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Organizational development and coalition building among domestic violence agencies in California: conflict and compromise between grassroots groups and established institutions

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Organizational development and coalition building among domestic violence agencies in California: conflict and compromise between grassroots groups and established institutions

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Content ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND COALITION BUILDING AMONG
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGENCIES IN CALIFORNIA; CONFLICT AND
COMPROMISE BETWEEN GRASSROOTS GROUPS AND ESTABLISHED
INSTITUTIONS
by
Claudia Mary Cuevas
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(ANTHROPOLOGY)
August 2006
Copyright 2006 Claudia Mary Cuevas
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Acknowledgements
There are no words to express thanks to Gail Pincus for invaluable insights,
comments, and of course multiple dinners. Thanks go out to all of the domestic
violence community in Los Angeles County. Mickey, your legal consultations were
always interesting and sometimes exciting. Tim, thanks you are the embodiment of
harmony, spirit and vitality. Susanne, you do your father proud! You are a great
editor. Eiji, I admire your focus and dedication, thank you for helping to find my
center and focus. Thank you Charles, there has never been a better bother. This study
could not have happened without Mike and Jake, thanks. Many thanks to Zandy for
your support and patience and helping me down this path. Last but not least thanks to
my mother for her financial and emotional help.
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements ii
Table of Contents iii
List of Figures vi
List of Abbreviations Used vii
Abstract ix
Introduction 1
Chapter One: Overview 5
Method; Participant Observation 6
Interviews 9
Analytic Methods 10
Findings 10
Summary 15
Chapter One Endnotes 17
Chapter Two: How I Got Involved in Domestic Violence Work 18
Summary 28
Chapter Two Endnotes 30
Chapter Three: Gail Pincus; informant and co-collaborator 31
Tarasoff Warning 38
Domestic Violence Social Movement to Advocacy 39
Summary 42
Chapter Three Endnotes 44
Chapter Four: Urban and Legal anthropology literature 45
Legal Anthropology 47
Defining Community Based Grassroots Feminist
Organization and Institutions 49
Early Legal Anthropology 51
Critical Legal Theory 56
State of California Verses Orenthal James (O J.) Simpson: 57
Expert Witness for the Defense 60
Urban Anthropology 63
Defining Community 65
iii
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Discussion 72
Summary 73
Chapter Four Endnotes 75
Chapter Five: Social Movement Theories and Feminist Movement 76
Equal Right Amendment 80
Collective Behavior Theory 82
Resource Mobilization Theory 84
Title VII 85
Participants as a Resource 86
New Social Movements Theory and Collective Identity
in the Feminist Movement 87
Summary 90
Chapter Five Endnotes 92
Chapter Six: Moving From Patriarchy Privilege to a Crime 93
The Cycle of Violence 95
How the feminist movement includes the “oppressed” or “underserved” 103
Victim to Survivor 104
Consciousness-raising Groups 118
Power and Control 119
Police Response 120
Domestic Violence as a Crime 121
Summary 128
Chapter Six Endnotes 131
Chapter Seven: California Alliance Against Domestic Violence (CAADV)
and Southern California Coalition for Battered Women (SCCBW) 132
Domestic Violence Community Organizational Development 134
California Alliance Against Domestic Violence History 135
California Alliance Against Domestic Violence 136
Membership and Leadership 138
Legislative Committee 142
November 14 and 15 1996 Committee Retreat 142
Membership in Policy and Research Committee 145
CAADV Conference, “Domestic Violence Arrest” 147
Dual Arrests and “Primary Aggressor” 148
Origins CAADV and Southern California Coalition for Battered Women 154
History of SCCBW 154
SCCBW Struggles to Find Direction 159
Who Speaks for the Domestic Violence Community in California? 160
SCCBW Transforms to Statewide Organization 161
Discussion and Analysis 163
Social Movement Philosophy Transformed 165
iv
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Summary
Chapter Seven Endnotes
166
170
Chapter Eight: Alliance Among Domestic Violence Service Providers Institutions
and Non-Profit Groups 171
Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council 173
History of Domestic Violence Shelters in Los Angeles County 177
Overview; Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council 181
Los Angeles County Supervisors and Council 184
Functions 184
Membership and Leadership 186
LACDVC Leadership structure 190
Legislative Committee 194
Legislative Forum “War on the Home Front” 1995 195
Training Committee 195
Los Angeles City Task Force on Domestic Violence 197
Task Force History 198
Leadership 199
Members 199
Goals and Duties 200
Summary 200
Chapter Eight Endnotes 203
Chapter Nine: Police and Domestic Violence Community Collaboration 206
History 207
Overview 208
Membership in CPAB 209
CPAB Summits 210
Workshops 213
DART in Van Nuys 218
DART History in Van Nuys Division LAPD 220
Ride-A-Long with Van Nuys DART 225
DART Northeast 228
Northeast DART Training 230
Defining Advocate and Advocacy 231
Current Status of CPABs 239
Summary 240
Chapter Nine Endnotes 244
Chapter Ten: Conclusion 245
Chapter Ten Endnotes 259
References 260
v
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Power and Control Chart 119
Figure 2: Equality Chart 120
Figure 3: 1998 CAADV Organizational Chart 136
Figure 4: 2004 CAADV Organizational Chart 143
Figure 5: CAADV and SCCBW Relationship charts 156
Figure 6: CAADV and SCCBW Transitional relationship chart 157
Figure 7: CAADV and SCCBW Second transitional relationship chart 158
Figure 8: Los Angeles Police Department Northeast Area 212
vi
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List of Abbreviations
ACRC - African Community Resource Center
CA - City Attorney
CAADV - California Alliance Against Domestic Violence
CPAB - Civilian Police Advisory Board
CSUN- California State University Northridge
DA - District Attorney
DAC - Domestic Abuse Center
DART - Domestic Abuse Response Team
DCPS - Department of Children’s Protective Services
ELARHL - East Los Angeles Rape Hotline
DPSS - Department of Protective Social Services
FBI - Federal Bureau of Investigation
JFS - Jewish Family Services
LAPD - Los Angeles Police Department
LACDVC - Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council
LACDVTF - Los Angeles City Domestic Violence Task Force
MAC - Major Assault Crimes
NOW - National Organization for Women
NSM - New Social Movement
OCJP - Office of Criminal Justice Planning
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PEP - Prevention Education Project
SCCBW - Southern California Coalition for Battered Women
SCCBW - Statewide California Coalition for Battered Women (post 1998)
SIDA - sindrome de inmunodeficiencia adquerida
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Abstract
The domestic violence movement grew out of the second wave feminist
movement. As public awareness increased, politicians, and public administrators came
under pressure to change the way they addressed domestic violence. Activists from the
domestic violence movement availed themselves as experts in domestic violence.
Philosophies and politics between public institutions and domestic violence movement
activists often clashed. Pressure to change policies toward domestic violence continued
to grow. As a solution to the tensions between grassroots domestic violence
organizations and public institutions was the politician’s development of coalition type of
councils that included all social service agencies that address domestic violence. The
grassroots domestic violence groups also responded by organizing alliances, or umbrella
organizations, so that they could unite to confer on issues and appoint spokespersons.
This study examines the development of these coalition type organizations and
their relationship with member organizations. The study also explores the impact of
social movement based organizations on established institutions through the discussions
about joint projects between the domestic violence organizations and established
institutions
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Introduction
This study examines the efforts of the battered women's movement in Southern
California to influence the changes in cultural, political, and institutional patterns of
response to domestic violence as evident through policy changes in established
institutions. The study will identify die changes in the "process of response," from a
volunteer based action group organized around feminist ideology to a professional
bureaucratic mental health model. A feminist model of organizational development,
ideally, is one that uses volunteers from the ranks of activists, including formerly
battered women, who have used the organization or agency’s services as a tool of
empowerment. In contrast, a mental health model is hierarchical with a strict client-
professional relationship. Institutions such as Children’s Services, police and the
judicial system are accustomed to addressing domestic violence as a family system
problem. The family system model treats problems in the family as a mental health
issue. The study will also examine how the shelter and advocacy (feminist influenced)
models were reshaped, and sometimes subverted and undermined, by legislation and
institutional (police and court) response. This study will also examine different
grassroots self-identified feminist organizations and how their actions influence the
way society perceives domestic violence as evident through policy, media coverage
and overall shift in public education of domestic violence resources.
Chapters
Chapter One reviews concepts of domestic violence, identifies the focus
of this study and why the organizations examined in this study were chosen.
1
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Chapter two describes the evolution of my involvement in the domestic
violence community, from my job as a community speaker/educator at the Los
Angeles Commission on Assaults Against Women to my current status as president of
the Board of Domestic Abuse Center in Northridge. The discussion includes my
personal development as an advocate and community organizer. This chapter also
introduces “autoethnology” methodology (which is then discussed further in Chapter
four.)
Chapter Three profiles Gail Pincus, the primary informant and co-collaborator
for this study. Ms. Pincus is a licensed clinical social worker with over twenty years of
experience in domestic violence both as a therapist and in policy development. She
has been an invaluable contributor to this study. From our meeting and working
together as co-coordinators in the 1980s to our current relationship on the board of
directors of the Domestic Abuse Center, she has freely offered her help, expertise and
insider information. She has also become a personal friend. Some of the insight and
information comes from informal discussions over dinner or watching college football
games. This chapter discusses Gail Pincus’ contributions to the domestic violence
community and this study.
Chapter Four reviews both urban and legal anthropology literature and the
relevance of applying these two fields to the study of the domestic violence
community in California. This chapter also includes a discussion of different social
movement theories, focusing on components relevant to the study of the domestic
violence community. The discussion of auto-ethnology is continued and expanded in
2
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this chapter. It also addresses a frequent question raised by non-domestic violence
service providers. Outsiders often wonder why those fighting to end domestic
violence are not referred to as the “anti-”domestic violence community. After
researching this question, there does not seem to be a reason for the reference other
than historical use. Hence, following the practice of the community, this study refers
to those who identify as being part of a larger social movement as the domestic
violence community.
Chapter Five chronicles the changing perceptions of domestic violence within
the judicial system. Part o f this discussion will also include how these judicial
changes have influenced the attitude about domestic violence in society at large. The
chapter begins with a comparison of the legal definition of domestic violence versus
the definition used by domestic violence community victim advocates. The chapter
includes a discussion on the California penal code 273.5, which defines domestic
violence as a crime. It goes on to examine the “cycle of violence” model and victim
profiles used by grassroots organizations. The chapter ends with a discussion of the
Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) and the current “Power and Control” model
used to assess domestic violence relationships. This chapter is an attempt to expose the
lay reader to the complexities of domestic violence and the far-reaching effects of
domestic violence on the family, community and society.
Chapter Six introduces the reader to the two major statewide coalition-type
organizations that address domestic violence policy: the California Alliance Against
Domestic Violence (CAADV) and Southern California Coalition for Battered Women
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(SCCBW). These two organizations represent community-based domestic violence
agencies, both domestic violence shelters and non-shelter domestic violence agencies.
Most of the member organizations identify as grassroots with a social movement
background or history. However, there are some member groups who do not identify
as grassroots and find their philosophy in conflict with those who identify as part of a
social movement working for change in society. The chapter uses an historical
approach because it is the organizations’ historical foundations that define their
current mission and philosophy.
Chapter Seven focuses on the activities of the domestic violence community in
Los Angeles City and County. This chapter discusses various organizations that serve
as information sharing and policy development bodies on the smaller scale of the
neighborhood, city and county. The activities of the Los Angeles County Domestic
Violence Council, Los Angeles City Task Force on Domestic Violence and the Citizen
Police Advisor Board of the Los Angeles Police Department are discussed as
examples of cooperation and collaboration among non-profit community-based
organizations and public institution agencies.
Chapter Eight is the conclusion; it highlights the issues, raises further
questions, and offers prognoses for the future of the domestic violence community
as a social movement attempting to create social change. Specifically, the
chapter questions the direction of some public institutions and their attempt to
frame domestic violence as a mental health issue rather than address it as a crime.
4
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Chapter One: Introduction
One of my early undergraduate anthropology classes, the specific course long
forgotten, was a stage for heated discussion and debate. During one particularly
animated discussion one student expressed frustration over the time spent on
discussion, especially since it was probably not going to be on the exam. It was then
the professor, Timothy Earle, UCLA, commented that the petty conflicts and tensions
among people and groups often reveal more about the true value system of their
culture than their formally stated ideals. In other words, there is a gap between the
actual and the ideal that is played out in the conflicts between groups, organizations
and individuals. These observations are not unknown to seasoned anthropologists but
profound to undergraduates and this concept had the impact to help develop the basic
notions o f this study. This notion serves as the backdrop for my research into two
different types of domestic violence organizations: on the one hand, grassroots
feminist-based organizations, and on the other, public institutions like courts, police,
and the department of children’s services. Who are the experts that develop programs
and policy based on their ideal of a family? How do two philosophically different and
sometimes oppositional groups work together to develop domestic violence policy?
This study will examine how grassroots community-based domestic violence
groups resolve conflicts within institution-based agencies in California. Coalition and
alliance organizations that work with the City of Los Angeles and the County of Los
Angeles are the primary focus of this study. However, statewide organizations are
also included in this discussion, since the size of Los Angeles makes it a major
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influence on policy development decisions statewide. In many ways California is
much like a country, given its size, economy and diverse population. However, it is
also a trendsetter for the rest of the county. The domestic violence policy, programs,
and laws developed in California often have nationwide impact on domestic violence
policy in other states (National Coalition on Domestic Violence 1998.) This
relationship is reciprocal, with other states influencing domestic violence policy in
California. Yet, because California is the home to much of the entertainment media,
and because of the importance of California’s economy to the GNP, the cultural
impact of policy changes made in California have an immediate and profound impact
throughout the country. These factors are only important to this study to explain the
decision to focus on California, and Los Angeles County in particular.
Method: Participant Observation
Data was collected from 1980 to 1995 from meetings at California Alliance
Against Domestic Violence (CAADV), the L.A. County Domestic Violence Council,
and the L. A. City Task Force on Domestic Violence. All notes have been culled and
sorted chronologically and cross-referenced for trends and changes, such as a
membership diversity drives and philosophical shifts.
Fifteen years brought many political changes in Los Angeles County,
California, and the nation. With each change in administration, from U.S. President
to Los Angeles Chief of Police, there is a shift of political, philosophical, and fiscal
priorities. Among other things, those shifts affect how much money is designated to
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address domestic violence issues. This study will examine the consequences of these
changes in administration on die relationship between grassroots community-based
domestic violence organizations and public institution-based agencies.
My past and current level of involvement in the various grassroots
organizations allowed me to utilize a participant/observer approach. As a staff
member of a domestic violence agency I was allowed a measure of insider identity.
However, as a researcher I was an outsider, someone regarded with
suspicion. Participants in a domestic violence social movement believe that
researchers do not always give back to the social movement. The perception is that
researchers are more likely to be allied with public institutions. Bridging the role of
staff member and researcher was sometimes difficult, as it put me at odds with
activists with whom I had a social relationship. On the other hand, it did help me
to identify and understand the conflicts between those with a social movement
background and those with a public institution background.
A colleague in urban studies once remarked that in order to gain the trust and
confidence with pioneer female dockworker union member, one had to “wash the
dishes and then dry the dishes” (M. Welsh 1999.) What she meant by this was in
order to get the “thick description” of the life experiences of the female dockworkers
(Geertz C. 1973) one has be more than an observer. One has to engage in the
everyday activities to develop the trust needed to get to the information. In my case,
I became more than a participant observer and invested more then contributing to the
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mundane I became, within Los Angeles County, an expert in the field. In this study I
utilize what Barbara Tedlock calls auto-ethnography.
Auto-ethnography is an approach and methodology that incorporated the
researcher experience as part o f the field research. The researcher’s “process of
participation” is a significant part of the ethnography. The researcher’s experience is
more then the participate observations of Malinowski era. In this case (as with
Tedlock, B. 2004) I am more than a researcher--1 am part of the community. This
membership is different than cultural or ethnic identification where membership is
unwritten but experienced. Within the domestic violence community there are
requirements that are codified and social. Having fulfilled the domestic violence
training required by law, I also fulfill the social group’s expectation of activism,
advocacy and social networking. In this way, I became recognized as a local expert
in the field.
My activities ranged from attending a training session for hotline counselors
to organizing conference panels to participation at county-level policy meetings.
My activities also include “ride-alongs” with the Domestic Abuse Response Team
(DART), Van Nuys Division of the Los Angeles Police Department. Although
the DART ride-alongs did not produce any interagency information, they did
provide interpersonal evidence that cooperation between the police (public institution)
and DART (grassroots organization) was possible. Unfortunately, the DART project
Van Nuys is only one of two remaining successful response teams in Los Angeles.
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The research method for this study includes participant observation,
interviews and collecting written materials from the different organizations. The
samples of meeting notes and agendas, attendance lists, committee lists, and
assignments and observations help answer research questions such as: Who was
in attendance? How many agencies were represented? How are decisions made in
each of the organizations? These initial questions helped develop the history and
philosophical background of the participants and organizations. All of these
materials were culled and review for this study.
Interviews
Part of the historical collection includes oral histories of the foremothers
of the various domestic violence coalitions and organizations in Southern
California.1 Sample questions include: Were you a member of any anti-domestic
violence organization? If so, how did you get started in the above organization?
How many people were involved in the organization? Were you familiar
with any of these people from other organizations or in a different context?
Were you active in civil rights organizations in the 1960s or 1970s? Were
you a member of any peace organization in the 1960s or 1970s? Are you
currently involved in any social change or social consciousness movement?
These questions attempted to reveal the level of activism among domestic
violence workers and to discover if these current workers identify with
a social movement philosophy or identify with established institutions.
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Analytic Methods
Once all data was collected, the method used for analysis was compared and
contrasted, beginning with the mission statement from each organization. In analyzing
the data, my framework of inquiry included the following questions: What are the
primary functions of die organizations? Do they identify as feminist organizations?
Are they actively aware of political, economic and diversity issues within their
organizations as well as within the state? This analytical approach continued for other
data such as organizational charts, bylaws of the named organizations, mission
statements, grant proposals, brochures, training videos and material, flyers, and any
other printed material that is public access. The taped oral interviews were transcribed
and organized in chronological order and cross-referenced by topic.
Findings
The process of institutionalization of domestic violence social service
grassroots agencies has advantages and disadvantages. The most obvious advantage is
increased funding from government sources. However, this is also the disadvantage
for the advancement of social movement building. Whatever funding there is it is
never enough; there is always a shortage. Shelters were the first to address this
shortage with systematic strategy borrowed from those shelters that had a charity or
philanthropic background. The shelters set up committees devoted to frond raising and
grant writing. The early domestic coalitions organized around shelter funding and
domestic violence legislation. For the non-shelter programs the funding is scarce,
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most domestic violence funding is designated to shelter programs. This is not to say
there is enough public money for the shelters. The shelters receive small percent of
money from marriage license fees but this not is not nearly enough money to function.
The rest of operating money has to come from the private foundations, community
charities, individuals and fundraising. This creates competition between the shelters.
In Los Angeles they must compete to gather celebrity spokespeople. Usually this
level of competition is friendly but when the competition involves money there is
usually tension and that tension can result in poor services for battered women unless
it is resolved.
There are also philosophical differences, particularly between shelters, non
shelters, for profit and not for profit agencies. Within each group there are those
who came to domestic violence through the feminist movement, those who came
via charity work and those with mental health licenses, who approach domestic
violence as just a job. There are formerly battered women who go back to school
to get a degree and eventually continue in professional mental health agencies
after working at non-profit domestic violence agencies. Typically, the mental
health professionals work in for-profit agencies. The motivation for one’s activity
in domestic violence is another source of tension. Charity driven agencies strive
to assist, feminist agencies attempt to educate and empower. The approach for
the mental health field is a professional or formal client/ provider relationship.
