alternatively individual
families may choose to look after their animals themselves.
On the return trip to Lo, these animals will be used for portering many commodities
that the Lobas need. Most Lobas and their animals return to Monthang by early April at the
latest. In most villages throughout Lo, the responsibility of shepherding animals is rotated
amongst the households. But in Monthang shepherds are hired to look after the animals. This
applies to only horses, donkeys and cattle but not to goats and sheep. As only a few
households own sheep and goats, they make their own arrangements for its care and the
community is not involved. The Temba (Mukhia) is responsible for appointing the
shepherds. Usually the poorer families will apply for this job to supplement their meager
food source. It is not an employment that is highly sought since it is arduous and taxing-
walking for miles every day, caring for the animals and protecting them from predators like
snow leopards and wolves. The shepherds are hired in two groups, one called chiwu, to look
after donkeys and cattle and the other called tadzi exclusively to look after horses. There are
five chiwu and three tadzi appointed to look after the animals. Payment is made in grains and
determined by the type of animals the household owns. For the entire period of about 4
months, every household has to pay 1 pathi of grains for every cattle or donkey and 3 pathis
of grains for a horse. The collective grazing starts in early spring when all the animals have
returned from the winter migration to the south. Every day at early dawn, the animals are let
out of the stable into the streets so that the shepherds can drive them out of town. The
animals congregate for some time outside the main gate to allow for latecomers and
stragglers. The shepherds are not responsible for animals that fail to join the herd once it
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starts moving towards the pastures. Animals that did not make it on time are often hastily
driven by the owners to catch up with the herd. The herds are brought back every day at
dusk. These morning and evening moments are the Loba “rush hours” when the streets are
packed with livestock on their way from or to home.
The shepherds practice (or are expected to follow) a rotational system of grazing in
which the same grassland is not used two days in a row. This is to ensure that overgrazing
does not occur but also because the animals are led out every morning and brought back
every evening, so the distance that the animals can venture out is limited to areas within 4 to
5 hours of travel distance. But not all animals are brought back every evening. During the
summer months (July to mid September), about half the herd of horses is left behind on the
high pastures for several weeks at a stretch. The other half of the herd is shuttled back and
forth every daily. Once every three days, one of the shepherd has to go up to the high
pastures to move the horses to a different location and also to check on the conditions of the
animals. Around mid September (or whenever the harvest is ready), the horses are brought
down to carry grass and crops and also to thresh the grains. Then it is time for the animals to
move south again for the winter.
Besides free range feeding, the animals are also given fodder and feed grain from
time to time. Lobas assign varying significance to different animals and hence the feeding
practice also varies accordingly. During the winter months, the animals that do not migrate
have a very difficult time, especially the palangs (cattle). These animals resemble cattle
found in the southern regions of Nepal but are smaller and furrier. In the winter they are left
to forage for themselves and not fed since most households have migrated and the caretakers
are not too particular about these animals (their attention being devoted to horses). The
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palangs are hungry most of the time and will eat anything on the streets like cardboards,
paper, rags, plastic, etc. During this period, the quantity of fodder and grains are in short
supply and so only the most valued animals get fed. Since palangs rank the lowest in animal
hierarchy, they are rarely fed and virtually starve through this harsh period. Therefore, many
of them die in the winter months.
In comparison, horses are the most prized animals by the Lobas and will be favored
even at the cost of other animals. The best grass is reserved for horses and they are stall-fed
frequently with peas and grains. O f course, the horse has the most uses of any animal (as the
Lobas like to point out) and now with the advent of tourism it has an additional use- as the
ideal animal both for the tourists to ride and to portage their baggage. But the amount of
food consumed and the care needed makes the horse less productive than other animals like
mules, zhos or yaks. Yet, the Lobas continue to favor the horse over other animals and the
horse population is the only livestock that has increased in the last two decades. This is
because of the “horse culture” prevalent in Lo.
The horse is seen as a symbol of status, wealth and power in Lo. Lobas pay
exorbitant amounts of money for a highly prized horse- the king’s best horse is worth Rs.
150,000- but people routinely pay Rs. 60-70,000 for a good horse. Further investment is
incurred in a good saddle, saddlebags and saddle carpets, etc. Lobas take great care of their
horses and are proud of their riding ability. Whenever a new horse is bought, people gather
outside the main gate to watch or participate in the test ride. Various people (those
considered experts) will ride the horse on the stretch from the gate to the north end of the
plateau and turn back to the gate and then offer their evaluation.
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There is even a tradition of offering a horse with special attributes to the god
Dongmara. The king does this. The horse must be of a certain specific color (tannish brown)
with several markers like a white diamond shape on the forehead and white markings on the
legs. The horse is seen as the manifestation of the deity itself and so the animal can never be
ridden and is free to travel wherever it wishes. Should it stray into cultivated fields, it cannot
be seized, fined or driven away. When this particular horse dies, a replacement is found and
raised in the same way. This practice is still maintained.
There is also a tradition of bathing and bleeding horses to improve the health of the
animal. This is called the mal and occurs in July. There are certain spots (small pools) in
particular streams where the bathing is conducted. The horse is pushed into the pool and held
there by two ropes tied to the neck of the horse- one person pulling on the rope from each
bank. Other people on the bank scoop water in a bowl and pour it all over the horse. Then
the bleeding expert holds the muzzle of the horse and pierces the nostrils with a special
needle. The horse is pulled out of the pool still bleeding and the blood is mixed with the
grains that are fed back to the horse. These horses are then taken to the high pastures for
grazing and left there until harvest time. This treatment is said to purge the bad blood along
with sickness out of the horse’s body and promote good health. But not all horses undergo
this remedy; it is mostly the horses of the elite and wealthy families that get this special
regime. Nor is this particular treatment extended to other animals. This preference and
partiality towards horses in the Loba society has resulted in an increase in the equine
population. The table below, listing the prices Lobas pay for their livestock illustrates this
propensity.
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This range enumerates the general tendency of the Lobas’ willingness to pay for the
best and the worst quality livestock but does not include the rare exceptional cases like the
king’s special horse mentioned earlier (at Rs. 150,000) or sick and undesired animals (which
can be procured for less than the minimum price). A comparison of the prices for mules and
horses explains why more people are buying horses rather than mules. For an additional two
thousand rupees, one can own a horse albeit of low quality. But the social value attached to a
Table 2. Price range of livestock
Animals Maximum Minimum
Price in Rs. Price in Rs.
Sheep 1413.00 405.00
Goat 1600.00 750.00
Palang 2500.00 850.00
Donkey 2500.00 1300.00
Yak 8,500.00 5,000.00
Zho 9,000.00 5,000.00
Mule 27,500.00 9,000.00
Horse 80,000.00 11,000.00
Source: ACAP office in Lo Monthang.
horse in the Loba society is such that they are willing to accept the financial burden.
Furthermore, the horse has more practical uses than a mule* for threshing and riding.2 6 6 So
people who have enough money to buy a mule will often opt for a horse. This explains why
there are about 3-400 horses while only 14 mules. But for those households that cannot
afford a horse or a mule, the donkey is the next choice- the poor man’s horse. It is only used
for portage.
Similarly, the choice between a zho and a palang is determined by the price and
utility. The primary use of zhos in Lo is for plowing. However, it can be used for portage and
also for milk, Palang on the other hand are used only for milk. Both animals also provide
2 6 6 Mules can be ridden too. The queen used to ride a mule. But the Lobas contend that mules are more difficult
to control and more temperamental so they do not make ideal riding animals in comparison to horses.
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dung, which, as already demonstrated, is very important as a source of manure. Despite zhos
having more uses than palangs, Lobas prefer to have palangs. There are several reasons for
this. First, zhos require more care and consume more food than palangs. Zhos need grass
and fodder whereas palangs often forage for themselves. Also palangs can thrive on leftover
food- used plates and pots are washed into container and this is mixed with straw, buckwheat
flour, mustard cakes and salt and cooked for a little time and then fed to the palangs.
Second, Lobas prefer palang milk to zho milk. Third, palangs are significantly cheaper- for
the price of one zho, almost six palangs can be procured. The only advantage zhos have is as
draft animals and they can be readily rented. Furthermore, the difference in dung production
(one zho vs. six palangs) is so significant (and so crucial) that palangs are the only choice
between these animals. This is probably the most important factor why palangs are even
raised since they are not very productive in term of lactation, the only other use it renders.
But even if one wanted a zho, the deck is stacked against it as it needs fodder to survive and
would be competing for food with the highest-ranking animal, the horse, whereas the palang
can survive without feed. That is why only three households in Monthang own zhos while
virtually every household keeps palangs.
Although the total population of yaks, goats and sheep throughout Lo is very
significant,2 6 7 few households in Monthang own or raise these animals. Some goats are kept
in pens inside the house but most are kept in corrals outside* in distant caves or pastures.
Sheep are not raised in the village- only in the pastures. The altitude of Monthang is too low
for yaks and they are restricted to higher elevations. Sometimes during severe winter when
there is too much snow, they are brought to a lower elevation even near Monthang but for
2 6 7 Estimates vary but different sources indicate these rough figures: 600 yaks, 20,000 goats, 5-7,000 sheep.
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most of the time they remain high in alpine pastures. Although the yak is a very important
animal for the Lobas only about three households in Monthang own yaks. Of these only the
king and Pema Wongdi, the Chairman, have any significant herd-140 and 100 head
respectively. But there are about 43 Drokpas encampment that herd their own or others yaks,
goats and sheep.
From ancient times, the pastoralist Drokpas and the agriculturalist Lobas have
maintained a symbiotic relationship. The Drokpas provided the settlers with yak butter,
churpe (hard cheese), wool, meat and dung in exchange for food, clothing and other
necessities. Yak butter is always in great demand because of its extensive use in making
Tibetan salt tea that is consumed in vast quantities by the Lobas. Meat is a valuable and one
of the few sources of protein for the Lobas and although they will also eat goat or sheep,2 6 8
they prefer yak meat-mostly in dried form. But yak dung, the only source of fuel, is
unequivocally the most critical and important item that the Drokpas contribute to all Lobas.
These days it is also the only reliable cash commodity2 6 9 for the Drokpas- earning about
Rs. 25 per sack of dried yak dung.
Goats and sheep are also cash livestock and they are reared for their wool too.
During the Hindu festival of Dasain celebrated nationally throughout Nepal, huge numbers
of goats and sheep are slaughtered. Capitalizing on this demand, Lobas drive their flocks all
the way to the major cities (10-15 days journey) where they can get better prices. But this is
risky as the prices fluctuate according to the laws of supply and demand and that is
2 6 8 Traditionally Lobas do not eat chicken or fish although these days the younger generation do not observe this
restriction.
2 6 9 Other commodities can be augmented with alternatives like regular butter instead of the traditional yak butter,
or canned pork, beef, fish from China instead o f meat, but yak dung has no replacement.
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unpredictable. They incur a long and arduous trek with constant risk of losing animals to
sickness, theft or mishaps. At the end of the journey, they have to compete with other herds
from Lo and southern hills of Nepal, or from India and Tibet. In 1994, the Lobas lost a lot of
money as the market in Pokhara was inundated with livestock and they barely managed to
get Rs. 850 per head when they could have gotten more at home.
When the Tibetan grassland was closed to Loba livestock, yaks, sheep and goats
suffered the most since they could not migrate south in the winter but had to remain in Lo
and make do with whatever rangeland situation prevailed. For the yaks that thrive on high
altitude, the lower elevation was completely out of the question so they were compelled to
stay put. For goats and sheep, the sheer number made it impossible for them to travel south
and find enough free grassland to sustain the large population. Therefore, they were also
forced to remain in Lo. With the rangeland decimated by overgrazing from the exodus of
livestock accompanying the fleeing Tibetan refugees, there was not much left for the
resident animals. So yaks competed with goats and sheep for what little remained and Loba
animals perished in large numbers during those first winters. To this day, these animals
compete for the available winter pastures.
Lobas also blame the fluctuations in climate and weather for this predicament. They
assert that for the last decade, the total amount of rainfall has progressively decreased while
snowfall during winter fluctuates extensively. In the winter of 1993, excessive snow caused
the death of many animals 2 7 0 by starvation as they depended on the grass of the rangeland
for survival. On the other hand if the snowfall is insufficient, the rangeland suffers from
2 7 c The king lost 80 and the Chairman, Pema Wongdi, lost 50 head o f yaks while the number o f goats and sheep
that perished were also very high. Lobas say that during that period the supply o f meat was plentiful and cheap
but the quality o f meat was terrible as the animals had died o f starvation.
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inadequate moisture when the snow melts during spring. The declining and scant rainfall
during the summer months has resulted in sparse vegetation growth throughout the grassland
in Lo. Consequently, the rangeland area has continuously shrunk. This shrinkage combined
with the deterioration of the grassland has not only constrained the growth of livestock but
has successively reduced the total population and the trend continues unabated. Older Lobas
also blame the pasture management system prevalent these days or rather the lack there of.
In the past, the people followed strict regulations and practices. All herds had to follow a
certain prescribed grazing practice like using only the western pastures during the summer
months and rotating the usage of the rangeland. There used to be a strict Chepa system- a
system of imposing fines and penalties for the defaulters, which ensured that the grazing
practice was managed properly. But now, the Chepa system is not enforced and grazing
management is left to the individual herders. The only exception is that permission must be
sought to use community rangelands that is generally always granted because this brings the
fuel source closer to home.2 7 1 The reason for the collapse of the traditional management
system in Monthang is that very few households now own yaks, goats and sheep and so the
community is not involved like in the past when many families raised these animals.
3) Trade:2 7 2 As depicted above, agriculture and animal husbandry are extremely
important to the Loba livelihood but even when combined together they are insufficient to
fulfill the subsistence needs of the Lobas. Traditionally, trade always supplemented the
deficit and this holds true to this day. But with the introduction of a wider cash economy,
2 7 1 If the yak herds are in the community pastures, then the commuting time to transport dung is shorter and less
arduous. Normally, it takes at least half the day for a single trip depending on the amount o f dung being
transported.
2 7 2 This section is based mainly on an article that I contributed for a book titled, “Aspects of Migration and
Mobility in Nepal.”
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trade is now extremely crucial and the most prominent method for appropriating cash for
most Lobas. But that is not to indicate that trade was less important in the past.
In fact, trade has always played a major role in former times not only in the
economics but in the history and religion of Lo. The relatively low elevation of the pass in
Lo made access to and from Tibet easier here (both for human and livestock) than in other
similar regions and was a preferred route for trans-Himalayan trade between Tibet (and
onwards to Central Asia) and Nepal (to India). Other than the Kuti and Kerong route (that
serviced the capital, Kathmandu), this was the most lucrative corridor in Nepal. The Lo
rulers and elites who controlled this route were the primary beneficiaries. It is the wealth
generated by this trade that made the magnificent and majestic monasteries like Chamba and
Thubchen possible and created an atmosphere for the Buddhist religion to flourish. On the
other hand, it is also responsible for the many conquest campaigns of neighboring kingdoms
that Lo had to defend against and in some cases succumb to. The existence of the high walls
around Monthang and the ruins of many forts strung throughout Lo is a testimony to the
economic importance of this region. Jackson surmises that:
Five hundred years ago, a diverse and colorful stream of travelers
made their way along the roads that led to Lo Mustang. In those
days, a person standing at the gate of the capital city might see
Indian pundits and yogis, Tibetan traders with their trains of donkeys
and sheep, pilgrims bound for Mount Kailash or Central Tibet,
scholars-monks returning from the great seminaries of Gtsang,
officials or messengers from states near and far, ragged beggars, and
perhaps even a wandering minstrel or a mad saint. Many of these
travelers were just passing through Mustang, for it was situated on an
important north-south trade route and it was also the only major
Bhotia settlement on the east-west axis between Kyirong or Dzongka
and Purang. But some travelers were also drawn specifically to
Mustang because it was then a famous and prosperous principality
ruled over by the illustrious king and patron Bkra-shis-mgon.
(ix:1984)
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In the past, Loba and Tibetan traders were free to move and trade across the border.
The trading was in die form of barter exchange. Tibet had a deficit in grains but had a
surplus of livestock and salt. The vast areas of snow-free steppe were conducive to livestock
rearing while the existence of many salt-producing saline lakes like in Central Tibet,
Tsaidam Basin, Darbye Tshaka, Andar Tshaka,2 7 3 etc. made Tibet an exporter of salt. In
contrast, the middle hills of Nepal needed salt and livestock but produced surplus grains like
rice. Therefore, salt and livestock were bartered for rice and other grains.
Older Lobas can recall the period when the barter trade was alive and thriving in
Monthang. Tulachan (49-51) gives the following data and account of the trade in the past
but that occurred within living memory:
Every year around November/December, a month or two after the
harvest, hordes of Tibetan traders descended on Lo Monthang driving
large herds of sheep and goats (1-2,000 animals) and yaks (some 100
heads) laden with commodities like salt, wool, butter and churpe.
These animals were preferred to horses, mules and donkeys because
they required less care during the journey and, more importantly, were
in greater demand in the barter exchange. In total around 20, 000 goats
and sheep and 1,000 yaks would change hands during a winter trading
season. Salt was the main commodity bartered for such grains as naked
barley, wheat and rice. Cash transactions never transpired2 7 4 and the
exchange ratio looked like this:
2 7 3 For a greater detail account o f the dynamics of salt see Spengen’s “Tibetan Border Worlds.”
2 7 4 Furer-Haimendorf (1988:192), on the other hand, mentions that wool transactions invariably involved cash,
and that the Thakali traders would pay their Loba representatives or partners cash to purchase wool at a fixed
price or would travel to Lo themselves and conduct the business in cash.
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Table 3. Baiter Exchange Rate in Lo Monthang
Items Barley/Wheat Rice Salt
Sheep/goat (good
quality)
5 pathi * 2 pathi
Sheep/goat
(common)
3 pathi 1 pathi
Yak (common) 8 pathi 6 pathi
Rice (1 pathi) 6-8 pathi
Barley (1 pathi) 3-4 pathi
Wool (about 2 kg.) 4-5 mana 1 mana
Butter * * 6 1-2
* A pathi is a traditional measure o f volume corresponding roughly to a
gallon and contains 8 mams.
** Butter was bartered by weight.
Tulachan (ibid) further mentions that:
After acquiring the goods from the Tibetan traders, the Lobas transported
the commodities further south to the Thaksatsae region where the
exchange rates were more to their advantage. The further south they
traveled, the better the deal. At Tatopain or Ghasa the rate between salt
and rice was 4:5, while at Lo the ratio was 6:1. A substantial rate
differential could be exploited if the trader ventured long distances.
Occasionally a few Loba traders would hazard a journey as far south as
Butwal, but most Lobas disposed their goods at Tukche, Kobang or other
villages in Baragaun or Panchgaun.2 7 5
Lobas faced many obstacles in journeying too far south. The most important
constraint was that they would not be able to return home if they were gone for long periods
(as would happen when traveling with pack animals) and the winter snow blocked the
passes. Apart from the long and arduous journey itself, there were many more daunting
hurdles that discouraged the Lobas from going long distance to the south, such as negotiating
2 7 5 Filrer-Haimendorf (1988:188) writes that the Loba traders were not allowed to proceed south beyond Tukche
where, they had to sell their goods to the custom contractor, but that the people of Baragaun and Panchgaun could
go as far as Dana where there was another custom post. The contradiction between the account o f my informants
and the above-mentioned statement seems to have stemmed from the feet that my informants were probably
describing the post-1928 situation, when the salt monopoly was abolished and many o f the restrictions removed.
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241
through the numerous and totally different cultural and social landscapes, overcoming the
different language barriers, safeguarding the commodities, insuring safety for both animals
and personnel, confronting alien diets, climatic variations and unfamiliar diseases. Because
of these formidable hurdles, most Lobas opted to barter their commodities in Thak (or
Thaksatsae in Nepali), the southern most frontiers from where these impediments
commenced. “They probably felt comfortable linguistically and culturally because most
Thakalis of Thaksatsae spoke their language and had incorporated many Buddhist beliefs
and practices” (Tulachan:51).
In the summer too, the Lobas engaged in trade. Immediately after planting their
fields, they headed north to the border towns of Tibet with donkeys and horses loaded
mainly with grains and barley flour (the two commodities most in demand) to barter for salt.
By traveling closer to the source, they could procure salt at a more advantageous exchange
rate. Here also the Lobas were unable to venture too far since they had to return to tend the
crops and harvest them. Furthermore, they needed enough time for transporting the newly
acquired salt to Thak before the monsoon rains spate the rivers making them unfordable or
dangerous to animals and humans. Ideally they preferred taking the salt down to Thak but if
they were unable to do so, the commodity was stored in Lo and taken down during the
winter. Many households in Monthang were involved in this trade but it all came to a sudden
halt in 1959 when China invaded Tibet. There was virtually no trade for about two years.
The older Lobas remember this period as a very difficult time since the
usual income derived from trade dried up totally, making the life of the
small traders miserable2 7 6 . At the Lobas’ request, the Nepali
government held talks with the Chinese officials and trade was
2 7 6 It seems that some Lobas profited when they bought the valuables and animals o f fleeing Tibetan refugees
who passed through Lo Monthang on their way to India.
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resumed but under new terms. They made it mandatory for trade to be
restricted to a designated place in Tibet (an area called Likche2 7 7 where
a few temporary shelters were built) and to particular times. The Lobas
were asked to bring only grains and not cash. Furthermore, the
exchange rates were virtually set by the Chinese officials2 7 8 . For a
sheep or goat they demanded 8 pathi of barley or 4 pathi of rice, 10
pathi of barley for 32 pathi of salt, and 10 pathi of flour for 18 pathi of
salt. They also set restrictions on the number of animals that could be
exported to Nepal. (Tulachan:52).
But the Khampa guerrillas curtailed even this lop-sided trade after a couple of years.
Several years after establishing camps in Mustang, the Khampa leadership ordered the Loba
traders to stop doing business with the Chinese since the grains bartered were destined to
support the Chinese military in the border regions. Besides, the Khampa fighters needed the
grains for their own use. But the Chinese decreed grains and flour as the only acceptable
barter commodity. Most Lobas complied with the order to desist trade but some defied the
injunction and when 7 of the defiant Lobas were killed, the trade completely stopped.
After 1974 when the Khampas guerrillas were disbanded and driven out, trade once
again resumed but under totally different circumstances. The same kind of time and location
restrictions were enforced but now the Chinese authorities demanded cash instead of grains
since they no longer needed grains as in the interim they had constructed roads throughout
the Tibetan border regions and their supplies were trucked in. The Lobas felt aggravated that
they could no longer select the animals that they wanted to buy whereas in the past they
could visit different herds to acquire the finest animals at the best prices. The Lobas
complained that the animals offered by the Chinese were of inferior quality compared to
2 7 7 Later the venue was shifted to Tradun
2 7 8 Although the Lobas entered into negotiations with the Chinese officials to determine the exchange rates, they
were at a great disadvantage because if they did not agree to the offer they would have to transport the goods all
the way back to Lo. And since they could come only at the time set by the Chinese they often felt helpless,
without any leverage or options.
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what was available in the various herds. On the other hand, the traditional demand for
Tibetan salt was practically obliterated by the construction of a motorable road between the
Indian border town of Sunauli and Pokhara, flooding the middle hills of Nepal with cheap
Indian salt. So this trade has dwindled to a trickle with only a few Lobas still engaged in it
while most Lobas have turned south where other opportunities are exploited, in particular the
sweater and jimbu trade.
a) The Sweater Trade: The winter migration is a key opportunity when Lobas
engage in various economic activities. The migration occurs in two waves after the
harvesting is over. The first wave comprises of mostly young men destined for India; the
second wave that ensues about 10-12 days later consists of the people and animals that have
been selected to migrate south for this winter. But before any migration can take place, the
first task is to secure enough supplies (both food and fuel) to last the entire winter months for
family members and animals that will remain in Monthang. In the meantime groups of
young Loba men who have always traveled and worked together as a team meet and consult
a monk to determine the most auspicious departure date. As far as possible the members of
each group try to leave Monthang together. But this may not always be possible as some
members of the group may not have collected enough capital, finished all the household
chores or would be traveling with children which would require more time (may either leave
earlier or come lata1 ). Even if they leave Monthang on different days, they travel to India as
a group after they regroup in Pokhara. When they leave Monthang, they generally take a
slight detour to seek the blessing of the Buddhas at Lo Gekar monastery, considered one of
the most sacred sites in Lo. After three days of walking, they reach Jomsom, the district
headquarters. From here they fly to Pokhara on twin engine STOL aircraft. The Lobas prefer
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244
to fly out of Jomsom rather than walk down to Pokhara. But this is also the busy tourist
season and the flights may be full for many days. If the wait is more than 3 or 4 days then
they will walk since they can reach Pokhara in 4 days otherwise they will wait for the next
available seat. Once in Pokhara the Lobas convert Nepali currency (Nepali rupees-NCRs.) to
Indian currency (Indian rupees-ICRs.)2 7 9 and devise very ingenious methods to conceal the
money.2 8 0 The group will wait in Pokhara for the stragglers to catch up and then will travel
together to the border town of Sunauli on the Nepal side. Sometimes the group will even
wait here if the late member can catch up the next day. But this is the last opportunity for
any straggler.
Early next morning, they cross the border into India to board the first bus leaving for
Varanasi (Benaras). The Indian custom officials and police frisk and hassle them and
demand bribes to let them through. This treatment continues throughout the journey as
police board the bus at different points and check passengers. There are also shysters preying
on innocent travelers. This is the reason why the cash is concealed because if discovered by
the police they will try to confiscate it although it is totally legal to carry this currency.2 8 1
Often they have to endure verbal and physical abuses and extortion of money at every step
of the way. The Lobas negotiate their way by paying through all these hurdles with the
2 7 9 The exchange rate was NCRs.160 to ICRslOO.
2 8 0 For fear that these secret methods could be made public, I have been asked not to reveal the details but some
o f the methods are brilliant.
2 8 1 The Indian police and custom officials are renowned for their extortion methods. When I accompanied the
Lobas on this trip, I had my video camera with me for which I had permission from the Indian Embassy in
Kathmandu but the police at the border wanted me to pay them to take the equipment over into India. When I
argued that I had permission to do so, they said that I could take the camera but not the batteries since the permit
mentioned the camera but not the batteries. In the end I had to give them some money because the Loba group
that I was traveling with had already crossed the border and I was afraid that I would miss the bus if I delayed
any further.
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Indians trying to squeeze as much as they can and the Lobas striving to get away with the
minimum amount.
Ludhiana
TIBET
Lo M othang
NEPAL
Jom som ;
Pokhara
Baglung
Gorkha
B hairahaw a
K athm andu
INDIA
Sunauli
B e n a re s
Fig. 3 Winter Trade Route
They arrive in Varanasi in the afternoon and head for a place called Daranagar
where the majority of Lobas live. 2 8 2 Every year, they rent the same rooms from the same
Indian landlord (many even leave behind their paraphernalia like stoves or beds when they
go back to Monthang) and live in the same neighborhood.
After the rent is negotiated, the living spaces are cleaned and made habitable.
Thenthey go to rent spaces for booths. There are two main areas where most Lobas establish
their stalls-Naya Sadak and the Cantonment (known as Can). The spaces are rented out to
the same Lobas every year.
2 8 2 There are a couple of other sm aller areas where a few families live.
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246
= Loba Stalls
D arangar
C antonnm ent
Naya Sadak
Vishwanath
Temple
B en ares Hindu
University
Fig. 4 Loba Stalls in Benaras
When all the living and booth arrangements have been secured, the Lobas invariably
take a day off to visit Saranath (about 8 kilometers from Benaras), the sacred spot where at
the Deer Park, the Buddha gave his first sermon after achieving enlightenment. There they
all visit the Tibetan monastery to light butter lamps and make some offerings. Then the next
morning, they take the train for Ludhiana, an industrial town in the state of Punjab.
After 20 hours o f train ride, they arrive in Ludhiana and go to a neighborhood called
Madhopuri where they rent rooms (from the same landlords whenever possible). When they
have settled in and have had breakfast, they buy new polythene sacks or get their old ones
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247
and go shopping for sweaters.2 8 3 They may shop as a group or split up into several smaller
groups as they wander from shop to shop -comparing prices and designs. There is a lot of
haggling involved to get the best deal. Whenever they buy something, the items are put
inside the sack and carried around. When the sack is full they head back to their respective
rooms, carrying the sack on their back or renting a rickshaw if the load is too heavy to carry
or too far to transport. The items are dumped in the room and they go out immediately for
further buying. Most transactions are in cash but there are a few merchants who give them
credit.
For a down payment of ICRs. 10,000 some businessmen give goods
worth ICRs. 35,000, but the downside of the deal is that often sweaters
of undesirable colors, design or quality are included in the lot, and the
goods are rarely delivered at the time promised, causing delay in
planned departures. (Tulachan: 57).
Throughout the whole day, they shuttle back and forth between shops and their
rooms. In the evening the articles are neatly stacked together and properly priced. The group
usually dines together at one of the three Tibetan restaurants.
The presence of Tibetan restaurants in the midst of an Indian industrial town far
removed from any Tibetan settlement is an indication of the substantial number of Tibetan
visitors to Ludhiana. The clienteles of these restaurants are exclusively Tibetans or Lobas;
the Indians never eat here. Additionally, almost every hosiery shop in this neighborhood has
a photograph or a sketch of the Dalai Lama conspicuously displayed to attract Tibetan
customers. Some merchants even speak Tibetan and many have learned to quote prices in
Tibetan. All these trends testify to the importance of the “Tibetan” contribution (the Indians
think the Lobas are Tibetan refugees) to the local hosiery industry. During these winter
2 8 3 The primary articles purchased are sweaters but they also buy jackets, shawls and mufflers.