Mental health agencies have a closer affinity to public institutions and bureaucracy
and exist to serve “clients” or die mentally ill, people who need to be cured. These
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differences in philosophy and approach to domestic violence are a source of tension
that become manifest in coalition committee meetings and policy development.
The shelters have to maintain a working network relationship with
other shelters in order to best serve battered women. If one shelter is M l they
can count on another shelter taking a woman in if they have room. The shelters
also have to cooperate because it is often necessary to show a united front to
legislators or other public institutions. This leaves the tensions to play out in
personal conflicts or left to fester until addressed though a policy issue. The
relationship with other non-profit agencies and shelters are not as critical but
their relationship with public institutions is vital. Shelters are dependent on
the services from Children’s Services, public health, housing authority and
others. Shelter staff has often found themselves caught among the more radical
among them, feminist non-shelter non-profit agencies, and public institutions.
Executive directors and staff have positions as mediators between the domestic
violence community and public institutions gives them a dual role to those
outside the domestic violence community and those within. They are expected
by feminists to identify with the feminist movement when in fact most shelters
have evolved to business adopting some aspects of the mental health field.
Whereas, on the other hand, shelter staff and board of directors have a working
relationship with public institutions and do not share the same scrutiny from
feminists as do the executive directors. They nurture and protect these
relationships for the sake of their shelter. This often results in the shelter staff
more sympathetic to the views and opinions of the public institutions’ staff.
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My research and my personal experiences with Sue and women’s support groups
have revealed a terrible irony. The same organizations that advocate for women’s
safety use the batterers’ tactics of power and control against each other (see chapter on
statewide organizations.) In part because power and control is a strategy has an
effective short term benefit. Intimidation, financial threats and isolation are tactics
that manage to maneuver their way into the relationships between organizations.
However, it is a strategy that does not work in long term relationships, professional
or personal.
Limited funding leads to tension between the groups and may develop to an
institutional level of economic abuse. Agencies may apply for funding without an
existing program and thereby undermine another agency that does have a program.
This was the case with the African Community Refugee Center (ACRC) in Los
Angeles. ACRC had just begun to develop their domestic violence education and
volunteer training. The volunteers had less than a year of framing and the agency
applied and received funding for a domestic violence transitional housing. Using
the director’s political clout and aggressive “lobbying” (from the perspective of
the domestic violence veterans this equaled manipulation on the power and control
wheel) sympathetic politicians the agency received die funding. This left other
pre-existing agencies with less funding and in at a disadvantage for recourse.
If any of the other agencies complained or filed a grievance they could be seen
as prejudice or worst not acting within the philosophy of a social movement.
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There are contrasting philosophy and service approach between public and
grassroots community based agencies. Public institutions are concerned with the
quality o f life of the community in contrast the grassroots community based feminist
organizations are concern with social change. It is in the public institution’s best
interest to maintain the status quo or at least to minimize any disruption for the sake of
good of society. Public institutions tend to utilize a mental health model in their
domestic violence programs. These two approaches influence policy development in
their respective sphere of influence. The mental health model places the woman at
risk (Dobash and Dobash 1992:218-225.) It assumes that she is the problem, and that
she needs to be "cured." This shifts the focus of intervention from crime prevention to
programs designed to help "cure" the victim. By contrast, grassroots organizations
tend to utilize a community action/social change model, which seeks to empower
women and mobilize the community. This strategy is proactive as it confronts the
status quo and is inherently disruptive. Although slower to implement, the social
change strategy has a much more profound and long-lasting effect on society. This is
because the community action/social change model tends to be inclusive of other
service organizations as it challenges basic assumptions about domestic violence. It
also moves away from the "women as victim"2 mentality and instead seeks to
empower all women in society.
The major difference with these tactics when used between organizations
and individuals is the organization’s members do not fear for their lives when
abusive tactics are used against the members. There may be real fear as to the
health of the program if they are isolated from the community or their funding
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is withdrawn but organizations survive. Sometimes organizations survive in different
forms or under different names. This option of survival is what is hidden from
battered women. The parallels in tactics are useful to note because it keeps organizers,
advocates and other participants aware how these tactics are part of the cultural fabric.
Summary
The conflicts between grassroots community based domestic violence
groups and institution-based agencies in California and how the two resolve
these conflicts is the focus of this study. The domestic violence community
based organization’s history holds the key to understanding their ideology of
social change and their ideology is the foundation for program development.
The domestic violence movement evolved from the feminist movement
with its principles of gender equality, respect for every woman’s experience
and changing social beliefs and assumptions about women’s role in society.
As the domestic violence movement became more sophisticated it moved
from a loosely organized group o f people with similar interests to community
based organizations. In the process of community based organization
becoming more bureaucratic they have to work more closely with established
institutions and the differences in mission and philosophy manifest into
conflicts. These conflicts are address through coalitions, alliances, and councils
with membership from established institutions, grassroots community based
organizations and independent individuals interest in domestic violence.
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The focus of this study is concentrated on the process of change between the
two groups and the individuals involved. The theoretical foundation is feminist theory
and utilizes social movement theories to analyze relationship between the domestic
violence grassroots community based groups and established institutions. Questions
addressed include, but are not limited to; how does one woman, Gail Pincus, a once
radical, with ideals of social change, resolve her radical ideals with working with the
once demonized established institutions? And once she and the grassroots
organizations continue to work with the established institutions do those institutions
change?
The philosophical and historical differences within the domestic violence
community create a competitive environment for funding, staffing, and voice of
authority. The far reaching result of this competition is the lack of a unified
front against domestic violence. The general population is left with vague legal
definitions and psychological and financial consequences of domestic violence.
This public ignorance results in limited services for victims and their children. It
also means that there is the potential for perpetrators to be acquitted by uneducated
jurors. This situation leaves both, disillusioned police officers unwilling to arrest,
again, and victims of domestic violence in danger, which continues the cycle of
domestic violence. However, the different organizations and agencies are working
through their differences through their participation on various umbrella organizations.
This study will examine some of those organizations starting from the California
state level to the communities of Northeast Los Angeles and Van Nuys.
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Chapter One Endnotes
1 Despite exhaustive efforts a number of questions regarding the early days of
organizing the domestic violence community remain unanswered. As is the nature of
a social movement many details are forgotten because they were not written down.
Often the crisis of the day over shadowed the cumbersome task of writing down
details was the last priority, if it was even considered.
2 The terms used to refer to women, using domestic violence services, is problematic.
The term “client” has therapeutic connotations and the word “victim” rather than
survivor” raises a political discussion. . . when does a victim become a survivor? And
does the term victim continue to victimize?
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Chapter Two: How I got Involved in the
Domestic Violence Movement
Introduction
In 19871 worked as a Volunteer Coordinator for Los Angeles Children’s
Museum, hoping to use this position as access to employment in a “real”
museum. The Los Angeles Children’s Museum is an interactive learning
environment for both school groups and families. The museum is a member
of several different museum associations. It was the membership in these
associations, and my superior’s encouragement, which led me to believe the
job, could allow me to pursue my ultimate goal, a similar position in a
cultural/history museum. As a non-profit organization there were always
budgetary concerns. There was also a high turn over rate for the floor workers
(those who had direct interaction with the children) that added pressure on me,
as the volunteer coordinator, to recruit, train and manage volunteers. As the
situation was neither socially nor politically fulfilling for me, I began to look
for a way to reconnect to my community in a more activist role. I had been
involved in different political and feminist organizations but was frustrated with
the in-fighting that usually overshadows the work. I wanted to work in direct
services doing something with observable results. After seeing a recruitment ad,
I became a volunteer for the East Los Angeles Rape Hotline (ELARHL,) then
called AVANCE, and, finally, renamed East Los Angeles Women’s Center.
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Sexual assault was a fairly non-controversial issue, since it is a crime and most
people want crime stopped. At least this was my naive expectation. (Marital rape
continues to be an issue of controversy.) As a volunteer, I could avoid policy issues
and offer direct services to those in need. After some disappointing experiences with
women’s groups that turn projects into personal competition, I was looking for an
organization that focuses on women’s health and safety. I began the volunteer training
at ELARHL assuming that this issue was very straightforward, but as it turned out, it
included many related issues such as relationship questions, AIDS and general health,
drug abuse, suicide — and, of course, domestic violence.
Training was extremely thorough. However as a consequence of the bureaucratic
nature of the state mandated training, statutes gradually added more curriculum
training requirements. My hotline training at ELARHL included the state-mandated
requirements for sexual assault hotline workers. Telephone information directed
women in the catchment’s area to the ELARHL hotline not only for sexual assault, but
domestic violence, relationship questions, and questions on general health, rather than
to the county INFOR-line. Therefore, the volunteers at ELARHL receive training
beyond the state’s mandated sexual assault hotline training. ELARHL’s training
includes information about various social service agencies in the area that offer
services such as food banks, free child care, job training, housing assistance and
similar assistance.
The AIDS (acquired immune deficiency syndrome) crisis began to impact East
Los Angeles. ELAEHL started to receive calls from both rape victims and those
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seeking information about STDs (sexually transmitted diseases). The agency turned to
the state for funding. This funding in the same stroke enabled the agency to respond
to the AIDs crisis and embroiled the agency in the state’s bureaucracy. ELARHL was
also the first AIDS or SIDA (smdrome de inmunodeficiencia adquerida) hotline
available for the Spanish speaking community in Los Angeles country. Initially,
sexual assault victims called ELARHL because of concerns about their risk of
possibly contracting AIDS and other sexually diseases transmitted through sexual
assault. The SIDA hotline developed its own educational materials, and thereafter the
calls covered everything from general education about AIDS to referrals for persons
who may have contracted HIV through an infected partner. The sexual assault hotline
volunteers were the first to be trained to cover the new SIDA hotline. However,
because my Spanish was weak, I only volunteered as a back up on the SIDA hotline. I
somehow spoke well enough to work the sexual assault hotline since the callers were
usually English-dominant bilingual. If I had a call from a Spanish speaker I would be
able to make an emergency assessment and then transfer the call to my Spanish
speaking back-up.
More than a year after becoming an ELARHL volunteer, I saw a notice for a
paid position as a domestic violence community education coordinator at another
agency, Los Angeles Commission on Assaults Against Women (LACAAW.) Despite
the confusing name, it is a private non-profit agency and not a county commission.
Even after I started work with LACAAW, I remained a volunteer for ELARHL,
usually as a hospital accompaniment (one who accompanies the victim to the hospital
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and walks her through the rape kit exam) or as a lecturer at community education
events. I did not inform LACAAW o f my continued volunteer time with ELARHL
because I suspected that LACAAW would have asked me to volunteer for them
(LACAAW) instead. (As is typical with non-profit organizations, the LACAAW
director expected staff to volunteer over and above paid work hours.) I felt I needed to
keep secret my connection with the ELARHL and the friends I had made there.
Ironically, I later learned that LACAAW and ELARHL were sister organizations with
a very close working relationship. LACAAW’s Spanish-speaking self-defense
instructors came directly from ELARHL.
Unfortunately, LACAAW’s attitude was somewhat haughty. Because
LACAAW was the first sexual assault hotline in Southern California, its staff and
volunteers tended to regard themselves as national experts in sexual assault response
and hotline training. LACAAW is also the only agency to openly identify as feminist
(See Matthews 1991 for an in depth discussion of LACAAW). So rigid was their
attitude that they insisted that I repeat a 40-hour hotline training even though it was
essentially identical with one I had already completed at ELARHL.
Through both on-the-job training and self-education, I came to recognize the
exclusiveness of the domestic violence community. I read every book recommended
by Gail Pincus, the co-coordinator at the sister agency, Jewish Family Service, and
accompanied her to every meeting feasible. I would ask her questions about the
meetings, who held what office, and their importance to the domestic violence
community. Many of my early questions were about the meaning o f the different
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acronyms and references to penal codes. Private, county, and city agencies are often
identified by their acronyms. It is part shorthand and part secret handshake. The
opaqueness of the terms effectively isolates outsiders. Acronyms are so important
For identifying insider membership that the Domestic Abuse Center includes a list
of the most commonly used acronyms in their volunteer training material. (A list
of acronyms is located at the beginning of this work.)
When the Domestic Violence Education and Prevention city grant was not
renewed for the fiscal year 1989,1 left LACAAW. I started working approximately
20 hours a week for the Center for Domestic Violence Intervention; now called
“About Face,” as a group facilitator for batterers. The rest of my income came from
the part-time teaching of two classes at California State University Northridge
(CSUN). It was at CSUN that I was encouraged to return to school and complete my
doctoral dissertation. During this period (1989 - 90) I received the required 40 hours
of training for each Batterers Education certification in Los Angeles and Orange
Counties, respectively. As a batterer’s group facilitator, all the statistics, theory and
studies came together, and I began to understand another facet of domestic
violence. Walking into a batterers’ group, and seeing how “normal” and even
charming the men were, made me realize how women become involved, or more
correctly entangled, with the abuser. I had said as much at many lectures but it wasn’t
until I became a group facilitator for batterers that this fact became real to me. Like
most men in this culture, batterers are taught that they are the heads o f their
households and, as such, wield authority over women and control over their lives.
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However, the abusers have tested and pushed the limits of their power and control in
their relationships with few, if any, consequences. Historically, abusers were rarely
punished or even reprimanded for their actions. It is that silence that has enabled
abuses to continue their behavior.
After I left LACAAW, and later About Face, I continued my involvement, and
in fact increased my activities, with the different Los Angeles County Domestic
Violence Council (LACDVC) committees and California Alliance Against Domestic
Violence (CAADV,) Pasadena YWCA Domestic Violence Project and the African
Community Refugee Center. It was through the LACDVC committee work that I
remained connected to the domestic violence community and gained access to most of
the information in this study. My involvement in the various groups also helped to
form the strategy for this study, namely: to examine the interrelationships among
domestic violence organizations from state to county to city to community. In 1995
Gail Pincus asked me to serve on the board of directors for the Domestic Abuse
Center- DAC (Northridge.) Ultimately, I became President of the Board. I continue
my involvement with the domestic violence community to this day with DAC and as
the domestic violence expert on the Citizen Police Advisory Board (CPAB) at
Northeast division Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD.)
My activism provided me with an insight into the conflicts and tensions among
domestic violence organizations. The more involved I became with the statewide
organizations, the more I learned how the conflicts and tensions affected policy
decisions. Between 1987 and 1998 my activities as an insider within Domestic Abuse
Center (as a board member and group facilitator) and at other domestic violence
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agencies (as a member of different committees) provided me with access to strategic
planning, organization restructuring discussions, and interagency discussions on issues
affecting services to battered women. It was common for me to receive invitations to
conferences, or to speak at training sessions, and I had personal relationships with
several members of different organizations. However, much to my dismay and
disappointment, in 1999 things changed when I made it clear to my domestic violence
colleagues that I planned to collect information and research the organizations in
order to understand the dynamics of the interagency relationships for my
dissertation. Some changes came about slowly, such as fewer invitations to
conferences usually generated by past participation in other conferences. This
situation became a catch-22; the fewer conferences I attended, the fewer invitations
I received; thus, starting a downward spiral of visibility in the community. It was
much the same process with speaking engagements. However the most interesting
change was in personal relationships. For example, Alana Bowman, the domestic
violence coordinator for the City Attorney’s office in Los Angeles, often had me
housesit for her. After I asked her for an interview for my research she stopped
asking me to housesit. She would not return calls and avoided me at meetings.
She never did manage to make time for the interview and later joked about being
able to put me off. Another domestic violence colleague of mine mentioned to her
board member (an anthropologist colleague, our acquaintance unbeknownst to her)
that she had plans never to talk to any researcher because the domestic violence
community does not get any thing in return (Hale 2000). This and other incidents
made clear that I had moved from insider colleague and fellow activist to outsider
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researcher and, as such, no longer part of a social movement/domestic violence
community.
Just as there are many different levels of participation and membership in
a social movement (see chapter five on social movements) there are many levels
of outsider for any organization, particularly within a community bom from
a social movement with a goal of social change. Many veterans of the domestic
violence field see as newcomers anyone who has not been active since the early
days of ad hoc shelters. Others believe that one must have a personal encounter
with domestic violence, either through an intimate partner or close friend, in order
to be an insider in the movement. There are, of course, some like Ms. Bowman
and Ms. Samuels who operate outside of these defined constraints and who assert
a vision of social change that extends beyond domestic violence. The internal,
and often covert, conflicts over who constitutes a legitimate spokesperson have
influenced policy development at state, county and city levels. These conflicts
also prevent the grassroots domestic violence community from working
effectively as a united front with outside agencies such as mental health and
police. As a result, policy is developed based on alliances that consider the status
and “expertise” of the consultant over the good of battered women. It is in this
context that grassroots community-based organizations are wary of researchers.
Researchers are the ones who have the information that institutions use to
legitimize their policy development, often contrary to the recommendations of
grassroots community-based organizations. Children’s Services (a county institution)
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practice, pre-domestic violence training in die late nineties, is the prime
example. When children were at risk in a home, where the perpetrator is the father
or male figure, Children’s Services automatically charged the mother with failure to
protect and placed the children in foster care. This gave the father the opportunity to
file for custody of the children even if he was the violent party. Because the criminal
charges had been filed against the mother, the father had a stronger case for custody
(Elton, C. 1997:16.) The policy was implemented after recommendations from
children focused social work researchers. Rather than include the mother under
institutional protection it was, and for some jurisdictions still is, easier to blame the
mother. This view point fails to take into account the complex dynamics of domestic
abuse. The emotional, economic, and psychological effects of living in fear of abuse
(discussed further in chapter four). Thus, for many shelters and other grassroots
community-based domestic violence agencies, the strategy of choice is to avoid
researchers rather that risk the information being used against the domestic violence
community.
There are certain advantages to being the outsider, or at least removed from the
personal and social obligations that accompany insider status. Because I am no longer
part of the inner circle, I no longer have any loyalty to any specific agency or
philosophy. This status allows me to expand my research to agencies that include
batterers’ treatment programs (which are usually mistakenly referred to as anger
management programs.)1 Part o f the motivation for the domestic violence movement
is the application of radical feminist ideals that focus exclusively on the safety of
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women and children. This philosophy does not include men and, for those feminists
who still hold to this narrow vision, working with batterers is a betrayal of the feminist
movement. This attitude is changing, albeit very slowly. Feminists are starting to
acknowledge that the agencies that work with men both as batterers and staff have
a valuable perspective.
Getting involved in the domestic violence community opened new vistas. I
had assumed that domestic violence was far removed from my own life, but the more I
learned about the dynamics of power and control, the more I began to identify abusive,
if not violent, relationships all around me. Soon, whenever I would tell any of my
friends about my new job, they would have a story about themselves or a friend who
was either in an abusive relationship or who had escaped one. It was also at this time
that I became aware that my mother’s new husband’s daughter, Sue, was in an abusive
relationship.
As I learned about the different tactics and strategies batterers typically use on
their victims, Sue would live them out: emotional-psychological abuse, financial
manipulation, blaming, denying responsibility, and eventually using the children. As
she struggled to save the marriage, and sought help from various outside sources, Sue
also exhibited many of the layers of emotional conflict typical of battered women. At
times she would blame herself, or his drinking, eventually blaming the judicial system.
Finally she got to the point of living emotionally removed from the relationship. Only
when she began to see evidence of the effects of abuse on her son did she finally make
serious attempts to escape the relationship. After several attempts, and with the help of
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the police, courts, and batterers’ groups, she did so. Yet, because she has children
with him she will be forever tied to the abuser. Even though she managed to have his
parental rights severely restricted, she will also have to consider her son’s father, the
abuser, when she makes major decisions regarding her son’s life. It was more than
ironic that as she passed through the increasingly dangerous trials and traumas, I was
learning more and more about the dynamics o f domestic violence and resources that
could help her. However, she would not, could not, accept help from me. She, like
so many battered women, had to reach her own decisions and conclusions about
what to do when she was ready to act. Although I reached out to her with helpful
information, I was unable to “make” her see the danger of the situation. This was
probably my most important learning experience. No matter how much an outsider
may want to get the women out of the situation, she has to leave when she is ready
to do so; otherwise she will go back to the abuser.
Summary
Anthropology has been an interest of mine since I took an advanced
placement course at my high school offer through our local community
college. The classic studies of Evans-Prichard, Radcliff-Brown and Margaret
Mead marked my thinking and influenced my world view. When I began
working with domestic violence saw social relationships in terms of extended
kin, social rank and social obligations. Later when I began working at California
State University Northridge and was encouraged to go back to school I decided to use
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the expansive information I had gathered on domestic violence organizations and enter
an applied anthropology program. The current trend in anthropology researching
domestic violence as it occurs in different cultures and ethnic groups. (Warwick
2000.) Rather than focus on the interpersonal dynamics of domestic violence I saw the
opportunity to analyze the coalitions and organizations that address domestic violence
policy from the unique perspective of an anthropologist and a life time feminist
and activist in the domestic violence movement.
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Chapter Two Endnotes
1 anger management vs. batterers groups: Batterer’s treatment programs are not anger
management programs. Anger management programs address appropriate expressions
of anger and they are designed to address all situations and between all relationships,
even strangers. A batterer’s treatment/education program address underlying views of
male - female gender roles and relationships. Batterer’s treatment programs are
specific to intimate partners; however some judges include other family members.
Unfortunately, many judges do not know the differences and on occasion I have had
violent perpetrators sentenced to batterers group who were not in an intimate
relationship but express inappropriate anger at someone else.
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Chapter Three: Gail Pincus-
Primary Informant/ Co-collaborator
Introduction
Gail Pincus is a licensed clinical social worker. She received her social work
degree from the University Southern California (USC) in 1984 and her license in
1986. She has been my primary informant/co-collaborator since 1995. Gail has been
working in the domestic violence community for over eighteen years. She struggles
with the conflict between the assumptions she learned in graduate school and the
reality she later learned in her career as a domestic violence victim advocate. The
theories and models she learned in graduate school tend to pathologize the victim,
whereas the domestic violence community generally seeks to empower victims and
transform them into survivors. She also struggles with her identification as mental
health worker, because her idealism and philosophy is that of activist in a larger social
movement. Ms. Pincus started her academic career as an undergraduate at Berkeley in
the 1960s and, even though she continued her undergraduate education at California
State University Northridge, her Berkeley experience had already set her on the path
to an activist approach to mental health.
Gail’s introduction to the domestic violence movement occurred when, as a
student of Social Work, she earned her hours interning at a family service center. It
was there that she discovered children, especially boys, who were frustrated and angry
at the world. These feelings came from living in abusive families and not being able to
do anything about their situations. The boys were often angry with their fathers, or
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whoever the abusers were, but the blame was directed at their mothers. This is not
uncommon, given that young men often adopt attitudes about women from their
fathers other male role model and hear the abuser blame the mother for the abuse
(see cycle of violence). Often these boys will echo the question heard from the
uneducated public: “Why doesn’t she just leave?” What often ends up getting the
young men into group homes or foster care is their “acting out,” adopting violent
behavior in an attempt to solve their problems. Ironically, they find themselves using
the same behavior that they found abhorrent in the abuser. Ultimately, they never
learn alternative methods to resolve problems.
Gail began work at Jewish Family Service (JFS) in Van Nuys after she
left her student field placement. Eventually, Gail began her own practice
specializing in domestic violence. She was working at Jewish Family Service
when I first met her in 1988.1 was working at the Los Angeles Commission on
Assaults Against Women as the Coordinator on the Domestic Violence
Prevention Education Project (PEP). PEP was jointly sponsored and funded with
JFS, and Ms. Pincus was the co-coordinator of the project. The focus of the
project was community education that included conducting roll call training for
the Los Angeles Police Department. Pincus taught the domestic violence
classes at the police academy and I took over most of the roll calls. The directive
for the roll call training was part of the Lula Mae Thomas settlement (see chapter
four), which provided support from police brass and funding from the state.
This was my introduction to the structure, design, and protocol of LAPD.
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After this short-lived project, we continued to work together on LACDVC
Legal Issues and Training committees. After completing the Los Angeles and Orange
Counties’ domestic violence batterers’ treatment training, I began to substitute for Gail
at the battered women’s group. Over time I facilitated my own battered women’s
group in the Northridge office until, after approximately three months, the agency
could hire a full-time facilitator. Also at this time I was working at About Face,
another non-shelter domestic violence service agency, co-facilitating batterer’s groups
with Dr. Sandra Baca. After a few months I facilitated my own batterer’s group at
About Face. After DAC hired a facilitator for the women’s group I began to co-
facilitate die second stage batterer’s group with Dr. Richard Cole. That continued my
working relationship with Ms. Pincus as clinical supervisor (see appendix; domestic
violence resume for complete employment record in domestic violence.) DAC
organizes their batterer’s group into orientation, then first and second stage, each
lasting thirteen weeks. Working with both victim and perpetrators gave me valuable
insight into the justice system. It also convinced me that I was more interested in
working on the policy level.
In 1993 Ms. Pincus asked me to serve on the Board of the Domestic Abuse
Center. At that time I had stopped facilitating batterers’ groups at About Face. In 1997
I stopped co-facilitating groups at DAC because the groups had become so small the
fee could only fund one facilitator. This was a decision I made as a board
member, DAC is die agency Ms. Pincus founded in 1990, where she is currendy the
Executive Director and I am currently the Chair of the Board. DAC is a non-shelter
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domestic violence service agency located in Northridge, in the northern part of the San
Fernando Valley. The agency serves the San Fernando Valley area and has, on
occasion, received clients from Ventura County. DAC offers services to battered
women and their children. The agency also conducts batterers’ intervention classes for
both court-ordered and volunteer perpetrators. DAC has a children’s therapist with a
graduate degree, and also uses interns from local social work graduate programs.
Gail Pincus has a history of directing former battered women into continuing
their education or working in the field of domestic violence. Several of her domestic
violence survivors have gone on to get teaching credentials and/or degrees in social
work or law. Others have gone on to work in shelters and as victim advocates for the
court. Gail is listed as a field placement site/ supervisor for USC, UCLA, CSUN and
other schools. As a field placement supervisor she oversees the interns’ work and
consults with the interns on their progress at DAC. On occasion she has had one of
her former battered women group members as a student intern. Her support for
formerly battered women or survivors of domestic violence is in keeping with the
feminist principles of empowerment, a concept she stresses beginning with the
battered women’s support group. Often women from the group continue their network
of support becoming friends, mentors or sometimes just roommates as the get their
finances together (Levendosky, G. 2004:97-101.) Gail continues to work to empower
both former victims and interns as part of her grassroots philosophical commitment.
Gail’s other activities include Chair of Legal Issues, Executive Committee,
Legislature Committee all of LACDVC. She is also on the City Domestic Violence
Task Force, a member of the California Alliance Against Domestic Violence, and she
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has been the Domestic Violence Dynamics section of the Domestic Violence Training
for LAPD Academy training for new recruits and Major Assault Crimes (MAC)
Detectives. She is often asked to give expert statements to state hearings on various
issues relating to domestic violence. Gail Pincus also acts as an expert witness on
domestic violence throughout California. She testifies on cases regularly in Los
Angeles and Ventura Counties. Gail currently spends most of her non-clinical time
coordinating and supervising the Van Nuys DART team. As supervisor, she meets
regularly with the DART advocates, reviewing current cases, critiquing notes and
interview techniques, and updates the advocates on any changes in the law. She also
goes out in the DART car at least one a week, and sometimes more when she is
covering for advocates’ absences, or when she needs to train new advocates.
The information gathered from Ms. Pincus comes from board meetings,
committee reports, informal discussions and formal interviews. Most of the
information I was seeking was verification of information gathered from other
sources, which either unreliable or otherwise questionable. For instance, if
information was overheard in a training session or before a meeting, yet was not
part of the official agenda, Pincus would later validate or clarify the information.
Given the sensitive nature of the relationship between the community-based
organizations and the institutions, such as police, it was necessary to gather and
verify information from a trusted source. There is also tension between the domestic
violence community and researchers. Many domestic violence activists feel too
overburdened to work with researchers unless they can see a direct benefit. Gail
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has a son who is a university professor and she has a high regard and respect for
academic research, for this reason she has been very accommodating and open with
information.
Gail is very active in the domestic violence community in the city, county and
state. She is also recognized by key anti-domestic violence activists in the nation (E.
Pence, personal communication 1997). However, she is alienated from some areas of
the domestic violence feminist community because she offers services to male
batterers. For some radical feminists this action is perceived as taking time and effort
v
taken away from battered women. Gail has admitted that there were times her
recommendations were not acted upon because of her lack of diplomatic skills. She is
also alienated from some in the domestic violence community for her outspokenness
on unqualified (specifically experience working with domestic violence victims)
agencies taking leadership positions in the field. This is a trend that is happening
more often with a mental health approach to domestic violence, and gaining in
popularity with established institutions. Despite these differences, or perhaps because
of them, she works on many fronts, both grassroots and within established
institutions. She was recognized by the State legislature as the “Women o f the Year”
in 1998 for her legislative activity and advocacy for battered women.
Gail received her Master of Social Work at USC, one of the few schools that
offered regular courses on domestic violence in their curriculum in the 1980s.
According to Gail most Social Work (or Social Welfare) schools throughout the
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country did not offer regularly scheduled courses on domestic violence during this
era. Most schools included domestic violence within the course on marriage and
family, if it was discussed at all. Eventually, more schools offered courses on
domestic violence (usually “family” violence) but usually as electives. Currently,
the state requires a minimal training in domestic violence for all social work schools,
and continuing education for current Children Protective Services social
workers. Even when domestic violence education is offered, the theoretical
foundation is usually a traditional family systems approach. This approach works
with the couple as a unit with “differences” in the expectations of marriage.
In healthy relationships, differences are both inevitable, as with most love
(not arranged) marriages in the United States the couples are raised with different
ideas about family and marriage. When these non-life-threatening differences
arise a couples’ counselor can work with the couple together to an understanding
of differences and usually some compromise. Historically, the compromise
was in favor of the husband. This bias developed from the assumptions of society
of how a family, household and marriage is suppose to look like- the husband
working outside the home and the wife taking care o f the home. Although there
have been changes in this basic assumption of man the wage earner and wife
the homemaker there is still the underlying belief that problems in a relationship
can be “fixed” by working with the unit of husband and wife. However, in an
abusive relationship, conceptual differences about what is a marriage or how
a family functions can be used to justify abuse. The unit of interest is no
longer a marriage, husband and wife; it is now perpetrator and victim.
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Tarasoff Warning
The current policy among therapists is that if one suspects any violence in the
relationship, the couple must be seen as separate clients. It is not law and not a
generally accepted policy. It will take legislative action to enact policy that protects
domestic violence victims. The alternative is a lawsuit which establishes precedent,
much like the Tarasoff warning.1 This current “practice” does not preclude a therapist
from using an approach that places the victim in danger. For instance, it is common
practice for couple’s counselor to have the couple negotiate compromises about their
differences. For a healthy couple who may have different expectations of a marriage
this method might work. If the wife expects more attention then the husband has to
communicate why he has little time at that moment and negotiate time together for
later. However in an abusive relationship the primary concern should be safety. In a
similar scenario an abusive husband may use tactics of intimidation, coercion or even
violence to “negotiate” his wishes. As with many abusers they can be charming to
outsiders making the victim appear irrational. If the therapist has not been educated in
the tactics of abuse then he or she may not even be able to recognize the dynamics of
abuse as they are playing out in a given relationship (Pincus 2002.)
Unfortunately, most social services and children service supervisors in Los
Angeles County were trained in the traditional family systems approach and, even if
they have received updated training, tend to continue to do things according to their
original training. This old approach often ends up blaming or punishing the victim.
The assumption that any mental health professional is educated and trained to address
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domestic violence safely and effectively is incorrect (Pincus and Samuals 2000.) Ms.
Pincus actively and continually works to supplement, and overcome, her formal social
work education in domestic violence by attending conferences, reading journals, and
developing curriculum for training.
Domestic Violence in Social Work/ Mental Health Education
Social work schools are a paradox. They are designed as a branch of society
to assist the needy within this context of the individualism, one of the fundamental
ideals of the United States. It is the individual that is held up as the example of
success or as the example of failure. Success for the welfare system is for one to
become independent of state help, but this state does not value the extended family,
usually the first line of support. It is in this context of individual idealism that the
mental health system in the United States developed and functions (Dobash and
Dobash 1997.) It was in this environment that Pincus received her social work
education and in which she continues to struggle. As Dobash and Dobash argue,
this ideal of individualism is one of the reasons that the response to domestic
violence in the United States has become a mental health issue. Given that the
individual is the focal point of mental health care the strategy has become a means
of “curing” or “fixing” the individual caught in an abusive relationship, whether
they are the perpetrator or victim. More mental health agencies are attending domestic
violence meetings presenting themselves as experts in domestic violence, yet none of
their staff have finished the state’s evidence code requirement for domestic violence
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education. Having a mental health degree does not automatically make one qualified
to work with people affected by domestic violence (Training Committee Notes 2002.)
The mental health model explores the male client’s personal history to discover
“his inner anger against women.” This line of analysis usually leads to mother or
some mother image, which ultimately leads, once again, to blaming women for men’s
violence. In this way society, and the mental health community specifically, colludes
with men’s violence against women. Different cultures will have different was of
colluding with the batterer, whether by directly blaming the women for “making” him
angry, or by denying that violence occurs at all, as women in upper class communities
find. This isolates her and makes her feel as if the violence is her fault, or that she is
risking the family’s social status and community standing if she speaks up about the
abuse. A mental health model keeps domestic violence contained within the
individual yet allows the use of culture by the individual to justify the violence.
Domestic Violence Social Movement to Advocacy
The social movement perspective attempts to place domestic violence in the
social context that socializes men to use violence as a means of solving problems. The
example used by Gail in many of her training session is team sports. Young boys learn
about the effectiveness and acceptability of the use in violence first in the playground
and then with team sports that sanction a level of violence, tackling in football,
checking in ice hockey and “taking the charge” in basketball. Most team sports teach
sportsmanship and the rules of die game. For instance, it is considered a coup to
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“sack” or tackle the quarterback but a late hit will result in a penalty on the defensive
team. In most team sports the violence is acceptable to a degree, but some boys will
test the boundaries of those rules. This early socialization, combined with the stigma
of expressing emotional needs in the stoic ideal of manhood, provide an environment
for male aggression to grow and permeate all areas of a man’s life. Violence becomes
a quick and effective means for a batterer to get his way. It is a short-term strategy.
It does not work in a long-term relationship. The social movement model seeks to
change the way society socializes boys. One step is to change the attitude society
has about women. The status of woman in the relationship has to change from one
of property to partner. The other step is to change society attitudes about domestic
violence though community education. Domestic violence has to move from a private
family affair to something that is recognized as a social problem.
As a licensed mental health provider Gail works to educate others about the
danger of mental health providers attempting to service domestic violence victims.
She works with funding sources to require domestic violence training for all funding
applicants. Pincus also works with legislatures to require a limited number of years
working in domestic violence before an agency can apply for funds. Gail has a
grassroots philosophy and still sees the domestic violence community as a social
movement. As more money comes from the state this campaign becomes more
difficult. Yet Gail works with, and is respected by, the established community. She
continues to teach at the police academy, provide training for Children’s Protective
Service, and to work with county and state officials developing policy. Gail,
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working with what is left of an activist domestic violence movement, is trying
to shift the focus and address domestic violence on a societal level. It is a
social problem that can only be effectively addressed on all levels, individual,
family and society.
Summary
Gail Pincus offers a unique perspective into the Southern California domestic
violence community. As a license clinical social worker she understands the models
that shape mental health policy, the mission of public institutions and the bureaucracy
that comes with public institutions. Gail is also a product of the social movements
of the sixties and seventies both in the United States and France. The social
movements of the time focused on justice and social change. The demonstrations,
discussions and general social environment that questioned the status quo marked
Gail’s perspective on justice and gender. The experience with activism also
shaped her proactive response to domestic violence. The social movement
experience gives her the drive to see beyond domestic violence as a personal
issue but as a syndrome of gender inequities.
When Gail decided to go back to school she decided to follow a path
of an established institution - social work. The degree gives her a title that validates
her expertise to workers in other institutions such as court, police and children’s
social services. The combinations of her political and educational experiences
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eventually lead to her personal identification as an advocate and not just a therapist.
Her narrow focus is what serves this study- an expert in domestic violence and
personal involvement in the both domestic community and her education in the mental
health field.
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Chapter Three Endnotes
1 Tarasoff Warning - “California requires psychiatrists to warn about dangerous
patients” - Tarasoff v. Regents of University of California, 17 Cal. 3d 425, 551 P.2d
334, 131 Cal. Rptr. 14.(Cal. 1976).
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Chapter Four: Utilizing Legal and Urban Anthropology to
Examine the Domestic Violence Community in California
Introduction
This study will draw on the methodology and insights of urban
anthropology, and will focus more or less exclusively on the domestic violence
movement as it has manifested in California cities. The domestic violence
movement has its roots in the feminist movement of the 1960s and 70s, and both
movements were overwhelmingly urban. As feminist/rape crisis movement
developed it became increasingly aware of the proliferation of domestic violence
through telephone hotlines, which were available only in cities. Prior to this,
other gender inequality issues also became magnified in the concentrated
populations of urban areas. As women throughout the country began to question
their “assigned” roles in society, it was urban women who were able to engage
in a rapid exchange of ideas and strategies for action.
Rural areas were not immune to inequality and oppression. For a
woman isolated in the countryside, it was difficult to find support for
budding feminist ideals. Rural women were often engaged in hard physical labor
and thus did not appear to be trapped in the stereotypically “feminine” roles of
their urban counterparts. Many o f these rural women were nonetheless subject
to gender inequalities -- including partner abuse — and limited opportunities.
Yet because of their geographic isolation, their heavy workloads, and their lack
of support networks, these women did not mobilize to advocate policy change.
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Fundamental societal change had to be codified (written into law), and that
was where women in the cities made their impact Urban feminist activists
perceived rural women as not having the time, resources, and numbers to effect
change in the system. Currently, the alliances and coalitions that are the subject
of this study are seeking advice on how to deal with heretofore underserved rural
populations.
This study will focus on cities, not only for historical reasons, but also
for the abundant data they provide. Cities serve as a concentrated and accessible
sample and also reflect the problems facing all domestic violence programs
statewide. The urban activism of the battered women's movement began with
grassroots organizing and moved to more sophisticated approaches that include
working with established institutions, such as the City Attorney’s Office, District
Attorney’s Office, police, Department of Children's Protective Services and social
services. Unique relationships with these institutions gave the domestic violence
programs the opportunity to influence philosophy and policy statewide. For this
reason, the target population samples and policies for this study are taken from
major urban centers throughout California.