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248
months, the streets of Madhopuri are teeming with Tibetans who have come from all parts of
India to buy sweaters. The Lobas prefer to eat at the Tibetan restaurants because the food is
familiar and also because they often encounter other Lobas who have just arrived or have
completed their business or those who have out-migrated to Kathmandu or Simla in India.
They often exchange business tips and news from home.
This frenetic shopping spree lasts for four or five days or until their cash and credit
has been exhausted (they save around ICRs.5/6,000 for the return trip- to pay for freight,
taxes, coolies, bribes, food, etc). Then the specialized packers are called to load sweaters
into sacks. The merchandise must be packed into a large sack (about 5.5’ tall & 3.5’ in
diameter) with about 250 sweaters but must not weigh more than 150 kg. This is the weight
limit allowed by the railway company and if the weight exceeds that limit, fines are levied.
These packers are skilled in ascertaining the weight of each sack just by feeling the
heaviness of the load (measuring scales are never used). When all the merchandise of the
group has been sacked, special delivery teams are called in to transport the bales to the
railway station.
These people specialize in transferring the goods to the railway station and are
skilled in evading the tax agents who roam the streets. The agents are avoided because they
can cause unnecessary delays and hassles as they can demand to see sales receipt and ask to
see the contents of the sacks. Without the specialized packers, the contents cannot be
crammed back into the sack again. Furthermore, they will demand bribes and payoffs even if
everything is in order. The bales are deposited outside the weighing dock in the station and
are processed in the order of arrival.
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Depending on the volume of goods ahead of them, the Lobas usually have to wait
for a day or two before their turn at the scales. The members of the group take turns guarding
their sacks to prevent pilferage since in the past sacks have been slit and merchandise stolen.
At night some of them sleep on top o f the sacks but one or two will always stay awake and
the vigil will be rotated. When their turn arrives, the sacks are weighed, marked with
identification codes, counted, and documented.2 8 4 The officials are bribed according to the
number of sacks processed. The bribes not only help smoothen the whole process but also
ensure that proper procedure is complied since the slightest discrepancy in the correct
identification, marking codes or paper work can cause enormous problems when claiming
the goods in Benaras. The sacks are then transferred to the platform where the train leaving
for Benaras will stop. There are many trains that leave for Benaras but most of them only
stop here for 15-20 minutes. This does not give them enough time to load all the bales into
the freight compartment. So the Lobas always take the Krishna Express since it commences
from this station.
They bribe the coolies to secure sleeping berths and seats and also to load the cargo
quickly and safely. A team of coolies will work together. They split into two groups, one to
secure sleeping berths and seats and the other to load the sacks. The first group will board a
compartment at the maintenance yard just before the train leaves for the station platform.
The doors of the compartment are locked from inside. As soon as the train stops, one coolie
jumps on the rail side (the doors on the platform side remain locked to prevent others from
entering) and runs to where the Lobas are waiting with their bags and guides them to the
2 8 4 The officials are bribed according to the number o f sacks processed. The bribes not only help smoothen the
whole process but also ensures that proper procedure is complied since the slightest discrepancy in the correct
identification marking codes or paper works can cause enormous problems when claiming the goods in Benaras,
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250
compartment that is being secured for them. The coolie will call out to his friends who open
the door so that the Lobas can enter first and occupy the seats and berths blocked by them.
Then these coolies join the other group that is busy loading the sacks into the cargo
compartment. After the seats and berths have been secured, some Lobas will run to the cargo
section to make sure that all the sacks are loaded and that the compartment is latched to the
train. Only when all the sacks have been loaded and the door of the cargo compartment
sealed will the coolies be paid.
The Lobas travel third class on the return trip. This is because there is no guarantee
that their sacks can be loaded onto the train that day. If their merchandise cannot make it
onboard, they will stay back and try the next day. They will have to buy new tickets as
unused tickets are forfeited but third-class fares are relatively cheap whereas if they had
bought reservations (which guarantees berths and seats), the loss would have been quite
substantial. The compartments are jam-packed with people squeezing into every available
space- the aisles are so crammed it is impossible to walk through without trampling on
people and often even the toilets are occupied. Despite this situation, the Lobas will often
jump out of their compartment when the train stops at major stations and run to the cargo
section to see if the seal to the door of the freight carriage with their bales is intact or that the
carriage is still attached to the train. Sometimes the carriage will get disconnected and the
contents pilfered or re-routed to a different destination. Once in the past, their cargo ended
up in Calcutta. Besides this constant worry, they also have to endure other personal anxieties
like harassment by the police.
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The train passes through three different states of India- Punjab, Hariayana and UP
(Utter Pradesh).2 8 5 At each state, armed policemen board the compartments and extort
money from the travelers by physically threatening them- slapping and grabbing the neck are
common techniques used. In the packed and dimly lit compartment, one can tell where the
police are by the loudness of the slaps and orders (“Take it Out! Take it Out! Hurry! Hurry!”
i.e. hand over the money) as they approach you or leave you.
The terrified Indians hand over a few rupees to the police. Apparently most Indians
in third-class compartments travel without a valid ticket, which is illegal and so the police
can resort to extortion. However, it seems that even those with paid tickets are not spared.
One old man who was grabbed by the throat did have a ticket but still had to pay the police.
When asked why he paid the police he said, “They have guns, what can we do?” Generally,
the Lobas are not physically abused. Because of the fair skin and Mongolian features, the
police often think that the Lobas are in the military as there are a lot of Nepali in the Indian
Armed Force. But sometimes verbal and physical indignities do occur.
When the train arrives in Benaras, the sacks have to be unloaded quickly since the
train only stops there for about 20 minutes. The officials have to be bribed to expedite the
work. The authorized official has to verify that the seal is intact before breaking it and
allowing the coolies to unload the goods. If he delays the process, the train could leave
before all the sacks have been off-loaded. Only the coolies are authorized to handle the
merchandise. Once when the Lobas went in to help the coolies to speed up the process, the
police beat them with batons. As a last resort they often have to bribe the official who gives
the green signal (he waves a green lantern towards the engine section indicating that the train
2 8 5 Benaras is in the state o f UP.
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252
can depart) to delay the departure so that they have enough time to get their goods off the
train. Since they arrive at night, the cargo offices are closed and the merchandise has to be
left on the platform.2 8 6 They are claimed the next morning as soon as the offices open- the
usual bribes easing the process.
On their return, they will be met by Lobas from the second wave of migrants (family
members, relatives or other villagers) who will have reached Benaras by then. Once the
bales are in the living quarters, they are unpacked and stacked according to price and quality.
In the meantime, the stalls are built. These are temporary structures, about 5’x 6’,
constructed out of bamboo and covered with plastic or burlap. The Lobas have to fashion the
stalls at their own expense, the landlord provides only the space and a power outlet for a
single light bulb. When the stalls are ready, the sweaters are carted in large sacks early in the
morning. They spend about two hours displaying the various merchandises.
There are two peak business periods, late morning to early afternoon and late
afternoon to late evening, when the stalls are crowded with customers. A lot of haggling and
price negotiating precedes any sale. The small size of the booths permit only one person to
comfortably man the stall and so he/she must be constantly vigilant during the busy hours
since shoplifters take advantage of the crowd and confusion to steal merchandise. When
shoplifters are caught the Lobas never prosecute than. They are released after a sound
beating.
Lunch is usually brought to the stall by a family member or ordered from vendors-
both Indians and Lobas.2 8 7 In the evening the merchandise are all taken down, folded
2 8 6 Some Lobas will stay with the sacks to safeguard them.
2 8 7 Some Loba women sell momos (dumplings) and other traditional food. From the Indian vendors, the Lobas
normally order sweet tea and on occasions will also order chapati and vegetables.
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carefully and transported to their living quarters. By the time they finish dinner and go to bed
it is almost midnight. Early the next morning, new stocks are added and the merchandise
hauled to the stalls where the whole process is repeated. There is little variation in this
schedule for the next three months that they remain in Benaras. When the stocks run low,
they go again to Ludhiana to replenish their inventory. But these subsequent trips are
undertaken on an individual need basis and not as a group. Those departing early will
borrow money from those group members staying behind and when it is the lender’s time to
leave, the borrower not only returns the money borrowed but further lends him the same
amount that he had borrowed. This manner of reciprocal financial assistance is mainly
practiced within the group members which not only strengthens the group solidarity but is
also sound business practice - more capital means greater buying power which necessitate
fewer trips resulting in reduced expenses (and harassment). On average, a Loba make about
three trips to Ludhiana per season. Many factors determine the frequency of the trips. A
crucial factor is the weather. If the winter rains come early, the temperatures drop and
sweater sales are brisk but if it is hot then sales slump. Besides the weather, a person with a
larger capital investment will have purchased more stock and may take longer to sell them or
a person with more than one booth will exhaust the inventory quicker than a friend with only
one booth. Also a person with greater salesmanship will have more success in disposing the
stock quicker. That is why the group members will make subsequent trips on need basis.
Generally they prefer to travel with a companion and will wait for a day or two for the other
person but if necessary they will journey alone.
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Not all Lobas adhere to this pattern of trade. There are two groups that follow a
different strategy. Both these groups are Lobas from poorer households. A small number of
Lobas, primarily single females, work as independent peddlers. They either share living
quarters with friends or live alone. They get the sweaters from various Loba booth owners
on credit and hawk them on the streets. They carry the sweaters on their back and arms and
walk through the streets selling them to pedestrians. Or they visit certain areas that are good
for business- one favorite place is a coal depot called Chandasi on the outskirts of Benaras.
The clients are mainly transient truck drivers gathered there to haul coal.
The street vendor approach of selling has both advantages and drawbacks.
For the impoverished families, this form of trade is ideal because it entails no capital
investment as the merchandise is acquired on credit. Furthermore, there is no
financial risk involved since at the end of the day, they can return all unsold goods.
The most obvious drawback is the physical hardship involved in hauling the goods
around the streets. The hawkers have to confront harassment by unscrupulous
pedestrians, shysters and police. They have to conduct business under certain
constraints.
If they peddle the sweaters in the streets of Benaras, they have to reduce their profit
margin to stay in business since the Loba wholesaler has already added his profit; the selling
prices of the hawkers are higher than those at the stalls. Also they have less leeway to
bargain and have to be careful not to compete with local Indian shop owners. So they seek
out areas where sweaters are not sold locally like in Chandasi. But this necessitates extra
travel time and expense although the profit margins are higher. The women who ply their
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merchandise in Chandasi and other distant areas have to get up very early to allow for travel
time and to maximize the business hours. There is also the constant concern of personal
security since the women operate alone and are easy target for teasing and pestering. The
women will travel together as a group to a designated area and then disperse individually to
do the hawking. At Chandasi, some tipsy truck drivers not only teased the women verbally
but also got physical as well like grabbing the arms or touching them. In the evening the
women meet at a predetermined area and will return to Benaras together since it is unsafe to
travel alone at night. Despite these hurdles, these Loba women say they prefer to hawk in the
streets because they do not have to invest any capital, pay rent for space, can select the
designs and number of items that they want and all unsold goods can be returned to the
creditors.
A different strategy utilized by a small group of Lobas in the sweater trade is
to work as employees o f other Lobas or Tibetans. They will generally live with their
employers- cooking and helping at the booths. Like the hawkers, these Lobas too
undertake no capital investment or financial risks. But unlike the peddlers, their task
is physically more comfortable. Furthermore, they do not have to pay for rent or
food.
After working the entire season they will take home around NCRs. 4-6,000 whereas
the hawkers generally make more. The employee is assured a certain amount at the end of
the season whereas the hawker’s fate is unpredictable. If the business is bad they may end up
making less than the employees but normally they take home about NCRs.6-9,000. Some
employees will also hawk for their employers. After cooking and serving lunch, they will
roam the streets with sweaters on their arms and back. They will return in time to prepare
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dinner for their employers. Both the employees and the hawkers leave Monthang with the
second wave but the people adopting the former strategy will head for India faster than the
latter. This is because the employees need to find work as soon as possible. Lobas who work
for Tibetans will definitely leave early since the Tibetans (who are not constrained by
agricultural or other schedules) establish their stalls earlier than the Lobas. But the hawkers
come to Benaras a few days before the Lobas return from Ludhiana as it would be useless to
arrive before that since there would be no merchandise to sell.
Several Loba families from Monthang also conduct trade at a place called Jaunpur
situated about an hour’s ride by local bus from Benaras. They display the sweaters on the
railings of a large bridge that connects the two parts of the city. Different vendors plying all
kinds of merchandise occupy the sidewalks on either side of the bridge. The constant heavy
foot traffic over the bridge offers the vendors a good opportunity for trade. The Lobas in
Jaunpur live within a walled housing complex with a garden in the center. The living
conditions are better here with cleaner and more spacious accommodations. Because of the
gated compound, the children can be left to play by themselves in safety. In contrast, Lobas
in Benaras live in cramped quarters and the children are compelled to play on the filthy
streets. Additionally, they have to be supervised because of hazards posed by animals,
strangers and vehicular traffic. These Lobas in Jaunpur have partners or family members
who have booths in Benaras and so when the stocks run low, they will go to Benaras to
replenish the inventory.
During the entire season a Loba trader will on average sell about eight bales of
sweaters. There is no fixed margin of profit. The price (and profit) is determined by market
conditions (the prevailing sales price for a particular item for that day), the sales record of
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the booth, weather conditions and the individual trader’s ability to clinch a deal. They
usually manage to obtain a profit of Rs. 25-50 per item. But the overall earning is impacted
by the amount of unsold inventory left at the end of the season and how it is disposed of.
Often, they have to be sold at cost price and sometimes even below cost price enduring some
loss. Profit earnings vary even for the same volume of merchandise sold since the sale prices
are always negotiated. Some who sold 6 bales of sweaters reported a net profit of NCRs. 10-
12,000 while those who averaged 10 bales reported a net profit of NCRs. 15-30,000. The
wider variation in the latter group was explained by the amount of capital borrowed and the
interest paid. For every loan of NCRs.100,00 there is a fixed interest of Rs. 9,000. So if the
trader had more personal capital to begin with then his profit margin increased substantially
whereas if most of the capital were borrowed, the earnings would be reduced. The major
portion of the profit is used up in procuring consumption items like rice, lentils, sugar, tea,
spices, cooking oil and kerosene that they will need for the coming year. They also buy
clothes and shoes for family members and other household items.
b) The Jimbu Trade: {Jimbu is a kind of wild chive grown in the high elevations of
the Himalayas and found in Lo. Dried jimbu is an integral part of Nepali cuisine). The
majority of Lobas who migrate in the winter engage in the jimbu trade rather than the
sweater business. About 10-12 days after the departure of the first cluster of sweater traders
(about mid-October), the second wave of m iration commences around the end of October
or the beginning of November. It comprises men, women and children accompanied by
hundreds of pack animals (horses, mules and donkeys) laden with personal belongings,
indigenous food (like tshampa), jimbu and utensils. Most of them walk all the way to
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Pokhara. The presence of small children, older folks and loaded animals slows the speed of
the journey.
On reaching Pokhara, those who plan to hawk sweaters, connect with family
members or meet employer, head immediately for India but the rest convene at a place called
Kazi Pokhari in the southern periphery of Pokhara. Like in Benaras, the Lobas rent living
spaces (like rooms, sheds, outbuildings or a simple sheltered space) from the same landlord
every winter. The Lobas prefer this area not only because of the cheap rent but more
importantly because their animals have many grazing opportunities in the recently harvested
fields and the commons. While elder males and young boys may be assigned to shepherd the
animals and older females designated to care for young children, most of the able-bodied
Lobas will engage in jimbu trade.
The jimbu traders are like the hawkers in Benaras except that instead of sweaters
they peddle jimbu and other goods. In the past when this trade was first initiated, the only
commodity peddled was jimbu and that is why it is termed the jimbu trade even though these
days other items are included. In fact, the first act they engage in is the acquisition of these
articles from the main markets of Pokhara. Typically, some of the articles that they carry
(other than jimbu) are: dried coconuts, cumin seeds, black pepper seeds, rock candy,
asafoetida, alum, black salt, catechu, dark rocky objects called silajit (a kind of medicinal
bitumin), plastic earrings, hair clips, safety pins, budakesh -a dried medicinal herb, needles
and raw cotton. After procuring these articles, small groups of vendors fan out to the distant
villages and peripheral areas of Pokhara.2 8 8 There they ply their goods from house to house
using both barter exchange or cash sale. The Lobas prefer barter to cash transactions as the
2 8 8 They take the local bus to these areas.
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= Loba Settlem ent
P o st Office
Kazi Pokhari
Fig. 5 Lobas in Pokhara
profit margin for barter is greater. For instance, 1 mana o f jimbu is sold for Rs. 15 in cash
but was bartered for 4 manas of millet which when sold in the markets of Pokhara could
easily bring Rs. 20.2 8 9 Because the clientele are predominantly farmers, it is easier to
negotiate a better deal when bartering since they have sufficient grains (harvest having just
been concluded) whereas cash is always scarce in a farming village community. So the
Lobas like visiting areas o f Brahmin and Chetri communities that prefer barter exchange
2 8 9 The selling price of millet and maze varied from time to time and also on one’s bargaining ability. The Lobas
adjusted the barter exchange ratio in accordance to the market changes.
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while the Gurung2 9 0 communities prefer cash transactions. Millet is the favored commodity
of barter exchange as virtually every farmer grows it, is relatively cheap and is considered a
low status grain (compared to rice or wheat) so that farmers will more readily dispose of it
but more importantly (for the Lobas) it is easily convertible to cash. Some amount of maize
will also be acquired through barter because it is a good feed for the animals. When business
is great, it is extremely taxing on the body as the grain accumulated through barter has to be
lugged along as well. On average the daily sales amount to about Rs.300. By evening they
are back in town where they convert the grains into cash. Early next morning, they go into
town to replenish their stock and the whole cycle is repeated again but in a different region.
They practice rotational visitation so that no area is attended more than a couple of
times (that too at well-spaced intervals) in the four or five months that they are there.2 9 1 The
more interior and further removed from towns and commercial centers they can go, the more
business they can conduct but the territory they can service is restricted by the fact that they
have to return home the same day, usually by 5:00 pm. This limits the extent of their market.
However, the construction of motorable roads throughout most of the
Middle Hills of Nepal had made it possible for the Lobas to expand
their market. Groups of friends and relatives travel by buses to distant
districts, such as Lamjung, Gorkha and Dhading in the east and
Baglung in the west, to sell their goods. Although they are gone for 7-
15 days, Pokhara remains the base from where they operate
(Tulachan:63).
Both men and women are involved in this trade. Family members will often work
separately so as not to cater to the same shared customers. Moreover, this spreads the risk so
that if one member happens to service an unsuccessful area, other members who may have
2 9 0 Most Gurung communities comprise o f retired soldiers who have become farmers and they have more ready
cash (from pensions) than Brahmins mid Chetris.
2 9 1 They will also avoid areas that have been recently visited by other Lobas.
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had more luck will compensate it. Because of the strenuous physical effort required for this
job, the older and younger Lobas abstain from it. Another reason for this exclusion is the
language barrier- both the old and the young Lobas are not conversant enough in Nepali to
negotiate a bargain. But the older and younger Lobas are not totally useless- as already
mentioned they can shepherd the animals, look after children, cook, take lunch to the
shepherds, etc. Shepherding animals is a very important task since the animals are crucial to
their survival and there are a lot of them.2 9 2 Furthermore, when animals stray into cultivated
fields a fine of Rs.100 per animal is charged. If many animals are delinquent, the total fines
could be quite considerable. Thus, shepherding animals in Pokhara is a highly responsible
job. Many families will shepherd their own animals while others will pool their animals and
hire a Loba shepherd to do the job.
Lobas with enough capital or who have access to credit will engage in the sweater
business. Those with little capital but who can speak Hindi and have an entrepreneurial spirit
will also be in the sweater business as hawkers or employees. But the majority of the Lobas
who can speak only Nepali and have little financial capital will be jimbu traders. This trade
requires minimum investment as the main commodity, jimbu, can be acquired locally from
certain areas in Lo. Dried jimbu is light and easy to transport. Since it is not commonly
available and is highly desirable, it also acts as a “bait” to attract customers to the Loba
vendors (as opposed to other vendors like Indians or Nepali) and in the process of selling
jimbu, other items are also marketed. Both jimbu and budakesh are obtained from Lo while
the rest of the articles listed earlier are bought in town that can be purchased for a couple of
2 9 2 A count o f gazing animals showed that there were 223 horses and 87 donkeys. I was told that about 20-25
horses and 40-45 donkeys had gone up north carrying goods. The animals were not explicitly owned by Lobas
from Monthang but some belonged to people from Tsharang, Dhakmar and Chuksang.
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hundred rupees. They make just enough profit to pay for rent, food, some clothes and
consumption goods for the family. Although there is virtually no surplus cash left at the end
of their stay, the important achievement is that they and their animals have survived the
winter and are prepared for the coming year.
Towards the end of January or the beginning of February, the Loba population in
Pokhara particularly in Kazi Pokhari begins to grow as the traders from India return. There
are several families living in other areas like Chauthay, Biruwatar and Bagar as well.
Throughout this section, the “Lobas” referred to are those from Monthang only. If others
were to be included then Bagar and Yamdi would have a large population of Lobas. The
returning sweater traders and jimbu traders buy provisions for their households and begin to
transport them north to villages like Tukchey, Jomsom and Shyang. The goods will be stored
here since the passes further north are still covered with snow and ice making it impossible
or dangerous for animals to travel. In March, when the passes are cleared the goods will be
relayed up to Monthang. Until then the animals make several trips to these villages in Thak
transporting loads for oneself or for other households.
Another activity is the harvesting of saligram stones (smooth black rocks with fossil
ammonite) which is considered sacred by the Hindus. It is regarded as a manifestation of the
god Vishnu and worshipped. The source of the saligram stones is believed to be in Damodar
Kund since it is washed down by the river that comes from there. Just slightly northeast of
Tsharang where this stream joins the Kali Gandaki rive, is the ideal location to collect
saligrams because the riverbed here is wide and relatively flat. The Lobas live in tents
pitched on the banks. As the river spates due to monsoon rains, it changes course frequently
throughout the day. When it takes a new path, saligrams are often left exposed on the old
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course. The Lobas scramble among the old riverbed looking for these stones which are
scarce. They have to work quickly because the river can suddenly change course and return
to the old path where they are working. Besides, they have to now scour the recently
abandoned path for fresh saligrams. These stones are collected and some are sold to tourists
while most are taken down to the major cities in Nepal.
The state government has made it illegal to collect and export saligrams but there
are no police2 9 3 here to forestall the harvesting of these stones. Sometimes the police at
Jomsom check them and if discovered, the stones are confiscated. The best market for
saligrams is in India but because of the weight, transporting them is a major problem. In
addition, it is extremely difficult to conceal them and the chances of discovery are very high
since there are many random checks throughout the journey in India (as recounted earlier in
the sweater trade). When a substantial amount has been collected (couple of small sacks), the
Lobas will take them down to Pokhara or Kathmandu (usually during the winter migration)
where they get better prices. The amount collected and the transfer of the stones depend on
how much saligrams are brought down by the river and how quickly they can be gathered.
Since they have to be back in time to take care of the fields and crops, they cannot stay here
for too long.
Most Lobas undertake these trades in the winter months. But with the advent of
tourism, some Lobas have started selling souvenirs to the tourists during the summer. A
more detailed account of this business will be presented later.
All of these trading activities are extremely important in the subsistence economy of
the Lobas. They have no other option to meet the consumption needs of the community.
2 9 3 The police in Monthang do not care although they are aware o f these activities.
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Except for livestock like sheep and goats, trading is the only method of generating cash.
Agriculture offers no hope and while animal husbandry can bring cash, particularly from
sale of sheep and goats, only a few households can engage in livestock since rangeland is
limited. Trade is therefore the only activity that can accommodate most of the population
and provide an opportunity not only to sustain themselves but also to promote well being and
wealth. Migrating south to trade allows both the resident and the migrant community to
overcome and survive the dire food deficit. With more than half of the population migrating
in the winter, those remaining back in Monthang can have sufficient food to persevere
through the winter months. The migration also furnishes households the opportunity to
acquire essential commodities needed for the entire year. The significance of the winter
migration can be emphasized by taking a closer look at the phenomena itself.
From the tables below it is clear that “The demography of Loba migration is age-and
sex-selective, favoring the adult male” (Tulachan:64). This bias towards adult male is
characteristic of migration everywhere but the composition and number of Loba migration is
unique.
Table 4. Resident and Migrant Population2 9 4
Males Females Male Child Female Child Total
Residents 74* 131 70* 70 345
Migrants 216* 111 73* 70 470
Total 290 242 143 140 815
• These figures include monks.
The fact that 58% of the total population in an agricultural community migrated is itself
unusual. But what is even more remarkable is the distribution pattern from the gender and
2 9 4 All these tables are from the article on migration by the author.
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265
age perspective. A close examination of each category will illustrate this. In the adult male
population (above age fifteen2 9 5 ), the migration rate is an extremely high 74.5%. The general
trend in any migration is high for adult males although not to this extent.
But what is even more distinctive about Loba migration is the large number of adult
females (45.9%) and children (50.5%) traveling south. The migrant population2 9 6 was
composed of 46% adult men, 24% adult females and 30% children. Females and children
comprised more than half the migrant population. In terms of gender, the male-to-female
ratio for adults was 194.62 9 7 while for children it was 104.3 and 113.4 for the whole migrant
community, revealing a distinct bias towards males in general and for the adult male in
particular. An examination of the age distribution amongst the three groups (Pokhara,
Benaras and resident) offers other patterns.
Table 5. Age Distribution of Migrants to Pokhara
Age Bracket Males Females Total
Above 40* 12 4 16
15-40* 84 31 115
below 15 31 23 54
Total 127 58 185
• The above and below 40 figures may not be
very precise because people were unsure of
their own age and of family members who
were absent during the survey.
2 9 5 The Lobas use this age as the cut off point so it has been adopted in the study.
2 9 6 The migrant population presented here is not absolutely accurate since some had moved to other areas like
Kathmandu, Baglung or Assam in India whose status could not be verified and so approximates have been used.
To minimize discrepancies, the more accurate figures from Benaras and Pokhara and the distribution patterns
have been used to make adjustments.
2 9 7 This ratio is the number o f males to every 100 females.
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Amongst the migrants who stayed in Pokhara (Table 5 above), 52% were adult
males, 19% adult females and 29% children. The male to female ratio amongst the adults
was a very high figure of 274.3 and for children it was 134.8 while for the whole population
it was 219.0. In contrast the pattern for Benaras is quite different as shown in Table 6 below.
It was comprised of 35% adult men, 32% adult women and 33% children. The male-female
ratio was 108.9 for adults, 66.7 for children and 92.7 for the overall population. Both groups
not only differ from each other but also from the resident community.
Table 6. Age Distribution of Migrants to Benaras
Age Bracket Males Females Total
Above 40 2 1 3
15-40 35 33 68
below 15 14 21 35
Total 51 55 106
Of the total population who remained in Lo Monthang during that winter,
21% were adult males, 38% adult females and 40% were children (table 7 below).
Table 7. Age Distribution of Residents
Age Bracket Males Females Total
Above 40 44* 76 120
15-40 16* 55 71
below 15 70# 70 140
Total 130* 201 331
*These figures do not include 4 monks whose age
was unavailable.
#This figure includes 1 1 novice monks.
The male-female ratio was 45.8 for adults, 100.0 for children and 64.7 for the whole
population. The distribution patterns that emerge from these data are consonant with the
demands of the different activities each group engages in. From the gender perspective,
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Pokhara is clearly the most gender biased towards the male Loba. It has the highest
percentage of adult males2 9 8 (52%) compared to Benaras (35%) and Monthang (21%). By
comparison adult women comprise only 19% of the total population. The children make up
29% with 17% boys and 12% girls. Even amongst children there is a preference for boys.
The disposition towards males can be explained by the fact that the jimbu trade is physically
demanding. But more importantly, the shepherding of animals is exclusively a male job-
usually an older man or a young boy. Hence this explains the preference for boys. Also only
males travel with the animals when transporting goods. An analysis based on age (and also
across gender) further reasserts this point. The largest group, 62% of all Lobas were in the
15-40 age bracket (physically the most fit). This highlights the fact that able-bodied people
are a priority in Pokhara.2 9 9 And in that category, 73% were males and 27% females attesting
to a distinct propensity for males. This preference for robust males is clear from the analysis
of the gender category. Of the adult males in Pokhara 66% of them were between the ages
of 15 - 40 while 10% were over 40 and 24% were below 15 years old. This is because the
hauling of grains from house to house is a very strenuous job. But even in the above 40 and
below 15 age group, male preference is obvious- 75% in the previous and 57% in the latter.
This can be explained by the fact that older males and young boys are employed to look after
animals freeing the more hardy members of the family to engage in the jimbu trade.
A similar comparative analysis of other areas reveals totally different scenarios. In
Benaras males (35%), females (32%), and children (33%), are almost evenly represented-
with a slight tilt towards adult males. Thus there is no distinct preference for any particular
2 9 8 Considering the total Loba population of each region.
2 9 9 Even in the female category, this age group represents 54% o f the total female population.
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gender category. The ability to sell sweaters is not dependent on gender but on skill.
Although only males make the trip to Ludhiana, their advantage were offset by the number
of females who engaged in hawking- for every male hawker there were 7 female peddlers.