Not surprisingly, California domestic violence policy developed in the
state’s major metropolitan regions: the San Francisco Bay area, Los Angeles, and
San Diego counties. Policy has also been influenced by domestic violence research
and regulations in cities around the country, with New York, Boston, and Duluth
being the most influential. With their large populations, diverse cultures, and
numerous shelters, these cities have the numbers to support arguments for new
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legislation or policy changes. It is also in the cities that coalition organizations
such as the Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council and the Los Angeles
City Task Force provide forums for collaboration between grassroots community-
based agencies and established public institutions. According to a 2000 FBI
Special Report, rural areas usually have fewer resources to impact statewide
changes in domestic violence policy and hence are not as useful to this study.
Legal Anthropology
Legal anthropology is the branch of anthropology that studies how different
cultures and groups mediate problems; organize the laws and rules which maintain
order in society, and how societies organize institutions to enforce those laws and
rules. Historically, the research in this area concentrated on less technically
developed cultures. A technically underdeveloped culture may often have a highly
developed system of dispute resolution, as is evident with Evens-Pitchard’s study
of the Nuer (1979.) Contemporary anthropologist, such as Laura Nader, Sally
Falk-Moore and June Starr have used ethnographic methods to examine the legal
system in urban settings, including cities in the United States (Nader, L.1982)
Nader and Starr, in particular added the dimension of gender in the study of law
and culture. A culture’s judicial system offers an insight to the values and beliefs
of the culture.
This approach to the law and anthropology has roots in the early social science
writings of Durkheim (1961) and Weber (1978.) In spite their impact on political
science in the United States, anthropologists have only begun to recognize the
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larger political context of these cultural customs. The judicial system has, at
its very foundations reflects, the values of the culture.
In the United States the values and social structure of society is played
out in the court room. The role of defendant, plaintiff, prosecutor, judge and jury
are all microcosms of the roles die members of the culture fulfill in their daily
lives. In other words, the qualities that it takes to be a judge are also the qualities
the members of the culture seek in their leaders. Even the role of a defendant, in
this case a batterer, has to fulfill certain expectations or stereotypes for the
judicial system to be sympathetic towards the victim. For instance, if the batterer
is a brute, an alcoholic and from a minority population and the victim is small,
quiet and white then the victim receives more sympathy from the system. Cultural
norms, including gender roles, are slow to change especially when use of power
is involved. The judicial system is the arena, of society, most blatantly
demonstrates social power. It is through the judicial system the most people
come into direct contact with this power structure.
The justice system in the United States changes slowly. Any change that
occurs is usually a result of a long involved process. This process is a product
of the democratic ideals that founded this country. These ideals were in response
to a highly structured and closed power structure of the nobility of Europe. The
democratic system in the United States has the safe guards of checks and balance
that usually result in a careful but slow process. The result may not always be
satisfactory for all participants but it is an attempt to reach an equitable solution
and ultimately maintain social order, which is the intent of a judicial system.
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When domestic violence became a social issue, it became an issue of
“social order.” The justice system had to rely on the value systems o f the United
States to define the level of social disruption domestic violence causes to society.
The dilemma was, and to some degree still is, who defines domestic violence and
who is recognized as the experts in the field. Both issues influence the funding for
research, legislation, and resources for domestic violence. The underlying
philosophy of the judicial system, the process that identifies the problem and
solution, is jurisprudence. The application of laws and policy is legal studies.
This study uses both to examine the impact of the domestic violence movement
on the judicial system as the police and community coalitions represent it.
Defining Community Based Grassroots Feminist Organization and Institutions
This study examines the relationship between the institutions, such as the
courts and police, as they work with and influence community based grassroots
feminist organizations. In their efforts to address domestic violence on a societal
level both institutions and community based grassroots groups have worked
together to write legislation that defines how domestic violence shelters, police,
courts, and social service agencies respond to domestic violence. Established
institutions exist to respond to society’s needs and to maintain order in society.
Grassroots community based organizations also respond to society’s needs, yet
with a different perspective.
Grassroots organizations usually proceed from the perspective of self-help
through activism and empowerment. Typically the approach is direct action or
services. The participants, not necessarily members, are not professional
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organizers, but rather people who see an issue and respond with whatever limited
resources available. There is a continuum of the level of organization but the focus
is single issue and the philosophy is social change (Salazar, L.2003:258.) Domestic
violence grassroots organizations grew out of the feminist movement and those
activists were seeking to change fundamental bias and assumptions of male
superiority in society without using organizational structures that were perceived as
male defined. Those male defined structures, including any hierarchy, were found
in established institutions. Institutions continue to be part of the larger society that
the feminist movement still struggles to change. By definition, institutions are part
of the philosophical status quo of society and their existence depends on
maintaining that social structure. These fundamental differences have resulted in
tensions increasing between the two groups when they work together. Yet,
together, they manage to write laws and develop policy.
The earliest achievements of their collaborations are found in the justice
system. The justice system has a means by which to challenge judicial assumptions
through a formalized and highly structured process- legislation or court precedent.
To work through the legislatures involves networking with sympathetic politicians
and similar organizations. It also requires a level of knowledge of legislative
protocol. Court precedent is when the courts make a judgment on an issue that is
new to the court and once that decision is made it affects all subsequent issues
based on the courts decision, thus making it policy (Pincus, M. 2001.) Once there
are members of a social movement educated in the intricacies of this process they
are able to present their agenda through the socially established process through the
participation in a grassroots community based organization. This is the strategy the
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feminist movement took to change the laws and judicial system (from police to
trial) that did not account for, or address, women’s issues. It was a project that the
NOW-style feminist1 members found suited their expertise. Many of their members
are educated, and many are attorneys, and the judicial system provided the avenues
for change, especially since the attorneys from the NOW-style organizations often
had a personal investment for change in the judicial system.
Early Legal Anthropology
The roots of legal anthropology date to the late eighteen hundreds, with the
works of Sir Henry James Maine, Lewis Morgan, and Bronislaw Malinowski.
Unlike most anthropologists of the time, and many legal historians, Maine research
included European law traditions, particularly Irish law, rather than just focus on
exotic cultures. However, Maine was heavily influenced by Darwin's theory of
evolution and, as so many social scientists of the era, attempted to apply
evolutionary theory to societies. He felt that technologically simple cultures were
"stationary and infantile," and it was only in Europe that the development of the
legal process grows and changes with society.
One of Maine's contributions to legal anthropology was his theory that laws
develop in three stages. First stage laws are given through divine word and passed
on through an emissary or prophet, as with Moses. Then the word becomes custom
and eventually the custom becomes law and develops a separate identity with
consequences or sanctions. Thirdly, as societies became more mobile, the rights
and freedoms of individuals were defined, clarified and protected by legal
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contracts. The second contribution of Maine was his research on ancestor worship.
It was through this work that he tried to prove the precedent for wide spread use of
patrilineal descent and, ultimately, patriarchal society. This notion that patriarchy
is the ultimate stage of social evolution is the primary criticism of the feminist
movement and the point of argument for Feminist jurisprudence. Maine's theory
reveals how widely accepted the belief of patriarchal superiority was, and still is,
throughout society.
Lewis Morgan was also a leading proponent of the evolutionist thought of
the era, as evident in his work, Ancient Society (1877.) However, it is his writing
in Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity in the Human Family (1871,) that
contributes to the study of legal anthropology. This book is an analysis of the
structures and principles that societies use to maintain order. As an evolutionist he
ranked traditional societies on the bottom of the evolutionary scale and Western
societies on top. Nevertheless, his research focus on kinship and principles of
social organization makes him a contributing founder of legal anthropology and
important to note here as his focus on social organization allows for the beginning
of a critical view o f law in contemporary cultures.
Malinowski was not only the founder of Functionalism, but he also changed
the manner in which anthropological fieldwork is conducted. He advocated long
term fieldwork, living in the community and speaking the language. For those
studying the law of a culture, living with the people would offer a real view of the
practice of law rather then the ideal abstractions of legal principles found in a
culture’s legal writings. As a functionalist, Malinowski saw institutions and
systems as interconnected. Therefore, the development and application of laws
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were dependent on culture and biology. According to Malinowski, laws, as later
advocated by critical legal theory , are not created in a vacuum, but a result of trying
to apply and enact legal principles in a culture context (Unger 1986.)
Moving further away from the evolutionism of the late eighteen hundreds E.
Adamson-Hoebel, a neo-evolutionist, developed his "trend of law" concept in 1954.
This concept, an overview of the evolution of law, adopted Spencer's transition
from the simple to the complex. Adamson-Hoebel theorized that it wasn't until the
development of agriculture that humans developed a whole spectrum of laws to
resolve land claims and settle conflict. Simpler societies, such as hunters and
gatherers, did not have need for a whole canon of laws. Disputes were settled in
the context of what was best for the group and their relationship to outside
resources (Adamson-Hoebel 1954.)
Karl Llewellyn and Hoebel's work, The Cheyenne Way (1941),
exemplifies a turn in legal anthropology. Their study argues that the manner in
which disputes are settled will vary depending upon who is involved, either one's
own family member or another clan member. The study also elevated the idea
that primitive societies could have sophisticated legal systems. The method
was a pluralist approach to anthropology (Rouland 1994:48.) This was also,
in part, a move away from functionalism, which was criticized for looking at
societies as if they were closed, homogeneous systems. Llewellyn and Hoebel,
and later Redfield and Gluckman, believed that different legal systems could not
only exist in one society but, in fact, interact (Gluckman 1965.) This led the way
for S. Falk-Moore to introduce her concept of "semi-autonomous social fields."
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According to Falk-Moore, as corporate groups interact with each other
they have principles or rules which direct their behavior. Yet these principles and
rules are not directly connected to the codified laws of a complex society, since by
their interaction with each other groups may form a semi-autonomous social field.
It is here where feminist jurisprudence and critical legal theory take the next step
and postulate that not only are there different principles and rules outside the
formal system, but the formal system has different principles of application for
different groups- one set for rich, white, and men, and another for racial minorities,
the differently-abled and women. Legal anthropologists Laura Nader (The
Disputing Process), and June Starr (Law as Metaphor: From Islamic Courts to
the Palace of Justice (1992)) have expanded the focus on the resolutions of
tensions and conflicts in cultures outside the United States and began to place
law within the process of culture, its history, religious background, and the
ideals that form the value system of that culture. Early anthropologists, such
as Boas, documented cultural practices, but it was their descriptions and
discussions about how decisions are made and disputes settled that is salient
to this new branch of anthropology, labeled “legal anthropology.” It is this
different perspective that piqued my interest in anthropology and convinced
me to use legal anthropology as the theoretical foundation of this study.
Feminist Jurisprudence
This study utilizes feminist theory, specifically feminist jurisprudence,
ethnographic theory, and urban anthropology. Feminist theory recognizes that
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the asymmetric status of women is universal (Rosaldo M.1974.) The term
asymmetrical is and was used in an effort to avoid "unequal," which, in the feminist
view, placed a western value judgment on women's work and status on non-western
women (1974:33.) In an attempt to move away from an ethnocentric perspective,
early feminists in the United States believed that in other cultures, especially those
non-western cultures, just because women did not have the same duties and status as
men, their duties were not devalued, they were only different. However, using law
as a standard of representation, researchers using feminist jurisprudence are able to
identify the level of protection and recognition women have in society visa via the
judicial system. Once this analysis was utilized the notion of unequal or asymmetry
came under scrutiny. Asymmetry refers to women’s responsibilities that are
idealized as important, childcare, but are not recognized in any concrete, materially
substantial way. In other words childcare and other household related duties are
recognized as important but mothers and wives do not receive a salary or other
material compensation.2 This distinction developed out of dialogue between
feminist from the industrialized countries and third world women.
Until the Feminist movement that asymmetry had not been analyzed
outside the male dominated paradigms of the academy, including, of course,
anthropology. Feminist researchers began to study different cultures, including
the U.S., to find out if this asymmetry was not only an oversight of the male
analysis, but similar in degree cross culturally. The questions became “Was this
asymmetry perceived similarly by the women in different cultures, or viewed
as just as important from women in the culture studied, or ultimately a reflection
of a "natural" order, men as dominant and women submissive?” Researchers
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also searched for, and continue to question, any recognition of a "sisterhood," a
mutual bond from the experiences of being a woman that can extend cross
culturally. Historically, the focus of feminist research was the domestic or
"private" environment (Resnik 2001:2.) This focus became the core of feminist
analysis ranging from raising children, to women's crafts and status, to how the
activity is tied or not tied to the home.
Feminist jurisprudence reflects the goals and the methods of the feminist
movement to change the patriarchal system. A guiding force in the patriarchal
system is the socially conservative judiciary. When it does change, it does so
only after long and contemplative struggle. Jurisprudence, is the philosophy
of the law (Flew 1984), which includes all the assumptions and ideals that
influence the development of a system of laws (Black 1994.) From the feminist
perspective the basic assumption of the Western legal system is patriarchy. By
definition, patriarchy is the belief that men, by nature, are superior to women,
and thus, the system is justified, even obligated, to develop laws to reinforce
that belief (Rhode, Deborah 1989: 83.) In other words, the Western legal system
reflects a value and belief system that assumes that men are superior to women
(Davidson, Kenneth, Ruth B. Ginsburg and Herma H. Kay, 1974:1-34 and
Weisberg, D. Kelly 1996: 277-279.)3 This is the system that a battered
woman enters, often still feeling vulnerable, to fight for her rights.
Critical Legal Theory
Critical legal theory proposes that laws do not operate in a vacuum
(Crenshaw 1995.) This is the one profound tenet that links anthropology
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and critical legal theory. Anthropology examines those elements in society that
have an impact on social norms. Laws are often developed based on the moral
assumptions of society. In the United States those assumptions are based in the
Judeo-Christian heritage. Feminist jurisprudence has ties with critical legal theory
and other branches of legal scholarship. As with "law and social sciences," feminist
jurisprudence examines the connections between society and the law. Scholars of
law and society examine the social environment in which laws are developed and
applied, the economic situation, current political climate and social trends.
Jurisprudence considers all of the above but also considers historical influences,
such as Canon Law and Napoleonic Law, as well as the underlying philosophies
that created these legal systems.
Historical Foundations of the “Public/Private”
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the Supreme Court of die
United States made decisions that set the precedent for the "public/ private" split
(Polan 1982:122.) These decisions were made at a time when industrial
development was booming and women, particularly those in the cities, were
beginning to enter factory work. The public domain outside the home, usually
having to do with commerce was, and still is, considered male. The private domain,
the home, was the woman's responsibility, thus outside the concerns of public
governance, the judicial system. The ideological split between public and private
dates from the industrial revolution and serves two purposes. First this public/
private split is used to convince women that their natural place is in the home.
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By recognizing a natural order o f public and private the Court concedes jurisdiction
to nature. The underlying case is the assumption that nature “made” men superior to
women. The Court and society then hide behind this rationale and ignore the social
constraints that keep women subjugated and oppressed. If the Court were to
recognize this social imbalance then it would have to also recognize legal challenges
against this social imbalance. If the Court accepts patriarchy as a natural state then
the Court can justify different treatment under the law as this “natural” position
proscribes keeping women in the private domain (Polan 1982:22.) Even when the
Court makes decisions that seem to favor women, the decisions are based on the
assumption of public/ private domain rather than equal justice. For instance, child
custody policy can and will backfire on woman who do not fit the "natural role" of
domesticity. If a woman does not fit the proper role of the mother, i.e., living a
life centered on the home, then she runs the risk of losing custody of her children.
The second result of the Court's legitimization of the private domain is
that it gives men a forum to exploit women within the family unit. Given
community, religion, and social norms and civil code, until recently women
were always under the control of men (Kelly, Kristin A. 2004:27-48.) As a
child, a woman was under her father’s authority; after marriage she under her
husband’s. Since, historically, the family is off limits to outside authority,
wife beating, marital rape, and in some cases murder, were a man's personal
issues within his family (National Clearinghouse on Battered Women, Pennsylvania
Coalition on Battered Womenl 988.) Even though die laws
may change, attitudes are slow to alter. The courts, and society as a whole,
still hold to the belief that a man has the "right" to control the private domain.
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State of California Verses Orenthal James (O.J.) Simpson: The Impact on the
Domestic Violence Movement
On one morning in June 1994 Nicole Brown Simpson and Roy Goldman
were found murdered outside Ms. Brown Simpson’s condominium. The subsequent
trial had a profound and very public impact on the domestic violence community.
The trial of the State of California V. Simpson also serves as an example of the
privileges given to men of status. Mr. Simpson had been married
to Nicole Brown and had a history of domestic violence (against her and a prior
spouse.) In previous 9-1-1 calls to the Simpson house, the police did respond, but
when they realized that it was “Mr. Simpson the football hero” the police were “star
struck” and did not respond according to Los Angeles Police protocol.4
They left, only after getting Mr. Simpson’s autograph and giving a list
of resources to Mrs. Simpson. In one occasion when Mr. Simpson was arrested, and
prosecuted for domestic violence, the court ordered a batterer’s treatment program
but Mr. Simpson found a psychologist who allowed him to call in for
his sessions. Typically, batterer’s treatment programs require regular attendance
at 48 to 52 group sessions. By giving Mr. Simpson special treatment the court
and police did not hold him responsible for his violent behavior and thus allowed his
violence to escalate to murder.
The impact that the O.J. Simpson trial had on the domestic violence
community is threefold. First, the media coverage before the trial, and the
subsequent trial, raised public awareness of domestic violence. Secondly, this
increased awareness led to an increase in calls to domestic violence hotline
throughout the nation. The third effect on the agencies were staff bum out from
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being overwhelmed with calls from both domestic violence victims and, concerned
people seeking more information on the problem. In 1997 Ms. Magazine published
an issue dedicated exclusively to domestic violence. The issue was particularly
powerful as both the outside and inside of the front and back covers listed names of
women who had been killed from domestic violence. The Ms. editors hoped to
educate the public on the extent of fatalities nationwide rather than focus on the one
sensational case of a famous athlete/ celebrity and his ex-wife.
Immediately following the initial media reports on the double murder calls to
domestic violence hotlines increased dramatically, and the shelters asked for
additional funding to manage the extra work. With the broad media coverage of the
murder trial, funds came from the state and federal government for domestic
violence programs. Requests increased for shelters to provide training sessions
and community education programs on domestic violence. Internally, the domestic
violence movement was in a dilemma as to how to respond to the trial without falling
into the race trap (attacking the “football hero” who is black.) The
other dilemma was how to protect the feminist principles of domestic violence
movement when it was announced that Lenore Walker was to testify for the defense.
Ms. Walker works with battered women and not the abusers. Her testimony profiled
battered women’s syndrome but never addressed the abusers tactics and strategies.
The domestic violence community was concerned that the victim would be blamed
for the escalation of violence. The awareness raised by the case was at the price of
internal friction in the domestic violence community.
As a social movement evolves a spokesperson usually emerges and helps
present the ideals and goals o f the movement to the general public. There has
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not been a nationally recognized spokesperson for domestic violence since 1987
when Surgeon General Kopp issued his statement on the domestic violence epidemic
in the United States. Yet he was not identified as a feminist and inside member of
the domestic violence community. His concerns were framed in the context of
physical injury and family security. The domestic violence community looked to
Ms. Walker to emerge as their spokesperson. But after she agreed to testify for the
Simpson defense, her status as leader in the domestic violence community faltered.
This left the domestic violence without a nationally recognized leader which delayed
their response to the O.J. Simpson trial.
Expert Witness for the Defense
Ms. Walker’s book Battered Women (1979) defined domestic violence
and proposed the “battered women’s syndrome,” which helped to explain why
some women stay in a violent relationship. Yet, when she agreed to testify
for the defense the community felt betrayed. In a personal communication
between Judy Samuels and Gail Pincus (two nationally recognized experts)
in the post O J. Simpson atmosphere (June 1999) they both agreed that one
sign that a social movement is dying or dead is when a major spokesperson,
Ms. Walker, can be bought off to speak for the other side. Such was the case
when Lenore Walker agreed to testify on Mr. Simpson’s behalf. She was
never called because the defense team felt she was not needed. But the
damage to her reputation was done within the domestic violence community.
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Ms. Walker’s decision to testify for the defense, did raise much needed
discussion in the community regarding who should be the spokesperson for batterers
treatment programs. Ms. Walker, is a nationally recognized expert on domestic
violence, had never worked with batterers. Yet, she was willing to testify on one
batterer’s (Mr. Simpson) behavior. Mr. Simpson was subsequently acquitted. The
response in the domestic violence community was similar to the greater community;
opinions were divided along racial lines. This made it difficult for the domestic
violence community to have a unified response. This lack of a unified response
had a ripple effect through the domestic violence community and subsequently the
nation. For a short time Ms Nicole Brown’s sister became the spokesperson. But
after it was clear she did not know the law or the intricate issues of domestic
violence, she faded from national view.
Gail and others in the domestic violence community felt Ms. Walker was not
called to testify, because the prosecution team had done such a poor job highlighting
the complex domestic violence aspects of the case (Pincus 2000.) This initiated a
dialogue within the domestic violence community about how to avoid similar
situations in future cases. The concern in the domestic violence community is not
whether a domestic violence expert should be called, but who to decide the most
appropriate expert to be called. The domestic violence community now works with
courts and established institutions to establish criteria for experts. An expert who
works with batters should have been called, even if he or she is not a nationally
recognized name.5
The domestic violence community has yet to recover from what many felt to
be Ms. Walker’s betrayal to all battered women and the domestic violence movement
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by agreeing to testify for a batterer charged with murdering his domestic violence
victim. The movement was also affected by die less than stellar performance of the
prosecution team within the backdrop of a media frenzy surrounding a celebrity.
Urban anthropology
A primary issue of concern for this study is the label "urban" anthropology.
As Geertz has observed, "The locus of study is not the object of study.
Anthropologists don't study villages... they study in villages (1973:22)." Given the
current level of technology, modem information, and communications in rural areas,
the distinction between rural-urban has blurred. Despite this, this chapter will
examine important definitions of “urban” because it is in the urban centers where the
domestic violence coalitions and alliances are found.
The domestic violence movement grew in numbers and power in the cities
because of the availability of funds and the density of population. It matured and
became more sophisticated in cities where they had the opportunity to work with
largo- numbers of victims, giving the grassroots community based service providers
insight to the needs of victims. With that experience, activists were now able to
confront bureaucracy, and to network with more and higher level politicians. Rural
shelters had their problems and issues, some directly related to their isolation and
limited resources. However there are other unique issues that face rural programs
that usually are related to that particular community. The domestic violence coalition
organizations make a conscientious effort to include die rural issues, but the sheer
numbers and influence of the city domestic violence shelters and non shelter
domestic violence agencies often overshadow rural shelters’ issues and efforts.
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The urban shelters did have occasion to learn from the rural shelters.
For example, in rural areas the tactic of isolation does not only impact the victim
emotionally but physically. Often a battered woman’s only companion is her pet
(Lacriox, C. 1999:62-80.) Shelters cannot take in pets. A victim who has been
isolated from friend and family often their only companion is her dog or cat.
She may not want to leave her pet behind because she fears what the batterer may
do to it. Her pet may be her only source of comfort. This may not appear to be a
significant issue but for the woman it is an important one that may influence her
decision to leave the abusive relationship. Her concern may also include threats
the abuser may have made to harm the pet if she calls the police or leaves him.
As Faver discusses in her article “Domestic Violence and Animal Cruelty” a
perpetrator’s ability to harm animals is a strong indicator for his potential for
violence (Faver 2003.) The woman has learned to take his threats seriously.
For this reason, when volunteers and staff from the Society for the Prevention
of Cruelty to Animals (SPCA) offered their help to the urban programs they
consulted the rural domestic violence programs for standards and protocol
in developing a program to care for animals and pets for victims in shelters
(Barnes, T. 1999:190-196.)
Urban or rural domestic violence affects the whole community.
Police, social service and even the animal services are impacted. Neighbors
are exposed to the tension, violence and danger from the perpetrator.
The whole community is affected with the drain of resources and more
importantly the continuing expanse of violence through generations.
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Defining Community
Wirth uses the unique economic, political, social and cultural "mode of life"
that is created in a densely populated center to define urban (1938:38.) Wirth's
"mode of life" is the totality of the experience of living in the city; beyond the
physical features of buildings and congestion, including the diversity of population,
access to information, and even the sensory overload of noise, air and light pollution.
According to Wirth, this mode of life produces social disorganization and personality
disorders as a consequence of living in an environment of stimulus overload. The
social disorganization is also a result of a breakdown of the traditional social
networks of support: family, extended kin, and community.
Despite Wirth's concern for total “dysfunction,” people have developed many
strategies for surviving the urban environment. The city, as a concentration of
people and congestion of traffic and commerce, has the unintended consequence of
developing obstacles for humans trying to provide not only for their basic needs of
food and shelter, but for their social, spiritual, emotional and religious needs. Yet,
people work to find a way to get these needs met. The way people organize, and
manage the resources available to them, reveal their underlying value system. It is a
community’s value system that then frames their response to a crisis, such as
domestic violence. This project will investigate the different strategies the anti
domestic violence community has developed to address their needs to stop or curtail
domestic violence.
Part of the unique nature of the city is the ability of people to create their own
"community." A community is not merely a concrete entity (with clearly defined
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borders) but a fluid one, shifting as needed to address the issues that bring the
community together, as in the case of this study-domestic violence.6 The
community, or action groups, may disband or shift when the crisis has passed. The
group that came together to form the community may continue, or it may move on to
other issues or just the single event that they share, such as a cultural event or
community fair. Or the community may join up with a larger social movement that
shares its broader interest; for example, ecology, politics or community safety. The
community/ action group forms and reforms as the need arises (Castells 1983:130.)
Another alternative for community groups is to disband after they have reached their
goal. With the crisis over, the group has no need to exist, and through mutual
agreement, ceases to exist. The third alternative is to institutionalize the
organizations. This may involve incorporating under a non-profit tax number, or
becoming incorporated as a business. This is the crossroads where many domestic
violence agencies currently find themselves.
Robert Redfield’s “folk- urban” continuum (1956) came out of his studies of
Topoztlan, a peasant community in nineteen thirties Mexico. He was influenced by
the changes occurring in the world because of the industrial revolution. According
to Redfield folk society was:
"...small, isolated, non-literate, and homogeneous, with a strong sense
of group solidarity; characterized by economic self-sufficiency and
minimal division of labor. ...behavior is highly conventionalized with
no encouragement to reflect critically upon traditional ways"
1956
Redfield's idea was to find a baseline group in which he could examine the process
of cultural change from the larger state to peasant society and then to find out what
traditions and customs peasants utilize when they go to the city (1930,1956.)
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Redfield's study developed out of the economic and technological changes of
the nineteen thirties and forties. During that time there was concern about the
movement of rural people to the cities. How would they adapt? What social norms
do they bring with them? And, what does that say about culture change? Although
the questions remain valid, the polarized rural- urban model is not as valid in this
post-industrial information revolution era. Today, the cultural difference between
rural and urban is a matter of degrees. Technology has brought the two "societies"
closer together by satellite, cellular phones, fax, video conferences, pagers and the
Internet. Today, villages in the remote northern regions of the Mexico maintain web
sites where they update information about former members of the village and their
descendants. A visit to any high school campus in the United States will
demonstrate that majority of the students have cell phones, and get their news from
either the music video channels or the Internet. Although, not all rural communities
utilize these methods of information transfer, all will have some access to one mode
of information. These examples are an argument for a reexamination of the concept
"continuum" in Redfield's folk- urban model.
Oscar Lewis, in his book The Children of Sanchez based on his research
conducted in Mexico City (1961), found that people form communities, or enclaves,
based on class and culture within the urban setting. These enclaves, “vencidades”
(1961 :xix), are modeled after the rural communities from whence most of the
inhabitants have come. The communities that form within the urban setting are
based on shared cultural beliefs, such as the rural value system of the Sanchez family
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in Mexico City (1961 :xxvi-xxv.) Lewis contends that urban density does not have a
direct effect on the inhabitants of the enclaves. According to Lewis, family problems
are a result of individual life factors, and not directly affected by urban density or
size. Yet, it is to this created community people will turn in times of crisis. Families
are the first resource for most battered women. Hotline workers, peer counselors,
and other domestic violence workers learn to explore a woman’s family resources
before placing her in a shelter.
In shelters the women often use family terms, such as sister or auntie, as a
means of bonding. Historically, feminists would use term “sisterhood” which
invokes the kin bonds and carries the connotation of a shared condition. The two
concepts, kinship and shared condition, are the rudimentary foundations of a
community identity. A child learns that family is the first social group of which he
or she is a member. As member of that family one develops a bond and identity that
lasts a lifetime. A shared condition or situation such as being students together,
ethnic identity, surviving a disaster or surviving a violent relationship can create a
sense of solidarity or insider identity, another foundation for community building.
According to Claude Fisher (1980:66), the size and over stimulation of the
city encourages people to seek a "grouping" where they can share a sense of
community: a group or place where they can feel they belong and share common
interests. These communities are based on ethnicity, religion or other shared
interests. Within the domestic violence "community" it is the shared interest
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of survival that bonds the community together. The domestic violence network
often refers to itself as a community that transcends class, race, ethnicity and
education. Many advocates and volunteers come from the ranks of domestic
violence survivors who may have very different ethnic, economic and educational
backgrounds and yet join together to form a community in the sense of shared
interests and experiences.
In his study Bonds o f Mutual Trust (1983) Velez-Ibafiez examines the
development, growth, survival, and use of Rotating Credit Associations (RCA) in the
city, although these organizations are typically a rural model. Although the study
specifically investigates gift giving, reciprocity, and "confianza," or trust, it is also an
example of urban people using and adapting a traditional model to survive in the
cities throughout Mexico and the U.S. southwest. The RCA's the participants are
sometimes related by kin but, often they are unrelated people who have to learn to
trust non-kin in order for the association to work. The participants come together
through unions, neighborhoods, or common interests. In this way people create
their own community. In other words, as Eric Wolfe says in the forward, they
organize "...to meet biologically and culturally defined needs through the use
of a cultural invention" (Velez-Ibafiez 1983: vi.) By developing and using bonds of
mutual trust the people, with limited monetary resources, employ a rural model to
survive in the city.
People organize around crises, issues, and special interests, often using
models with which they are familiar. This creates a community. If it has a structure
and means of allowing new members in and the exit of old members, the community
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may then develop inertia of its own and maintain its existence despite the turnover of
members.
Carol Stack in her study, All Our Kin (1974) follows traditional ethnographic
field methods of participant observation, long term residence and face- to- face
interviews, all of which are based on die classic anthropological interests of kinship
organization. The intent of her study in a ghetto Black community was to discover
the mechanisms and strategies developed by the residences of “The Flats” to cope
with poverty (1974:28.) Stack concludes that the urban poor in her study use
existing and familiar models based on kin and fictive kin.
In much the same vein, the women in the coalitions and alliances do not all
come from economically deprived backgrounds, they do organize around preexisting
or familiar structures, such as women's circles or church groups. Over the years the
anti-domestic violence movement has moved away from the references of sisterhood
and "women's culture" in their interactions with public institutions, particularly
police. However, the terminology is still present at conferences and retreats. Much
like Stack's residents of the "Flats" who have developed a bi-cultural value system,
one for the Flats (black) and one for white middle-class value systems, the women in
the movement have learned to negotiate between two systems. For the women in the
anti-domestic violence movement the two value systems are the 1) institutional
police, courts and social service agencies and 2) the feminist movement.
In his book “Mapping Gay Los Angeles,” Kenney examines the development
of a ‘gay community’ in Los Angeles. He analyzes the change from an out-law
underground community to a well organized political and socially active community.
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His discussion on how a group negotiates for space and recognition in Los Angeles
is relevant for the domestic violence community. The important feature that makes
organizing the domestic violence community unique is the shameful nature of
domestic violence (Kelly, K. 2004:28.) Most victims do not want everyone knowing
that they were victims of domestic violence. This is a very real fear especially for
female police officers, professional women and women with small social networks.
This is a major handicap for community building.
For the domestic violence community mapping and negotiation is for
‘ Visibility” rather than space, for the recognition of need. According to Kenney, the
unique nature of Los Angeles as an urban space makes any kind of organizing
difficult. The culture diversity, sprawling density and ever shifting communities
force the creation of a novel sense of community. For the gay community it has
meant a strategy that pools from different neighborhood communities and then
accesses institutional structures. Unlike New York where it was easy for the gay
community to rally to a crisis because of the city’s geography in Los Angeles with its
distance between communities, the activists are compelled to organize around
events. Working through those networks, activists developed their organizing skills
which, then, allowed them to build a political front The domestic violence
community had the same problems o f distance and diversity, that curtailed
organizing but there were other fundamental differences.
The domestic violence activist worked to first create solidarity amongst the
shelters, other non shelter providers and sympathetic supporters. The issue of
internal conflict continues to be the target population, battered women. Most
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battered women do not become members of the larger domestic violence community.
As victims their goal is to move from victim to survivor and eventually a
contributing member of the larger population. Those battered women who do evolve
to advocate or service provider may or may not identify with the larger community.
It is a matter of how much influence the philosophical view point o f their advocate
had on the overall program. Did the feminist values filter down from director to staff
to finally victim? Or has the mental health model prevailed and the victim feels
successful if she no longer has a label “battered women?” If it is the latter she will
have not motive or interest in building or identifying with the larger domestic
violence community.
Discussion
For battered women the traditional networks of family and friends break
down, or even collude with the batterer, exacerbate her situation. Family is usually
the first network to which a women turns. But the family may not know how to help,
or may get frustrated with her many attempts at leaving, or may tell the women that
she is somehow responsible for the abuse. Existing city or county social service
agencies are usually too overextended to effectively and quickly address her case. It
is not unusual for Children's Services to remove her children from the home because
a battered woman is not, in their view, protecting the children from exposure to
violence and abuse. This policy fails to recognize the need and reality of children’s
dependence on their mothers and treats the children as separate and independent
entities. This policy also ignores the other victim and primary, the woman.
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It is in this context of an uninformed public, overworked social workers and
police, which domestic violence coalition groups have emerged and struggled to
survive. The case studies for this study are from coalition type organizations that are
active in Los Angeles County. Some of these groups are also statewide
organizations that have strong representation in Los Angeles. Los Angeles County
has many unique characteristics that pose challenges for any social movement. Los
Angeles County stretches from the isolated desert communities of Antelope Valley
to the Harbor region of San Pedro. The cultural diversity and the bureaucracy that
comes with any large city are also obstacles for organizing. The domestic violence
movement also has the challenge to educate the public about domestic violence but
has a target population, battered women, who by and large prefer to remain
anonymous. Different coalitions and alliances serve all of California; however, this
study will focus on Los Angeles County, given their diversity, concentration of
population, record keeping, and general influence over policy development.
Summary
This study utilizes anthropological methodology particularly the work of
urban anthropologist. The “community” of interest is the domestic violence
movement in California cities. The unique relationships between the domestic
violence organizations institutions allow domestic violence programs to influence
philosophy mid policy statewide. According to Stewart social movements can
maneuver their ideas and goal into institutions if they are able to incorporate
traditional stories or histories into their presentation (Stewart 1994:138.) By
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working in coalitions the domestic violence community organizations adopt
traditional language and history into the justification of applying their intervention
models to institutions.
Critical Legal theory and Feminist jurisprudence work in the traditional
avenues of the courts and law school. Both areas are slow to change. However, if
the language of persuasion is filled with case studies and connections to the
constitution then their argument has a chance of influencing mainstream legal theory
and practice.
A social movement’s spokesperson needs to arise from everyday issues and
concerns. For the domestic violence community policy has to come from the mutual
efforts of both, those who work directly with victim services and those who develop
policy for public institutions. It is through this mutual work a spokesperson should
emerge because without a spokesperson the issue does not have a “face,” it becomes
impersonal. A spokesperson may not always speak for the entire group interested in
the issue, but the advantages outweigh the disadvantage.
Cities offer researchers the opportunity to examine social issues and social
movements in a concentrated environment. Domestic violence incidences occur in
greater numbers as a consequence of the higher ratio of people to area. The feminist
movement found its strength in cities with numbers of participants, financial
resources and a historical foundation of social movement networks. For these
reasons policy makers, stakeholders and general community focused their efforts to
organize against domestic violence in the urban areas.
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Chapter Four Endnotes
1 This study will use Jo Freeman’s description of NOW type organizations and
organizers as those who receive their political education fro party politics or other
similar established institutions (1979:167-188.)
2 In some cases the compensation is not viewed as value among contemporary urban
feminist. For example, in the case of Navajo women who own rituals and property
yet do not hold overt political power in the community (Stone, Linda, Kinship and
Gender; An Introduction. Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado.)
3 For a more complete discussion on legal issues regarding battering see Part II,
“Violence” in Weisberg “Applications of Feminist Legal Theory to Women’s
Lives.”
4 . Mr. Simpson was a football star for the University of Southern California and later
on various professional teams. He also tried his hand at acting, although his most
notable acting was a Hertz car rental commercial.
5 The exclusively women-focused domestic violence service providers still believe
that the domestic violence movement should reserve time, funds, and staff for
women and let others use their resources work with the men.
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Chapter Five: Social Movement Theories and the
Feminists Movement
Introduction
Unlike traditional anthropological research, this research also utilizes
social movement theories, as well as ethnographic theory. According to sociologist
Boggs, the contemporary feminist movement has had the most profound and far-
reaching impact of any social movement of our time (1986.) The women’s
movement in the United States changed society’s worldview of women, their
place in society, work, and family. The feminist movement challenged the
patriarchal assumption that men were inherently superior to women. The feminist
movement continues to influence ever-evolving gender relationships and is thus
relevant to the study of culture in the United States. This chapter will review how
researchers such as Fisher (1978), Turner and Killian (1987), Zald (1987) define
social movements. It will also review some of the various theoretical approaches
to analyzing social movements. Finally, the chapter will examine how the women’s
movement has influenced the process of cultural change, particularly the evolution of
the domestic violence movement.
Systems Theory
According to Claude Fisher (1978), the most common theory for analyzing social
movements is systems theory. Following a tradition of structuralism, systems
theorists
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assert that social movements are comprised of interdependent components
(Swidler 1995:27.) This interdependence among members, committees,
organizations and support organizations affects all the various parts to
create a single but flexible body or group. Within this body, the parts are
both independent in the sense that they have their own leadership, identity,
and community history. They are dependent in that they need the social
movement for visibility, power of numbers and momentum (enthusiasm and
action) that comes with a social movement. No one person directs the social
movement. It is a collective. Fisher uses the idea o f a "heap" to contrast
his notion of a social movement with others. A heap is a group bunched
together for no apparent reason. The elements of a heap touch, but do not
form an alliance or relationship with the other members of the heap (Fisher
1978:52.)