Age analysis favors the 15-40 adult brackets that make up 64% of the total population. Both
males (51%) and females (49%) are equally represented amongst Loba adults but this is not
the case in other age bracket. The older age bracket can be discounted because of the small
number represented (3). Besides, all of them were in their early 40s and still actively
engaged in trade.
But amongst the children, there is a clear preference for females (60%). This is
because girls are better at babysitting.3 0 0 They are given the task of looking after their
younger siblings enabling the adult members to carry out trade. In contrast, the population of
resident Lobas in Monthang exhibited a definite partiality towards children (41%) and
women (38%) while men (21%) ranked the lowest. There are several reasons for this pattern.
First, there is very little essential work to be accomplished during the cold winter months in
Monthang. The most crucial tasks are feeding the family, tending the animals and shoveling
excessive snow off the rooftops. Women do virtually all the cooking and caring for children
therefore, males are not necessary for this task.
Most pack animals, particularly horses, are stall-fed as the rangelands are unusable
because of snow cover and even where available, the grass is meager. Additionally, these
livestock must be led to the river for watering the animals. Virtually any person who is not a
child can accomplish these chores. Palangs, the only domestic animal that does not migrate
3 0 0 Culturally the Loba girl is trained to take care o f younger siblings from a very early age. In Monthang, little
girls (even 6 year olds) can be seen carrying and caring for younger siblings while boys of similar age are
playing.
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269
south, are the easiest to care for as they are left to fend for themselves-foraging the landscape
and the streets of Monthang for anything edible. They are occasionally fed leftover meals3 0 1
mixed with straw and mustard cakes.3 0 2 Women normally perform this job.
For these reasons, there are more women than men amongst the resident Lobas. This
also accounts for the large number of children- with more women, more children can be
cared for. Besides, children consume less food than adults and so the limited food stock of
any household can be stretched to last for longer periods. Age based analysis shows that
42% were below 15 years, 36% were over 40 while 22% were between 15-40 years. So the
winter community of Monthang constitutes mainly of children and older men and women.
This is because old folks and small children cannot contribute to the specialized economic or
subsistence activities in Pokhara and Benaras. Taking unproductive members south would be
burdensome so they are left behind.
In contrast, the able-bodied adults are absolutely crucial in Pokhara and Benaras
whereas in Monthang they are virtually dispensable. So they represent the smallest age
category amongst the resident population. Applying the gender aspect to these age brackets
further support the rationale for the migration decisions that Lobas make. Amongst the
children the group was split evenly indicating an indifference to any gender bias. In the 15-
40 categories, females that made up 77.5% of the age bracket dominated it. This predilection
towards females corresponds with the type of winter activities prevalent in Monthang during
winter. This also explains why there is no gender bias amongst children as was in Benaras
3 0 1 More than left over meals they are “washed meals”. As mentioned before, all crumbs and food remains from
utensils used for cooking and eating meals collected by scraping and washing them. These scraps are collected in
a cauldron and when enough amount has been accumulated, it is mixed with straw and mustard cakes and cooked
for a short while before being fed to the palangs.
3 0 2 After the oil has been extracted the chaff of the mustard seeds are formed into thin cakes.
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270
(for girls) and Pokhara (for boys) since the responsibility of caring for both young children
and animals can be performed by women. Similarly in the above 40-age bracket, there is a
much higher proportion of women (63%) than men. Again this underscores the partiality for
women. Even elder women are more capable of caring for children than elder men. In fact,
families often will leave the young children in care of the grandmother making it possible for
the productive adult members to migrate.
The elders in Monthang tend to be mostly quite old- above 60 years. They have little
choice since the physical journey south would be extremely difficult for them. Even if they
migrated, there is very little that they can do in a foreign environment. Whereas in Monthang
they have friends and relatives and can make themselves useful. Throughout the winter
months, groups of Lobas gather at various locations3 0 3 to take in the sun and chat while the
older women card wool and elder men spin yam using a wood spindle and the children play.
The winter is also the occasion when domestic tools and other household items are
repaired. One physically demanding work that needs to be carried out is the disposing of
snow from the roof. When heavy snowfall occurs, the snow must be shoveled off the roof
(thrown down into the streets) since the extra weight or the melting snow can damage the
mud packed roofs. However, it is not strenuous enough to prevent the elder folks and women
from accomplishing it. If the migrant and resident populations are compared from the age
group perspective we see that 72% of all productive adults (including women) and almost
40% of children migrate.
3 0 3 There are certain favorite spots where the population frequent depending on the weather and the time o f the
day. For example, when the north wind blows (normally the wind is from the south), it is exceptionally cold and
one o f the few places to take shelter is just outside the southern gate. This spot is protected from the bitter wind
by the town wail and warmed by the sun as it is south-feeing. But normally the people move around various spots
inside the town as the sun strikes these places at different times o f the day- basically the people congregate in
sunlit sheltered areas.
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Thus the winter migration with the associated economic activities is an extremely
important and indispensable strategy for the survival of the Loba community. Without this
emigration both humans and animals would perish with no alternative means of acquiring
cash and sustaining the domestic animals.
E. Religion, Festivals and Practices:
It is clear from the religious history of Lo (in the chapter on History) how the current
form of Buddhism of the Sakya sect came to influence the whole of Lo- overshadowing the
original Bon or other sects like Nyingma and Kyagu sects.3 0 4 The presence of a ruined
Kagyu monastery about a mile west of Monthang and Luri Gonpa,3 0 5 about two days east of
Monthang, attest to the past influence of this sect. And the existence of Nagpas (like Tashi
Chusang, the ritual specialist and healer) in Monthang testifies to Nyingma’s influence. In
terms of ideology, philosophy, doctrine or purpose there is little difference between the
various sects (Nyingmapa, Sakyapa, Kagyupa and Gelugpa) of Tibetan Buddhism. The
difference lies in the approach that each sect favors. Nyingma, the oldest sect, emphasizes
the ritualistic aspect, while Kagyu favor the meditative path and both Sakya and Gelug
stress the intellectual approach. This is not to imply that each sect practices only one
approach. All sects undertake intense ritualistic, meditative and intellectual approaches. It is
only that each sect gives more emphasis to one method but in conjunction with the other
methods.
3 0 4 It seems that the Gelukpa sect did not have any foothold in Lo.
3 0 5 A beautiful and old chorten inside a cave high up on a cliff is now a fevorite tourist attraction o f the Luri
gopna. Next to the chorten is a shrine room with another inner room. At the base o f the cliff is a small monastery
which is still cared for.
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Even in Tibet, the theological, philosophical, metaphysical and intellectual issues
and discourses were limited to a few monks while the majority were involved in various
rituals and recitations. This is true in Lo too. There are only a handful of monks who
understand and can expound the finer points of the Dharma teachings. Most monks can
recite chants and mantras impeccably and perform rituals accurately but many do not know
their meanings or are unaware of the “inner meaning” also referred to as the “secret
meaning.” So in the monastic order, there is a “high religion” practiced by a handful of
knowledgeable monks and a “low religion” exercised by the majority. The chances for
achieving the goal of enlightenment is considered more likely to those practicing “high
religion” yet this is not a foregone conclusion- the Buddhist belief is that success depends on
the purity of one’s motivation, dedication and faith. So monks who perform rituals and
mantras with the right motivation3 0 6 but without understanding its meaning will attain more
spiritual growth than those who know the meanings but do not have the right motivation and
action. There are many stories that emphasize this assertion.3 0 7
Despite these differences both groups share the common goal of attaining nirvana or
enlightenment for the benefit of all sentient beings. They also share the belief in
reincarnation and the principle of karma although both concepts may be interpreted
differently. For instance, the more educated and learned monks view karma as a dynamic
principle while the less knowledgeable monks see it in a more fatalistic or mechanistic
m To attain enlightenment to benefit all sentient beings.
3 0 7 One Tibetan stoiy tells of an old woman who was poor and illiterate but very devout. When her son working
for a trader was going to Kathmandu, he asked her what she wanted from Nepal. She told him to bring back a
tooth o f the Buddha. While returning home after the trip, the son realized that he had totally forgotten his
mother’s wish. As he was approaching the house, he saw a dog tooth and took it home. He gave the tooth to his
mother who worshipped it as Buddha’s tooth with such intense faith that she attained enlightenment.
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manner (like fate). Learned monks assert that recitations, chanting mantras, prayers,
visualization, rituals and meditations are all tools to help a practioner attain his or her
spiritual growth and that in the final analysis, progress depends on one’s own effort,
dedication and motivation. In contrast, most ordinary monks believe in the efficacy of the
ritual itself or the intrinsic potency of the mantras recited. Similarly, “high” religion
considers deities and other divine figures in the Buddhist pantheon as manifestations of the
self or conversely the unity of all phenomena means that the self is not a separate entity but
part of the whole. But “low” religion views the Buddhist deities as separate and superior to
the self.
The pervasive concept of earning or gaining merit (by undertaking religious rituals,
acts of generosity and compassion, etc.) is also interpreted differently from these two point
of views. People practicing “low” religion perceive merit earning like a bank account where
one accumulates meritous acts and these are balanced off with negative acts. But the more
scholarly monks view these acts as a means to engender and inculcate a compassionate
mind. These few examples are presented to illustrate the point that religion in Lo is not
viewed uniformly. But in fact, it is the “low” religion that pervades the church and the laity
there.
While monks have the opportunity to receive scholarly clarifications from learned
teachers, the laity’s understanding of “low” religion is very basic. They are driven primarily
by faith and belief in simple and rudimentary concepts. They are very aware of the different
realms in the Buddhist cosmology and the concept of karma (cause and effect) and resultant
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rebirth. Although many cannot name all 10 realmsof existence,3 0 8 most remember the
realms of the gods3 0 9 , humans, animal, ghosts and hell. Most people would like a human
rebirth but the reincarnations that they fear the most are in the hell and ghost realms. Killing,
particularly one’s parents or a monk, is believed to result in rebirth in the hell realm. And
killing in general is perceived as a very negative act and resulting in terrible karma and that
is why the Lobas are reluctant to kill animals or insects. Greed is said to cause rebirth in the
ghost realm, ignorance in the animal, desire in human and meritous deeds in the god realm.
The Lobas do not seem overly concerned with these negative attributes and its
consequence as with killing. They believe that these can be offset (like in a balance sheet) by
meritous acts like donating to the monastery, sponsoring religious events, visiting sacred
sites, making offerings to deities, reciting the Six-Syllable Mantra, spinning prayer wheels,
doing kora (circumambulation) of monasteries, holy places and the outer walls of Lo
Monthang, doing Nyungne, etc. In addition to these Buddhist beliefs the laity also embrace
remnants of the old Bon beliefs in various local malevolent spirits, demons, witches, etc. that
pose a constant threat to a Loba’s well-being.
To counter the influence of these evil spirits and protect themselves from future
harm, ritual experts are employed. They either exorcize the spirits through ritual
performance or neutralize them by ritual appeasement (by placating them with offerings).
3 0 8 In Tibetan Buddhism there are 10 realms o f existence divided into two groups-the Six Realms of Rebirth and
the Four Holy Realms. The latter are not bound to the cyclical existence of birth and death. In the order of
ranking, the Buddha realm is the highest followed by Bodhisattva, Praetyka-Buddha, Sravaka. In the second
group the ranking is Deva (god), Asura, Human, Animal, Hungary Ghost and Hell. Even within each realm there
are various ranked stages depending on the state o f development-for example there are 10 Bhumis (steps or
grounds) in the Bodhisattva realm or 8 types o f hell. While many believe in the actual existence o f these realms,
the more learned teachers view these realms as psychological and mental states
created by our own mind.
3 0 9 Most Lobas lump all higher realms into the “god” realm making no distinction between the Four Holy Realms
and the God realm.
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Preventive methods like the use of protective amulets, blessing pills and spirit catchers can
also be employed. The worship of local tutelary deities3 1 0 and water-spirit like lu that inhabit
the fields (represented by the lu stone) are also based on Bon practice. The incorporation of
these Bon beliefs into Buddhism is so ingrained that many monks act like ritual specialists-
performing divination, exorcizing demons, and issuing protective cords and pills.
The threat from these evil beings is perceived as real, pervasive and powerful and
that is why almost all Lobas wear protective chords and amulets around their necks. Above
the main door of many houses, one sees sheep skulls with colorful spirit catchers and papers
with mantras printed on them. Lobas believe that this protects the household from evil spirits
and from witches.3 1 1 Lobas encounter danger at almost every step and hence religion is
considered a major stabilizing and protective force. This is evident in most of the festivals
and practices that are observed in Lo.
There are several major and minor festivals that the Lobas of Monthang still
observe; older people can recall others that are now defunct. These events act as markers in
the Loba social, agricultural, religious and calendar cycle. A brief description will be
presented here in the perceived order of their importance. Virtually all festivals in Lo are
integrally linked to religious or sacred functionality or at least have a religious component.
1) Tenji (or Teji): Without doubt, the most important Loba festival is called Tenji,
popularly referred to as Teji. It is also the most spectacular. This is the biggest and the most
3,0 While in Benaras, a child o f one Loba family was very ill. They tried the local doctors who prescribed
Western medicine but it was ineffective. The father then consulted a monk who informed him that his tutelary
god was displeased because it had been ignored since the caretaker left back in Monthang had not performed the
proper rituals. When the father found out that I was leaving for Pokhara, he requested me to inform his relative in
Monthang via ACAP’s wireless transmission to propitiate the god with proper offerings. He said that their local
gods are very powerful and if angered can cause harm even as far as Benaras.
3 1 1 Lobas say that there are many witches in Monthang. Most people are afraid o f witches and will go out o f their
way not to offend them.
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popular festival in Lo and people from other villages come to Lo Monthang during this
occasion. These days it is also the single event that all tourists want to witness and film.
The festival occurs towards the end of the third month of the Tibetan calendar
(May). The exact dates vary from year to year as it is determined by astrological
consultations. Furthermore, even if it falls on the exact same date in the Tibetan calendar it
will not correspond to the same date on the Western calendar because of the discrepancies
between Tibetan and Western systems. For instance both in 1995 and 1996, Tenji was held
from 27-29 of the 3rd month of the Tibetan calendar but it corresponded to May 26-28 in
1995 and May 14-16 in 1996.
For three days monks from Choedde gonpa perform various rituals and sacred
dances in the Dhe plaza in front of the palace. These dances are not simply performances for
entertainment but the whole festival is a sacred Vajrakilaya practice. According to the
abbot, Khenpo Tashi Tenzing, this ritual is performed for the benefit of the whole world as
the Vajrakilaya practice is said to cleanse evil and negative forces. Although the ceremony
lasts only for three days, it takes months of preparation.
First the lead performer called Cho is selected from amongst the monks. Not all
monks qualify for this position. The most important requisite is that he must have received
the Vajrakilaya Wang or empowerment (initiation) from a qualified teacher. He must also
have a strong and pure motivation to take on this role otherwise he will not only fail to
maintain the practice but its performance may in fact be harmful to him. The deity
Vajrakilaya is the wrathful aspect of Vajrasattva and in Tibetan Buddhism, this practice3 1 2 is
3 1 2 It is said that Guru Rinpoche taught this practice to his consort, Yeshe Tsogyal, the renowned female
practioner o f Tibet and entrusted her with these teachings. Her personal or yidam deity was Vajrakilaya.
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considered one of the most profound and powerful method to remove the obstacles to
spiritual advancement.
Long before the festival begins, the candidate monk must undertake a solitary retreat
for three months. During the retreat, he must follow a strict regime of making offerings,
chanting and recitations, visualization and performance in accordance to the Vajrakilaya
practice. In a typical routine, the day is divided into 4 practice sessions with breaks in
between sessions. The first practice commences from 5am to 9am,3 1 3 the second from 10am
to 2pm, the third from 3pm to 7pm and the final session from 8pm to midnight. The first
three sessions involve water and other offerings, mantra recitation, prayers and visualization
but in the last session the monk practices the Vajrakilaya dances.
At different intervals, the abbot comes to impart further instructions and teachings
and also to monitor the progress of the practioner. Similarly, the dance master comes around
to teach, correct and guide the candidate. These two teachers are the only people that the
practioner will have contact with for the next three months. According to a monk who had
been a Cho, the form of the practice must be like the shape of a Zee bead- an oblong stone
with a thick middle and slim tapering ends. In the beginning the pace and intensity of the
practice should commence slowly. It should reach the climax around the middle of the
second month and then slowly taper off to end like the beginning. For instance, if they start
with 1000 recitations of mantras per day, by the middle they could be reciting 5000
mantras3 1 4 and towards the end of the retreat they will be doing 1000 mantras again. The
monk said that during the middle part of the retreat, the practice is so intense and strong that
3 1 3 Some begin the first part at 4am.
3 1 4 The amount o f recitations depends on the nature o f the practice but 100,000 recitations are pretty routine and
often several hundred thousand recitations are required.
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one does not even sleep but keeps on practicing continuously. When the retreat is over, the
monk is officially qualified to take on the role of the Cho at the Tenji festival.
According to the abbot, the origin of these dances is based on a story about a very
powerful demon3 1 5 and his wife who were causing havoc on earth. Dorje Shinu (Tibetan for
Vajrakilaya) was aware of the evil misdeeds of the demon and was waiting for the right
opportunity and means of stopping him. The demon decided to take a long journey and made
love to his wife that evening. He left the next morning and Dorje Shinu entered the womb of
the demoness. Ten months later when the demon returned he found his wife pregnant and
accused her of infidelity. But the wife claimed that the child was his. When the child was
bom it was a son with three heads exactly like Dorje Shinu. As soon as he was bom, the
child (because he was Dorje Shinu) began to dance and became a grown person. Although
this display of power was impressive, the demon maintained that the child was not his. The
wife insisted that he was the father pointing out the similarities and attributes between him
and the son. Finally, the demon proclaimed that if the child was truly his, he should be able
to copy the feats that he would now perform. So saying he made 10 other emanations of
himself. The son too made 10 emanations of himself. This continued until there were 55
emanations. The demon realized that the son was his equal. But Dorje Shinu continued to
display other feats for two days- performing tantric dances with 52 different moves and
assuming various forms. Finally, Dorje Shinu killed the demon and took his soul to heaven
where he turned him into a good person by teaching him the Dharma.
3 1 5 The abbot says that the demon resided in present day Bangladesh.
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Another interpretation, about the first day’s dance, is that it is a reenactment of a
historical event- the assassination of the evil Tibetan king Lang Dharma. As mentioned in
the history section, he was the pro-Bon king who abolished Buddhism and persecuted
Buddhist followers throughout Tibet. Historical accounts mention that in 842 AD a monk,
Lhalung Palgye Dorje, killed Lang Dharma. According to a popular version, the monk
embarked on a plan to kill the king. He rode out on a white horse towards the capital Lhasa.
At the outskirts of the city, he rubbed the horse with charcoal dust and then entered the
capital riding a black mount He tethered his horse a short distance from the palace. He
donned a very unusual hat, a black coat with white inside lining and long baggy sleeves and
started to dance just in front of the palace. This strangely attired person with a mysterious
dance performance attracted the attention of the town folks including the king. Intrigued by
this strange sight, the king came out o f his palace to witness the dance. When the audience
was totally enrapture by the performance, the monk slipped out a bow and arrow that was
concealed inside the long sleeves and shot the king through the heart killing him instantly. In
the confusion, the monk ran to his horse and fled the capital. He rode his horse through the
river washing away the charcoal dusts. Then he turned his coat inside out so that the white
inside lining was now on the outside. The palace sent out search parties in every direction
looking for the assassin but since they were hunting for a man in a black coat riding a black
horse, the monk managed to escape.
So on the first day, monks dressed in beautiful brocade coats with long sleeves and
other unusual ornaments (made of bones) and a wide rimmed round hat with a golden top
and decorated apex called Sher Tae (s/zer=gold, tae-name of this particular hat). But before
the dances begin, the monks perform the Vajrakilaya (Doije Phurba or Doije Shinu)
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invocation prayers at the palace chapel on the second floor of the royal residence. In fact, all
the preparation for the dances- constructing tormas and butter sculptures (actually a day in
advance), dressing, putting on the masks, etc.- is all done here. There is a practical and a
symbolic reason for this. Since all the events for the entire period takes place at the plaza
(the largest public space inside the town) which is right in front of the palace, using the
palace as the base of operation is the most efficient and pragmatic choice since other private
dwellings are too small to accommodate all the monks and the Chodde monastery is too far
from the plaza. On the symbolic side, it reinforces the bond between the palace and the
church and continuity of the historical tradition of the throne supporting religion and religion
legitimizing the crown. During the Vajrakilaya prayer at the palace, the performing monks
visualize themselves as being embodiments of Vajrakilaya, in particular the Cho, the lead
dancer must envision as being Vajrakilaya himself. But before the dances can begin, the
performance space must be first ritually purified.
In the early afternoon of the first day (all public events in Tenji start only after
noon), the village musicians playing on a reed horn and a double drum descend from the
palace to the plaza heralding the arrival of the gigantic ihanka 3 1 6 (sacred painting) and the
commencement of the festival. Tashi Chusang, a Nagpa ritual specialist (he is also an amchi
or traditional herbal healer, astrologer, painter), holding a bunch of incense sticks follows the
musicians and behind him comes a man carrying the thanka on his back.
When this group reaches the square, people rush in to touch the thanka with their
foreheads to receive its blessing. The thanka is taken to the roof of the house3 1 7 on the
3 1 6 This huge thanka is not a painting but a beautifully rendered cloth applique.
3,7 This house belongs to the palace.
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southern end of the plaza and unfurled-virtually covering the entire wall of the two-story
structure. It is a very impressive piece of art not only in size (about 15’ by 25’) but also in
quality. The huge central figure is of Guru Rinpoche (Padmasambhava) with two smaller
figures of his consorts seated in front of him. Once it is totally unfolded, people touch the
bottom edge of it with their heads. After all the people have had their turn at contacting the
thanka, Tashi Chusang and other Nagpa ritualists stand facing the thanka and begin the
purification ritual. He chants mantras accompanied by appropriate hand mudras. Others play
drums, cymbals and conch shell at intervals. In front of the thanka, on a narrow but large
wooden table are placed the offerings-large brass bowls of grains and painted torma cakes
with colored butter decorations and sculptures. Once the performance space has been
purified, the dances can begin. But it does not start immediately; usually there is a lull
between these events.
The reason for the delay is that the monks first do a short blessing dance in the
palace courtyard on the third floor. One monk is selected to do this dance in front of the
abbot while the others act as backup but the Cho (the lead dancer) does not participate in this
event. The king, the nobility and palace personnel watch from the floor above the courtyard.
Throughout the festival, the palace hosts meetings of the nobility, the elites and leaders of Lo
who come to participate in the Tenji festival. They assemble at the big hall of the palace and
eat and drink and discuss issues and common problems.
After the dance ends, the abbot and the musician monks3 1 8 go to the square and sit in
a row below the thanka. The abbot sits in the middle of the row on a slightly higher seat3 1 9
3 1 8 Except for the long horns, most instruments are played by older monks while the younger ones dance. The
long horns require enormous stamina and lung-power so this is assigned to younger monks.
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than the rest of the monks. Soon the village musicians play their instruments to announce the
arrival of the performers as they descend down the palace steps to the plaza. Two of the
performing monks lead the group playing on reed horns. They are followed by 8-103 2 0
monks. All the monks are attired in beautiful brocade gowns (called Rowgin)m with wide
long sleeves and broad rimmed golden hats3 2 2 with peacock feathers on the top called Ser
Tae (ser=gold, tae=name of that particular type of hat). But the Cho, the lead dancer, is the
most exquisitely dressed of all.
The monks approach the dance arena in a single file3 2 3 and each enter the area
dancing and forming a circle. The Cho is the last to one in and he dances into the center of
the circle. The music stops and the Cho chants certain mantras and then the dance resumes.
They dance in this circular formation for the entire duration. Holding a skull-cap and a
phurba (ritual dagger) with long colored tassels in each hand, the dancers all sway, shuffle,
jump and spin in sync and going around in a circle all the time. The dance begins at a slow
tempo but quickens with time as they complete all the 52 different movements like Dorje
Shinu in the story. This dance is called Nag Cham (Tantric dance).
There are two tea breaks when the dancers take off their hats and sit in two rows
facing each other in the east-west direction with the Cho sitting alone between the rows
3 1 9 A hi^ier sitting arrangement is a sign of status and importance. He also has a higher and very ornate table
while the other monks have low plain tables.
3 2 0 In 1995, there were 12 monks performing this dance but in ‘96 there were 10 monks. According to the story
there are supposed to be 11 or multiples o f it to represent Dorje Shinu and the 10 emanations in the story.
3 2 1 Only the Cho is attired in the proper manner since the monastery does not have the budget to make those
expensive and special costumes and ornaments required for all performers.
3 2 2 They resemble a cymbal in shape.
3 2 3 All the performers first come down the palace steps and gather at the porch in front o f the square before
proceeding to the dancing area. As soon as they reach the porch, the village musicians start to play their drums
and horn to signal the abbot mid the musician monks and also to alert the crowd that the dances are about to start.
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facing south towards the thanka. At the end, the monks sit on the ground and perform the
final act of slaying the demon with their phurbas to a crescendo of music and whistling from
the audience. After this the dancers leave with the two horn players leading and the monks
following in the reverse order of entry. The Cho is the first performer to leave followed by
the rest. When the abbot leaves the plaza to go to the monastery, people throng to receive his
blessing- all along the way he touches the heads of people around him with his hands. The
exit of the abbot signals the end of the first day of Tenji.
The second day also starts with the installation of a different giant thanka3 2 4 in the
same manner as on the first day. This thanka too has Guru Rinpoche as the main figure and
although the image is much smaller, he is surrounded by many other figures- Buddhas,
herukas, dharmapalas, yidams and the two consorts. Standing in front of his throne are three
veiy tiny figures with outstretched arms offering khatas to Guru Rinpoche. The images
represent the Lo king, queen and crown prince. This thanka was commissioned by the
present king’s father about 60 years ago in Tibet and is relatively new compared to the one
unfurled on the first day.
But the crowd on the second day is much larger than on the first day. The jostling to
touch the bottom of the thanka after being fully unfurled is so intense that the police have to
intervene so that the procedure can go smoothly. In terms of the public, the second day is the
most popular one since the mask dancers perform on this day. The space is ritually purified
like on the first day by the same ritual specialists. After this the abbot and the musician
monks take their places beneath the thanka as on the first day.
3 2 4 This one is also a cloth applique.
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The performers from the previous day are the first ones to dance. They are dressed
in the same costume as on the previous day but they dance holding a drum3 2 5 on the left hand
and a curved drumstick on the right. They dance in the same circular formation with the Cho
in the middle as on the previous day. But this dance is relatively very short with 4 dances
and 4 songs and is called Maylay Dhakay Tholwa.
After the dancers leave, two little masked figures (novice monks) enter the arena and
entertain the audience by their antics. They are jesters who also interact with the audience-
one favorite target are the tourists (they snatch hats, cameras, etc.) and the people laugh at
their unscripted mischief.
Soon two monks playing horns usher the Cho into the arena. He stands in the middle
of the area facing the thanka and the abbot and performs a ritual- chanting, dancing and
sprinkling consecrated water over the ground. He then moves to a spot next to the abbot and
stands beneath the thanka facing the crowd and continues his chanting and dancing. During
all this, the two jesters persist with their wild antics using a stuffed effigy with an erect
penis. The effigy represents evil spirit (embodied by the demon in the story). During this
time some nobles make offerings to the monks: they offer khata to the thanka and khata and
money to all the monks (including the little novice monks who sit on one side of the area and
watch the performances) and the two village musicians.
Soon the village musicians announce the arrival of the first masked dancers which
elicits whistles from the crowd. A pair of monks with dog masks (khi=dog, phak=mask)
holding swords do their dance. The dog is believed to have been one of the many forms that
3 2 5 This is the typical circular double sided drum with a long wooden handle that the monks use in the monastery
but the ones used for the dance are a little smaller in size.
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Dorje Shinu assumed. In the end, the performers examine the effigy to check if the demon is
dead. After this dance, the next performance is called Thyue Kale (thyue- demon, kale=king)
comprising one black male with a long spear and two white females. This represents Dorje
Shinu and his two wives. At the end of the dance, the male performer makes the gesture of
impaling the demon on the ground with the spear and raises the spear tip high into the air as
a sign of victory. This signal evokes loud whistles from the audience. After doing this three
times the dancers exit.
All the rest of the dances that follow each have their own particular characteristic
but observe the same basic structure- similar entry (the consorts preceding the male figures
and where at the end of the performance, the effigy is either actually or symbolically pierced
by the weapons they wield and the ensuing victory gestures. After the pair of dogs,3 2 6
Chimara and his two wives, and a monk with two assistants have4 performed, the king
himself makes his appearance. The royal retinue consists of the village musicians, Tashi
Chusang, leaders from various villages, nobility and the king. The whole assemblage is
dressed in their finest traditional costumes but the monarch is the one who appears the most
impressive. He wears a black fur-rimmed hat with feathers sticking out the back. From his
left ear dangles a long turquoise earring (about 5/6” long). He wears a purple regal dress. He
sits on a chair at the eastern edge of the area while the rest of the nobility stand behind him
or sit on the floor next to him. Tashi Chusang and other Nagpas stand in the middle of the
area and begin to chant a prayer. The king and the monks also join in the chant accompanied
by appropriate hand mudras (gestures).
3 2 6 These dog emanations appear three times cheeking if the demon is dead.
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After the prayer ends, two monks dressed as lay musicians and standing at the
periphery of the area play short special tunes to the king. Then they come to the middle of
the arena and repeat the tunes facing the king. Then they stand in front of the king and play
the tune for the final time. After this ceremony, the mask dancing resumes.