The second characteristic in Fisher's definition relates to the
interdependent relationships among the participants and organizations that
make up social movements. The different components, members, cells and
committees unite to develop a means to facilitate the workings of the social
movement. In other words, through their mutual interests in maintaining the
communication and structure that form the movement, the different participants
change and influence the movement. At some point, a given social movement
inevitably faces a crossroad: either it becomes institutionalized, or it breaks
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down into loosely affiliated action groups, or it dissolves completely. This process is
not the result of a single conscious decision; it is the destiny of all social movement
according to the systems theory (Fisher 1978.)
The third major notion of systems theory is that social movements have
a hierarchical organization. This notion goes counter to the very foundation of the
feminist movement. Feminists from the nineteen sixties viewed hierarchical
structure a male phenomena and therefore oppressive. Feminists struggled to
find organizational structure and function that would not reflect a male power
structure. Yet as women began to mobilize around specific issues they had to find
a way to organize in order to get things accomplished. Over time by the nineteen
eighties feminist organizations recognized the need for organizational structure.
In the attempt to reduce the level of hierarchy they included mechanism to include
historically underrepresented groups. Different organizations used different
strategies but the most common is to develop positions or committees of and for
minorities, lesbian, elderly and differently-abled. (See discussion on the California
Alliance Against Domestic Violence) According to Fisher a social movement is
built out of people who share a common goal and for the feminist movement this
goal was to change the status of women in society. There already existed several
groups, from philanthropic clubs to student organizations, who could identify with
this goal but had no means of communication or working together with other groups.
The women’s movement had to find a way to develop a community out of the
autonomous groups of a social movement. Fisher’s theory suggests that the
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relationships built from the ideals of a social movement helped the feminist
movement develop a community. Community members work in a symbiotic
relationship with the other similarly minded groups. These other groups may have
funds or other resources to contribute and others contribute the foundation
philosophy and or action ideas. Or a movement identified group may have contacts
with members formerly alienated from each other: rich and poor, black and white
women, or lesbian and straight organizations. Each participating group needs the
other groups and through their cooperation each grows with the help of the other’s
members. This growth and learning curve of community activism forced die feminist
movement to adopt some degree of hierarchical. This structure helped define their
issues, which is necessary in order to present a structure to established institutions in
order to work with them. Over time the label “the domestic violence community”
became common place when referring to groups and agencies outside the established
institutions.
This idea of symbiotic relationship is borrowed from the natural world.
In nature, all environments are not only interconnected but are influenced by
external and internal factors. For the systems or social organizations, the
external factor is society or “supra-systems,” and for individuals, in this cases
the smaller organizations, "sub-systems." How much each organism, or in this
case group, influences the society is a matter o f perception. The small inner group
may perceive that their social movement, in this case the domestic violence
movement, had a greater effect on popular opinion than a nonmember’s perspective.
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The nonmember, or outsider, experiences the shift in domestic violence policy
as a matter of established process, legislatures responding to a social need.
Equal Rights Amendment- an example of single focus campaign
An example from an insider’s perspective comes from the sixties-seventies
feminist movement- the ERA (Equal Rights Amendment) campaign. The only
contacts for many of the women who had worked in the ERA campaign were other
campaign workers and their supporters. When the ERA failed to meet the deadline,
many of the workers were devastated. Their momentum, and the momentum for
that branch of the feminist movement, stalled but did not fall apart. The symbiotic
relationship became isolating and the ERA campaign workers lost touch with other
feminists working other areas such as violence against women, child care and health
care the ERA workers were at a lost when there issue was no longer relevant.
A movement’s goals and strategies change as different splinter groups focus
on their primary issues, such as sexual assault and domestic violence. This marks
the evolution of a social movement from scattered autonomous groups to groups
of structured organizations working to fulfill their vision of the original social
movement goal. For many in the feminist movement it meant a broad stroke message
of change in second class status to specific issues concern how women are treated
in society.
The fourth and final characteristic discussed in Fisher's definition is that “a
social movement will have a degree of openness” (Fisher 1978:57.) In other words,
there are no official boundaries. If individuals support and follow the ideals and
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goals of the social movement, then they consider themselves part of the social
movement. Various organizations identify with the same issue or cause and also
become part of the social movement. However, in both cases there are no
membership qualifications outside of this self-identification. Open membership
is particularly important for recruiting and keeping members. For example, if the
Friends Society — the vanguard of the abolitionist movement -- had insisted that all
abolitionists follow their religious beliefs, they would not have gained popular
support for the movement. By not demanding membership requirements, such as
church membership or lifestyle commitment, the abolitionists diversified their
support (Fisher 1978.) In the same way, the women’s movement of the 1970s
maintained an ideology but did not force supporters to live a certain lifestyle. The
media’s innuendos that all feminists were lesbians were simply used to discredit
the movement. The feminist movement’s openness is found in the manner of how
women identified with the issues, child care, women’s health and violence against
women, either as advocate, survivor or novice. The feminist movement opened
parts of society to women who had grown up believing their lives centered on the
household. In the early years of the second wave of the feminist movement the
goals were identify causes and expand the participant base through education and
a sense of “sisterhood.” This sisterhood is built on the belief that women share
similar experiences of oppression, although in varying degrees, that tie women
together, creating the critical mass necessary for a pool of resources, people, to
begin the ground swell for a social movement. In this way, once women become
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conscious of their oppression and want to change that they are “members” of the
movement. These newly conscious women became participants would choose to
identify as a member of the larger feminist social movement and eventually as
members of some smaller group that works towards the goals of the movement.
There was never a membership roster for the overall feminist movement. One was
a member if one identified as a feminist and others recognized the women as such.1
Collective Behavior Theory
In their efforts to understand the reason why people participate in social
movements, researchers have turned to psychology. Historically, collective
behavior theorists have focused on the psychological motivation of people's
participation in social movements. The goal was to discover the deeper
emotional motivations or "need" to belong to a social movement. The
collective behavior theory argues that when people are faced with a maladaptive
condition, such as slavery or labor exploitation, or an issue such as suffrage,
they become impassioned and feel inspired to act on this passion. One of the
first steps toward developing a plan of action is to talk about the issue and, in
doing so, discover like-minded people. In time, there are enough like-minded
people to take action on an issue. For the collective behaviorist, action is a
spontaneous response to this kind of collective emotion. This action in turn initiates
discussion and debate from small group to small group, and at each level the passion
grows and builds to become a collective behavior (Turner and Killian 1987.)
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The collective behavior theory is useful ih examining the participants of
social movements. Although current reevaluation of the development of a social
movement places the actions of the members in the context of society, the focus
remains the individual (Turner and Killian 1987). Who is it that joins a cause or
a movement? In the sixties and seventies, the feminist movement built its
membership from the shared personal experience of oppression in a patriarchal
society. Although now the language of “patriarchy” and “oppression” sound
somewhat dated, women still suffer From inequalities in society and organize to
address issues that historically are identified with women, such as women’s health,
child care, equal pay and violence against women. The current organizations that
grew out of the feminist movement place these individual experiences in the context
of society, thus politicizing the issues and educating the individuals in order to
change society (Kravetz and Marecek 2001:457-465.) The social issues that
created the initial outrage, or passion, got lost in this process of building a broader
movement through the analysis of the oppressed individual. This is where
collective identity is weakest at its analysis, especially for the domestic violence
movement experience. What evolved is a shift of perspective to a client or service
oriented approach which does not differ from a traditional approach to violence
against women of blaming the woman. However, the shift is from blaming a
woman’s “masochism” to a psychological pathology (Evans, Kincade, Marbley
and Seem 2005:271.) Eventually, society focused on the “who” or the target
stereotypical client and that profile became more important to address than the
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larger social ills of inequality. The issues of the movement, gender inequity and
women’s safety, got lost in the process of “empowerment” or education of women.
Resource Mobilization Theory
The resource mobilization theory is a response to the collective
behaviorists’ oversight of the social issues that create the social movement.
Resource Mobilization theorists argue that the social problem is the focal
point of a social movement. Resource mobilization theorists assert that social
movements are not spontaneous displays of mob emotion but rather strategic
acts by people frustrated with the status quo (Zald, M.N. and J.D. McCarthy
1987.) The basic premise of the resource mobilization theory is twofold: one,
that the motivation must come from within a given population (such as male
college students eligible for the draft who rebelled and became part of what
led to die student free speech movement); and two, that people will, in times
of need, exploit existing political opportunities (Taylor 1989:761.)
When people have exhausted every legitimate option for action, such
as letter-writing, telephone calls, and lobbying, they turn to group
mobilization. Social movements are organized groups working together
to develop positions and ideas around an issue or cause. Social movements
develop based on the availability of the resources and the means of applying
those resources (Ferree and Myra 1992.) In a closed society, social movements
are repressed; therefore, people do not have the means of developing mass
mobilizations. In cases o f totalitarian rule, the frustration of the populace can
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become manifest in an armed revolt. By contrast, in an open society such as
the United States, the frustrations are focused on public \or private institutions
rather than the governmental structure as a whole (Jenkins 1983:529.)
Title VII
The two branches of the women's movement, the NOW style and the grassroots
style, initially both focused on changing or influencing existing institutions. The
passage of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (Tobias 1997:72) gave women
the legal clout to attack discrimination practices in the court and other institutions.
In this way, Title VII served as a resource for the feminist movement -- a non
material resource, in the sense that it provides an avenue of action rather than
tangible assistance.
Both branches of the contemporary feminist movement had to consider
their resources in order to develop their strategies. It is the differences in resources,
and the constraints on these resources, that influenced the directions of the
two different branches. In her article "Resource Mobilization and Strategy,"
Jo Freeman (1979) focuses on the "people" resources of die different branches
of the second wave of the women's movement. She divides these resources into
three categories: specialized; two types of unspecialized time; and
unspecialized commitment. Freeman recognized that intangible resources, such as
commitment and time, are just as important in movement development (1979.)
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Participants as a Resource; rallies, picket lines and demonstrations
It is the participants who provide the time and commitment to the tasks and
duties that make a social movement work. Most tasks and "actions," such as rallies,
press conferences, sit-in, picket lines and other activities, require people to make the
action successful. Many of the participants in a social movement do not have access
to money or institutions, yet without their activities die social movement would not
exist. Their sheer numbers boost support and interest for the cause. Demonstrations,
pickets and other public displays also serve to develop a feeling of solidarity with the
other participants.
Participants from both branches of the feminist movement were active in
public displays to achieve political goals. For the grassroots groups, the actions often
served as a source of personal and spiritual fulfillment as well. The grassroots
branch conducted “hexes” as well as the usual actions.2 Hexes were often
performed in public, but for the benefit of the members, their immediate function
was to serve as a means of externalizing the frustration and rage surrounding an issue
(Freeman 1979:188.) For example, "burning items of oppression," later referred to as
the "bra burning,” was an action taken for the benefit of the membership and not
necessarily for the general public or the press. One outcome of the "burning" and
hexes was the development of group cohesion and solidarity and, ultimately,
strengthened membership -- the critical resource for a social movement.3
In contrast to the often symbolic approach of the grassroots organizations,
the professional branch of the women’s movement, have utilized a more pragmatic
approach. The NOW-style organizations have targeted institutions for reform.
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Courts are their medium of choice. Because their membership includes lawyers,
businesswomen and political party activists, this branch of the women's movement
is able to target institutions, schools, universities and publicly funded employment.
Title VII offered the professional branch a resource that opened up the avenue
of the courts and legislation. The professional branch did not eschew public
displays; they just had a different motive for their participation. Picket lines,
demonstrations and press conferences were a means of educating the public
and presenting their issues to a broader audience. When there was substantial public
support, the professional branch would take their issues to the courts and legislatures.
New Social Movements Theory and Collective Identity in the Feminist Movement
New Social Movement Theory (NSM), which emerged during the 1960s,
represented a moving away from the Marxism that had developed out of the
Industrial Revolution. NSM developed from the study of 1960s social movements
in Europe and the United States, which had a broader appeal than the labor-oriented
Marxist movements of the early part of the 20th century. NSM researchers Manuel
Castelles and Melucci include issues of race and ethnicity (and later gender) in a
class-consciousness analysis. The NSM theorists use the term “collective identity*’
to refer to the group ideology that comes from the individual’s experience as part
of a larger identity — “the movement.” NSM researchers avoid the use o f “ideology”
to refer to this process because historical ideology has been identified with the class
conscious movement of the nineteenth century and with Marxism (Taylor and
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Whittier 199:172). Although NSM theorists do not reject outright the importance
of class, they recognize that there are other factors. Institutions, social structures,
gender, and ethnicity all influence a group’s access to power, which in turn
influences social activism.
According to Melucci (1989), collective identity is the whole range of
characteristics that identify membership in an oppressed group. As with the
feminist movement not all women identified with every part of the movement,
yet, there will be some that will spark the emotional connection. This range (or
continuum) of characteristics include common interests, experiences, and
especially a sense of solidarity. A member need not identify with all of the
characteristics, or experience them to the same degree, to identify with a group.
The collective identification is a result of sharing the experiences of the internal
ideological struggles within the movement. This identification also develops
from the feeling o f solidarity that develops as group members confront external
antagonists. Although there are similarities, collective identity is not “social
identity.” For example, one can be a civil rights activist (collective identity)
and also a white person (social identity). Collective identity is freely chosen
and vaiues-oriented, whereas social identity is more or less a function of external
factors such as race, gender, and class. Collective identity occurs in the context
of the activism o f a social movement. In other words, this identity is “...constructed,
activated, and sustained through interaction in social movement communities”
Melucci (1989.) Taylor and Whittier’s discussion of feminist postpartum
depression support/advocacy groups identified three developmental stages of
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social movements. Their analysis helped to identify how a loose-knit community
gradually endows its participants with a collective identity. According to their
theory:
• The first stage is the recognition of boundaries: the process developed
in the social movement to distinguish between those in the social
movement and those in the dominant or target group.
• The second stage is consciousness: reaching that moment where
the participant grasps the potential magnitude of the movement’s
challenge to the dominant system.
• The third stage is the politicization of the everyday. It is this last
stage of support participation that helps group members develop a
political understanding of their personal problem -- in this case, post-partum
depression. In the case of domestic violence it means placing domestic
violence under the responsibility of the state.
(1997)
Indeed, the theme of “the personal is political” is an essential part of the
ideology of the feminist movement. The goal of the movement is to transform
victims into “survivors,” i.e., those who have emerged from a sense of defeat
and powerlessnesss to become advocates or activists (Tobias 1997.) The
consciousness-raising (CR) groups that formed die fulcrum of the feminist
movement during the late 1960s and early 70s exemplified the stages identified
by Taylor and Whittier. In CR groups, women were introduced to the concept
of patriarchal society, thus establishing — to use Taylor and Whittier’s terms —
boundaries between the dominant group (men) and challengers (feminists).
As women shared their common experiences of oppression, they became
conscious of the potential power in their numbers. Finally, through education,
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empowerment and mutual support, participants in the feminist movement became
politicized, thereby placing their personal experiences in a larger political context.
Summary
This research utilizes ethnographic theory and social movement theories.
According to Claude Fisher (1978), systems theory is the most common theory for
studying social movements. Following a tradition of structuralism, systems theorists
assert that social movements are comprised of interdependent components that
provide information to the “body” and then it is used to strengthen the structure.
Resource mobilization theory addresses collective behaviorists’ oversight o f the
social issues that create the social movement. What is the spark that caused people
to mobilized? Is it a emotional personal connection or a broader sense of justice?
For collective identity researchers the emotional connection or “identification” is
what creates the membership. Research mobilization examines the ability of a social
movement to grow and impact specific issues that a group of interest parties target
to change.
New Social Movement or NSM and Feminist theory are the two
theories that influence die analysis of this study. Manuel Castelles and Melucci
argue that for the social movement analysis in the United States must include
issues of race and ethnicity (and later gender) in a class-consciousness analysis.
For NSW “collective identity” to refer to the group ideology that comes from
the individual’s experience as part of a larger identity - “the movement.”
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Civil disobedience actions, CR groups, street theater and other social
action help the individual develop a sense of membership with others who feel
the same way about an issue; in the case of the feminist movement, that means
the oppressive experience of women in a male dominated society. The actions
development of group cohesion and solidarity and, ultimately, strengthened
membership -- the critical resource for a social movement. How do the
assumptions of gender roles become institutionalized are of concern for activist
trying to change society. According to Stewart in order to gain acceptance
into an institution the social movement has to adopt the traditional language
and history of the institutions to push for change (Stewart 1994:134.) Critical
legal theory and feminist jurisprudence theorist work in traditional institutions,
law school and courts, and allows them access to the power structure. By
justifying their arguments with traditional terms as in reference to the Constitution
they are able to legitimize a radical idea. Collective behavior or identity and
resource mobilization explain different experiences in different aspects the
domestic violence movement. Collective identity is useful for examining the
reason a person “joins” the movement and resource mobilization can give us
a better understanding how the domestic violence movement has been able
to build, adapt, expand and last to evolve to a level of institutionalization.
The analysis of domestic violence social movement in California needs to
utilize many different approaches and theories in order to understand the
evolution of a grassroots organization to an institutionalized social policy.
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Chapter Five Endnotes
1 In those early years many feminist the idea of a man being a feminist was foreign
at best and outrageous in the extreme. Yet as the movement grew and men became
more active there was more, weary, accepting of men as feminist. See the discussion
in chapter eight regarding Scott Gordon chairperson of the Los Angeles County
Domestic Violence Council.
2 Hexes are part of the radical feminist tradition which revived witch, or wiccan,
tradition as women’s culture. These hexing ceremonies defined the "enemy,” either
an effigy or a symbol of oppression (e.g., high heels or a bra), thus clarifying the
boundaries between the oppressed mid the oppressors. The ceremonies also defined
the issues and served as a means of creating solidarity among participants. They
were not necessarily held for the mass media or the general public. Unfortunately,
most of the organizers did not consider what the images of the ceremonies would do
for their public image, probably because most of the organizers and participants did
not care. The memberships’ political/spiritual development was more important than
public opinion. (See Tobias 2004 and Dunbar-Ortiz 2000 for more detail accounts of
social actions.)
3. The actual bra burning incident was part of a whole campaign against items that
represent oppression. The protest, an one time incident, was held at the 1968 Miss
America contest but was publicized to such a degree it has taken on mythical
importance (Morgan, R. 1970.)
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Chapter Six: Moving From Patriarchy Privilege to a Crime-
Domestic Violence Victims to Survivors
Domestic Violence Defined
Domestic violence is the use of violence and abuse against a domestic
partner. This chapter will explore the emotional impact and legal nuances of
domestic violence. It will also include testimonies from women who have been
victims of domestic violence and worked through their difficulties to become
survivors. Domestic violence has been ignored, whispered about, openly talked
about, and litigated all while women were being maimed and killed. Eventfully, the
federal and state legislators addressed domestic violence. Currently in the United
States domestic violence is a crime, to some degree, in all states and territories. The
evolution of domestic violence as a private family issue to a crime of societal
proportions has followed the evolution of the feminist movement. Following the
legal and social movement definition of domestic violence this chapter will profile
two women who moved from being victims of domestic violence to being survivors.
In their transition they became advocates for domestic violence education, speaking
at volunteer training sessions and public events.
The roots of the first wave feminist movement, with Elizabeth Cady
Stanton’s activism against alcohol, were based on her concern about the violent
consequences o f a husband’s drinking. The common belief at the time was that only
drunks hit their wives and children. The temperance movement was also concerned
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with the money spent on alcohol. The temperance movement eventually led to
the feminist movement, and over time, the second wave of the feminist movement.
Although several states had some laws addressing domestic violence prior to the
1970s, it took the organizing efforts and lobbying power of a focused domestic
violence movement to make domestic violence a crime serious enough for national
attention.
In January 1989 Surgeon General Koop called for a campaign to help
medical personnel detect domestic violence in order for battered victims and their
families to receive help. Dr. Koop’s efforts were prompted by the recognition that
domestic violence had reached epidemic levels in the United States (LA. Times
1989; American Bar Association 1999.) According to the movement’s history
discussed in conferences and training sessions, “domestic violence,” known in the
early days of the women’s movement, as “wife battering,” has been an integral
concern of the feminist movement since the 1890's, the first wave of feminism in
the United States. However for the current movement the term “domestic violence”
is preferred over “wife battering” or “family violence.” “Wife battering” implies
that those involved have to be married and “family violence” is used to encompass
all forms of interpersonal violence within the family: elder abuse, child abuse,
sibling violence, and spouse abuse. Domestic violence was raised as a social
problem from the activism of the feminist movement and developed a stronger voice
through research by clinical researchers. It was rape crisis counselors and early
domestic violence “safe houses” that formed the infrastructure in which both
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mainstream society, clinicians, and feminist activists could begin to address the
problem (Fagan 1977:5.)
The Cycle of Violence-Domestic Violence Made Public
With the publication of the book Battered Wives (Martin, Dell 1970
(2001), domestic violence was, for the first time, presented to society as
a significant and widespread social problem. This in turn opened up a dialogue
outside the feminist movement. In her book Battered Women (1970), Lenore
Walker introduced the notion of the Cycle of Violence, the first model used to
identify a domestic violence. The “Cycle of Violence” as described in this
study comes from many o f my presentations to battered women’s groups,
advocate lectures, and informal discussions with colleagues. In order to
understand the controlling and devastating nature of a violent intimate
relationship, and to dispel society’s basic assumptions about domestic violence,
it is necessary to discuss the stages of the Cycle of Violence. Once the model
has been discussed, it is important to place domestic violence in the context
of institutions that represent mainstream notions about a women’s worth.
Those who work in domestic violence generally use the Cycle of Violence
(figure 1) to identify an abusive partner (although such use is losing popularity
because some women do not identify with the cycle1 ). The cycle begins, as in any
relationship, with attraction and love: he wooed her and she may be attracted to
him. However, at this point the similarities between a healthy relationship and an
abusive one begin to diverge. The next stage is "tension-raising." During the
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tension-raising stage, nothing the woman does is right; the abusive husband finds
fault with everything she does, real or imagined. The tension-raising may last
days, hours, and or in some cases only minutes. This stage is the time when his
tactics are emotional and psychological abuse often what the women refer to “crazy
making” or “gas lighting” (from the movie of the same name.) Emotional abuse is
characterized by attacks on the women’s identity, beliefs, and character. Many of the
women in battered women’s support groups (Celerina 1999) have said that this abuse
is the most difficult to experience. Recovery from it often takes the longest period of
time. It is the abusive stage that contributes to, and can create, the situation that will
trap a woman in a violent relationship (Walker 1979.) He then moves to the next
stage: physical violence. The abusive relationship is complicated by the fact that
victims of domestic violence, like many people, often equate anger with violence.
If a woman comes to believe the batterer’s continual rationalizations, she may
believe the abuser has a right to be angry — and therefore a right to be violent. It
is confusing and abusive to use anger to justify violent behavior, and it adds yet
another dimension to a complex situation. A part of the woman may blame herself
for her abuser’s anger and violence, which in turn is reinforced by his accusations,
whether they are made in anger or insinuated during the subsequent “honeymoon”
stage.
The honeymoon stage occurs after the abuse. This is the point when the abuser
begs for forgiveness and promises “never to do it again.” This stage is called the
honeymoon because the batterer reverts back to the charming person he was in order
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to reestablish his connection with the victim. Often he will buy gifts or flowers, or
perform other such gestures that suggest that he is a loving, caring partner. He may
even start attending Alcohol Anonymous, church, or a batterers group - whatever
it takes to appease her and keep her from leaving or kicking him out.
The honeymoon stage may last days, weeks, months, or even years.
But when the abuse starts up again, its level will be right where it left off before
the honeymoon stage. Women, and much of society, often equate anger with
violence so, a part of her believes the batterer is justified in his abuse. If a
woman believes this or is told so enough times, she may believe the abuser
has a right to be angry and therefore violent. It is confusing and abusive to
use the anger to justify violent behavior and adds yet another dimension to
a complex situation. A part of her may blame herself for his anger and
violence, which in turn is reinforced by his accusations, whether they are done
in anger or as part of his apology or honeymoon stage. Many women live in
constant terror and never even experience the “honeymoon” stage; once the
abuse stops the tension immediately begins again (Marvin 1997, Pincus 2000.)
When a battered woman tries to leave the batterer, she finds that there are
limited or no services available to her. Sometimes the women’s family may be just
as confused about resources and may have no idea of how to address the problem. Or
the family may be in denial about the abuse — if they know about it all. It is not
unusual for a woman to hide abuse from her family and friends, often out of shame
and/or terror. Her shame arises as she begins to believe the batterer’s claims that
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“It was your fault” or “If you only did as I said.” Her terror comes from his threats
(whether explicit or veiled) of death or injury if she tells anyone about the abuse. It
usually takes a woman several attempts before she can leave safely and successfully.
Domestic violence is at epidemic levels in the United States and no one group is
immune. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, “In the year 2001, more than
half a million American women (588,490 women) were victims of nonfatal violence
committed by an intimate partner” (2003). Domestic violence affects all economic
and education levels, ethnic groups, religious communities, and other groups. The
effects are long-lasting, often passing from one generation to another and spreading
throughout the extended family or social community.
Unfortunately, the media and public focus relatively little attention on
domestic violence, while focusing excessively on more sensational violent crimes.
Nevertheless, the effects of domestic violence are far-reaching; it affects not only the
perpetrator and victim but many others as well. The children in the household always
know about the abuse; even if they do not see it they can feel the tension and hear the
yelling. Neighbors and passers by hearing a domestic violence incident find it
disturbing, and innocent bystanders, including children, have been injured or even
killed in domestic violence incidents. These incidents also threaten to overwhelm
law enforcement agencies. Domestic violence calls comprise a majority of the calls
received by LAPD (Jackson, K. 2000), and the police spend a great deal of their
time answering and investigating domestic violence calls. According to Captain K.
Jackson of Northeast Division LAPD, domestic violence calls take the police away
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from other areas of public safety, which can be problematic when there is a shortage
of police officers.
It is also society’s attitude that keeps a woman in an abusive relationship.
It is easier for public institutions blame the women rather than question the
judicial system, which is supposed to protect citizens. Meanwhile, women who
have not been abused tend to distance themselves from the reality of domestic
violence. The reasons may be twofold. These women be attempting to deny
their own vulnerability, and/or they may not wish to recognize ways in which
they have been subtly complicate in the perpetuation of domestic violence
crimes. These women adopt a “don’t rock the boat” attitude and will, at times,
even blame the victim. With enough blame, the woman begins to feel that she
has to take responsibility for the man’s behavior. The attitudes of blame and
minimization are what make it difficult for women to leave. This is society’s
contribution to the perpetuation of domestic violence. The new media also
participates in this emotional collusion by focusing on the drama of the stereotypical
“hysterical” women or the “shrew” that deserves what she gets. News reporters
reflect and perpetuate society’s attitude toward battered women when they
refer to murder and murder/suicides as “love gone wrong,” “domestic disputes,”
or “love triangles” rather than the crimes they are: stalking, kidnapping and
murder. It is even more common to hear the perpetrator described as a jilted
lover rather than the criminal he is. The image of the jilted lover plays better
as a tragic romance rather than just another violent act in a violent society,
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When government researchers quote domestic violence incident numbers,
those numbers reflect cases with either physical evidence from abuse or a police
report to domestic dispute calls. Most researchers (Florida Governor’s Task Force
on Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project 1997:3) agree
those numbers are very conservative, and the numbers are more likely much higher,
given that many incidents are not reported, many do not have physical injury, and
many police departments still leave it to police discretion to arrest, write and report,
or log an “incident.” An “incident,” which is not as serious as a report, is logged
when there is not enough evidence for a crime report. Arrests and reports are
collected by the FBI and sent to the Bureau of Justice Statistics whereas incident
reports are kept within the police department. According to the National Crime
Survey of the Department of Justice (DOJ) men commit 95% of all assaults against
spouses. The FBI reports “30% of the women murdered in this country die at the
hands of a domestic partner, either husband or boyfriend” (Marvin 1997.) In
California a study on women in state prison found that 93% of the women who
had killed their mates had been battered by their husbands or boyfriends before
the woman killed him (1998 Coalition For Battered Women in Prison, press release.)
Violent crimes such as muggings, murder, and caijacking are what most people fear
because they can identify situations where they could be the victim. It is these other
violent crimes that the media and public are most vocal. People are afraid of these
other violent crimes; hence, they are the crimes that receive the most attention from
the media. Yet, when domestic violence strikes a family, every member of the
family, their friends and neighbors are affected. When bullets fly they do not
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discriminate as to the target and they may hit an unintended victim. Innocent
victims, including the children, have been injured or killed in domestic violence
incidents. Even witnesses hearing a domestic violence incident find it disturbing.
The children in the household always know about the abuse even if they do
not see it they can feel the tension and hear the yelling.
In 1993, “The Daily Breeze” newspaper ran a story profiling a number
of women who had died at the hands of their abusive partners or former partners
in Los Angeles County (1994:A6.) The women ranged from 16 to 80 years old,
and they came from diverse ethnic, economic, and geographic backgrounds,
thus confirming the research finding that domestic violence crosses racial,
ethnic, economic and educational lines (Straus 1999, Straus and Gelles 1998.)
According to Mills (1996) and Straus (1981), fifty percent of all women in the
United States will be abused at one time in their life. Another study conducted
by the U.S. Senate Committee on Labor and Human Resources reports that
“spouse abuse is the single major cause of injury for which women seek medical
attention, more common than auto accidents, muggings and rape combined” (April
19,1990.) The Bureau of Justice Statistics collects data from across the nation
and according to the “Special Report on Intimate Partner Violence” (May 2000)
“Most victims male and female) of intimate partner homicide are killed by
their spouses.” Women will often minimize their injuries out of the shame
and fear associated with calling attention to themselves (Monohan 1999.)
The shame is in response to the anticipated reaction, namely blame. Many
women already blame themselves for the criminal behavior of the abuser, and
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this feeling is often reinforced by the accusatory responses of those around
them. The blame might be for ways in which she may have “provoked” the
abuser, or it might be for simply staying with him at all (Kelly, K. 2004:30.)
Indeed, at every community education presentation, and even at specialized
domestic violence training sessions, the question is asked, “Why does she stay?”
Those who work in domestic violence, including the police, know that the
question should be “Why does he batter?” Anyone who has worked with
battered women knows that leaving the relationship is not easy. There are
economical issues which usually supercede issues of safety for many women
in the early stages o f an abusive relationship. There is of course the muddle of
emotions that can trap a victim. However for most women the trap is his level
of danger. When he makes threats they are real. According to Maxine Water,
Rep. California,
“Even those who do manage to leave abusive relationships are not guaranteed
safety. While separated and divorced women represent 7% of the U.S.
population, they account for 75% of all battered women, and report being
battered 14 times as often as women still living with their partners.”
Maxine Waters, Rep. California 1995
Ironically, leaving an abusive relationship is the most dangerous time for
battered women. Of the women in “The Daily Breeze” report, most had left their
partners, and over half had restraining orders against the abuser (The Daily Breeze
1994). There are many reasons a restraining order may not be enough protection for
the victim. Police may not respond to a restraining order violation, or family or
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friends may not take the batterer’s threats seriously and may reveal her whereabouts.
Or it may be that the victim exaggerates her ability to gauge his level of danger and
allows him to return to collect his possessions. There are also those occasions when
the victim agrees to meet with the abuser to “talk things out” with the hopes of
avoiding further court costs, or simply in an effort to appease him. Some women die
when they try to leave an abusive situation (Florida Governor’s Task Force on
Domestic and Sexual Violence, Florida Mortality Review Project
1997:46.) According to many of the women in support groups at Domestic Abuse
Center and About Face, a common threat is: “I’ll kill you if you try to leave me,”
or “If I can’t have you, no one will.” The other common threat used by batterers
is that they will kill themselves. In May 2001 in Southern California there was,
per week, at least one murder/suicide with a history o f domestic violence (LA
Times, Orange County Register 5/1-5/2, 82001.)
How the feminist movement includes the “oppressed” or underserved”
The victims of domestic violence are never far from those who work
in developing domestic violence policy. Thus, following the tradition of
the domestic violence movement, included here me profiles of domestic
violence victims, each one with a unique set of circumstances and
responses. Yet for their differences they are far too much alike in the fear,
confusion, frustration, and self-doubt that they have experienced at one
time or another during their efforts to escape a violent relationship.
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Victim to Survivor: Tactics of Domestic Violence, a testimony
I met Carmen in 1993 when we were both working at About Face: Domestic
Abuse Intervention Program. About Face’s primary service offers batterers’
intervention/education groups, but it also offers support groups for abused women
and their children. The majority of the batterers are ordered to attend by the court as
part of their conviction. Required attendance is usually supplemented with
community service, AA (Alcohol Anonymous), summary probation and, on rare
occasions, jail time. I was a facilitator for batterers’ groups, and Carmen was
facilitating groups for abused women. As required by law, I had to share
information on re-violations revealed in the batterers’ groups. Sometimes these re
violations were against women in Carmen’s groups, so she and I often conferred
about clients, sharing notes and referrals.
Carmen also spoke often at conferences and training sessions as a domestic
violence survivor. The curriculum at the Domestic Abuse Center ends the second
cycle (24 meetings) of the intervention with a panel of formerly battered women
speaking to the batterers. Carmen spoke regularly on this panel. The Domestic
Abuse Center has closed groups that have a clear beginning and ending point, unlike
About Face, which has open groups and a new client can join the group at any time.
Batterers at DAC may only start the group all at the same time and the groups are
tiered, after a batterer finishes the orientation group he then graduates to stage one.
If he successfully finishes stage one he begins stage two. By law, all batterers
groups in the state of California are one-year programs. If a batterer works
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successfully at DAC’s program he can finish all three stages in one year, however
this is rare. At the end of each 13 week cycle the director has a panel of formerly
abused women, none of whom are victims of current batterers in the group, come
and speak to both stage one and stage two groups. The batterers are not allowed
to ask questions or make comments, and after the women have spoken they leave.
The group facilitators debrief the group and remind them to use their buddy system
if they need to talk to anyone before next session. I have been present at least four
times when Carmen has spoken to DAC’s batterer’s groups, serving both as her
support person and as a facilitator.
Carmen was also profiled on a domestic violence training video produced
by California Attorney General Lundgren in 1997. After several years Carmen felt
she no longer needed to do as much public speaking, as she had used the
opportunities to release herself of her abuse. By telling her story she was
helping others, particularly young Latinas, to recognize how an abusive relation
can start and how to get out of it. Also, by telling her story she was, in a sense,
exorcizing the terror, pain and memories Of the abuse. She often stated that every
time she told her story a part of the pain was left out “there” and she no longer
carried it inside her. She will always carry some of it with her through her children
who were also targets of abuse from the perpetrator, her former husband. Although
Carmen no longer felt the need to speak, she agreed to speak to groups I was
training as domestic violence advocates. She did this as a friend and because I only
train groups such as African refugees and traditional (i.e. socially conservative)
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Latinas, who feel uncomfortable in the training sessions offered by shelters or
the Southern California Coalition for Battered Women or SCCBW. All agencies
charge a fee. The volunteers we target often mention they felt their needs and
background are not understood or respected by die shelters and SCCBW.
The details of Carmen’s incident come from her speaking engagements,
training sessions and personal conversations. All of the details in this profile are
public and not confidential, although her name has been changed for security
reasons. The abuser is out of prison and continues to threaten her.
Carmen’s story:
“I am a survivor of domestic violence. I do this as part of domestic
violence education because my story has a little bit of everything and it ties in
with many different agencies. I met my ex husband while we were still in
high school, but at that time we were just friends. In fact, I would often go
with him and his current girlfriend, as friends. It wasn’t until the end of our
senior year that we started going out as girl friend and boyfriend. I was
independent, an only child of older parents. Both are disabled in some
degree. I thought he was the perfect boyfriend.
After we had gone camping he started to get really possessive, but I
was young and he was my first boyfriend and I thought that was normal.
He would pick me up to go to school, take me home after school, or to the
market or other errands. October I found out I was pregnant. I was raised
not to terminate. My family is from Mexico. I was bom in Mexico but
raised here. So, I told him and he went with me to the clinic. When the test
came back that I was pregnant I gave him a choice of either walking away
now and having nothing to do with me and the child, and the baby will not
have his name, or to make it work and be a father to the baby. He said he
wanted to be a father. We married on November 9. We were young and
had no money so we moved in with my parent. I needed to be with my
mom, I was very much a child still. My parents expected him to be more
responsible, and he felt that was controlling. His mother came by to
intervene with my parents and that, for me, was the beginning of the
conflicts. He would go to his mom’s house after work and stay there.
After a while we moved in with his parents. He decided we should
move without asking or talking to me about it. We move December
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22. He said “I’ll be fair. You try it at your house now you try it at
my house.” His mother indulged him, and I started to have conflicts with
my sister-in-law.
I started school and was working. It was good for the pregnancy.
I was a high risk pregnancy. I was under weight for being pregnant,
because o f all the stress. At one point I came home from shopping, I wasn’t
feeling well and I told my mom I needed to go to the hospital but I felt my
husband should take me. When I got to his house, and asked him to take me,
his response was, “No, my godfather is here and I need to spend time with
him.” I drove myself to the hospital and they rushed me down to emergency.
They kept me overnight. They asked what was going on that I was so
stressed, and I said I wasn’t happy and stressed about where I was living.
The doctor said things had to change if I wanted to save the baby.
I went home to get my things and go to my mother’s house, but
the apartment was locked. His brother opened the door and called me a
bitch. I ignored him and walked to our bedroom, and that door was locked.
I called to Ray and kept knocking. Finally he opened the door, then began to
verbally abuse me, calling me a bitch, saying the baby wasn’t his. Then his
brother came in and joined in, but he pushed his brother out of the room and
closed the door. He started screaming “You’re staying here!” He then
shoved me across the room into die crib and I fell. I didn’t move or cry. I
was in shock. I had never been hit as a child and I couldn’t believe he could
really do that. Then I started crying as he kept on yelling at me, but then I
got up, and out of frustration and fear I started throwing things. His brother
came back in and also started yelling at me that die baby wasn’t Ray’s and
soon his mother came in and started yelling at me, too. After things calmed
down his father came in and apologized for his sons and his wife. His dad
was the only one who was helpful and he asked how he could help. I was
not used to the way his mother cooked, with oil and lots of grease, so he
went out and bought a lot of fresh vegetables and told the family that they
were for me. I know he was trying to help but it made it worse. My
mother-in-law hated me even more. My mother wasn’t allowed to see
me because she “spoiled” me. I felt alone.
After this incident, things got better for a while. Then one day
we went to San Diego for a birthday party. I didn’t want to go. I
wasn’t feeling well with the pregnancy, and we argued. We went and,
after a while, I wanted to leave. He said, “We are not going until I
say so.” I started to walk out. The house was on a hill and when I was
out the door he pushed me down the hill. He went back in to get the
keys and his mom. We got in the car and left. His mother had seen
the whole thing and said, “Do you know what would have happened
if someone would have seen you?” Not concerned about me or the
baby, but him. It was a stressful time. We were fighting so much.