The first performance is of the deity Dong Mara and his two consorts. This deity is
the personal tutelary god of the Lo rulers3 2 7 and so when they are performing, a palace
attendant garlands the performers with khatas. Right after this dance ends, palace
representatives go around distributing offerings of money and khata to all the monks. This is
followed by a pair of performers in skeleton outfits and masks. They stagger to the arena
with the support of two assistants for they are like zombies. At the dancing field they are
revived and begin to dance. During the dance they throw the puppet effigy into the audience.
At the end of the dance they lose all vitality and revert back to their original condition and
are led away by the two assistants.
After this eight monks without masks enter the arena. They are dressed as monks but
with double tiered pleated skirts. They dance with drums like at the beginning but it is more
vigorous and athletic- hopping, leaping and swirling as they do the various moves. At one
point they retreat and return almost immediately but without the drum. This second half is
completed without the drum and employing only the drumstick.
Following this dance the king personally offers a khata to the thanka and the
nobility follows suit. He then turns to the abbot and greets him with holded hands. The abbot
bestows a khata to the king. All the nobility emulate the king. Then the royal retinue leaves
as two monks and village musicians lead the way. The Cho also joins the exodus but soon
3 2 7 That is why the king attends the dances before the appearance o f the Dhungmara.
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returns with other performers for the last dance of the second day. He is in the dog mask and
takes his central position in the circle. Each of the other nine monks is in different masks
representing different deities-lion (singi), fox (zizang), tiger (tag), yeti (maetae), deer (shya),
bear (toem), crow (khorok), vulture (chyaque) and yak. These deities all dance in a circle. At
the end of the dance, all the deities thrust their swords into the effigy and kill the demon.
Then they act intoxicated as they consume parts of the effigy symbolically ingesting the evil
and transmuting it into virtue as they recover from the intoxication and do the final victory
dance. This ends the second day of Tenji and there is the usual rush of the people to receive
the abbot’s blessing as he leaves for the monastery.
On the final day the arrangement of the arena is different- seats for monks and the
abbot occupy the performance space. Two rows of monks seat facing each other in the north-
south direction. The abbot is at the center of the row facing north. The Cho stands next to the
abbot but facing south where the thanka used to be displayed but is not unfurled on the last
day. He is attired in the same costume as on the first day but wears a different hat called
Shya Nag (s/iya=black). It has a thick black rim and a fancy decoration at the top. While the
recitations are going on accompanied by the drums, cymbals and horns, he chants and
dances standing on one spot. There is an assistant to help him with the ritual paraphernalia
and also three masked monks (2 dogs and 1 bear) with swords to keep the crowd at bay.
In front of the Cho is placed yak hair and an iron pan3 2 8 with an effigy made of flat
dough. He does various rituals before it and makes different hand mudras to entice the evil
spirit to the effigy. He sits and proceeds to fix and bind the spirit with mudras and by
impaling the dough with tiny phurbas at specific points in the effigy. Once transfixed and
3 2 8 Resembling a shallow wok.
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bound, the tip of the sword is used to cut little bits off and the whole figure is cut into
smaller bits and mixed together symbolizing the total destruction of the spirit. Then the Cho
picks up the pan and holding it in both hands, joins the masked monks for a victory dance.
The pan is then taken away and the contents will be distributed into five other pans with
torma offerings.
While all this is going on, the nobility are gathered in the palace meeting hall. The
king is attired in a splendid gold gown. He is seated at the highest seat. The nobility offer
him khatas3 2 9 as they sit talking and drinking. Then the queen enters the hall and everyone
(except the king) rises up. She exhibits grace and elegance. She is attired beautifully and
dons a headdress made of small pearls and large round corals, turquoise and other stones.
She also wears various precious Tibetan necklaces. Her female assistant pours a drink into
the king’s cup. He raises the glass with his right hand and dips the tip of the left ring finger
into the drink and flicks the drops into the air three times as offerings to the deities and then
takes a sip. The queen then drapes a khata over the king’s neck and everyone claps. She
drapes another khata over Tashi Chusang’s neck and then on her behalf, her assistant puts a
khata over the neck of everyone gathered there. When the torma procession in the plaza has
commenced the royal retinue goes down to join the finale of the festival.
The five pans with torma offerings are first placed just outside the palace and some
ritual performed. When the ritual ceremony is complete, the monks take the tormas outside
of town accompanied by music. The procession stops just outside the main gate. The monks
form two rows facing each other and the five pans are placed on the ground between them.
3 2 9 His close relatives make this offering in his private drawing room prior to assembling in the hall. Other nobles
and leaders make the khata offering at the assembly hall.
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Certain chants are performed and the long horns played. Then the procession proceeds
northward and stops in front of the large chortens and the same ritual is repeated. Then the
procession continues to the threshing areas and stops to perform other rituals there.
The royal party joins the crowd. Many are carrying old muskets. The king is the first
person to fire a musket. While his bodyguard holds the gun, the king puts a lit glowing fire
to the fuse. The gun gives off a loud bang and fumes of smoke billow into the air as the
people shout “So!So! Lho Gyalo!" (Victory to the gods!) This signals the other nobles to fire
their muskets. The air is filled with deafening blasts, thick smoke and clamorous shouts.
Then the king sits in a chair and watches the rest of the ritual with the nobles standing
behind him and the people gathered all around the field. The five pans are kept on top of an
old tiger skin while chants and dances continue. Finally, the Cho performs the conclusive
gesture of driving away the spirit. First he shoots an arrow, then flings a stone with a sling
three times and finally takes a pan in his hand and reciting the proper mantras tosses it to the
ground turning it upside down. When he does this people fire their muskets and shout.
Gunfire and yelling accompany the throwing of all the pans. This concludes the Tenji
festival.
According to the abbot this dance originated in Afghanistan and was brought to
India by Parbahati. He then taught it to three people Guru Rinpoche, Pema Chugne and a
student from Kathmandu called Babu Shilamanju. Guru Rinpoche brought it to Samye
monastery and from there it was taught in Sargye and from Sargye it came to Lo. The Lo
king Tshewang Samdup brought it here in 1700 when six of his sons died soon after birth.
The seventh one survived and to ensure his longevity the king commissioned the Tenji
dance. The abbot said that the original dance as performed in Tibet had many more animal
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manifestations but because Chodde gonpa lacks the manpower and the budget, they can
present only a limited number of manifestations. Additionally there should have been snow
leopard (sau), pig (phag), owl (hukpa), raven (chyarog), hawk (chyatha), a bird called
tilllpupumd another called khatak, mice {chiwa), tae and migpu, a total of 20 deities. In
Tibet they not only bring out all the deities but have three or four dancers wearing the same
mask representing the same deity. In Tibet the costumes are all according to the prescribed
norms but because of limited funding, they cannot afford better costumes here. The costumes
and the masks may be inadequate but His Holiness Sakya Trizin thinks3 3 0 that the dance
form in Lo is closer to the original than those found in Tibet and now in India.
In Lo, the festival is seen primarily as a religious event but it is also a social and
political event. As mentioned, people from other villages come to Monthang for several days
to see this festival. They stay with their nechang 3 3 Ior Active kin. Often during the evening
young boys and girls dance and sing together. The festival also has a political aspect since
this is an opportunity when the nobility and the leaders come together to symbolically
demonstrate their solidarity and express allegiance to the Lo ruler. In the process they also
establish and reinforce their status.
2) Sakaluka: this event is probably the next in importance to Tenji, although there
are not too many people to witness the ceremony. That is because it takes place in winter
albeit towards the end of the seasoft-around the first week of February. As the people who
3 3 0 He expressed this opinion after an interview with the NOVA film crew that was on their way to Lo. He
thought it would be worth filming the dances o f the Tinji so that they could learn the original form.
3 3 1 This is kind o f reciprocal relationship between unrelated people from different villages in which the involved
households will play host to others when they come to visit one’s village.
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have migrated south have not yet returned, only about 40% of the residents observe it every
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year.
This is considered the most auspicious day for agricultural activities. On the
designated day, Lama Tashi the monk son of Tashi Chusang (the amchi, astrologer and ritual
specialist) performs a prayer ceremony on the roof of the house just above the main gate. On
a low table are tormas with butter decorations and two large dice made of dough. He recites
from a text accompanied by beating the drum and playing the cymbals simultaneously3 3 3 and
at times by ringing of the bell. After this morning session has been completed, he goes to the
current Temba’ s house where in the chapel, he fashions colored butter decorations on the
edges of five rosewood bowls. He is joined by a commoner couple who are dressed in their
best3 3 4 and also by the village council members3 3 5 as they sit drinking tea and wait for
everyone to arrive. After a brief prayer ceremony, the group leaves the chapel room in a
procession with the village musicians playing their instruments and leading the way.
They first visit the headman’s stable on the ground floor. The couple digs up a little
bit of the manure. From here they head to the king’s stable. One of the king’s palace
attendants brings a plate full of wheat and a wooden vessel (called karu) for keeping chang
with blobs of butter on the edges of the container. A short prayer is recited. Then the
3 3 2 There are many people who have never witnessed this event as they migrate south every winter. When the
video footage I shot was publicly screened, it was the first time they had seen it visually although they had heard
about it.
3 3 3 The drum handle is fixed inside a pot filled with dirt so it can stand upright without support. The curved
drumstick is held in the right hand. Also dangling from the right little finger is a cymbal while just below it on the
left hand is the other cymbal. As the right hand strikes the drum, the two cymbals are also brought together.
3 3 4 They are not actual couple but chosen to represent a couple.
3 3 5 Since many o f the officials are absent, they designate representatives before they depart for the south. These
representatives then act on their behalf.
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attendant pours a little chang onto the left palm of the man and a little bit of butter on his
hand. The man dips the right ring finger into the chang and flicks the droplets into the air.
He does this three times and then drinks the rest of the chang from his palm. Again a little
bit of chang is poured onto his palm and the whole ritual repeated. This is done three times.
After this the plateful of grain is offered to the man. He takes a pinch of wheat in his right
hand, mumbles some mantras, touches the hand to his forehead and flings the grains into the
air in various directions. Then it is the woman’s turn to do the same. The musician sings a
blessing song before drinking his chang. Then the man digs the manure on the ground and
the woman shovels it into a basket. The plateful of grain is given to the woman and they all
leave.
The Chodde monastery is the next stop for the group. After having tea at the dining
hall, the couple goes to an open area at the southern end of the monastery and after
sprinkling some grains, the man digs a little bit on the snow. Then the group goes outside the
town to the king’s garden where the main ceremony takes place.
The ground is still partly covered with snow. The palace monk has already
completed a prayer recitation by the time the group gets there. Then two zhos are brought in.
A band of red clay paint is applied all along the backbone of the animals by hand. Three
vertical strips are also made on the side- one from the shoulder, another down the middle and
the last down the flank. A horizontal strip across the body is made connecting all the three
strips forming two squares. This is done on both sides of the animals. The right horns of both
animals are also painted red while the left horns are painted black. Then a yoke is tethered to
the animals and a plow attached to the yoke. A small area where the plowing will take place
has been cleared of snow and the soil broken. Lama Tenzing broadcasts some seeds into the
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soil while a Chumae puts butter on the heads of the couple and offers them chang three
times. The man pulls the zhos by the ropes passing through the nostrils of the animals while
the woman holds the plough along side a man who is there to help her.3 3 6 After making two
short but shallow furrows, the plowing is stopped.
In the meantime, women (often accompanied by small children) dressed in their best
clothes and wearing ornaments come out of the town carrying a basket full of manure with a
digging implement on top. In one hand they carry a large ladle with smoldering yak dung
from which billows smoke caused by burning incense powder. The women carry the manure
to their field. They rest the basket at the center of the field where the lu stone is kept.
Turning southeast3 3 7 towards Ghar gonpa, a small prayer is mumbled as grains are sprinkled
into the air. This is repeated once again but this time the grains are sprinkled in all directions.
Then a small hole is dug (the ground is still frozen and hard) and a plateful of grains are
poured into it and covered with dirt. The basket of manure is dumped over this hole and
arranged into a neat pile. Near the base of the pile, the smoldering dung is emptied out and
onto it is added a special incense (of roasted barley flour and herb) prepared specifically for
this occasion. Then the lu stone is placed on top o f the manure pile and the women and
children return home. If on the way home they run into others who are also returning home,
the people exchange food (bread, sweets, etc). This exchange is done only with people who
have completed the ritual and not with those on their way to the fields. This whole ritual
performing is exclusively a woman’s job but if a household does not have a female member
or she is sick, then a man will perform the ritual.
3 3 6 The man is actually managing the plow (this is a man’s work) while she is merely touching it.
3 3 7 The direction towards which one feces while making a prayer offering is determined by the village astrologer,
Tashi Chusang. This year it was towards Ghar gonpa.
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After the plowing of the king’s garden, Lama Tenzing resumes the final part of the
ritual prayer at the top of the roof. After he is done, he takes the consecrated dice to his
father, Tashi Chusang who will officiate in the main ceremony later. Around mid-afternoon,
the village musicians announce the arrival of Tashi Chusang as they accompany him to the
king’s garden. Before entering the garden the group stops as the musician sings to Tashi
Chusang. Inside the garden are two rows of seats facing each other in the north-south
direction. Low tables are placed in front of the seats. Tashi Chusang sits at the head of the
row facing south. Next to him sits the current Temba followed by the couple. On the other
row right opposite to Tashi Chusang, the new incoming Temba sits with his village council
members.
Tashi Chusang starts the prayer ritual using the small hand drum and bell
interspersed with various hand mudras. Half way through the ceremony a small goat is
brought in front of Tashi Chusang to be offered to the deities. Red clay dye is applied along
the backbone. Then a string with tiny pieces of colored cloth at one end is sewed to each ear,
nape and tail by the Chumaes. They also purify it with incense smoke and apply a small bit
of butter to the head. Then Tashi Chusang pushes some consecrated dough into the mouth
and blesses it by sprinkling some grains over it. The animal is now formally dedicated to the
gods and the owner must raise it with care. From now on it cannot be sold, mistreated, killed
or put to work. If it strays into fields, the owner is not penalized. The animal is returned to
the owner and the ceremony continues with more chanting, drumming and ringing of bell.
As the ritual nears its end, more and more people gather. Finally, Tashi Chusang
lays down a small a white cloth (like a small handkerchief) on which he sprinkles some
grains. Then he picks up the two dough dice, rolls them together in his hands while chanting
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mantras, touches them to his forehead and rolls them onto the cloth. If one of the dice falls
outside the cloth, they are rolled again. He makes several throws and then declares the
auspicious direction for the coming year- west in this case. The man and the women are sent
towards that direction until they meet the irrigation canal and at that spot both of them dig a
little bit of the earth and then return to the garden. There the man dances to music provided
by the village musicians. Finally, the moment arrives that everyone is anticipating. Tashi
Chusang stands up and takes out a paper from his chuba pocket and reads out loud the
forecast for this year- the outlook for the harvest, diseases, etc. After the reading, people
throw flour into the air in joy and everyone leaves.
Because Sakaluka is primarily an agricultural festival, it is very important to the
Lobas. They believe that performing these symbolic acts is crucial to a successful
agricultural season. They say that lad the soil conditions been more favorable, they would
have actually plowed their fields on this day but since the ground is still frozen during this
period, the village council performs the symbolic act of sowing, plowing and bringing water
for the entire village while every household does the symbolic manuring and planting and
appeasing the lu on an individual basis.
3) Lhosar (New Year): From a social perspective (in terms of social structure),
Lhosar or New Year in the lunar calendar is probably the most important lay festival. It
usually falls in the month of February but the exact date varies. It is celebrated for three
days.
On the morning of the New Year, women get up very early to get fresh water from
the stream because of the belief in “sleeping water.” It is said that sometimes at the first
hour of the Lhosar morning, the water in the stream becomes absolutely still, not moving or
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flowing. If this “sleeping water” is observed, it is considered very auspicious and will bring
great luck and wealth. So people vie to be the first since the phenomena is said to occur for
only a short duration. They also leave bread offering there. The fresh water is brought home
and poured into the large copper cauldron. Butter is applied to the edges of the container and
wool wrapped around it. Little amounts of dough are smeared on top of the central post in
the kitchen and also on the lintel of the door leading to the inner storerooms. Food offerings
consisting of khura (strips of fried bread), sweets and fruits are piled into a tower. Two such
towers are made- one is offered to the deities in the house chapel and the other for the altar at
the kitchen. Then family members greet each other saying “Tashi Delak!” (meaning “may
you have an auspicious day” and “may all your wishes be fulfilled”) and drink chango, a
special drink like chang but less alcoholic and prepared especially for this day. Tradition
demands that three cups or three sips of chango must be consumed.
The first day of Lhosar is set aside for visiting relatives and close friends. They go
with timtae (a bottle of chang, khata and some money) to the houses of the relatives. It is
always the lower ranking households that visit higher-ranking relatives. The visiting
relatives and guests will be served tea, chang, balu (fermented rice prepared only for Lhosar
and which must be served a second helping) and other food like curry of meat and radish.
They feast and talk and may also gamble together. On the second and third day, other
visitors are welcome. On these days the houses of the nobility are visited by many of the
commoners. They come with timtae and are all fed. Loba social etiquette requires the hostess
to press the guests to have seconds and more helpings while the guests are expected to resist.
This tug-of-war between hostess and guests can go on for some time (the guest covering the
plate or cup with the hands while the hostess continues to offer more) but it usually ends
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with the guest relenting. This is done virtually with every food except tea. When serving a
refill, the hostess simply says, “Please drink” and the guest will pick up the cup, blow the
butter on the surface to the sides, take a sip and then extend the cup for a refill. Arak and
chang are served in glasses with a little butter on the rim. When sipping these drinks for the
first time, the tip of the right middle or ring finger is dipped into the drink and flicked into
the air. This is repeated three times and a sip taken. The cup is filled up immediately. When
the visitors depart, they are given a piece or two of yak sausage and a little butter (called
yaka) is applied to the hair for good luck. Often a large number of visitors congregate at the
homes of the nobility and frequently the people also sing traditional songs especially if the
River People are in the group.
While the commoners visit the houses of nobility that they are close to,3 3 8 the village
musicians visit virtually all the houses. On Lhosar day, early in the morning they go to the
palace3 3 9 where they sing and play tunes. The palace attendants give them chang and grains
and they leave. They continue performing at the houses of the nobility on the first day and
will visit the commoners the next two days.
A week later people visit the abbot in the monastery. Lobas from other villages,
particularly from Chosar and Namgyal come in large numbers to greet the abbot and to
receive his blessing. Many of these visitors also take this opportunity to visit the ACAP
health post-killing two birds with one stone.
It is said that in the past, one day before Lhosar the Chumaes would gather wood in
front of the palace and build a bonfire in the evening. Excepting the palace, they were free to
3 3 8 Mostly nobility from cme’s own section.
33 9 The royal family is absent but palace attendants are there to welcome visitors.
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get wood from any house they wanted. They could not be stopped or prevented from doing
so. They sang, danced, and drank the whole night to the music of the village musicians. Then
early in the morning the musicians entered the palace where they sang and played tunes.
This signaled the nobility and others to visit the palace with timtae. The palace sawed tea,
chyamdu, ngumtae, chang and arak to all visitors and when they departed they were given a
piece of yak or sheep stomach to take home. It is said that 4/5 yaks and 20 sheep had to be
slaughtered so that nobody went empty handed. The king and his relatives also gambled
(para and p a k f4 0 for a day or two. But this tradition stopped about 25 years ago.
Furthermore, the king is absent most of the time (not having returned from the winter
migration whereas in the past the Lobas did not migrate in the winter). Even on the rare
occasion when the king happens to be in Monthang, this tradition is not practiced. However,
many people, particularly the nobility, still visit the palace with timtae even when the king is
abscent. The palace caretakers welcome the guests and feed them the proper food.
Lhosar is an occasion primarily for renewing and reinforcing social relationships.
The foremost priority is for kinship ties as indicated by the first day being set aside for
relatives. The quality of food served to relatives on the first day is generally superior to that
for other visitors and the serving utensils are the best in the house. Only household members
share chango, since the family is the most significant social unit. The halu served to the
relatives are always unadulterated whereas for the visitors water may be added, especially
when many visitors are expected. The tradition of the king gambling with his relatives
further underscores this aspect. Next in importance are the various other social ties. This
could be between good neighbors or friends but is the primary occasion for strengthening
3 4 0 Para is a Tibetan dice game played by three persons while pak is like majong.
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patron-client relationships. Thus, the nobility receive a lot of visitors on the last two days.
The large number of visitors is also a mark o f status to the household. This is also the ideal
opportunity to establish a new patron-client relationship since the doors of the nobility are
open to all visitors. It is also the most opportune time to mend fences and let bygones be
byones.
4) Lama Tenji: About a month after the Tenji festival, Lobas celebrate the Lama
Tenji. This is somewhat like the Tenji festival described above but with less pomp and
participation. It takes place inside the monastery. The giant thanka is not displayed nor are
the Nagpa ritual specialist involved.3 4 1 It is almost exclusively a monastic event in the sense
that the laity do not fire muskets or join any procession. There are few mask dances. The
performers are mostly dressed as monks. The king and the people attend the celebration but
only as observers.
5) Yamey: This is an event celebrated exclusively by the monastery. Starting on the
15th. day of the 5th. month in the lunar calendar, the monks engage in religious practice for
the next 45 days.3 4 2 Yamey is believed to have been an ancient tradition known as the “rainy
season” retreat. The origin of this tradition is attributed to the practice of the Buddha and his
disciples who retreated to a period of prayer and meditation during the monsoon summer
months. The monks in Lo continue that tradition by engaging in an extended period of study,
prayer and meditation. They follow a daily routine that entails reading and recitations of
texts from 7am - 1pm, prayers (monlam, for the benefit of mankind) and meditation from
2pm-5pm, prayers from 6pm -9pm and more meditations after that. For the entire 45 days
3 4 1 The assumption being that the monastery premise is already pure and does not need to be ritually purified.
3 4 2 In Tibet Yamey lasted for 3 months but since the monastery here does not have enough food, it is held for
only 45 days.
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the monks are confined inside the monastery and are not permitted to go out. The reason
offered is that during this period the fields and streets are full of insects and it is virtually
impossible to avoid trampling them to death no matter how careful one is. Thus to prevent
killing3 4 3 these insects, they stay within the monastic premises. If they need to go out for
emergencies (like to perform rituals for deaths, births, etc.) then they need permission from
the monastic authorities and must report to them when they return. Women are not allowed
to enter the monastery during this period.
6) Lama Yartung: Generally speaking Yartung is a summer festival and is also
celebrated in other parts of Mustang like in Muktinath where the main attraction3 4 4 is the
horse riding event where people display their equestrian skills.3 4 5 In Monthang, only the
monks and their families observe the Lama Yartung. It takes place at the end of Yamey as a
celebration of its successful completion. The schedule on this particular day is very relaxed
and festive- the monks play games and have fUn. Then in the afternoon, they get dressed in
new or fresh robes and walk out of the monastery and out of Gegu, the main gate. Once
outside, they mount on horses and head west towards Chyara Khang where the king has a
large meadow. When the procession reaches the western wall of the town, five older women
(the only surviving ex-nuns) with offerings in hands, sing hymns to the abbot. The abbot
3 4 3 The Buddhist belief in non-violence extends to all forms of life. In 1990, when I visited Gar Gonpa, His
Eminence Trichen Rinpoche had just come out o f a 8 month retreat. His arms and body was covered with scabs
and wounds from lice bites. When I asked his attendants why they did not get rid o f the lice, I was told that the
Rinpoche would not allow his attendants to harm them.
3 4 4 There is an important religious and social component but this event is known for the horse races.
3 4 5 In the past this kind of equestrian event was also celebrated in Monthang. The king and his entourage would
ride out into the fields where they would try to hit an object while galloping on their horses. But this tradition has
not been practiced for over a decade.
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blesses them and after this brief ritual, the younger monks ride at full speed3 4 * towards their
destination while the older monks, including the abbot, go at a slower pace. When they reach
the king’s meadow, the monks go to the numerous tents that have been set up all over the
meadow. Most of the tents are small in size and these belong to individual families whose
member are monks. Behind each tent, family members cook food that will be offered to their
monk relative. The largest tent is where the abbot sits with monks whose families are not
from Monthang and where the visitors are entertained. Special food are prepared for this day
and served to the monks. After feasting, everyone rides back to town in the evening.
7) Nyungne; This is a ritual retreat ceremony where the laity and the church come
together. This is usually observed on the 3rd. month of the lunar calendar and lasts for three
days. It is held inside the monastery but the participants are mainly the laity- generally the
older men and women. In Tibetan Buddhism, Nyungne is considered a very powerful and
effective practice for purification. This practice is credited to Gelogma Palmo (Bhikshuni
Palmo) who lived in India and was pious from a young age. Although of royal birth, she was
cast out into the forest as she suffered from leprosy. There she did intense Nyungne and
Avalokitsvara practice (the famous Six-Syllable Mantra: Om Mani Peme Hung) for 12 years
and her devotion and persistence cured her of leprosy. She became an enlightened nun with
many disciples to whom she taught this practice.
For the Loba practioners, the main purpose of doing this practice is to gain merit and
develop compassion. The practice consists of observing certain vows, silence, fasting, prayer
recitation and doing prostrations. On the first day, the Khenpo (abbot) gives instructions
3 4 6 Many young novice monks ride with older monks sitting in the front o f the saddle. Even when riding double,
the younger monks gallop all the way to their destination.
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about the vows that needs to be kept- abstaining from killing, stealing, sex, lying, drinking
alcohol, talking, dancing, singing, having dinner, etc. He also imparts teachings every
morning. For the rest of the day, prayers are chanted and prostrations performed. On the first
day the participants are allowed have tea in the morning and lunch at noon. After that they
can have tea but no food. On the second day, they have to undertake absolute fasting, not
even water is permitted. This is also the day when intensive prostrations are scheduled
throughout the day. On the final day, they are allowed to have some food in the morning and
by evening they should have completed all the required number of recitations and
prostrations. In the evening a fFongfempowerment or blessing) is held and the whole town
comes to receive the Wong.
8) Chejeu Chaiwachyu: This is a ritual dedicated to Tantric master, Guru Rinpoche
(Padmasambhava). However, not all households celebrate this ritual, being limited to the
wealthy families. Each town division has a group of wealthy and elite households that can
host this ritual. For example in the Chyathang sector, there are over fifty households but only
fifteen of them host the Chejeu on a rotational basis. The hosting house must inform the
other fourteen households that the Chejeu is being held at their house. On the assigned day,
the monks arrive, prepare all the necessary ritual paraphernalia and start the ceremony.
Throughout the day, continuous recitation of the Guru Rinpoche text called Liu Timba is
undertaken both by the monks and others who are present, particularly members of the other
fourteen households. Attendance is especially high in the evening after dinner. Everyone is
offered generous amounts of tea, chang or arak (local alcohol), as the Lobas say, “At times
like this the drinks must flow”. If the attendance is large, as much as 5 to 6 pathis (23-27
liters) of chang and arak can be consumed.
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When the ritual is over, each eligible household in their respective sectors must be
given a round torma (ritual cake offering made of dough) called Chiri, even if they did not
attend the ceremony. In addition they must also receive a part of the sanctified torma cake
and other offerings called Cho. The hosting house is entrusted with a small shrine (called
Gau) that houses a metal statue of Guru Rinpoche. The shrine remains in the household for a
month and then is passed on to the family that is next in line to host the ceremony. When
transporting the shrine, it is wrapped in a cloth and carried on the back. People rush and
touch their forehead to the shrine to receive its blessing. Each sector has its own shrine
which is circulated amongst its affluent and powerful households. As with most religious
ceremonies, performing Chejeu is believed to bring good fortune and merit to the sponsor.
These are some of the festivals where the whole community or a large section of the
community is involved but there are many other practices that the Lobas undertake on an
individual or household basis. Sapemba is a ritual observed every Saturday morning. Special
incense called Kasu (made of roasted wheat flour, ghee, palang milk all mixed with brown
sugar) is burnt on a ladle full of hot embers. The smoke from this incense is waved
throughout the storeroom and the inner room where the tutelary deity (represented by a
chorten like small structure) is kept. In fact, kasu and sang are both offered to the deity.
While this ritual is being acted out, the mantra Om Ah Hung Hri is constantly recited. This
is mostly undertaken by women and is believed to prevent wounds from befalling the family.
Kyajo Tenjo is performed when a family member is ill and an evil spirit is suspected of
causing the illness. A monk is called to perform rituals and prayers to expel the culprit.
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Chapter 4. Tourism:
Lobas and other Nepali planners have turned to tourism as the only hope for Lo’s
development. Hence, the evolution and perception of tourism in Nepal and Lo is the subject
of this chapter.
Tourism (international and domestic combined) is the world’s largest industry
today.3 4 7 It is not really an industry in the traditional sense (like oil, automobile, steel, etc.)
but rather a “meta-industry” subsuming many other traditional industries like hotel, airlines,
travel, food, etc. and spanning across national and international boundaries. There is not a
single nation in the world that is not impacted by tourism.
Scholars often highlight the extraordinary contribution of tourism in trams of
earnings, employment and infrastructure development but in my opinion the unique and
notable attribute of tourism is the fact that it is probably the most democratic industry in the
world in the sense that virtually every country in the planet is a stakeholder -to a greater or
lesser degree. This is because practically any aspect of human and natural act or condition is
a potential resource for tourism. From high art to folk art, modem to traditional, high tech to
low tech, past and present, sacred and profane, mountains and plains, snow and water,
deserts and forests, flora and fauna, architecture, culture, literature, etc. are all latent tourist
attractions. Since no one nation or a group of nations have nor can have control and
monopoly of all these attributes (unlike other resources like oil, minerals, crops, etc), the
distribution of tourist destinations is more globally widespread, albeit not equitably, than
resources in other industries.