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There was so much conflict between the families, so bad that at my
baby shower they did not speak to each other. I told him it was so bad that
if we didn’t get our own place I was leaving. We got an apartment two
minutes from his mother’s. Everything had to be about or for him. Once,
two days before my due date, he made me go to the shooting range.
I know now that wasn’t a safe thing to do but I wasn’t thinking right and
didn’t want an argument. Afterwards I wasn’t feeling well and I asked him
to take me to the doctor. He threw the keys and said, “Take yourself.” I was
crying in the doctor’s office, feeling so utterly alone.
The day my son was bom he [my husband] was very verbally abusive.
He didn’t understand why I was crying during the birth. He did hold the baby
after he was bom until his family arrived, then he gave back the baby and
ignored me and die baby. Things did get a little better after my son was bom,
but he was always more important than me or the baby.
He became very jealous during my next pregnancy. He worked
graveyard shift and would call me at 3 in the morning to check up on me,
asking what I was doing. When I said I was sleeping he would ask why.
Once we went to a party and I got complimented on looking good during the
pregnancy and he said “Why are you flirting?” We stopped going out. He
wanted all the attention. Over time the beating got worse. The more I
screamed the harder he hit, hitting me in the face, thighs, on my back...the
kidneys. At first I was too scared to hit back. I was embarrassed, but
sometimes I did call die police. This was ‘88-‘89 and the laws were
different. Sometimes when the police would come he would be gone and
they wouldn’t do anything. Or he would talk his way out of it, saying he
really loved me. The police would come and just say “Oh, you’re
young...things will work out.” There were holes in die wall all over the
apartment from his fists or from putting my head through the wall. He would
grab me by the hair and drag me everywhere. He loved to get me into the
kitchen, once he shoved my head into the refrigerator and it left a dent. It
was a small complex and I know people heard, but nobody ever called the
police.
I never told my mom or dad. It would be too painful for them and
me. My mom had a heart condition and I thought telling her would make her
sick. He said that if I left him he would kill my mom. He said he had family
who was involved in the mafia and he could get them to do it. I knew if I left
he would take my son away. One time after he beat me he tore my clothes
off and threw me outside and said “Go ahead and leave!” My son was
screaming and I could hear him say to him, “I am going to get you a new
mommy, a good mother.” It wasn’t that I didn’t have any clothes on, it was
that he had my son. Another time he called to tell me to get ready to go out
but he didn’t come home that night. When he finally did come home we
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started to argue and at one point I grabbed the remote and turned it to him
and acted like I wanted to click him off. I guess I thought it was funny.
Well, he started beating me, dragging me to the kitchen he pulled out a knife
and held it to my throat I wasn’t worried about dying- dying would have
been good, but I was worried about my son. I remember his eyes were
black. I thought to myself “I’m going to die.” But he let me drop and walked
away.
After that I started bleeding...bleeding vaginally. I went to the
hospital but it was too late to terminate the pregnancy. Again I gave him the
option to walk or to be a father and he said he wanted to be a father. The
beatings I got while I was pregnant with my daughter were the worse-
beatings are always worse when you’re pregnant. Most of the time I had
welts on my back, and black eyes. I never went out of the house. I stayed
with him because of the stigma of being a single parent, and denial. I
couldn’t believe someone who I loved could do this to me. He started to
keep the keys and lock me inside. He started to get more violent. I had a
kitten I loved. It kept me company. Once he took the kitten with him when
he went out he came back without it. Later I found out he had thrown it to a
dog and watched it kill the kitten.
My daughter was bom 6 weeks premature. I remember holding his
hand and squashing it during one contraction and he yelled “You’re
scratching me, bitch!” I asked for him to be removed but they thought it was
just the labor pain talking. They wouldn’t take him out. After my daughter
was bom he insisted my family couldn’t come around. I was allowed to go
out and see my mother but there were rules. I could go while he slept but I
had to be home when he woke up, if he was awake when I got home he beat
me. It was one of these time I went out to see my mother he said “Don’t take
the baby, I don’t get to spend time with her.” I put her on the sofa. She was
asleep. I couldn’t deny him, he was the father. I was gone maybe 40
minutes. When I got back she was in the crib, looking very pale. I asked
“What happened to the baby?” He said he had problems feeding her so he let
her cry herself to sleep. She was asleep for a couple of hours then I tried to
change her and she winced. I asked again what happened to the baby. He
said, “She is just being a cry baby.” His mom came over and she even said
she looked as if something was wrong. So, we took her to the emergency
room.
The doctor looked at her legs and said they were going to take some
x-rays just to be safe. The x-ray tech asked if the baby had fallen. When he
said that I knew something was wrong. I asked what he meant by that and
he said I would have to ask the doctor. The doctor came out and said before
he came out he had called the police and DPSS (Department of Social
Services) because my daughter had a fractured leg. I don’t cry when I go
into crisis, I just shut down. I asked Ray what happened and he didn’t say
anything. The doctor then interviewed us separately, I told him I was the
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primary care taker but Ray had the baby for 40 minutes today. He asked if
I could prove that. I couldn’t. The police arrived. They were familiar with
us from all the domestic violence calls in the past. They had never made a
report, only incident logs (I didn’t know that) so there were no reports about
his violence. DPSS never showed up that night so they sent my daughter
home with us. The next day she had a high fever so we took her back to
the hospital and they called a neurologist and he requested a frill body
CAT scan, and that is when they found the extent of her injuries; three
fractured ribs and multiple cranial fractures. Yet, no one was arrested. The
doctors couldn’t determine who had done it and there was no visible trauma.
Ray blamed me and my parents blamed him and I was sure it was him.
Everybody, the doctors, nurses, and DPSS thought either I did it or
knew Ray did it and he kept blaming me. I wasn’t allowed to see my
children. I could visit my daughter with someone in the room. During one
visit there was someone checking out her eyes and they told me that the
swelling in the brain had caused her to go blind. That is the only time I lost
it, I just cried and cried. It was that night that Ray confessed to me what he
had done. I called the police and with the officers there he told them
everything he had done, from twisting her leg to shaking and throwing her.
However, when they got him to the station he recanted. He said he was only
saying those things to cover up for me. I couldn’t see my children for almost
two years. I had to do my own investigation, parenting classes and everything
DPSS asked of me. After a long investigation and trial he was convicted on
only two counts of child abuse and served two years in prison and lost all
parental rights. My daughter regained her sight but both children still have
psychological problems and my son is asking more questions about why he
doesn’t have a father. I tell him he wasn’t good so I fired him. That works
for now but soon they will have to know more. It is never over.
He is out of prison and continues to harass me even through I have a
lifetime restraining order. He lost parental rights so I don’t have to see him
but things happen to my car and to my parent’s house. He also uses my name
or his children’s names on his fraud schemes. It took me a long time to
figure out that I was also abused and I have gotten help for that. I used to
speak to domestic violence conferences and workshops, and I worked my
way to being a facilitator for women’s domestic violence survivor groups, but
now I am a caseworker for a private agency that does follow up on children’s
cases. Right now I am just trying to take care of my children and myself.”
As is typical in domestic violence cases involving children, the victim, the
police, and general public focus only on the child abuse and ignore her as a domestic
violence victim. In order for the children to frilly recover from their abuse, the
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mother and society have to address issues of domestic violence. The children hear
the mother blaming herself, the batterer blaming her for the abuse, and society
blaming her for not leaving. The children learn to blame mother for the abuse or for
at least not being “strong enough” to leave the abuser. They often also learn not to
have any respect for their mother since it is difficult to respect someone when she
has little respect for herself. If the victim had the knowledge and support she may
have the strength and resources to leave the abuser and save her self and her children
further trauma.
Rose, a political refugee from Africa, is a victim who came to the United
States to get married at the invitation of the father of her child. After several weeks
in the United States the father of her children became her tormentor and abuser. The
following profile is a composite of her various public-speaking accounts about her
story He began to insist she accompany him to strip clubs, but she refused, insisting
she was from Africa where she did not do those things. This man then brought home
women from the strip club to have sex with her...
Rose: “He wanted me to have sex with her. He wanted to see us have sex.
I said ‘no.’ He wanted the three of us to have sex together. I went to sleep
in the bedroom. He had sex in the same bed where I was sleeping. I went
to the couch to be away from them. He had videos of him having sex with
other women. He made me see them. I tried to hide my face. He wanted
me to be on video having sex. I said, ‘ I just came here from Africa. I never
did anything like this before. I came here to get married.’ He insulted me
and called me stupid. He hit me in my face and kicked me. He brought a
man home with him and forced me to have sex with him. He was in the
room looking at the man and me having sex. I kept saying no and he kept
insulting me and beating me.”
“One night he put me out of the apartment. He said he would send me
back to home because I would not do what he wanted. I stayed outside all
night in the cold. I went to school the next day. I walked there. The
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teacher and the two friends I made there asked what was wrong with me
because I looked different. I did tell the friends, but not the teacher, about
what happened. They wished that they could take me to live with them.
They were new here and were living with people who had families and
were kind to take them in. Alice called a friend and she called someone
she knew who came and got me and took me to Los Angeles to a safe place.”
“I think he wants to prostitute me now that I am here. I never called the
police to get help. I did not know how to call or if they would help me.
I was afraid. I am worried about the safety of my daughter who is with her
father’s sister in Africa. ”
The threat to send her back is a typical tactic for immigrant abusers. They
often keep the immigration papers and keep the woman ignorant of her status. It
is an extreme form of isolation, a tactic that keeps the victim away from her
resources, such as Carmen and her family, and Rose. Rose also had to face the
isolation of being in a different country and culture. The tactics (see figure one
“Power and Control” wheel) are often interdependent. Economic abuse may also
result in isolation, and some may stand alone. When an abuser stops using
one tactic, for instance physical, he may start using another more emotional,
psychological, sexual or isolation. That is why each victim will have a different
story but share similar experiences of fear, shame, isolation and confusion. It is
because of this complexity that it takes a long time for a victim to recover from
an abusive relationship. A broken bone may take weeks or even months to heal,
but a broken spirit can take years to heal.
The decision to leave often takes several attempts before a victim is
successful. One of the major difficulties is shelter restrictions and shelter space.
Many of the homeless women and children are on the streets because they are
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trying to escape a violent Shelter restrictions are there for the safety of the staff
and clients, but they make it difficult for all victims to use shelters as a means of
escaping a violent and/or abusive relationship. The general practice is to place a
victim in a shelter far from her original location so that she will not be tempted to
use her regular services, with which the batterer will be familiar. However, moving
her out of her familiar surroundings is inconvenient for those women who rely
on public transportation. Furthermore, because of the very real threat that an
abuser will stalk her from her workplace to the shelter, thus putting workers and
other clients at risk, prospective residents are required to quit their jobs or take a
leave of absence. All shelters forbid alcohol and substance abuse, a restriction
that inevitably discourages some women from seeking refuge in a shelter. A
majority of shelters do not have enough bed space to allow more than three
children, and most shelters cannot accommodate male children over thirteen
years old. By that age, they may have adopted the power and control tactics of the
abuser. According to Hoteling and Sugarman, “Male children who witness
domestic violence have a high likelihood of battering intimates in their adult
relationships” (1986.) The male child may have developed a stronger alliance
with the male authority figure and may even reveal the shelter location to the
abuser. 6 As a result of all these restrictions, many women try to find other, more
temporary accommodations, or decide to stay with the abuser “until a better
time.” Unfortunately for many murdered women that better time never arrives.
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One of the basic concepts feminists have worked hard to change is the
notion of a woman’s worth. When a woman does not believe she has any value
outside the home she is more likely to stay in a dangerous situation of domestic
violence. If a woman makes on attempt at escaping the situation, only to find she
does not have any marketable skill, she will return to the dangerous situation and
the trap closes even tighter. The value of women’s worth is based in societal
notions as well as the women’s self-perception, both of which are placed in the
context of the state.
Consciousness-raising Groups
Women began to share their experiences as wives, mothers, caretakers,
and women in an oppressive society through consciousness-raising (CR) groups,
where they could place their experiences in the context of society, in the company
and support of other women. CR groups began in the early 1970s and according
to Dunbar-Ortiz and Morgan are based on the Maoist concept of the political
consciousness-raising process that takes place after the worker has been
enlightened about the intellectual analysis of class (Morgan 1970: xxiii). This
level of the consciousness-raising process has to come from within a person’s
own experience. Feminists adopted the phrase “the personal is political” to describe
this concept. This agenda of women’s personal issues, such as rape, domestic
violence, sexual harassment, and unequal pay are reflection of Western society’s
male-centered value system that does not see these issues as social concerns.
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A consciousness-raising group does not have a formal curriculum. There are
topics that are introduced for discussion, but the direction of the discussion comes
form the group members. It was in these groups that women began to discover that
domestic violence was not uncommon. The goal was to begin to understand the
common threads of identity as women through the discussion of shared experiences.
A woman who had experienced a gender related oppressive incident usually
facilitated the group. That incident helped her realize that all women are
subordinated merely because they are women - in other words, making the
“personal political” (Worell and Remer 2003.) Ms. Magazine has identified this
phenomenon as the “click,” the moment when a woman makes the connection
between unequal treatment and oppression and the patriarchal power structure of
society (O’Reilly 1972). Scales, using the logic and language of law, states;
Consciousness rising means that dramatic eye-witness testimony is being
given; it means, more importantly, that women now have the confidence to
declare it as such. We have an alternative to relegating our perception to the
realm of our own subjective discomfort. Heretofore, the tried and true
scientific strategy of treating
non-conforming evidence as mistaken worked in the legal system. But when
that evidence keeps turning up, when the experience of women becomes
recalcitrant, it will be time to treat that evidence as true.
A. Scales 1993:53
B.
The structure o f a consciousness-raising group is also very informal,
allowing anyone who feels she has an issue to speak out. However, because the
early facilitators were aware that some women might be too intimidated to speak
out, efforts were made to encourage shy women to speak (Morgan 1970).2 Isolation,
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either consciously or unconsciously applied, prevented women from sharing their
experiences, thus preventing any insight to their blight. This was especially true
for battered women who often experience isolation as a batterer’s tactic of
control. As women began to talk to one another it was easier to see the political,
social and economic connections to what society told them was a personal issue.
In the consciousness-raising group, the impact of patriarchy is revealed from
internal experience through a collective forum. In this sense, the process is very
revolutionary, personally and socially. For the first time, a women’s experience
is validated, through many eyewitness accounts, and put in a political context of
society. Thus, she is not alone in her experience of oppression, and through
extension, her abuse.
The assumption that a woman can leave an abusive relationship is
based on a healthy relationship, or the idealized standard of behavior of
people in a relationship. People and institutions, such as the insurance
companies, doctors, and other community members, live outside violent and
abusive relationship and only see one incident rather than the complex
situation that is domestic violence. The assumptions also expect that society
will support a woman’s decision to leave an abusive situation. Unfortunately,
this is not always the case. Society at large does not like to get involved in
“family affairs.” Families often minimize the danger. Police often do not
respond or do not respond appropriately. The rest o f the judicial system
(prosecutors, judges, clerks and deputies) are often just as unresponsive.
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Only recently do women (and now men) have a forum to address
domestic violence. The new federal and state legislation and policies against
domestic violence have begun to change some long standing social
institutions, such as the military and government offices. However, the general
public will need more education and more time to change. Until attitudes
change ignorance and shame will hold many victims hostage to abusers.
The courts usually collude with the batterer, reinforcing a standard of
patriarchy by refusing to hear domestic violence cases. Domestic violence cases are
excellent examples of the influence of patriarchal ideology on social institutions,
specifically, the judicial system. This collusion of social institutions, as well as the
fear instilled by the batterer, keeps women in abusive relationships, or returning to
them, until outside intervention such as arrest, the abuser hurts the children, or the
victim finds the resources to leave. Unfortunately, over three thousand women in
2000 (Department of Justice) were killed before they could leave the abusive
relationship.
Power and Control
The Power and Control Wheel, figure 1, was created by the Elene Pense and
the Domestic Abuse Intervention Center of Duluth Minnesota in 1985. This model
has begun to replace the Cycle o f Violence as the training and education device. The
Cycle of Violence framed the domestic violence in the perspective of victimization
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and begins the analysis from traditional view of the female victim. In most instances
during public education presentation die questioned asked is “Why does she stay?”
From the early days of the domestic violence movement the analysis has been in a
form of trying to answer that question. However, with the Power and Control
Wheel the perspective shifts to the batterer’s tactics of abuse. It is also an attempt to
include the ways society colludes with the batterer, thereby broadening the issue to a
social problem rather than a problem between a couple. Having been bom out of the
feminist movement, the domestic violence movement also frames the problem of
domestic violence as a social problem that has to be addressed as a social and system
wide issue. For the first time the domestic violence movement, advocates, and
batterer’s group facilitators had a visual tool to use in their work.
The chart is designed as a wheel to emphasize the inter-relatedness of the
different tactics and to point out that, as with spokes in a wheel, one tactic may be
missing but the other “spokes,” or tactics, will take up the slack left from the missing
one. For example, using the children is often combined with financial abuse by
withholding child support or household funds. On the other hand, if there are no
children the tactic to use the children is not available to the abuser. The abuser will
then use another tactic more often and/ or more effectively, for instance economic or
emotional abuse. Over time tactics and the emphasis on tactics shift and change.
Yet always at the center is the motive: the abusive behavior is the batterer’s need
to have power over and control “his” victim. There is a complimentary “Equal
and Respectful” Wheel which lists positive aspects of a healthy relationship.
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\ftOLENC£
USING GOERCiQII
AND THREATS
M aking and/or carrying out thresis
to do something to hurt ter
• threatening to leave her, to
ECONOMIC
her to welfare • making
^ her drop charges-making
te r do illegal things.
INTIMIDAnON
Making te r afraid by using
looks, actions, gestures
• smashing tWiigj • destroying
her property'abusing
Preventing her from getting
or keeping a fob'making her
asktormonay'giving her an
. aitowanee'taidng te r money'not
letting te r know about or ham access
to Sanity income.
IKING MALE PRIVILEGE
^ Treating her like a savant-making all the
kbtodecisions*acling Ha the “ master of
\ the castle* 'being the one to
. define men's and women's roles
POWER
AND
CONTROI
USING
EMOTIONAL
ABUSE
’ Putting te r down'making te r
feel bad about herself-catting her
names'making her think she's crazy
• playing mhtd games'humiliating her
•making her leai guilty.
USING ISOLATION
ConboUing what A s does, who she sees
and talks to, what she reads, where
she goes* M in g te r outside
involvement • using jealousy
USING I MINIMIZING, ^ to|us8,yac“ons'
CHILORENI DENYING
, fetafangterterigyjihr 1 ANDBLAMING
■aSssSESl using yjsitation tD harass te r 1 about it seriously'saying the
threatening to take the 1 abuse didn't happen*shifting raspon-- 1
cniroren away. | sn^y iord i^w teh aaiio r's^fln g ^
she caused it
Wo len c^-
OOM ESI1C ABUSE tN T B tV B m O N PR O JE C T
2 0 2 E a st S uperior S tre e t
D uluth, M n n eso ta 9SS02
218-722-2781
, wwwF.dulutb-modeI.org
Figure 1
Power and Control Chart
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being m u g to
compromise.
Listening to her non-
judgmenlatiy-being em otion
ally attorning aid understanding
SHARED RESPONSIBILITY
Supporting h8r goate