3 4 7 Tourism surpassed the oil industry in 1986 to become the largest industry in the world (Waters 1986)
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The significance of tourism as a multi-faceted phenomenon with global
repercussions was highlighted when the United Nations General Assembly declared 1967 as
the International Tourism Year (Wood 1993:51; Crick 1996:33). With this declaration, many
nations embraced tourism as a legitimate means of furthering national goals and policies
hence slogans like “Tourism for Development,” “Tourism for Peace” and many other
“Tourism for...” catch phrases emerged. Tourism was hailed as the “passport to
development” (de Kadt, 1979) and was a very attractive alternative to many countries that
did not possess economic resources like minerals, oil, or cash crops. So many small
developing countries embraced tourism as the golden goose and Nepal was no exception.
A. History o f Tourism o f Nepal and Lo:
Depending on how a tourist is defined, the history of tourism in Nepal can be
construed as ancient or recent. Smith (1989:1) defines a tourist as “a temporarily leisured
person who voluntarily visits a place away from home for the purpose of experiencing a
change.” While the World Tourism Organization defines a tourist as a temporary visitor
staying at least twenty-four hours in any country not their normal place of residence and
traveling for the purpose of business or pleasure (Matheison and Wall 1982:11-12). The
inclusion of “business” and “pleasure” implies that tourism is a postindustrial phenomenon.
Yet there are many examples in premodem period that can incontrovertibly be designated as
touristic for example, the visitation of the yogis (from India) and monks (from Tibet and
China) to the many sacred places in Nepal could be viewed as constituting a type of
prototourism.3 4 8 The areas of Pashupatinath in Kathmandu and Muktinath and Damodar
3 4 8 In parallel to what Nash (1989:39) says about Australian aborigines visiting religious places.
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Kund in Mustang are mentioned in the ancient Puranas (collection of Hindu legends and
myths3 4 9 ) as holy places that a devout Hindu must attempt to visit in one’s lifetime. The
original visitors were yogis or very devout pilgrims3 5 0 but their numbers were few. The only
exception was on Shivaratri (Shiva’s night) when hundreds of yogis from all over India and
Nepal congregated to celebrate this auspicious night dedicated to Shiva at the sacred site of
Pashupatinath. With the development of motorable roads and the ease of communication,
Shivaratri has now become a major event for the laymen as well.3 5 1 This is also a time when
modem tourists now flock to see the yogis. Similarly, Tibetan monks and pilgrims journey to
Kathmandu and surrounding areas or Muktinath (Chumig Gyatsa in Tibetan)3 5 2 to visit the
sacred Buddhist sites. The stupas of Boudha and Swyambu have been hallowed beacons to
Tibetans from the moment Buddhism was introduced there. Many other sanctified sites
(Pharping, Nagarjung, Namobuddha, Sankhu, etc.) around Kathmandu attributed to Buddhist
saints like Padmasambhava, Yeshe Tsogyal, Milarepa, etc. were also additional attractions.
Many Tibetan pilgrims combined trade with pilgrimage analogous to business trips these
days where touristic sites are consumed after business hours, except it was in reverse order-
3 4 9 There are many Puranas detailing the stories about many Hindu deities but there are 18 major Puranas that
deal with the Hindu trinity (Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva). It is in Puranas revolving around Shiva that
Pashupatinath is mentioned. The Puranas are written in verse but in a simple form so that the person on the street
can understand the difficult concepts in the Vedas and it normally expounds on ethics, morality and religion.
3 5 0 The difficulty o f the mountainous terrain made the trip a long journey (months) so that a layman could not
embark on this endeavor- only the yogis who had all the time and the pilgrims who made time. Thus, the volume
of traffic was low in the beginning.
3 5 1 One yogi in 1984 complained to the author that Shivaratri has now become a “tamasha” or “entertainment
show” and because o f that more and more yogis are not coming to Pashupatinath on this auspicious day of
Shivaratri. Rather they are choosing less crowed and less “commercialized” Shiva shrines in other places.
3 5 2 Muktinath is sacred to both Hindus and Buddhists. Chumig Gyatsa means Hundred Waters because o f the 108
taps where pilgrims bathe. Situated at 3750 meters (about 12,300’), this site has flames burning on top o f water
and soil which is seen as astonishing phenomena. It is believed to be inhabited by Dakinis know as the Sky
Dancers.
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trade was undertaken to fund the pilgrimage. The presence of very old “dharmashalas,”
“pauwas,” and “pattis” (free shelters for travelers) still extant today affirm the existence of
regular and large “tourist” traffic in the past. These shelters were built3 5 3 along the route
near water sources like springs, taps or rivers since people cooked their own food while
traveling. In a sense these shelters can be viewed as proto-motels.
Other than Indians and Tibetans,3 5 4 Nepal was virtually closed to all foreigners,
particularly after the nation was unified by Prithivi Naryan Shah in 17683 5 5 who advised his
court and future rulers not to permit any foreign traders3 5 6 into the country cautioning them
that “In the name of trade they introduce the Bible and in the name of the Bible they bring
the Sword.” His descendants took his advice and followed a closed-door policy until 1951
when democratic uprisings forced the Rana autocracy3 5 7 to open Nepal to the rest of the
world. Although Nepal remained closed to most foreigners, there were a few individuals
who were granted permission to visit the kingdom but most of them were confined to the
Kathmandu Valley (Kirkpatrik in 1793, Hamilton 1802, Hodgson 1833, etc). But after the
Rana takeover, many more dignitaries were invited for “Shikar” (Big Game Hunting) trips
particularly after Jung Bahadur Rana returned from a visited to Europe in 1850. He emulated
the Europeans in attire and architecture. The Ranas build palaces in Victorian style and lived
3 5 3 Some were built by the government while others were constructed by private individuals as these acts were
believed to earn merit.
3 5 4 The first European to visit Nepal is believed to be a Spanish Jesuit priest, Father John Cabral in 1628 on his
way from Tibet to Calcutta in India (Vinding,2 fii.2)
3 5 5 Prior to that there were many Capuchin monks in Kathmandu under the reign of King Jayaprakash Malla and
when Prithivi Naryan Shah conquered Kathmandu he expelled them (about 65 monks).
3 5 6 Most foreigners in those days were generally traders, government officials or priests. But the king also
cautioned against allowing Indian traders to conduct business in Nepal as they would undermine local business.
3 5 7 The Ranas came to power via a bloody coup by Jung Bahadur Rana in 1846. The king was reduced merely to
a figurehead and placed virtually under “palace arrest”.
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like Europeans. According to Chand (13), in 1876 Jung Bahadur Rana invited King Edward
VII (then Prince of Wales) for a hunting trip. Jung’s descendants emulated his example and
invited many foreign dignitaries for “shikar camps.” Some examples include King George V
in 1911, British Minister, the Earl of Aylesford, Major general Sir Richard Howard-Vyse,
Colonel Stevenson, Field Marshal Mannerheim of Finland in 1933 and the Viceroy and
Governor General of India Lord Lilinlithgrow in 1936. They killed an inordinate number of
animals-the Viceroy is believed to have shot 14 tigers and 3 rhinos in 8 days of hunting (ibid
14). The Ranas became avid hunters and it was seen as a rite of passage to kill tigers- the
more and bigger the animal the more prestige was accorded to the hunter. “Juddha Shamsher
[Rana] during the seven seasons (1933-40) is said to have killed 433 tigers, 33 rhinos, 93
leopards, 22 bears, 20 crocodiles, 1 wild buffalo, 3 elephants (captured), and many wild
dogs, hyenas, deer and other lesser animals” (Chand 14 citing Prashad).
After the signing of a treaty with the English government in 1923, the authorities
permitted the British Residency to be established and after a decade other nations followed
suit. In 1933 Italian Consul General was established, French Diplomatic Mission in 1934,
German Embassy in 1937 (Chand, 22). Most of the foreign diplomats and guests were
however confined to the Kathmandu valley and the terai (plains where shikar took place)
with the rest of the country remaining off limits. But for the general foreign populace the
whole country remained restricted.
While mass tourism (as introduced by Thomas Cook in 1841) flourished in many
parts of the world, particularly after World War II, it had no impact on Nepal as the country
was still closed to outsiders. But soon after the introduction of democracy in 1951 and the
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lifting of the closed-door policy, some of the first foreign visitors were mostly scholars (like
Tibetologist -Tucci 1952, anthropologists-Fflrer-Haimendorf 1953 and Kawakita 1952 or
geologist-Hagen 1952) and mountaineers who were eager to be the first to climb some of the
highest peaks in the world. The first mountaineering group into Nepal was the French
Expedition of 1950 to Annapurna. But it was the conquest of Everest in 1953 by Tenzing
Norgay and Sir Edmund Hillary that put Nepal in the world map.3 5 8
Besides adventurous scholars and mountaineers, other visitors did not venture in the
beginning because the basic infrastructure of transportation and accommodation had not yet
been developed.3 5 9 In 1956 a road linking Kathmandu to India (Tribhuvan Rajmarg) was
constructed although tourists did not use it. But it was the coronation of King Mahendra Bir
Bikram Shah in the same year that inadvertently bolstered the development of tourism in
Nepal. Many new hotels were established in preparation of the coronation- to house the
numerous guests from 15 nations.3 6 0 O f these hotels, the Royal Hotel operated by a
professional hotelier (Boris Lissanevitch) was the most prestigious and the most efficient.
The establishment of air transportation in 1953 (Himalayan Airways operating DC-3s) was
another important factor in promoting tourism (Chand 40).3 6 1 These two developments made
3 5 8 This was followed by another French Expedition to Makalu in 1955 and a Japanese on Manaslu and Swiss on
Lhotse in 1956.
3 5 9 While scholars are not deterred by inconveniences such as the lack o f proper hotels or roads, tourists even in
those days expected some degree of luxury or convenience.
3 6 0 Almost two centuries of isolation meant that there was no need for hotels and hence no personnel trained to
operate them. To offer the more important guests a professional hotel, Boris Lissanevitch a White Russian and a
hotelier living in Calcutta was brought in to start the Royal Hotel. Boris had to bring his own trained staff since
no Nepali had received any training in the hotel sector.
3 6 1 The mountainous terrain of Nepal made travel by road extremely difficult and dangerous and so air travel was
ideal.
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it possible for Thomas Cook to bring the first official tourist group, comprising of 10
Americans and 2 Brazilians to Nepal in 1955 (Chand36). They stayed at the Royal Hotel.
The new democratic government was intent on modernizing Nepal and establishing
the necessary infrastructures. In 1957 it established a Transportation Department and the
Civil Aviation. The very next year the government formulated the national air carrier Royal
Nepal Airlines Corporation popularly known as RNAC. This preference for air transport was
because of Nepal’s mountainous topography that made the construction of motorable roads
not only time consuming but prohibitively expensive,3 6 2 whereas airfields for DC-3s did not
require any major investment nor technology-most were simply large meadows or grassy
fields. In the hilly regions, STOL (short takeoff and landing) aircrafts3 6 3 were used which
also did not need long runways.
The government soon realized the importance of tourism as a source of foreign
exchange and so in 1959 it created the National Tourist Development Board. However,
tourism was a foreign and novelty venture and the Nepali people were wary of investing in
this new enterprise (particularly in hotels and restaurants) since they were traditionally
traders without the basic knowledge of hotel management. Furthermore, hotels required
large financial investments. To encourage the private sector, the government made
arrangements to disburse capital loans to businessmen who were willing to start hotels. To
accomplish this objective, NIDC (Nepal Industrial Development Corporation) was
3 6 2 Furthermore, the nation did not have any technical expertise (since the Rana regime prohibited the general
public from being educated), the firnds or necessary equipment to construct motorable roads. The Prithivi
Rajmarg was built by the Indian Government. Even later cm, most o f the major roads were built with the
assistance o f foreign donors like Indians, Chinese, British, Americans, Swiss, Russian, etc.
3 6 3 Investment in air transportation was relatively affordable as most aircrafts were donated by various nations.
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authorized to earmark Rs. 4.8 million for hotel construction (Chand 71). From a humble
beginning of a few visitors in 1955, there were a little over 3000 visitors in 1959. That
number doubled by 1962 and by 1975 Nepal was receiving over 92,000 tourists. This rapid
acceleration in tourist arrivals spurred the private sector to be more involved.
To control and regulate this industry, the government legislated the hotel tax act in
1961. Soon after, the National Travel Agency was instituted to better serve the visitors and
also manage the many travel agencies that had started to operate. By the end of the 1960s,
the government had realized the great potential of tourism towards nation building and began
to incorporate tourism as an integral part of development. From then on tourism has assumed
a major role in the developmental process and has been the largest industry in Nepal.3 6 4 The
airport in Kathmandu was extended to accommodate larger aircrafts bringing more tourists.
At the same time other destinations like Pokhara, Chitwan and Lumbini were also promoted.
The development of many roads connecting towns and various districts made trekking into
the mountains a popular activity for the tourists. This was probably the main reason for
turning Nepal into a tourist destination as journeying into the roadless mountains entailed at
leastlO days of trekking whereas prior to this the tourists stayed for 3 nights sightseeing in
Kathmandu only. When trekking was combined with other obligatory touristic activities like
historical and cultural tours, the length of stay in Nepal could be substantial.
The exception was during the 60s with the influx of the “flower children” or hippies.
These young travelers would stay as long as the law or their finance would permit since
hashish was cheap, readily available, of good quality and legal. Furthermore, yogis and older
men traditionally used hashish in Nepal and India without much stigma attached to it. The
3 6 4 Only once did the carpet industry earn more than tourism.
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seeds were also used in some Nepali cuisine. The plant grew wild and many hippies trekking
in the hills of Nepal would collect them and share it with others. It was only after the
influence of the hippies that the Nepali youths began to experiment with hashish. The
hippies often frequented between Kathmandu and Goa, in India. Both Nepali and Indian law
stipulated that after the permit expires they would have to leave the country before being
allowed to re-enter. So when the permit in Nepal expired, the hippies would travel to Goa
and stay there and when the Indian permit expired, they would return to Kathmandu, Many
were reported to cross the border into India, spend a night there and then apply for re-entry
the next day into Nepal. There were innumerable cases of people who stayed illegally
beyond the stipulated time and when they were caught, the police would truck them to the
border. But as soon as the police were gone, they would return. Since the hippies were on
shoestring budgets, the number of small lodges, hotels and restaurants mushroomed during
this period. The area of Jhochhen was the most popular area where the hippies hung out and
it became known as Freak Street.3 6 5 After the conquest of Everest, it was as the “Mecca of
Hippies” that Nepal (or rather Kathmandu) became publicized internationally especially
amongst younger travelers.3 6 6 This period ended in 1973 when the American government
obliged the Nepali authorities to make the possession and selling of hashish illegal which
also coincided with the decline of the “hippie movement.”
3 6 5 At that time there was a very unusual restaurant called the Yin Yang. It had the best acoustic system and was
conducive to both the hippies and the regular tourists. It was clean and classy enough for the regular “star-hotel”
tourists to visit but had die ambience to attract the hippies- dim lights, low tables where one sat cross-legged or
sprawled and good music. Tourists from 5-star hotels used to come there to see the hippies smoking hashish and
on occasions they would also take a puff when the “chillum” (small clay pipe) or joint was passed around.
Usually the joint was always passed around to all who were there no matter who made it.
3 6 6 Kathmandu was popularized in songs by such artists like Cat Stevens and others.
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The increasing popularity of trekking into the remote areas of Nepal brought more
earnings to the government but it also brought problems like deforestation, inflation,
environmental degradation, pollution and inequality. The enactment of National Parks and
Wildlife Conservation Act in 1973 was a tentative policy that the government took towards
regulating the trekking boom and its consequences to the environment and wildlife but the
Samarmatha National Park (the first national park) was gazetted only in 1976. The
declaration of this park as a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1979 fostered trekking into
the Everest region. Conjointly in 1979, UNESCO also declared the Kathmandu Valley as a
World Heritage Site3 6 7 that put Nepal solidly in the touristic map.
Tourism, which hitherto was managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, acquired
further importance and autonomy when the government created a Ministry of Tourism in
1977. Many of the policies and plans were not or could not be implemented and the negative
impact of mountain tourism worsened. In 1986, Annapurna Conservation Area Project was
established as a unique experimental model in community based management to address the
problems created by the rapid and random growth of mountain tourism. The success of this
experiment has led to the adoption of this approach to other mountain destinations
throughout Nepal.
Then in 1990, democratic forces swept the nation for the second time and toppled
the one-party Panchayat System. This resulted in drastic changes in virtually all aspects -
political, social, economic, cultural, educational, governmental, etc. in Nepal. Tourism was
no exception particularly to changes in the lifting of restrictions to areas that were off limits
3 6 7 There were seven particular sites in the valley that was designated as heritage sites: Swayambhu Stupa,
Boudha Nath Stupa, Bhaktapur Durbar Square, Changunarayan, Pashupatinath, Kathmandu Durbar Square and
Patan Durbar Square.
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to tourists prior to the restoration of democracy. One area that this policy had the greatest
impact on was Lo.
The history of tourism in Lo is, therefore, very recent and brief but of great
significance. Prior to the advent of democracy in 1990, Lo was a restricted area to all
foreigners with the exception of Indians and Tibetans. From historical times, both Indians
and Tibetans have traveled to Nepal without restrictions. From the history of Lo, particularly
during its “golden era,” we have accounts of Indian pundits and Tibetan scholars coming to
Lo Monthang. During the English occupation of India, the British sent Indian agents
(disguised as pilgrims) via Nepal to Tibet to conduct surveys like Manj Singh in 1865 (who
came up to southern Mustang) and Hari Ram in 1873 who passed through Monthang. In
more recent times, the Tibetans have a refUgee status and many have settled in Nepal.
Whereas with the Indians, Nepal has a special agreement with India whereby citizens of both
nations are allowed travel access into both nations without a permit or a visa. Although
technically Indian tourists could travel to Lo without a permit (as one friend did in the 80s),
most never did and those that visited Lo were all pilgrims on their way to the sacred site of
Damodar Kund.
As far as non-Indian and Tibetan visitors were concerned, the first person to have
visited Lo is the Japanese monk Ekai Kawaguchi who traveled up to and stayed in Tsharang
in 1899.^ In 1907 the Swedish explorer Sven Hedin crossed over the Korela pass of Lo and
in 1944 the Austrian climber Hans Kopp passed through Lo on his way to Kathmandu from
3 6 8 He stayed for almost a year in Tsharang, Tukche and Marpha before he ventured into Tibet. He wrote an
account o f his travel called Three Years in Tibet.
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Tibet.3 6 9 Then in 1951 when the Nepali populace revolted against the 104 years of Rana rule
and introduced democracy for the first time, Nepal opened its door to foreign visitors. Some
of the first visitors were given special permits to visit Lo. The renowned Tibetologist
Guisseppe Tucci came to Lo in 1952 and wrote an account of his visit.3 7 0 The British
anthropologist David Snellgrove followed him in 19563 7 1 but he did not come all the way to
Lo Monthang returning from Tsharang. In 1964 Michel Peisssel3 7 2 came to Lo and stayed for
three months. Then for the next three decades, Lo did not receive any foreigners.
In 1990, the new government of Nepal allowed Richard Blum3 7 3 and his companions
into Lo. Permission was also given to an expatriate photographer, Thomas Laird, to film
throughout Lo. In 1991, politicians and leaders (of regional and national status) came to Lo
to campaign for votes. The people were assured that Lo would be opened up to tourism and
that 60% of the revenues generated from it would be ear-marked for Lo’s development. The
government quickly set up a committee to carry out a survey and recommend the carrying
capacity of the region. The committee determined that Lo’s carrying capacity was 200
visitors per year. With this figure in mind, the government started to issue permits and in
March 1992, the first official visitors arrived in Lo. Every tourist entering Lo had to come in
a group with an authorized trekking agency. All groups were required to be self-sufficient in
3 6 9 Along with H. Harrer and P. Aufschnaiter, Kopp escaped from the British internment camp in Dehra Dun in
India and headed for Tibet. When they arrived in Tradum, Kopp parted company with his companions and
headed south through Lo to Kathmandu.
3 7 0 In two books Journey to Mustang: 1952 mdPreliminary Report on Two Scientific Expeditions in Nepal.
3 7 1 He wrote a book called, Himalayan Pilgrimage: a Study o f Tibetan Religion,
3 7 2 He wrote an account o f his stay in Lo called Mustang, the Forbidden Kingdom and several articles about Lo.
3 7 3 Based in San Francisco, he has been the Consular General o f Nepal for many years. It is said that he was
accorded this favor in recognition o f his service to Nepal but the feet that he happened to be the husband of
Senator Dianne Fienstien probably helped. He is also the president o f American Himalayan Foundation.
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food and fuel and garbage had to be hauled out of Lo. Each tourist was charged an entry fee
of $500 per week and since it took a minimum of 10 days to trek in and out of Lo, the fee in
practice amounted to $1000 per tourist.
A month after the first tourists arrived in Lo, the management of the area was
officially handed over to KMTNC (King Mahendra Trust for Nature Conservation), the
largest NGO in the country. KMTNC soon set up a team of experts who came to Lo in
August to carry out feasibility studies and identify indigenous preferences and needs. In the
meantime the government had revised the carrying capacity number to 400 visitors and also
in the fees charged- now each tourist had to pay $700 for ten days of permit and for any
extra stay beyond th at, an additional $70 per day. Nine months after the first tourists arrived
in Lo, KMTNC was able to implement the Upper Mustang Conservation and Development
Project (UMCDP) in November with a permanent local office in Lo Monthang. By the end
of the year the government once again raised the number of visitors to 1000 tourists.
B. Tourism as Development: the Politics of Tourism.
After the nation came under the rule of the Ranas in 1846, the isolationist policy was
further entrenched. Although the professed rationale for this policy was to keep the foreign
colonial powers at bay (which it did), it had a more self-serving motive which was to secure,
preserve and bolster their power and authority by keeping the general populace ignorant and
subservient. The Rana rulers and the aristocracy had extravagant and lavish lifestyle while
the rest of the population lived in abject poverty. Being influenced by the European colonial
powers, they emulated the Western rulers and built for themselves opulent palaces in
Victorian style many of which are still extant while others have been demolished or ruined.
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The people were conscripted for free labor and the national treasury was at their
disposal. In fact, the sole purpose of the whole feudalistic system was to support their
luxurious lifestyle and maintain their rule. To sustain their power and lifestyle, they became
more fanatic and imposed stringent restrictions particularly towards the beginning of the
twentieth century when radical changes were sweeping the whole globe. To keep the people
in the dark, schools were prohibited. Only the Ranas and the aristocracy were allowed to get
an education. Later on education up to high school level was introduced in the capital
because the government needed an educated bureaucracy. Travel restrictions were also
imposed to prevent the populace from being influenced by foreign ideology and also to
better control the mass. Many people fled to India to get schooling and they were later to
lead the march to democracy. Radios were also banned for the general population. They
wanted to prevent the people from having contact with the outside world so that “modem
ideas” like “democracy” and “freedom” would not permeate into the social consciousness
and threaten or challenge their authority.
When finally the Rana oligarchy was deposed in 1951 and a multi-party democratic
system was installed, the main focus of the newly elected government was to bring the
nation at par to the rest of the world. After 104 years of isolation, exploitation and forced
stagnation there was widespread poverty throughout the kingdom. The only solution to
alleviate this dire situation was believed to be through rapid modernization. The desire
towards “modernization” influenced all the plans and policies of the government. In this
process, the developed Western nations were viewed as role models to be emulated and
“development” become the universal mantra that pervaded all aspects of governance. It is
within this context that tourism in Nepal evolved to its present form.
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At the outset, when tourism was first introduced, it was not perceived as significant
to the overall “modernization” process nor was its potential realized.” 4 That is why the
development of tourism in Nepal has been fortuitous. All the infrastructures necessary to
sustain tourism were incidental. In the construction of roads, the primary motive was
economic and administrative concerns. The first road build in 1956 connected the capital
Kathmandu to the markets of India, In 1968 the Siddhartha Highway was built between
Pokhara (the second largest city and tourist destination) and Suanuli,3 7 5 a border town in
India to cater to the needs of the western region of Nepal. The two largest cities of Nepal
(Kathmandu and Pokhara) were connected in 1972 by the Prithivi Highway. These highways
were constructed by foreign donors to help Nepal integrate and modernize and to provide the
people a cheap alternative to air travel and tourism was never the primary concern. But the
Prithivi Highway proved to be a major boon for budget tourists and it greatly promoted
tourism in Pokhara3 7 ® and to Mustang.
Similarly the establishment of hotels so crucial to tourism promotion was initiated
by the coronation of the king in 1956- to accommodate the many dignitaries and invitees that
were attending the occasion. These facilities proved useful for the tourists that arrived later
on. Also the establishment of the first air transportation (Himalayan Airways) in 1953 and
the formation of the national carrier RNAC (Royal Nepal Airlines Corporation) in 1959 were
motivated by the desire to connect and service the various diverse regions of Nepal separated
3 7 4 This could be because o f the mindset prevalent at that time that Nepal was a “backward” and poor nation and
thus not conducive to attract tourists- the view being that modem marvels and achievements were what people
wanted to see.
3 7 5 This road also passed through or catered to other cities like Bhairahwa, Tansen and Butwal.
m In 1957 only 119 tourists visited Pokhara but by 1976 there were 31,026 visitors.
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by high mountain ranges and hills- as an aid to nation building. The development and growth
of air transportation proved to be a blessing for mountain tourism although it was mainly
intended for domestic and local use. Similarly the NIDC (Nepal Industrial Development
Corporation), the institution that extended favorable loans to build hotels was originally
established to promote the formal industrial sector. These few examples are presented to
illustrate the assertion that tourism in Nepal developed serendipitously.
Before delving further into the role of the government, one aspect of tourism that
must be emphasized is that in the beginning the industry was totally dependent on tour
operators from India since Nepal was only one touristic stop in the Indian itinerary. All
visitors to Nepal had to fly in and out of India as only Indian airlines had access to Nepal and
RNAC, the Nepali national carrier, flew to a few Indian cities only. The Nepali tourist
industry was at the mercy of Indian agencies which did not regard Nepal as a priority- at
least not as a tourist destination. This situation changed in 1968 when Thai International
began flights between Bangkok and Kathmandu. But it was only with the expansion of the
Kathmandu airport and the beginning of international air services in 1974, that Nepal
embarked on the way to become a viable destination.
The growth of tourism in Nepal can be attributed to the efforts of international
agencies and the Nepali private sector but not to the government which regarded tourism
primarily as a major source of foreign revenue only. There was no concerted effort by the
authorities to promote or market Nepal as a tourist destination yet the tourists kept arriving
in increasing numbers. This only encouraged the government to do the minimum. The
private sector was actively involved in promoting their own hotels or other agencies were
offering their services in the international tourist markets. The international travel agencies
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were promoting Nepal as a “Shangrila” untouched by modernity and still deeply steeped in
tradition- emphasizing the age-old cultures and practices. This image of Nepal as frozen in
ancient past was the main attraction to the modem travelers. However, it was exactly this
perception that the government was trying to overcome because of the connotation of
“backwardness” associated with traditional society. HMG (His Majesty’s Government of
Nepal) wanted to promote Nepal as an incipient “modern state” and distance itself from the
traditional past. Consequently, with “modernization” as the principal priority, tourism was
viewed as conflicting with this objective. However, this in itself was only a rationalization
that accorded with the embedded culture of the Nepali bureaucracy whose modus operandi
has been aptly labeled as “management by chakari (fawning) and chaplisi (flattery),3 7 7 ”
This form of governance was a carryover from the past feudalistic history of Nepal.
When the Rana regime was overthrown in 1951 by King Tribhuvan3 7 8 and the Nepali
Congress3 7 9 (the party responsible for leading the revolt), an interim coalition government
(consisting of the Ranas and the Nepali Congress3 8 0 ) was formed but this coalition lasted for
only nine months. The king then appointed Matrika Koirala, president of the Nepali
Congress as the first non-Rana prime minister. After 8 months he was sacked3 8 1 and the
3 7 7 This was summed up by a colleague who had been in government service but had quit the job.
3 7 8 In November 1950, King Tribhuvan and his family took asylum in the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu. They
were later evacuated to New Dehli. The people involved in the democratic revolution rallied around the absent
king and took arms against the Ranas. This resulted in the overthrow of the Rana rule. It must be pointed out that
the independence o f India in 1947 made this move possible as the close ties between the Rana rulers and the
British Indian authorities would have ruled out such action.
3 7 9 There were other parties also involved in the revolt but the Nepali Congress was the major party. It must be
mentioned that campaigns against the Ranas had started as early as 1940 when four young men who were
actively involved in this movement were publicly hanged. They (Ganga Lai, Shukra Raj Shastri, Dharma Bhakta
and Dasharath Chand) are known as the four martyrs o f Nepali democracy.
3 8 0 Mohan Shamsher Rana was the Prime Minister and B.P.Koirala of the Nepali Congress the Home Minister.
3 8 1 He was expelled from the Nepali Congress party for violating party principles and the Constitution.
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executive power was transferred to the crown. The king handpicked several parties and
persons to govern but none were successful. Finally, in 1958 (after months of Civil
Disobedience Movement) King Mahendra3 8 2 was compelled to hold a general election in
which the Nepali Congress party had the majority and the people’s mandate. There was a
brief period when a more democratic rule was attempted by the newly elected government
but the coup d ’ etat in 1960 by the king,3 8 3 terminated this short experiment in democracy
and introduced the partyless Panchayat System. For the next 30 years, the king ruled as
absolute monarch and the old feudalistic system of palace governance became even further
entrenched. The leaders of the Panchayat System now vied to please the king and his
relatives fostering chakari and chaplisi, nepotism and corruption. The accountability of the
leaders shifted from the people to the palace. It is in this political milieu that tourism
developed in Nepal.
Initially, tourism mainly benefited the aristocracy. The king’s brothers owned the
largest hotels. It was to finance these buildings that NIDC was authorized to grant loans at
favorable terms. Only later did the general public also get these loans but just for small-scale
hotels. The larger establishments classified as five and four-star hotels were granted special
privileges to import foreign goods and other essential commodities for the hotel without
paying any duties. However, the smaller hotels were exempt from this privilege. This
double-tiered policy favored only the larger hotels that were owned by the aristocracy. This
system led to a lot of abuse whereby foreign goods imported for these hotels were sold in the
3 8 2 King Tribhuvan had died in 1955 and his son Mahendra was now the king.
3 8 3 The Nepali Congress having been elected with a large majority pushed legislation to curtail the power of the
king and reduce the crown to a constitutional monarchy. But the king with the help o f the army imprisoned all the
leaders and banned all parties. The leaders had expected the people to rise up in protest but there was no public
opposition to this move.
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market raking in huge profits (as there was a heavy duty on all foreign goods- anywhere
from 60 to 120 % depending on the item). Also these elite hotels were allowed to charge the
tourists in foreign currency whereas the smaller hotels could only deal in Nepali currency.
Similarly, the first travel agencies were also licensed to royal relatives and they had the
monopoly to run tour operations. In the early periods, the average tourist spent only three
nights in Nepal-most of them staying in the hotels owned by the aristocracy and being
escorted around the various sites in Kathmandu by tour agencies also owned by them. Thus
early policies and plans regarding tourism were targeted to advance the vested interests of
the aristocracy. Interestingly it was only with the influx of the hippies that small hotels and
lodges proliferated encompassing the general populace in the tourist industry. This paved the
way for more involvement by the general public but the state policies remained biased
towards the bigger hotels and the elites. Most steps that the government enforced or
implemented like the hotel tax act and formation of parks were intended mainly to increase
revenue and control the industry rather than to promote it.
Yet as more people got involved in tourism, the private sector began to play an
active role in the development of tourism infrastructures. Travel and trekking agencies,
restaurants, most hotels in the cities and all small inns and lodges along the trekking routes
were started by local entrepreneurs without the help or guidance from the government. In
fact, many businessmen involved in tourism claim that the government often imposed
bureaucratic and legal obstacles.3 8 4 The general attitude of the administration was one of
indifference and inactivity that proved extremely frustating for the local entrepreneurs
3 8 4 Invariably bribes had to be paid to get anything done. In the Nepali bureaucracy such hurdles are often
purposely conjured so that bribes can be extorted.
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particularly when combined with the infamous inertia of Nepali bureaucracy. As early as the
1830s, Bhanu Bhakta Acharya, known as the ‘‘Pioneer Poet” of Nepal (and responsible for
popularizing the Nepali language) wrote a poem charactering the procrastinating
characteristic of the bureaucracy of his time. He had been accused of mishandling funds and
was jailed. When he tried to get justice or even a hearing, he was told to come “tomorrow”
and receive the same answer the next day. This continued for months until all his funds were
exhausted (he came from a village outside of the capital). The gist of his poem mentions that
the answer “tomorrow and tomorrow has emptied my purse”.
In 1990 the Panchayat System was deposed and a multi-party system was
established among great hopes from the people. But the subsequent decade was one of
turbulence and instability as the parties fought with each other for power and leaders within
each party vied for party leadership. Corruption not only became rampant but blatantly
visible and brazenly sought at every level of the government. During the Panchayat era,
corruption was also widespread but it was kept under the table and under lid- the main
beneficiaries were the elites and the people in power. With democracy, everyone was openly
taking bribes and kickbacks- in fact government officials seem to view accepting bribes as a
right. Even with more openness and transparency demanded by the new constitution, the
bureaucracy continued to retain the old characteristics of indifference, inefficiency and
inertia. This allegation was corroborated when in October 20, 2000 many organizations
involved in the tourist industry like HAN (Hotel Association of Nepal), TAAN (Trekking
Agents Association of Nepal), NATA (Nepal Association of Travel Agents), etc. took to the
streets to protest the “incongruous tourist policy and indifferent attitude of HMG towards
tourism industry.”
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These conditions and developments were to shape the form tourism took in Lo.
After the installation of the democratically elected government in 1991, the private sector
with a vested interest in tourism lobbied intensely with the new administration to open up
previously restricted areas to tourism. Lo was on the top of the list. With very few areas in
the world remaining unexplored or visited by tourists, these areas were of a premium quality:
desirable destinations to the well-heeled global travelers looking for new regions “untainted”
by modernity. The trekking agencies were acutely aware of the high value that international
tourism accorded these areas and the potential financial bonanza that they could rake in if
they could bring in the first groups of visitors to Lo. Thus they “leveraged”3 8 5 the authorities
to permit tourists into Lo.
The leaders and government officials including the Prime Minister actively
campaigned in Lo. In an effort to promote democratic values, they wanted to gain the
consent of the Lobas. At that time the Lobas were unaware of the potential that their history,
land and culture had for tourists. In 1990 when I visited Lo, the king seemed surprised that
the tourists would want to come to Lo at all. His comment was, “We do not have modem
buildings or industry or any cinema theaters. There is nothing to see but dirt and dust.”
When asked if he wanted tourists in Lo, he replied that he did not favor the idea of tourists
visiting his kingdom as that could min the culture and influence his people in negative ways.
It was during these crusades that the Lobas were promised the infamous 60% of the fees for
the development of Lo. The Lobas agreed or rather were lulled into agreement by the
assurances of such high level authorities3 8 6 and the rosy future portrayed by these people.
3 8 5 An euphemism for bribes and other forms o f persuasion.
3 8 6 Having been marginalized and ignored for most ofNepal’s history, Loba Informants recount that the attention
and expressed concern of these “powerful people” regarding Lo’s development was very alluring and impressive.
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As mentioned earlier, the government totally ignored ACAP’s recommendation not
to open Mustang to tourism for at least three more years. Instead, the normally sluggish
bureaucracy went into legal, administrative and political high gear to hastily approve the
opening of Lo to tourism. The tourists entered Lo first and only then (four months later) was
ACAP officially authorized to manage the development of Lo. This was not accidental.
Many suspect that the Nepali bureaucracy purposely orchestrated this strategy for the
authorities were aware that if ACAP had been given jurisdiction prior to officially opening
the area, Lo would have remained closed for several more years. But by allowing tourists to
enter Lo first and only then appointing ACAP as the management agency, the authorities
guilefully circumvented the original recommendation made by ACAP and accomplished the
aspirations of the tourist agencies based in the capital.
The initial response of the international visitors was so lucrative to the private sector
that they were able to pressure the government to make further amendments and changes to
stated policies. The first change implemented was the amount of fee charged. The original
policy of charging $ 500 per week was changed to $ 700 for ten days and an additional $70
for every extra day because this change proved cheaper for the traveler3 8 7 and more volume
for the trekking agencies. The subsequent change was in the number of visitors permitted to
enter Lo in a year. The rush to see Lo3 8 8 was so intense that the limit of 200 visitors set by
the government was quickly reached within the first couple of months and there were more
visitors waiting to get in. The agencies lobbied the government successfully to raise the limit
3 8 7 With the original policy, every tourist paid $1000 for a trek that normally took 10 days whereas with the new
regulation the fee amounted to $700.
3 8 8 To be one o f the first people to visit Lo kept the volume high.
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to 400 visitors and even this was soon changed to 1000 tourists which was the limit that
ACAP had to accept for subsequent years. The table below illustrates the growth of trekkers
from the time the first trekkers came to Lo.
Table 8. Number of Visitors to Lo 1992-1996
Year Number of Visitors
1992 440
1993 766
1994 817
1995 823
1996 835
Source: ACAP records at Kagbeni.
The increase in the limit was clearly beneficial both to the government and the
private sector. This specialized and controlled high value mountain tourism raked in
substantial revenues for the government and considerable profits to the private sectors.3 8 9
Another reason why the authorities were eager to allow large number of groups into
Lo was the regulation stipulating every group be accompanied by an Environmental Officer
(EO) appointed by the government. The EO was to be paid by the group. The salary extorted
by these EOs was so exorbitant that the government officials vied to be assigned to a group
going into Lo. Trekking agencies complain that these EO demand outrageous sums which
have to be bargained down. If their demands are not met, they make some pretext at the very
last moment just before flying out of Kathmandu and refuse to go. Since the group cannot
enter Lo without an EO, the agencies have no choice but to comply to their demands. I was
privy to one such incident where the EO demanded Rs. 100,000 for about a month’s
assignment but eventually agreed to Rs.40,000 an amount exceeding his annual salary. When
3 8 9 The trekking agencies refused to divulge their profit margins but some confessed that Lo was more lucrative
than other areas.
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I expressed surprise at the large amount he first demanded and what he eventually agreed to,
he confided that he had to give a cut to his superiors. This is difficult to prove but has been
suspected by everyone. This probably explains why some EOs who have in the past been
known to suffer from “altitude sickness” still get reassigned to Lo.
The increase in the number of groups resulted in more officials having the slice of
the cake. Therefore, it was in the personal interest of the bureaucrats to allow as many
groups as possible. The responsibility of the EO was to insure that the group followed all the
prescribed environmental and trekking regulations. But most of them came just for the
money. Often they were not even aware of the regulations3 9 0 that they were supposed to
enforce.
Some government officials stationed in Jomsom, the district headquarter, asserted
that they could better serve as EOs since they are more familiar with the geography, culture
and the tradition of this region than some one from the capital. Logically this was a sound
argument but the EOs were invariably from the capital and appointed by the ministry or
department of tourism. So there was a self-serving motive for increasing the limit of visitors
to Lo but the justification was the large revenue that resulted from it. Despite the ease with
which such earnings were amassed, the government did not fulfill their promise of allocating
60% of the fees raised towards Lo’s development. The Lobas never received the promised
60% share but to add insult to injury, even when the total revenue kept increasing, the
meager share allotted to them was progressively reduced. In the first year UMCDP (ACAP)
3 9 0 During the Tenji festival o f 1996, the C.D.O.(Chief District Officer) o f Mustang accompanied a group as the
EO. This group had brought along a video camera (which was prohibited) and when ACAP did not allow them to
use It, they explained that the C.D.O. had given them the permission. Even the Chief District Officer of Mustang
did not know the basic regulation regarding photography. The C.D.O. did not even bother to meet the people o f
Monthang nor hear their grievances.
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received 41.6% or $126,100 out of the total revenue of $303,100 (Refer to Table 1 pg. 200 to
see how the tourist dollars are collected and distributed). But four years later, not only the
percentage (13.84%)3 9 1 but also the actual amount received had been reduced to a mere
$78,000 out of more than half a million dollars raised.3 9 2 To make things even worse, a
substantial chunk of the funds went towards staff salary and operating costs of the UMCDP
office in Monthang. This did not leave much funds for projects which hampered the efforts
of ACAP. It is little wonder then that the Lobas feel betrayed and exploited.
C. Impact o f Tourism in Lo:
The advent of tourism in Lo is quite recent so its impact may not be as obvious as in
other areas with longer history of outside visitors. Nevertheless certain conclusions and
projections can be derived from what has occurred so far in Lo and in other regions. To
assess the effect of tourism, its impact on various aspects (like environmental, social,
cultural, economic, religious, etc.) of Loba life must be examined both individually and in
totality.
1) Environmental Impact: The most visible impact of mountain tourism in other
parts of Nepal has been on the environment. Notably, rapid deforestation (leading to erosion
and landslides), trail degradation, rampant pollution particularly the proliferation of litter and
garbage and destruction of flora and fauna are some of the negative impacts that have been
extensively recorded not only in Nepal but throughout the world.
3 9 ! A reduction in % need not necessarily reduce the total amount. For example, if the % was reduced to 10% but
the total revenue was two million dollars, it would be a larger sum ($200,000) than the original 41%.
3 9 2 A year later in 1997, the amount dwindled further to $25,000 out of the $548,100 collected, a
paltry 4.56%.
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Unlike most trekking regions in Nepal, Lo does not have any forest except for small
strands above Samar and Ghemi. Many forests in Nepal along trekking routes have rapidly
deteriorated as more demand for fuel wood increased to fulfill the needs of the lodges and
hotels catering to tourists. But in Lo, the fuel used is dung. Furthermore, all groups have to
use kerosene for cooking. So the few trees still extant are not threatened by tourism.
Recently many bhote pipal (populus species) trees have been planted in areas served by
irrigation but these trees are always used in construction and not as fuel.
Trail degradation can occur from human action or through natural causes - overuse,
neglect, littering, landslides, erosion, etc. The fragile ecology of Lo makes the trails very
vulnerable to landslides and erosion. During monsoon and winter months, heavy
precipitation or snow frequently ruins the pathways and an increase in foot traffic (humans
and animals) particularly during these periods can exacerbate the damage. Litter disposed of
along the trails also adds to the degradation. But it is the overuse of the trails that can pose a
serious problem. Considering the fragility of the environment, the trail between Jomsom and
Lo Monthang already receives fairly heavy local traffic- hundreds of people and animals
traverse through this road at least twice a year during migration. If one adds the number of
tourists coming into Lo, the traffic volume becomes substantial. If the group uses porters,
then the number of people increases dramatically as for every tourist four staff is needed. If
horses are used, animal traffic is doubled. The hired horses first go down to Jomsom to pick
up the tourist baggage and travel up with the group and then go down again with the group.
Finally, they come back home to Monthang. It is the introduction of this excessive intrusion
on an annual basis that will inevitably wear out the trails. In the few years of tourist influx,
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no major damage to the trails has transpired but in the long run it is certain to prove
detrimental.
The proliferation of garbage associated with most mountain tourism has not
occurred in Lo (at least not to the same extent) because of the regulation that all groups must
carry out the garbage. The ACAP office in Kagbeni keeps a record of all non-biodegradable
items like plastic and tin cans that each group takes into Lo and these items have to be
carried out and accounted for when leaving the area. Potentially hazardous items like
batteries are also considered. This practice has restrained the propagation of non-
biodegradable waste in Lo. There are some leakages but it is not significant. What is
overlooked is the biodegradable garbage because of the notion that it will eventually
decompose and be absorbed by the soil. The fact is that these rubbish take exceedingly long
to disintegrate because of the extreme cold and harsh conditions prevalent in Lo. So the
wastes buried (the Lobas prohibit burning because of the belief that the smoke and foul smell
anger the local deities) in garbage dumps or toilet pits remain intact for years to come. This
reality has not been taken into consideration and the high rate at which the tourist traffic is
increasing will eventually make even biodegradable wastes a problem.
So far tourism has not had any visible direct impact on the flora and fauna of Lo.
That is because most wildlife in Lo remains far from human settlement or trails and
vegetation is extremely sparse comprising mostly of pastureland. Since tourist groups are
prohibited from straying from the beaten trails, they do not pose a threat to wildlife or
medicinal plants found in the high altitude grassland.
But there are plans to extend the tourist area to the Damodar Kund region that is
known to be a thriving habitat for wildlife like blue sheep, snow leopard, lynx, rabbits,
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marmots and various species of birds. As there are no designated trails in this region,3 9 3 the
probability of destroying the habitat and medicinal plants is inevitable unless paths are built
and the EO not only actually accompanies the group3 9 4 but also insures that the group does
not stray from the trails.
Incredibly, the area where tourism has had some negative effect is on the
pastureland of Lo. There is no obvious relation between touristic activities and the grassland
but it has been affected indirectly. The introduction of tourism in Lo resulted in the increase
of horse population as the trekking agencies were encouraged to hire horses rather than
porters to divert income to Loba households and also minimize demands on local resources.
Hoping to profit by this policy, many Lobas bought horses. The increasing horse population
now was further assaulting the already strained grassland. This resulted not only in
competition for sparse pasture with other livestock like yaks, sheep and goats but also
contributed to the degeneration of pastureland. The people involved in tourism have not yet
realized this connection between tourism and pastureland.
2) Economic Impact: Lobas assert that it was the potential of economic benefits
portrayed by the leaders that convinced them to allow tourists into their land. However, the
nature of tourism promoted in Lo has not made that possible. Each group is required to be
self-sufficient. They bring their own food and live in tents and hence contribute very little to
the local economy. There are only a few opportunities or enterprises that the Lobas can
exploit to gain some revenue from tourism.
m Only a handful of committed pilgrims travel to this sacred site since there are no human habitation here and all
food and fuel has to be brought along. Furthermore, traveling without a local guide is hazardous as there are no
visible trails in large sections and the trek is quite strenuous.
3 9 4 Ironically this area is high enough to give people altitude sickness and one need not feke it.
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The most obvious area for local profit is horse rentals to the trekking agencies. In the
beginning (1992) the rent for a horse was Rs.500 per day including the handler. This was
more expensive than the general wage for a porter3 9 5 but the horse could carry heavier loads
and the government guidelines encouraged using local horses. Initially, the Lobas who
rented out their pack animals were able to generate substantial income by local standards.
This led to an increase in the equestrian population of Lo. But by 1996, the rental rate for the
packhorses had dropped to around Rs.200-250 per day.3 9 6 There were several reasons for this
decline - increase in the supply of horses, competition and lack of unity between owners and
exploitation by the agencies. Even when the trekking agencies were employing horses, there
was no guarantee that Loba animals would be hired since horses from southern region of
Thak could also be rented. So not every group would hire Loba horses and when employed
they have to make extra trips (as mentioned earlier), which inflate their operating costs since
the animals and the handler have to be fed and cared for. Some Lobas try to alleviate the cost
by transporting commodities that can be sold. One local item that has a market in southern
Mustang is a type of red clay found in Lo. This clay was traditionally used by Thakali
households to paint the mud floors and the bottom section or border of walls throughout the
house. The Thakali women, renowned for their cleanliness painted the house virtually every
day. But this practice has practically stopped as new homes are built with cement and
wooden floors. Therefore, the demand for red clay is slowly diminishing. On the return trip,
they try to transport commodities that can be sold to some of the shops in Monthang or arak
3 9 5 The agencies did not want to divulge the wages paid to their porters but it varied from Rs. 110-200 depending
on the agency and the age and gender o f the porter (women porters received lower wages then their male
counterparts).
3 9 6 But if tourists wanted to hire horses for riding, the rent was Rs. 500. Most tourists walked but sometimes they
will want to ride for a day trip after arriving in Monthang.
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(alcohol) from Lupra which is highly regarded in Lo. The lowering of rental rates has further
reduced their income. To make matters worse, many group sirdars (leader of the staff)
demand a percentage3 9 7 of the rental from the owners. These hidden costs and leakages do
not make this enterprise as lucrative as it seems.
In other regions, local residents profit from operating lodges, hotels, restaurants and
tea stops. But the special nature of tourism in Lo makes that virtually impossible. The few
lodges and tea stops get some traffic but the amount is insignificant. The lodges are
sometimes used when the weather makes camping a nightmare like during heavy snowfall or
rain. The tourists are charged Rs. 50 (about US$1) per person but the EO, agency staff and
the porters stay for free. The group eats at their own kitchen. The porters will sometimes eat
at the lodges but often cook their own food. The agency staff members will often frequent
the lodges and teashops for tea, chang, arak or beer3 9 8 but the income engendered is minor.
Another source of income for the Lobas is renting camping sites. In Monthang, these
sites are usually privately owned uja (threshing ground), which make ideal camping locales
since most of them have protective walls and the ground, are relatively flat and smooth. The
earning depends on the size of the group since the fee is Rs. 20 per tent. As the groups stay
for not more than a couple of nights and the they are relatively small, the revenue from
campsites are meager but consistent and therefore desirable.
The enterprise that best brings cash income is selling tourist souvenirs. Loba vendors
sell tourist trinkets similar to those sold in cities like Kathmandu and Pokhara. In fact, these
souvenirs are bought in the markets of Kathmandu and Pokhara and sold here since there are
3 9 7 Rs.20 per horse per day was what one sirdar charged in 1996.
3 9 8 Hie prices at these lodges are comparatively very cheap, e.g. a bottle o f San Miguel beer can be as cheap as
Rs.120 whereas in Jomsom the price is Rs. 170.
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no products made locally (one exception being saligram or the fossil ammonite mentioned
earlier). The income generated depends on the items sold and the salesmanship of the
vendor. Rare and unique items fetch greater price than the commoner items. Sometimes
indigenous antiques are also sold at substantial prices (by local standard) although it is
illegal to sell antiques.3 9 9 But even from selling the regular items these vendors can make a
considerable amount of money particularly if the transaction is conducted in USS.4 0 0
After a group arrives and have set up their camp, the vendors converge and display
their items and wait for the tourists to check out what they have to offer- things like ethnic
jewelry, statues, bells and dorjes, drums and other ritual items, bracelets, saligrams, prayer
beads, stone carvings, masks, etc. They sit next to their goods and wait the whole day. When
a tourist shows interest in the merchandise there is always bargaining and haggling involved.
The vendors will stay put until time to go home in the evening or when none of the tourists
show any interest or when another new group arrives. Unlike in other area of Nepal, there
are no female vendors in Monthang. Because of the potential for cash generation, more
people are beginning to get involved in this trade. In the beginning there were only a few
people but now about 8-10 households4 0 1 are engaged in selling tourist souvenirs.
In 1995 one lodge owner started to offer local dance performances as an experiment.
He hired a couple of girls from the river settlement to sing and dance and charged the tourist
Rs.200 each. A couple of tourist showed up and a couple of days later he installed a sign that
3 9 9 One vendor said that he sold an old Zee bead for Rs.80,000.
4 0 0 When exchanged rate for the dollar in the blade market his higher than the official rate.
401A couple o f households participate intermittently.
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read “Local Dancing Here.” This venture remained a novelty and did not take off as the
owner had hoped.
Thus, tourism has not brought much benefit to the Lo economy. Employment
opportunities normally associated with mountain tourism do not exist here because of the
lack of lodges, hotels, restaurants, or portering.4 0 2 Nor can Lobas work for trekking agencies
since they do not have any training; furthermore, these agencies use their own staff
whenever possible. Similarly, local resources (like firewood and food) are not consumed as
in other areas since the groups are required to be selfsufficient. But even if it that was not
required, Lo has no firewood to offer and is a food deficit region and so could not profit by
it. In fact, many Lobas complain that tourism has brought rapid inflation to the region. It is
true that prices of food and cereals have shot up sharply but it is difficult to ascertain if
tourism is the sole cause.4 0 3 However, it would be safe to contend that tourism has
contributed to the rise in prices despite the self-sufficiency regulation. That is because the
porters and animals required to support the groups deplete the local food source. The
planners had not considered this indirect impact.
3) Social Impact: Tourism has exacerbated the gap between the rich and the poor
Lobas. The few benefits that tourism offers is reaped predominantly by the wealthy and elite
Lobas. The affluent households have more horses and thus can rent them out even during the
agricultural season whereas households with fewer animals cannot spare them. Furthermore,
agencies prefer owners who have a larger herd than individual animals since they need to
deal with only one individual. Thus, the income from horse rentals usually goes to the
4 0 2 Because the starting point o f the journey is Jomsom, trekking agencies hire porters from the lower regions.
4 0 3 Poor harvest could be also responsible.
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wealthier households. It is the same with campgrounds. Wealthy families have bigger uja
and can accommodate larger groups that bring more income than smaller groups.
Furthermore, because they have more land, even during the harvest season when the uja is
indispensable, they can spare other land. On the other hand, in the souvenir trade, only two
aristocratic households are involved. It offers opportunity to less affluent people but the rich
also have a stake in this business. They usually provide the more expensive items like
carpets or even antiques to the vendors on consignment. They can also provide financial
loans to the vendors. Thus, tourism in Lo is favoring the wealthy and increasing the
discrepancy between the rich and the poor.
As in other regions of Nepal, tourism has infused a “begging culture” all over Lo.
Throughout the trekking routes of Nepal, little children greet a visitor with their hands out
asking for sweets, pen and money.4 0 4 This is definitely associated with tourism, as this
phenomenon does not occur in non-tourist areas. When I visited Lo in 1990 there was not a
single child begging from travelers but when I entered Monthang in 1995, three years after
the first visitors had come to Lo, the Loba children surrounded me- all of them begging for
candy and money. In all tourist areas of Nepal this sort of behavior is very common amongst
the children but in Lo it has pervaded the whole society. Even the Loba adults have adopted
the begging strategy to obtain financial aid, concessions, and other favors from individuals,
institutions or the government. Generally the Lobas ask tourists to sponsor the education of
their children.4 0 5 Even I have been approached by several Lobas to help their children4 0 6 and
4 0 4 The common refrain is “Hello! Namaste! Meethai (candy)!” or “Hello! Namaste! Pen!” or “Hello! Namaste!
Money!.”
4 0 5 Because the Lobas know I am conversant in English, I have been asked to write letters to these foreign visitors
who had left them their address and promises o f help. In feet a few agreed to be sponsors.
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on one public occasion (during the repair of the irrigation canal) I was asked to make a
contribution, which I did. Requesting help from government officials is nothing new to most
of us, but in the remote areas of Nepal like Lo, which had been neglected and marginalized
for centuries, the people seldom approached the authorities for anything since it would never
materialize. But now these officials are besieged with requests.
O f all the traditional institutions, the monasteries have profited most from tourism.
Visitors have to pay Rs.100 each to see the gonpa. Both Thubchen and Chamba monasteries
are high on the list of must-see heritage sites. But these gonpas are not “living monasteries”
that is they have no resident monastic order. They belong to the town and are always kept
locked except during the mornings or evenings when the water offerings are changed and
butter lamps lit by the designated kongyer or caretaker, which may not necessarily coincide
with the visitors’ schedule. Often the kongyer needs to be specially sought out to unlock the
doors. During the busy agricultural season, it becomes difficult if not virtually impossible to
track down the kongyer as the person could be anywhere- in the distant fields or gone to the
alpine pastures to get dung. Despite this problem, both monasteries receive many visitors
and have made substantial income.
But the monastery that has benefited the most from tourism is the Chodde gonpa, in
particular the Tsechhen Shedrubling Monastic School. Tourists liked visiting Chodde gonpa
because of the active monastic order and the potential to witness some of the rituals; but they
were equally attracted to the monastic school and totally captivated by the little cute boys in
monk’s robes. Many expressed their support by buying school souvenirs like T-shirts and
postcards or even by sponsoring the living and educating expenses of the little novice
4 0 6 Mainly for sponsoring their children to come to the United States.
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monks. Moreover, the majority of the funding for the establishment and management of this
school came from foreign donors and tourist fees.
The government established school on the other hand has not benefited to the same
level as the monastic school. A Nepali living in Germany led a group to Monthang and
donated books, copies, musical instruments and other materials to the public school but most
tourists do not visit nor have a rapport with the school. It can even be argued that tourism
impacts negatively, albeit in a very limited fashion, to the public school in Monthang. As
mentioned earlier, two of the teachers in this school are resident Lobas of Monthang. Both
are also engaged in the souvenir trade. The moment a new group of tourist arrives, they
abandon everything they are doing at the school and go to the camps to set up shop. Their
frequent absences probably affect the education of the children. To begin with the quality of
education is terrible and the absence of two Loba teachers may seem insignificant but the
opportunity to explain, communicate and teach in the Loba language (to the smallest
children who cannot speak Nepali) is wasted and that is certainly a significant loss.
In the agriculture sector especially during the harvest season, tourism can cause
hardships by creating a labor shortage. The households involved in selling souvenirs have to
choose between helping in agricultural activities and the allurement of obtaining much
needed cash from the tourists. They normally opt for the latter. This creates a temporary
labor shortage for the vendor’s household and the other members of the family who have to
make up for it. Furthermore, since the vendors wait there throughout the whole day, family
members have to take them food and drink since they cannot abandon their merchandise for
fear of missing a sale. This further diverts the labor pool from other activities although only
for a short period. In 1996, the vendors pooled money to pay someone to make tea and
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snacks and bring it to the campsite but lunch is still catered by individual family. The
vendors justify the choice by asserting that the cash they make is very crucial and more than
compensates for the shortage and hardship placed on other family members. This is certainly
true but several vendors also confessed that they preferred selling souvenirs to toiling in the
fields because it was easier and more enjoyable.
4) Cultural Impact: The most common criticism of tourism is the negative impact it
has on the cultures of traditional societies particularly the degeneration or disappearance of
traditional values, customs and practices. Western values in particular have proven very
powerful and seductive in undermining indigenous cultures. Many visitors fear that the
same thing is happening to Lo culture.
This observation is primarily based on the way the younger Loba males are dressed.
Unlike the older males who generally wear the traditional chuba, the younger generations
prefer the western type of apparel- trousers, shirts, jackets, baseball hats, and sneakers. But
this cannot be attributed entirely to tourism for the Lobas have been influenced by other
different cultures like the Nepali and Indian cultures. The Hindu Nepali culture is dominant
throughout Nepal while the Indian influence is manifest mainly through Hindi films from
Bollywood. Many Lobas also come in contact with Indian values and beliefs when they
migrate for the sweater trade. Prior to the arrival of the tourists, the Lobas emulated the dress
fashion of the Nepali youths of Kathmandu and Pokhara or the heroes of Indian films. But
both Nepali and Indian fashion were in turn molded by Western influence so in emulating
them the Lobas were in fact already imitating Western fashion albeit vicariously. So when
the tourists arrived, the Lobas literally got the real stuff instead of the imitation. These items
were acquired by outright buying from or bartering with the visitors- Gortex being the most
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preferred brand. So tourism did not initiate the change but merely accelerated a process
already in progress. The foregoing applies only to the males. The female Loba still adheres
to the tradition chuba. Some older women dress totally in traditional fashion {chuba, kiten,
sanggoyae-a black wool cape and even the som&a-traditional Tibetan shoes)4 0 7 while others
make shoes the only exception- wearing sneakers instead of somba. The younger females
prefer sweaters and jackets to sanggoyae, and sneakers to somba but all females still wear
the chuba. They are never seen in trousers, skirt, sari ‘ ““or kurtha surwal,4 0 9 the only
exception being little girls who sometimes wear trousers or even frocks in the summer.
Another criticism of tourism is that it commercializes and commodifies traditions
and practices. Virtually all tourists who come to Lo are very keen on observing the Tenji
festival since it is not only the most important Loba festival but also the most spectacular
and the most publicized Loba event. This has led to a large convergence of tour groups
around the time Tenji is held. Initially when there were only a handful of visitors, they were
given special sitting spaces on the eastern side of the dancing arena where the king and his
retinue sit. Chairs and benches were provided for them. But as the number of visitors
increased in the latter years, the northern side was also assigned to the visitors. They were
accorded front seats which would normally have been occupied by the Lobas sitting on the
4 0 7 These shoes are made of wool with leather or wool soles and are like boots with the top almost reaching the
knees. It is secured by tying the boot just above the calf with a thin woolen belt called rrhamto. There are many
kinds o f shoes, the ordinary one is called somba while one o f good quality is called somba kopsa and the best
quality is called somba fachitt which has special decorations and embroidery and is only worn during wedding or
when visiting gonpas. There is another kind called somba koto which has the leather of the soles upturned all the
way to meet the woolen part high up. With these shoes it is possible to walk in normal amount o f snow without
getting the feet wet.
4 0 8 A long piece o f cloth wrapped around the body by Nepali and Indian women.
4 0 9 A long dress (tight or loose) on top with trousers and a piece o f scarf thrown across the chest. Although this is
originally an Indian and Pakistani dress, it is very popular in Nepal.
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floor, particularly children and women as the men prefer to stand and so are at the back of
the crowd.
In 1996 when ACAP was finalizing the plans for Tenji, there were some suggestions
that the tourists should be charged a special fee for being allowed front seats and that more
areas should be assigned to the visitors. There were even talks of enhancing the ceremonies
and building bleachers exclusively for the tourists. This would have further displaced the
people and altered the dynamics of the ritual. Fortunately, wiser heads prevailed and these
ideas were abandoned because it was argued that the people would not be able to participate
and since the festival was for and of the people, priority should be given to the people and
not to the visitors.
One group had miscalculated the festival date and arrived several days too early. As
they would not be able to witness the festival, they paid the monastery to see the dance
practices taking place inside the gonpa and even persuaded the monks to don some masks
and costumes that are normally not used during rehearsal practices. After this incident one
monk commented that maybe in the future the practice sessions should also be advertised to
groups that will not be able to see the real dances. So in a way the commercialization of the
Tenji festival has begun and with increasing number of visitors wanting to be in Monthang
during this event, the commodification process is bound to extend.
The effort to market local dancing and singing (mentioned above) to the tourists is
another example of this process. There were plans by the mothers’ group to generate funds
by performing traditional songs and dances in the tourist camps. Different groups even held
practice sessions but when misunderstanding arose and the relation between them and ACAP
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soured, the mothers’ group stopped practicing and the plans did not materialize.4 1 0 Prior to
the dissolution, they did perform once but that was on a special occasion. Two groups
comprising of members of AHF (American Himalayan Foundation), a major donor to ACAP
had come to Monthang and to welcome them, ACAP asked the mothers’ group to perform in
front of these guests.
Ascertaining the impact of tourism on the social and cultural aspect of any society is
problematic since they are not easily discernible. In addition, isolating tourism as the sole
cause can be difficult for many factors are usually involved in any social or cultural change.
Moreover, reliable assessment requires long-term study since the effects do not manifest
immediately but may take a long time. Since tourism in Lo is in its infancy, no definite
verdict can be proclaimed but there are indications that point towards probable consequences
that will be elaborated below.
4 1 0 Prior to the dissolution, they did perform once but that was on a special occasion. Two groups comprising o f
members of AHF (American Himalayan Foundation), a major donor to ACAP had come to Monthang and to
welcome them, ACAP asked the mothers’ group to perform in front o f these guests.
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Chapter 5. Conclusion:
Tourism is a multi-faceted and a very complex phenomenon and hence the
innumerable and innovative approaches to the study of tourism both between and within
disciplines. But serious tourism research is of recent occurrence although tourism has been
with us for a long time. This is because of the way academia perceived research in this area.
In the field of geography, the earliest discipline to investigate tourism, it was regarded with
disdain (Mitchell 1979:236). In political science, Matthews and Richter (1991:122)
mention, “For years, scholarly research on tourism was seen as ‘frivolous’ and not
appropriate for mature scholars” (quoted in Nash 1996:2). Lanfant (1993) reveals the
difficulty encountered in trying to bring tourism into the mainstream French sociology. And
it was no different in anthropology as Smith (1978: 274) recounts how in the early period
she was discouraged from conducting research in tourism (in Crick 1996:18) and Nash
(1996: 2) writes, “Anyone studying tourism, which would seem to involve leisure, would
therefore be concerning themselves with something that was not to be taken seriously. This
may be one reason for the puzzled or condescending attitude of colleagues that greeted
scholars bent on a study of tourism.” Since tourism evokes images of indulgence, play,
escape and hedonism it could not be conceived as possessing any serious potential for
dignified study.
In addition, the very nature of the anthropological exploration was averse to tourism
research. Generally the subject of most anthropological research has been the ‘exotic other’
whereas most tourists (until recently) have been individuals from the anthropologists’ own
community. Fieldwork, undertaking long-term research in far away (and often strange or
exotic) places amongst people with unfamiliar customs and languages has been the hallmark
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of anthropology from the time of Boas and Malinowski. Experiencing this liminal state
(fieldwork) replete with anxieties, discovery, conflict, excitement, euphoria, depression,
diseases and even potential death, is considered a virtual rite of passage for any aspiring
anthropologist. We associate many of our significant anthropological ancestors with the
areas and peoples where their fieldwork was accomplished- Boas with Kwakiutl,
Malinowski with Trobriands, Evans-Pritchard with the Nuer, Firth with Tikopia and so forth.
This unique tradition cannot be replicated in one’s own community amongst the familiar and
the known (the tourist) so tourism was not very appealing especially when there were many
other communities in the world that had not been studied.
It is only within the last twenty years that tourism research has been accepted into
the mainstream academia which has resulted in unprecedented interest in this sub discipline.
A testimony to its legitimacy is the fact that a book about the future of anthropology (Ahmed
and Shore, eds. 1995) has incorporated two chapters on tourism. The exponential growth in
tourism research has produced many diverse conceptual approaches. Watson and
Kopachevsky (1996:281) offers some of the ways in which tourism has been
conceptualized- as an agent of change (Greenwood 1972); a form of migration (Cohen
1972); a sacred crusade or pilgrimage for authenticity (MacCannell 1976); play (Grabun
1983a; Cohen 1985); a form of imperialism (Nash 1977; Harrison 1985; Crick 1989);
cultural commodification (Greenwood 1977); a sacred journey or pilgrimage (Grabun 1977,
1983b; Allcock 1988); a form of colonialism and friendly conquest (Krippendorf 1989); an
acculturation process (Cohen 1984); a type of ethnic relations (van den Berghe 1980); a form
of leisure (Nash 1981); and so on. These diverse concepts of tourism depict the complexity
of the phenomenon and illustrate the point that tourism is not monolithic. Many authors
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(Cohen 1972, 1979a, 1979c, 1988b; Redfoot 1984; Pearce 1978; Smith 1977, 1989; and
Hamilton-Smith 1987 among others) have developed interesting and heuristic typologies of
tourists and tourism (ibid).
The majority of anthropological research has been and still continues to be
concentrated on the impact side of tourism, almost exclusively focused on the host
communities (generally Third World communities). Initially most of the accounts were
unfavorable and negative. Tourism was presented as destructive to the host culture, causing
inflation to local economy, moral degeneration, deforestation and environmental damage,
and generally being exploitative. Greenwood’s research on the Basque community of
Fuenterrabia, Nunez’s on CajithMn in Mexico or other authors in the first edition of Hosts
and Guests (1977) were all critical of tourism. However, a decade later, this negative view
was tempered when long-term study revealed a different picture. It led some authors
(Greenwood and Smith in particular) of Hosts and Guests in the second edition (1989) to
contend that the changes they had attributed to tourism had other causes and that tourism
was not as devastating as they had earlier asserted. This realization has fostered a more
balanced approach amongst many recent works. Tourism research remains driven by
interesting concepts a few of which will be presented here.
The Sacred Journey: Nelson Grabun (1977:17-31) elaborated on the concept of
Tourism as a “Sacred Journey” although it was MacCannel (1973) who first drew attention
to the similarity between tourism and religious pilgrimage. The “sacred” aspect of tourism
can be understood only by examining the relationship between work and leisure (play). The
rationalization of work began in the industrial era when work was conceived as a commodity
that could and needed to be controlled, manipulated and structured. So a paradigm shift
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(from work as task-oriented to time-oriented) was ushered by the industrialists with strict
imposition of such alien concepts; as attendance and punctuality.4 1 1 Soon work began to be
“valued for its own sake and not merely as a remedy for idleness” (Urry 1990:19). This in
combination with the Protestant work ethic fiirthered the notion that work was not only
essential but also positive and proper. So people who stayed home and did not work were
labeled “bums.”
But later as work became routinized and widespread it was perceived as mundane
and boring which led to the promotion of leisure and travel. When travel and leisure was
explicitly an upper class elitist pastime, it was viewed as hedonistic and unproductive but as
the industrial force grew and work became mundane, travel and leisure were regard as
positive and desirable since it was seen as recharging and renewing the spirit of the traveler
(worker) making the worker more productive. The extensive acceptance and implementation
of this notion soon resulted in dissociation of the utilitarian motive. Vacationing for its own
sake, for the sheer pleasure rather than enhancing productivity, became a legitimate social
aspect of modem life. However, travel had to be voluntary, as traveling for work was not
considered a proper vacation. Thus modem life for the average person was a long continuum
of work interspersed with short periods of vacations. It is in this context that tourism is seen
as sacred for work is the ordinary, mundane, everyday occurrence whereas vacation is non
ordinary (in many cases extra-ordinary).
Grabun (1977) draws partly on Durkheim’s (1912) notion of the sacred (the non
ordinary experience) and the profane and applies Mauss’s (1898) analysis of rituals of
sacrifice to illustrate the sacredness of tourism: the alternation between the ordinary and the
4 1 1 Enforcing fines and punishments for truancy and tardiness (Urry 1990:19).
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non-ordinary states and the significance of the transition phase which leads to sacralization.
Grabun (ibid) also utilizes Leach’s (1961:132-36) concept of the flow of time- “...the notion
that time is a ‘discontinuity of repeated contrasts’ is probably the most elementary and
primitive of all ways of regarding time... The year’s progress is marked by a succession of
festivals. Each festival represents a temporary shift from the Normal-Profane order of
existence into the Abnormal-Sacred order and back again.” The contrast between profane
and sacred or rather the passage from one state to the other is an important period in social
life and often is the marker of time itself as when the end of the year is signified by an event
like the annual holiday or Christmas. Grabun (ibid: 21) adopts Leach’s diagram representing
the pattern of time flow (fig.l below) but adds “tourism” to the “sacred” region.
C G
B Sacred D F Sacred
Tourism
A E
Profane Profane
Work Work
..........................—............... Direction of flow of tim e--------------------------►
(After Leach 1961: 134)
Fig. 6 Time Flow
Grabun argues that vacations involving travel (tourism), are “ the modem equivalent for
secular societies to the annual and lifelong sequences of festivals for more traditional, God
fearing societies.” Leach contends that traditional societies marked the passage of time by
the observance of series of festivals (sacred). His diagram is applied to “people who do not
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possess calendars of the Nautical Almanac type...” (Leach ibid: 134). Grabum however
asserts that “the ‘scientific, secular* Westerner gains greater meaning from the personal
rather than the numerical in life. We are happier and better recall the loaded symbolic time
markers: ‘That was the year we went to Rome’ rather than ‘that was 1957,’ for the former
identifies the nonordinary, the festive or ritual” (1977:21). The significant and meaningful
events thus act as markers of time and life itself. Hence the periods A and C in Figure 1
above are both parts of our lives but “of a different moral quality.” The profane period, A, is
our ordinary, everyday mundane life which is characterized by the “That’s life!” expression.
Whereas period C represents the extraordinary events and experiences described as being
more “real” than “real life.” So vacation and tourism are described as “I was really living,
living it up... I never felt so alive” in contrast to the daily humdrum often termed a “dog’s
life” (ibid:22). These two phases of our lives are distinguished by rituals or celebrations
particularly at the transitional stage when one life ends and the other begins. In the diagram
the first transition is indicated by period B, a time when we celebrate the anticipation of the
exciting and sacred life and also the end of the ordinary state with going-away parties. When
returning, the entry ritual at time D is also celebrated but divided between the farewell party
(the last night at which everyone gathers) and the welcome party, re-entry into the work and
ordinary life. Unlike the going-away parties, these celebrations are both tinged with sadness.
Both transition times, B and D are periods full of ambivalence and tension if not
danger. The going away period (B) is supposed to be a happy and joyous occasion but
“medical records show that people are more accident prone when going away; are excited
and nervous, even to the point of being sick; and Van Gennep (1914) suggests that the
sacralization phase of symbolic death lies within our consciousness” (ibid). We are all
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aware, however vaguely, that travel entails an element of uncertainty and danger, the
possibility of death as media accounts constantly remind us of plane, car and train accidents.
Before embarking on our vacations all of us, no matter how fleetingly think of ourselves
being involved in some disaster and so we ensure that the plants will be watered, pets taken
care of, finances sorted out, put things in order and even make new wills- just in case we
never return. Parting and bidding goodbyes to loved ones often entail a little crying, as at a
funeral, for Grabum contends that “we are dying symbolically.”
The re-entry period (D) is also fraught with ambivalence. We are reluctant to end
our holiday and the excitement we are experiencing but at the same time we are relieved to
come home to our ordinary life and terminate the highly charged, tense and emotional phase
of our holiday. However, we come back changed, relaxed and renewed (the main objective
of tourism), with new perspectives and experiences so that plunging into the old life is often
accompanied by culture shock.
Grabum also draws a symbolic parallel between the financial aspects of tourism. We
acquire and save money for our vacations just as we acquire tedium and worries in our
working ordinary life. During vacation, as the accumulated money gradually gets spent, all
the stockpiled worries correspondingly dissipates. Depletion of finances is hopefully
accompanied by the draining of “cares and worries- with the converse accumulation of new
perspectives and general well-being” (ibid: 23). The memories of the wonderful times serve
to induce a desire for the next vacation and so the acquisition of finance (and worries) is
planned in anticipation of the ensuing holiday and the cycle begins all over again except that
the period F and G will be different from B and C because of having experienced A through
E.
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The alternation between the ordinary and the extraordinary that has been
documented here manifests at a macro-level, however, it can also be applied at the micro-
level. On a weekly cycle we celebrate TGIF (Thank God it is Friday), we welcome Fridays
and feel buoyant when it arrives because (like period B) it is the transitional day that heralds
the weekend (holiday). Most of us are grouchy or not at our best on Mondays because (like
period D) it signals the days of tedious work ahead. The micro-model motif can also be
applied to the daily routine of the vacationer. The time spent at the hotel resting and sleeping
corresponds to the profane period and the “heightened excitement of each new day” as the
tourist ventures out is the sacred segment and it all ends, temporarily as he/she returns to the
hotel to rest. Often the practice of late nightlife (something not indulged back home) is a
frantic attempt “to prolong the ‘high’- to remain in the sacred, altered state- and delay the
‘come down’ as long as possible.”
The Journey Motif: The motif of journey is almost a universal description of life.
One’s life begins at birth and ends in death with many successive events characterizing
changed status as the temporal progression advances in a linear fashion. A journey too has a
beginning and an end with a sequence of events occurring in-between. A touristic journey
begins and ends at home.
Generally speaking, all journeys have a purpose but the values that spur a journey
are culturally specific. "In many American Indian societies, a young man left the camp alone
to travel and suffer, and to meet the right spirit in order to advance to the next higher status
on the journey through life” (Grabum 1977:22). Arduous pilgrimages were undertaken in
India, in medieval Europe and in the Islamic world for spiritual enlightenment whereas a
visit to Las Vegas is motivated by pleasure. Whatever the goals of the journey, it has to be
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morally justified and sanctioned by one’s society. Traditionally, the rewards for completing
pilgrimages were accumulation of grace and moral leadership and hence enhanced status in
the community. But these goals have now changed (although a pilgrim from a remote area
visiting Mecca or other holy sites may still acquire the same reward). “The rewards of
modem tourism are phrased in terms of values we now hold up for worship: mental and
physical health, social status, and diverse, exotic experiences” (ibid).
Another characteristic of a journey is the Holy Grail syndrome, the quest of a myth
that a journey aims to fulfill. All holidays are driven by specific myths and the “success of a
holiday is proportionate to the degree that the myth is realized” (ibid:28). To assure that the
myth has been fulfilled, that we actually did travel and visit those exotic places, we bring
back some evidence as proof- be they folk art, match covers or rolls of exposed films.
“Souvenirs are tangible evidences of travel that are often shared with family and friends, but
what one really brings back are memories of experiences” (ibid). Rarely does a tourist return
without souvenirs or some evidence of the visit. When sharing the souvenirs with family and
friends, the experiences are relived once more and often this generates a desire to go back
again or at least a desire for another journey in the future. Souvenir hunting or collecting is
not a modem phenomenon but has always been an integral aspect of the journey. Pilgrims
even in ancient times inevitably brought back some items from their pilgrimage to show or
share with folks back home- statuettes, sketches or some representative icons, holy water,
sanctified offerings, copies of sacred books and many other items.
Journeys are judged by the arduousness and the distance covered. The more
demanding and lengthy the journey (the more removed from the ordinary state), the more
prestigious it gets. Depending on the kind of tourism, touristic travels are also subjected to
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similar “hierarchies of prestige.” Those engaged in Ethnic Tourism rate a visit to more exotic
and remote societies as better than the often visited and more accessible communities.
Environmental tourists regard areas that offer solitude and personal challenge more desirable
than others. In Mountain Tourism, climbing the Himalaya is the ultimate and scaling other
mountain ranges- the Alps or the Andes- does not have the same status. All travel involves
some element of danger and the greater the potential for peril the better it is, especially for
the younger traveler. Grabum states “....these dangerous and effortful styles of tourism seem
to attract the young, as a kind of self-imposed rite of passage to prove to themselves and to
their peers that they can make their own way in life- probably never to be repeat it later on....
For the youthful traveler, Cohen (1973) notes that voluntary poverty is the sacred non
ordinary quality of tourism for the middle-class ‘Nomads from Affluence’” (ibid30). The
least prestigious travel for youths is the type where far away exotic people and places are
encountered but from a comfortable space and distance- air-conditioned buses or cars and
through the viewfinders of their cameras (characteristic of the mass tourism which is
associated with the image of the tourist these days). Whatever the forms (and there are many
more), the time spent on the tour also matters. The longer the vacation the more prestigious
it is considered- ten days in Kenya does not have the same status as a month.
Since both the sacred aspect and the journey motif are present in touristic travels,
Grabum has likened tourism to a Sacred Journey but in a secular sense. He concludes that
although multitude of reasons can be attributed for tourism, the fundamental motive “seems
to be the human need for recreation. Tourism is one manifestation of the fulfillment of this
need....” (ibid 31).
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Form of Imperialism: Dennison Nash (1977:33-47) first suggested tourism as an
imperialistic force but couched it in a broader context of colonialism. He uses an extended
concept of imperialism: “At the most general level, theories of imperialism refer to the
expansion of a society’s interests abroad. These interests- whether economic, political,
military, religious, or some other- are imposed on or adopted by an alien society, and
evolving intersocietal transactions, marked by the ebb and flow of power, are established”
(ibid 34). These transactions will impact the societies involved in different ways.
In such a situation the impact on the host and usually the less developed nations has
been well documented but it is the sociohistorical process leading to the negative
consequences that needs to be delved into. To explore this particular aspect, Nash suggests
that the theoretical framework should be as broad as possible so that it can be applied to any
situation- from the ancient Roman and Greek holidays and pilgrimages to skiing at St.
Moritz or a holiday in India.
The history of tourism clearly indicates that tourism occurs and flourishes only when
leisure is abundantly available. The generation of leisure on the other hand is possible or is
directly connected to the level of productivity- the higher the level of productivity the greater
the amount of leisure it can sustain. So Nash contends that central to the study of tourism is
the level of productivity and the control over the generation of leisure. Many have
maintained that economic factors and transport facilities are crucial to engendering tourism
whereas others like Grabum (above) contend that it is the universal human need for
“recreation” or variation that generates the touristic impulse. But Nash asserts that even with
accumulation of wealth, improvement in travel facilities and the impulse to satisfy a
universal need, this need cannot be fulfilled without a high level of productivity to bolster
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leisure. From this perspective, metropolitan centers that have higher productivity levels, are
viewed as fostering the greatest amount of leisure and touristic activities and hence their
control over them is what makes these centers imperialistic and tourism a form of
imperialism.
To illustrate this process, Nash presents an extreme, “almost ideal-type example”-
the case of a North American tourist who not only expects but demands the amenities of
home like hot running water, food (fast food) or the use of English language while
vacationing abroad in strange exotic places. A vast industry of metropolitan touristic
infrastructure stands ready to fulfill these expectations. It does so by engaging the native
people in transactions that are marked by disparity in power.
An examination of the development of tourist destinations will further explicate this
argument. In the quest for factors contributing to certain areas becoming touristically linked
to metropolitan centers, Nash (ibid:38) summons Forster’s (1964:219) arguments, mostly
regarding costs: the availability of cheap and adequate transport to these areas which must
also have a slightly lower standard of living than the tourist generating areas. Also these
areas must be sufficiently different to “satisfy the touristic impulse” but even these
differences must be compatible with the touristic needs of the metropolitan centers, often
described as “charm, beauty, or excitement.” The creation of touristic areas is therefore
contingent on the “needs and resources of productive centers and their people” (ibid 37).
Hence there is a direct connection between the tourist generating centers and the areas
serving it- one cannot examine the characteristics of Miami Beach and the Catskills without
considering New York City or the early modern period in Italy without reference to England.
O f course, metropolitan productive centers are not exclusively responsible for the creation of
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tourist areas as in many cases native people themselves take the initiative to promote their
areas. However, Nash observes that even when this happens, it is explicitly to fulfill the
needs and requirements of the metropolitan centers and so he views this as being
collaborative in the touristic expansion of these centers. Therefore, there is a need to explore
the disparities in the power relations and why and how certain relationships are considered
advantageous. Nash suggests applying some kind of maximizing model as used by Barth
(1963; 1967).
Once a touristic area has been created, many kinds of transactions (short/long,
cyclical/non-cyclical, simple/complex) emerge between the tourist, the host and the various
organizations and societies involved. The relationship between tourists and hosts can be
terminated by either party at any time, such as when political instability or hostility towards
tourists causes the metropolitan centers to annul the relationship or when tourist
representatives attempt to interfere in internal politics or debase local institutions and the
hosts decide to end the touristic transactions. But the termination of this transaction will be
more devastating to the host since it is enmeshed in a dependent relationship.
One of the conditions defining the touristic transactions is the condition of
strangerhood. Nash draws on Simmel’s (1950:402-7) concept of the stranger as a temporary
sojourner who does not share the essential qualities of host group life and that “Strangers are
not really conceived as individuals, but as strangers of a particular type” (quoted in Nash
1977:40). Not only are strangers categorized as types but also as objects (both by hosts and
tourists). The reason, at least in the earlier period of the transaction, is that “People who treat
others as objects are less likely to be controlled by constraints of personal involvement and
will feel freer to act in terms of their own self-interest” (Nash:ibid). This freedom to pursue
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self-interest without personal culpability fosters and facilitates the imperialistic tendencies.
Strangerhood discourages or at least makes problematic the desire for involvement causing
strangers to cluster together with other fellow strangers rather than confront the confusion
and predicament of an alien situation. To mediate this situation and facilitate the host-
stranger relation, organization and specialists referred to as “culture brokers” emerge and
assume an ever-increasing important role. The potential of the culture brokers to influence
the transaction and the resultant asymmetrical power balance results in imperialistic actions.
So Nash suggests that these transactions have to be examined on a broader scale taking into
account the extensive social structures with which they are connected and a comprehensive
analysis must consider these organizations and agents (culture brokers) and how they
mediate the host-tourist relations.
Besides the conditions of strangerhood, the very nature of tourism itself exhibits
imperialistic attributes, particularly in the disposition of the guest-host relationship. The
tourist is a person at leisure, at play, whereas the hosts, agents and people involved in
maintaining the touristic infrastructures are “at work”- working to fulfill the touristic goals
and aspirations of the guests (tourists). The disparity in this relation is related to the attitudes
that both parties bring into this transaction- those associated with leisure and work. Or “To
put it more succinctly, others must serve while the tourists plays, rests, cures, or mentally
enriches himself’ (Nash: 41). Although this disparity is blatantly obvious in situations where
the tourists from industrial nations visit Third World countries, it holds true even in domestic
tourism. The leisure-work distinction keeps the hosts and guests separate even when they
come from the same culture and is further exacerbated when different cultures are involved.
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Thus the combination of strangerhood and the leisure-work distinction bolsters the
differentiation of the roles and characteristics of the hosts and guests, leading to various
consequences especially for the host community. In the host-guest transaction, it is the host
that ends up making the necessary adaptations to maintain the touristic process. The tourist is
not normally expected to adapt to the social, cultural, linguistic or culinary aspect of the host
community even when he or she desires to be involved with the “essential life of the host
society”. The burden of adaptation falls mainly on the hosts. Even when the hosts willingly
“choose” to undertake the burden and the responsibilities of adjustments, Nash contends that
in reality they do not have any alternative choice.
Tourism has also been perceived as an agent of change, as play, acculturation,
commodification, development, etc. The commodification, acculturation and change have
already been briefly alluded to earlier. The concept that is relevant to study of tourism in Lo
is “tourism as development”. The genesis of this approach can be attributed to the history of
tourism research and the scholars involved. In social sciences, tourism research was
originally shaped and influenced by economists who were the first social scientists to study
tourism. They advocated the modernization theory within the development paradigm and
some portrayed tourism as the goose that lays the golden eggs. The economists touted the
multifarious benefits that tourism would reap like economic growth, foreign exchange
generation, employment opportunities, infrastructure development, and improved standard of
living via ripple or multiplier effect. It was a picture that few developing countries could
ignore particularly if the nation had little or no exportable resources.
Nepali leaders, like most other Third World leaders throughout the globe, adopted
this concept in the task of nation building. It did not matter that tourism had a negative
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impact on the social and cultural aspects of many communities for they regarded traditional
cultures as remnants of the past and a hindrance to the march towards modernization and
development. The primary concern of the planners and authorities was revenue generation
and acquiring convertible foreign currencies. It was only when the environmental pollution
in mountain trekking routes got so egregious and the trekkers began to complain about the
litter all along the paths that the leaders exhibited concern. Even then it was the threat of
losing revenue4 1 2 that prompted some action and not the actual environmental degradation.
Social and cultural degeneration were not even considered. It was only with the
implementation of the ACAP model that the interests of the indigenous population were
taken into account. This model was initiated not by the authorities but by a NGO and the
approval was granted not so much for the innovative nature or logic of the model but
because prince Gynendra4 1 3 headed the NGO (KMTNC) that proposed it. Without this royal
connection, it is doubtful if this model would have been approved let alone implemented.
Since environmental, social and cultural components were embedded in this form of
management, tourism as development was also to address these aspects.
Some of the above mentioned concepts and approaches will be applied when
analyzing tourism in Lo. Because of the vast and multi-faceted nature of tourism, no one
theoretical approach is adequate to explicate the phenomenon. A more enriching and
complete understanding of such complex phenomenon (or even simpler ones) is possible by
incorporate many voices, even diametrically opposed ones. In fact it is imperative that
4 1 2 The fear that the offensive environment would turn off trekkers was very real since over 60% o f all visitors
undertake this form of touristic activity. If trekking was not the major activity for the visitors, the number o f days
spent in Nepal would be reduced and so would visa revenues let alone other earnings from trekking permits and
number o f people visiting the nation.
4 1 3 Now the present king after the massacre of the royal family.
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opposing views have existential space and voice. A Hindu-Buddhist symbol or model of
reality4 1 4 called Indrajala (Indra’s Net)4 1 5 is an extremely appropriate representation that fit
this requirement. According to this notion, Indrajala consists of countless light-radiating
jewels ail connected to each other like a web or a net. Each jewel contains similar webs and
at any given moment represents the whole web4 1 6 so that a change in the jewel or the
connection affects the whole net which means that other jewels are also impacted and the
process is a continuous one of change and evolution. This is a mental visualization or
illustration of the more abstract and philosophical concept of pratityasamutpada which has
been translated as “dependent co-origination”. This concept emerges from the Buddhist
notion of sunyata or emptiness which technically means lack of intrinsic or independent
existence or essence in all things and phenomena. In other words, all things and phenomena
are contingent upon other conditions that in turn have the nature of being impermanent and
also conditional.4 1 7 Since nothing has independent existence, the nature of reality is defined
by dependence on conditions, convention, characterization, imputation, designation, etc.
The emphasis of this concept is that all things are interdependent, interconnected and inter
related. Thus the reified example of Indrajala4 1 8 where the jewels can be viewed as sphere
4 1 4 From the micro to the macro, from life in this world to the whole universe.
4 1 5 In Hindu mythology, Indra is the king o f heaven.
4 1 6 Similar to a drop of water reflecting the whole ocean.
4 1 7 Many commentaries have elaborated on the work o f Nagarjuna, the famous and influential Indian Mahayana
Buddhist philosopher who lived around the second century C.E. His most important work
Mulamadhyamakakarika (Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way) has been particularly significant.
4 1 8 There is also another connotation commonly applied to Indrajala and that is the concept of a maze or an
illusion from which it is difficult to escape.
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or domains of human interest, activities, categories or institutions, etc. and the connecting
threads as relations and interactions between the spheres.
But not all domains are of equal significance since importance is dependent on the
number of connections and links it has fostered. The more connected the domain is the more
spheres it can impact and conversely the more probability that it will be impacted. The
determinants of the connections are human agents or actors who are motivated by
innumerable factors- biological drives, psychological needs, spiritual or material desires,
personal motivations, etc. so that a domain is constantly in flux. A change in any domain
will affect many other domains changing the structure of the entire web.
With this road map in mind, I would like to explore the interdependent nature of
tourism in Lo. Tourism can be examined in many different ways but the broad headings
provided by Cohen (1996:53) is very useful: “...the tourist, relations between tourists and
locals, the structure and functioning of the tourist system, and the consequences of tourism.”
1) The Tourist. The tourist is the most problematic category to research and study in
the traditional anthropological fashion vis-a-vis extended and involved fieldwork. First of
all, tourists are not only extremely mobile but also transitory by nature. This is more acute in
mountain tourism since they are constantly on the move whereas in other forms like resort
tourism the tourists tend to spend more time in one place. And in Lo, it is virtually
impossible to spend more than two nights at any given place because of the high costs-both
for the permit and the trekking agency. But even if one could afford and wanted to stay
longer, the regulation that the group must stay together rules out this possibility. So whatever
data and information collected on the tourists, particularly the subjective kind, are by nature
cursory and preliminary. In short, it is impractical to conduct a proper fieldwork on these
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fleeting visitors if in-depth and meaningful data are essential. This could be overcome by
traveling with the group and following them around but that would be prohibitively
expensive for any researcher.
Second, there is the communication barrier. Since the visitors could be from any
country, the researcher would have to be fluent in multiple languages, particularly when the
group comprised of mixed nationalities. For example, it was not possible to conduct any
meaningful interviews with many non-English speaking visitors since I was conversant in
that language only. Hence the input of French, German, Italian, Japanese, and other
nationalities could not be included. One would also have to be familiar with different
cultural nuances and significance to interpret meaningfully and accurately the actions and
thoughts of the visitors. For these reasons, the tourist as a research subject is problematic.
Nevertheless, some observations (both general and specific) can be inferred.
Because of the kind of tourism (high priced, physically fairly rigorous and regulated)
promoted in Lo, the types of tourists that come to Lo are not as varied as in other places.
Backpackers on shoestring budgets or explorer type who like going it alone or those who
seek a more comfortable activity are eliminated. Most tourists who come to Lo are generally
middle-aged men and women from affluent backgrounds.4 1 9 These visitors are mostly well-
seasoned travelers. For many of them the journey to Lo parallels the “sacred journey motif’
discussed earlier. They describe their experience as “spiritual” or “profoundly moving” or
“uplifting”. This is in contrast to their daily mundane life back home. Almost all those
interviewed mentioned the amazing landscape and culture as being the highlight of their
4 1 9 Some young (and affluent) travelers have also visited Lo but they are the exception.
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journey. The landscape (like miniature Grand Canyon)4 2 0 alone nor the culture by itself,
could have evoked this sentiment
But even the combination may not have been enough if they had not been influenced
by the image promoted by books, articles, tourist agencies, etc. Portrayed as “Shangrila,” or
“pristine” or “untouched by modernity,” “exotic” or other such hyperbolic designations, the
visitor is lulled into the Holy Grail syndrome, the myth of an area still steeped in centuries-
old Buddhist tradition. All along the trail of this stunning but stark landscape one encounters
symbols of Buddhist religious beliefs- large or small or long chortens, prayer flags, stone
cairns left at mountain passes and colorful monasteries. These symbols reinforce the myth
and hence the experience is affected by this contextualization.4 2 1 Another perception that
legitimizes this experience is the belief that what is being observed and experienced is
“authentic” and not “staged” as many events and tourist attractions are. As MacCannel
(1973: 593) states, “The motive behind a pilgrimage is similar to that behind a tour: both are
quests for authentic experiences.” Although not all tours are a quest for authenticity (trip to
Disneyland or even events packaged and presented for tourists exclusively) those who come
to Lo all exhibit this desire. They are aware that everything that they experience is genuine
since there are no “cultural brokers” here to mediate between the visitors and events or
experiences or that the commodification process has not taken off. To a large extent this
assumption is true (except for the attempt to perform traditional dances for the tourists).
When they observe the performances of Tenji, they are seeing events that are executed and
presented in a traditional way and where both the participants and audience are exclusively
4 2 0 When my father visited the Grand Canyon, his comment was, “It is like Mustang but much, much larger.”
4 2 1 This is true with most tourist attractions- The Taj Mahal will amaze any visitor but the knowledge of its
history and the fact that it is considered one of the 8 wonders o f the world will evoke awe.
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Lobas. When they visit the palace or the monasteries they witness it in its real essence in the
sense that no attempt has been made to embellish or alter it for the benefit of the tourists.
They are aware that these events have not been changed, modified or manipulated to cater to
the their predilections and thus they feel that they are experiencing something “pure,”
especially untainted by “modernity”. This helps in validating the realization of the myth and
tinting their experiences with awe- leading to a “spiritual” event. As in all wonderful
experiences, there is a need to take evidence of this event and hence the proliferation of
souvenir sellers in Lo. Most visitors were aware that the items they were buying were not
made in Lo but brought from somewhere else. Not only were they foreign merchandise but
more importantly they have no direct connection to Lo and are in fact disembodied items
with no obvious marker. Yet they chose to buy them as souvenirs of Lo. This may not be so
different as procuring souvenirs from many different parts of the world yet all are made in
China. The real difference is that while these items represent the site (plastic replica of the
Statue of Liberty or the Eifel Tower all made in China), the ones in Lo have no such co
relation. So where is the connection? It lies in the strong desire of the visitor to authenticate
the authentic experience since the correspondence exists only in the mind of the visitor
because the exact same item could have been acquired in Kathmandu, Pokhara, Delhi,
Lhasa, Lhadak, etc.
Besides this motive the visitors also expressed some personal reasons and needs that
brought them to Lo. One leading reason was the desire to be amongst the first people to visit
Lo “before it gets spoiled” by commercialization. This corresponds with the authenticity
quest but also has another component- that of exclusiveness vis-a-vis other tourists. The
desire to be different and unique and in the process to stand out and apart from the mass
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seems to be a common sentiment among many tourists. They also expressed that this trip
was a personal challenge since it was advertised as a strenuous trek. However, this is a
relative concept since the arduousness of any journey depends not only on the condition and
situation of the trek but also in relation to other excursions and the physical, mental and
psychological situation of the trekker. The reason why this trek is considered difficult is
partly because of the relatively high altitude that one has to travel through4 2 2 and some
portions of the journey entail steep and long climbs and so is labeled “strenuous.” But there
is also a psychological component that deliberately caters to stroking the ego of the traveler-
to have met and overcome this personal challenge.
There is however a falseness in the notion of the “pristine” image that has been
propagated and maintained by the tourist industry and accepted and appropriated by the
visitors. From the ethnographic history of the Lobas, it is clear that they have migrated south
to the cities and even as far as India ever since Tibet was conquered by China in 1959. Thus
for almost half a century they have been “exposed” to modernity and influenced by it to
some degree. But when present visitors see Lobas adopting Western apparels, they assume
that it is tourism and the contact with outsiders that has already impacted them. Therefore,
the image promoted by the industry is not altogether honest or true. This however does not
lessen the authenticity of the experience itself, only the perception of the myth.
In fact the experience is so “real” that often the visitors feel empathy to the people.
Many express concern about the living conditions and voice outrage when informed that the
fees they pay 4 2 3 to come here remain mostly in Kathmandu. Hence, they become patrons
m Some people had altitude sickness and had to be evacuated in a helicopter. But some people get altitude
sickness in lower altitude than Lo.
4 2 3 Some brochures mention that 60% o f the fees were earmarked for the development of Lo.
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and want to help the Lobas directly. A few zealous tourists started a group called Friends of
Lo Monthang to try to help the Lobas.4 2 4
2) Relation between tourists and locals. In the relation between the locals and the
tourists or more conventionally referred to as “hosts” and “guests”, the often-mentioned side
is the perspective of the host who sees the guest as wealthy, powerful, prestigious and with
plenty of leisure. Conversely, the guests regard the locals as simple, hospitable, ignorant, and
destitute.4 2 5 Both are stereotypes that do not conform to all tourists or locals. It is true that
the tourists who come to Lo are relatively more affluent than those visiting other parts of
Nepal and by Loba standard they are certainly very wealthy but that does not necessarily
make them powerful or prestigious in their own society nor do they necessarily have a lot of
leisure time. This Loba view of the visitors is a result of their own social reality where the
wealthy (nobility) also have power, prestige and leisure. In fact, the Loba elites weild more
power and have more leisure than most visitors within their own respective communities.
The tourists’ view of the Lobas as uneducated, ignorant and poor comes from the
information disseminate by the trekking agencies which promote Lo as “isolated,” steeped in
centuries-old tradition and “untouched” by modernity. Contrary to this view, the Lobas have
not only been in contact with the outside world for over quarter of a century but many of the
young aristocrats are well educated and fluent in English. Even some of the commoners have
had formal schooling. Yet there is no doubt that this relationship is asymmetrical contrary to
4 2 4 This effort did not amount to anything substantial.
4 2 3 One day I noticed a tourist taking photographs o f the town. I was drawn by his Hasselblad camera so I
approached him and watched him clicking away. Noticing my interest in the camera and mistaking me for a
Loba, he pointed to his chest and said, “I’m American! From America!” and then pointed to the Hasselblad and
exclaimed, “Camera! Camera!” When I replied, “That’s a wonderful Hasselblad” his jaws nearly dropped to the
floor.
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the egalitarian connotation conveyed by the terms hosts and guests. Smith (1977:7)
commenting on the title of her book argues that the designation “Hosts and Guests” may be
inappropriate since “hosts and guests presupposes social reciprocity between equals.”
This inequality in relationship is what has led Nash and others to view tourism as
imperialistic. In the ideal-type example mentioned earlier, the visitor is not expected to be
conversant in Loba language, eat tsampa, drink salty buttered tea, be a Buddhist or sleep in
cold dusty mud floored rooms. Trek leaders and guides speaking English or whatever
languages the tourists require are present to overcome the language barrier so that they can
communicate with the locals. Tourists sleep in tents and are served steaming tea or coffee in
bed, hot water for washing and food prepared by cooks trained in Western cuisine. The tour
leader prearranges visits to the King and the palace, the Abbot and the monasteries. In short,
a host of infrastructure and personnel stand ready to fulfill the touristic desires of the guests.
In this relation, the hosts end up making all the necessary adjustments and adaptations to
facilitate the touristic transactions. The degree of modification depends on the proportion of
involvement in this relationship. Those engaged in facilitating the tourists (cultural brokers)
like the local trekking agencies, tour operators, hoteliers and other service providers, have a
higher stake in conforming to the demands and desires of the visitors than others with less
tenuous ties like the Loba souvenir vendors yet even they have been compelled to learn
enough English to be able to bargain and provide rudimentary information. The fact that
many Lobas wanted training in English to be local guides further illustrates this argument.
ACAP had requested me to help them train local guides. I was to tutor them so that they
could give out general information and local knowledge in English. The plan was to train a
couple of Lobas and then if that succeeded to expand the program. When we sought
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applicants, there were over 20 people who showed interest but we selected six expecting one
or two dropouts. During the course of the training, one candidate could not make it and then
I had to leave for a month (this was known to the ACAP officials prior to the planning stage
and they had decided to substitute someone for that period). When I returned, the program
had failed because of conflict between the new instructor and the candidates. So the program
did not produce any local guides. But the desire of so many Lobas to learn English
exemplifies this point
3) The Touristic System. This aspect of hierarchically skewed relations is also
evident when we examine the structure and functioning of the entire touristic system. The
touristic system is sustained by the involvement of many governmental and
intergovernmental agencies like airlines and organizations, national and transnational
corporations, travel agencies, tour operators, hotel chains, etc. and some local entrepreneurs
and businesses. The major portions of the stakeholders in this system are from the
metropolitan areas and thus they dominate and control the system. This holds true in the case
of Lo. The Lobas never had nor have any influence or voice in the system compared to those
from Pokhara or Kathmandu. Right from the beginning, it was government officials in
collaboration with Nepali agencies in Kathmandu that determined the type of tourism, the
amount of fees, the number of tourists, etc. The Lobas were never consulted. The terms and
conditions are determined, controlled and manipulated by the metropolitan centers for their
own gain and advantage.
The following account illustrates this skewed relationship. A Loba asked me to
translate a message in English that he had received from one of the leading trekking agency
in Kathmandu. It seems that he had an agreement with the agency to supply horses for their
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group at the rate of Rs. 220 per horse. The communication informed him that now they were
going to establish a “store”4 2 6 in Jomsom (the district headquarter) that would handle all the
horses. They wanted to know if he would be willing to provide the store with horses for Rs.
200 per animal. This was at a time when the market rate was Rs. 250 and the agency was
already receiving a discounted rate. He appeared crestfallen but after a while asked me to
write them a reply agreeing to the new rate. When asked why he had agreed to such
exploitative rate, he reasoned that the earnings, no matter how little would at least cover the
cost of the feed for the animals. Furthermore, if he did not agree, the job would go to
someone else. Since they broke a prior agreement, he could seek legal recourse I suggested.
He said he did not trust the legal system, that it would only be a prolonged hassle and in the
end he would lose because they have influence in Kathmandu whereas he does not.
In this example the agencies are squeezing the Lobas in the one area where they
have a potential to earn some cash. Initially, horses were hired for Rs.500. The agencies have
played one owner against others to bring the price down yet when they justify their high
charge to the clients they give the figure of Rs.500 as expenses for horse rental. The same
visitor believes this because when the group wants to hire a horse in Lo Monthang after they
arrive, the rental is in fact Rs. 500. This is because there are not too many horses available in
town as most of the extra horses are left high in the pastures for grazing. Therefore, the
agencies cannot drive the price down when on-the-spot rides are required. To add insult to
injury, the horse owners have to pay (as mentioned earlier) the sirdar a percentage for every
animal hired. To remain in the good books of the sirdar, he is often afforded special
4 2 6 That was the exact term used in the message, implying a storage facility with a few personnel but not really an
office.
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369
treatment such as being invited to dine at the home of the owner or presented with gifts like
arak, churpe, etc for he has the power to influence the agency to change owners for horse
rental. So there is not only organizational but also personal exploitation occurring
concurrently. The Lobas are powerless to do anything about this situation.4 2 7 The structural
hierarchy favors the stakeholders from the cities in all aspects.
There is a similar assymetry between the agencies in Kathmandu and the
international operators with the control and influence clearly in the hands of the outsiders.
Many are in a dependency relationship and rely on these foreign tour operators for their
livelihood. Since the international tour organizations (most of which are based in the
developed countries) are at the heart of the tourist generating centers, they control and
influence the traffic flow. They have the ability to divert tourists from one destination to
another. Hence their power and dominance is enormous. This situation is slowly being
alleviated by the proliferation of the Internet where it is relative cheap and easy to host
websites allowing even the small agencies access to the international tourist market.4 2 8 In
this three tiered hierarchy, the Lobas have the least influence and power while progressively
larger metropolitan centers are more dominating. This imbalance of power is what leads to
acts of imperialism and exploitation and why tourism has been seen as imperialistic.
This kind of exploitation also occurs at the government level. Nepal receives
millions of dollars in foreign aid4 2 9 every year. Most of it is appropriated by the central
4 2 7 1 had suggested unionization o f horse owner but this was too much of an alien and abstract concept for them.
4 2 8 The internet has provided travelers to pick and choose not only the agencies and the costs but also to
customize their itinerary so that more and more tourists are using this method o f planning their trip. This has
been a boon for the small agencies that could not afford huge advertisement budgets.
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370
government and the rest are disbursed to various districts to be distributed locally amongst
the VDCs. District leaders often complain that they do not receive enough funds and that out
of their allocations all kinds of deductions are imposed which reduces the amount even
further. This is the same complaint that VDC leaders make against district officials. Lobas
leaders remonstrate that when they go to receive their allotted funds from the district
headquarter in Jomsom, the total amount is slashed citing all kinds of reasons. One Loba said
that they only get less than half the budgeted cost of any project resulting in substandard
work that does not last. As an example, he cited the irrigation repair project that was
budgeted for Rs. 2,700,000 but they only received Rs. 1,700,00. Nevertheless the project
was implemented but got damaged the very next year. So projects do not last or endure. The
tourist fees originally earmarked for Lo’s development have been subjected to this same
trend. As already mentioned earlier, the central authorities have expropriated the major
portion (80.5%) of the fees and disbursed only 19.5% despite promising to allot 60% back to
the community. The district leaders were also trying to appropriate some of this revenue
which led to conflicts between them and ACAP.
In most instances when a new tourist destination is first discovered, the locals take
the initial initiative in promoting the system resulting in spontaneous growth. But soon the
local resources cannot cope with the development and outside entities with greater political
and economic authority intercede and virtually usurp control of the system. Another
common scenario is the initial evolution of the system with local efforts, which flourishes
and involves more local community. Soon the system develops and gets consolidated. Then
outside agents come in as partners or consultants and take control. The success of the system
4 2 9 From the time foreign assistance was first offered in 1951 till 2000, Nepal has received over $ 5 billion in
loans and grants.(From 1952 to 1955 there was no foreign aid).
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371
could lead either to stagnation or rejuvenation. But in the case of Lo, from the very
beginning the local community was excluded. As a unique tourist destination, Lo was
discovered and promoted totally by outsiders- both international and Nepali agencies. They
shaped and controlled the system. The type of tourism implemented in Lo advances the
interest of the trekking organizations and tour operators with little benefit for the locals.
4) Consequences: This has already been addressed earlier under the heading “Impact
of Tourism in Lo” on page 328 and it need not be repeated here.
With all the marginalization, exploitation and betrayal it is little wonder then that
trouble and discontent started in Shangrila. Since there are a host of multiple causes, all of
them must be addressed in concert to achieve any meaningful results. All the domains that
constitute this web have to be considered.
The foremost domain that needs attention is that of subsistence as this is the area that
the local people consider of primary importance. Here, the three traditional methods of
making a living- agriculture, animal husbandry and trade- should all benefit from tourism.
Investment in better and more efficient irrigation system must be undertaken for without
irrigated water agriculture is impossible. This should be combined with an attempt to
improve the productivity of local seeds and devise a more effective method of sowing than
broadcasting seeds since this method is quicker but wasteful. Also introduction of cash crops
could be attempted, particularly native plants with high export potential like jimbu (a kind of
wild chive found in Lo and other high altitudes of Mustang) or other indigenous herbs. An
alternative but cheap fuel source has to be identified and developed so that animal dung can
be freed for fertilizer.
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372
To enhance the livestock economy, concrete efforts to improve the quality of the
pasture must be undertaken and sustainable pasture management practices has to be
enforced- possibly reviving the old chepa (penalty) system that the Lobas claim was
effective. In the tree plantation campaigns, species with high nutritious foliage that can
thrive in Lo should also be encourage to provide fodder for the animals. This would not only
contribute to the health of the animals but also reduce pressure on the grasslands.
In the area of trade, any intervention or planning is the most problematic because it
is a crucial survival strategy. Moreover, it encompasses inter-district, regional and national
boundaries and cultures so there is little that can be done locally yet the problems must be
recognized. In the sweater trade, the Lobas are constantly in competition and conflict with
Tibetans who have refugee status in India. Although the general Indian public cannot
differentiate between the two groups, they are bitter rivals competing for the same slice of
the trade. As residents of India, the Tibetans have an advantage in this situation particularly
the flexibility over time, location and public relations. If the winter happens to be colder and
longer than normal, they can set up their stalls earlier and continue their trade later than the
Lobas who are constrained by their agricultural and social cycles. Since they live in India,
the Tibetans have the luxury of scouting other venues and locations where they can extend or
move their businesses but the Lobas are limited to the same location every year because of
time constraints. For the same reason, the Tibetans are also able to establish a better rapport
with the suppliers and local authorities and a further advantage is their knowledge regarding
Indian language and culture. In the long run, the Lobas could be pushed out4 3 0 although they
are making a concerted effort to resist the pressure from the Tibetans.4 3 1
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373
The Loba sweater traders also have to contend with their hosts, the Indians. Many
Lobas face growing challenges from the local Indian businessmen also selling sweaters near
their own stalls. The toleration of undue harassment from the police, local authorities and
others is another issue that will not go away. For the women vendors, personal security is
always at the forefront.
As for those engaged in the jimbu trade, they face other problems. One major
concern for these people is the increasing lack of grazing opportunities for their animals. As
more people refiise them grazing permission in their fallow fields they have to venture
further afar, which is taxing both to the animals and the caretakers. Also there are constant
frictions over straying animals. With regards to the trade itself, it will get progressively more
difficult. As more roads are built, they have to travel further into the hinterland since it is
only in these remote areas that they can profit from a favorable exchange differential.
However, this increases the travel time and expense while curtailing the operating business
hours. In the process, the risk factor is also enhanced. They also have to compete with local
shopkeepers. As already referred to earlier, if jimbu could be domesticated and successfully
cultivated, it could bring huge revenues to the Lobas since there is a large demand for it
throughout Nepal. The winter migration is mainly the result of insufficient local production
of food for the people and feed and grasses for the animals although now (with the
breakdown of the barter system) another important reason is the need for cash as the Lobas
get more involved in the market economy. If the issue of food and pasture shortage can be
redressed many of the smaller jimbu traders who live from hand to mouth would not migrate.
4 3 0 The current area where the Tibetans have their stalls used to have many Lobas in the past but now only one
Loba has his stall there.
4 3 1 These two groups have had violent clashes. The Lobas have gotten more united since they have no other place
to go to whereas the Tibetans have more choices.
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374
It is not enough to identify, analyze and offer solutions to these problems if nothing
is done. And to accomplish any lasting success the involvement of the local people is
paramount. Therefore, the Loba community must be actively engaged throughout the
development process- from planning to execution and maintenance. From centuries of
experience Lobas have evolved their own way of managing their society. No matter how
well intended and planned, setting up alien and contradictory management systems cannot
deliver the desired results. This entails incorporating or emulating the traditional institutions,
social structure and cultural propensities. The highly stratified and hierarchical nature of
Loba society favors and benefits the wealthy and the aristocrats at the expense of the
commoners. Thus, the danger of reinforcing and exacerbating this inequality is imminent in
modeling any management system in the traditional fashion. But since this traditional way is
the only system that the people are familiar with, it could be designed or modified to
function without the negative attributes. For instance, the elites could still hold the leadership
position but distribute the authority to the committee. The commoners do not trust the elites
because they assert that in the past, all the funds that came to Lo have not been accounted for
and nobody has dared to question their whereabouts. By introducing more accountability and
transparency this mistrust could be overcome especially if some of the commoners in the
committee were entrusted with fiscal responsibilities. For this plan to work, it is imperative
that the Lobas be educated particularly in keeping proper accounts and minutes. Since the
education system as it exists currently is terrible, this area has to be improved first before
implementing any system. The monarchy, gonpa and village council and other traditional
institutions must have a meaningful role in the system to insure success. Incorporation of
traditional values and beliefs could be used to promote the project like the idea of gaining
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375
merit to push public participation or the Buddhist ideal of non-killing to protect wildlife (this
would require the participation of the abbot and the monastery).4 3 2
All these plans require vast amount of funds to implement. The last decade has
proved that tourism can provide the funds. From 1992 to 1997 (Table 9), the government
earned over three million dollars from tourists visiting Lo. That is a substantial amount. If a
large portion of that amount (say the original proposed 60%) could be judiciously expended,
it would be sufficient to address many of the problems. But for that to happen another
domain has to be altered- the relationships between the various administrative authorities
and agencies. At the local level, ACAP has been charged with the management of Lo’s
development so it should be given more legislative and executive power to implement the
policies and programs and enforce the regulations. They should be consulted when other
agencies want to initiate their own programs so that all projects can be co-ordinated
according to the guiding principles and also to prevent duplication of projects. The central
and district authorities should involve the local leaders as partners in this process and
facilitate communication between all levels. Also international agencies should be included
in this process so that their agendas accord with the overall goals set by ACAP.
For example, the Mustang Development Service Association-Japan (MDSA-J),
collected used bicycles from Japan to distribute to various schools in Lo. This did not
correspond with the aims of the development policies nor with the aspirations and desires of
4 3 2 Such examples abound. In eastern Nepal, deforestation was rampant and no amount of educating
the people or penalizing could prevent the people from cutting down the trees from the community
forests. Agencies trying to introduce reforestation were frustrated until they noticed a small strand of
forest that was near the village yet the trees remained untouched because the forest belonged to the
local deity and was considered sacred. The planners convinced the head priest to perform a ceremony
and publicly declare a large part of the community forest to be sacred forest. This stopped the rampant
deforestation.
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376
the people. The brochure that the organization distributed in Japan to collect these bicycles
mentioned that the Lo was so remote and the Lobas so isolated that they had never seen a
bicycle. Not only have they seen bicycles, they regularly rent and ride them when in
Pokhara. Some ride motorcycles and a few even drive automobiles. This was the most
useless project since there are no roads and no spare parts to maintain them. The
organization distributed them to most schools yet failed to give any to the school at Chosar,
the largest school in Lo.
Another important consideration is the environmental domain. The fragile ecology
means that projects have to be extra careful not to damage the environment as recovery time
is longer here than other places if not irreversible. The climatic and agricultural cycles are
important factors to consider when implementing projects, particularly those requiring local
participation. All projects have to be implemented between April and August/September
since during harvest season (September/October) all the people are totally engaged and then
almost immediately they migrate south and don’t return till March/April. Even if there are
enough people, the winter months are too cold for outdoor work. The planner must
incorporate this constrain into their schedule of project completion for a more realistic
projection.
These are some of the major domains that have to be engaged in for any plan to
succeed. Yet each project needs to be customized according to the changing situation and
available resources. What needs to be considered is the interconnectedness of all these
domains and how a change in one can affect many other aspects. This can be true even for
seemingly insignificant projects. To illustrate let us take a simple case of introducing a
variety of trees to be used for fodder. For this project to succeed a good and effective
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Ill
watering system needs to be established first. If the trees flourish the availability of fodder
will improve the health of the animals- particularly of the palangs and possibly goats. This
in turn reduces the pressure on the rangeland in two ways. First by not pasturing them since
fodder is now available and second by providing dung at home, it should reduce the demand
on yak dung which if left on the grassland acts as fertilizer thus improving the quality of the
grass. With less pressure on the pastures, the yaks and sheep that traditionally range in the
high rangeland have more food and their quality will improve. On the other hand this could
also lead to overpopulation that could ruin the grassland so careful pasture management must
be enforced.
The trees could also provide timber for construction and also possibly for fuel. The
former could start a building boom that in turn could change the town’s appearance while as
firewood it could provide relief to the fuel shortage. The presence of fodder fed animals in
the house also yields dung reducing the need to frequent the yak pastures. With less demand
for the yak dung, the price is likely to fall resulting in large savings for the Loba household.
An improved water delivery system to irrigate these trees would mean more water
for the fields which would increase productivity and possibly cultivation of more fields
resulting in severe local labor shortages. All these possibilities and probable consequences
are indicated to depict the inter-dependent and inter-connected nature of these domains. It
must be emphasized that only a few and the most obviously probable outcomes have been
mentioned whereas each consequence in turn could result in multiple outcomes. It is only
when all these structures and probabilities have been given due consideration that any plan
or project can succeed. But the hope for solutions to all the trouble in Shangrila rests on
tourism since this is the only option the Lobas have. Tourism as development can work in Lo
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provided it is properly managed otherwise instead of being the goose that lays the golden
eggs, it could easily turn into a goose that not only does not lay any eggs (let alone golden
ones) but, as the popular saying goes, fouls its own nest.
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379
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Asset Metadata

Creator Tulachan, Pushpa V. (author)

Core Title The Lobas of Monthang: Loba ethnography and tourism as development

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Anthropology

Degree Conferral Date 2003-12

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag anthropology, cultural,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-497559

Unique identifier UC11336030

Identifier 3133346.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-497559 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3133346.pdf

Dmrecord 497559

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Tulachan, Pushpa V.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA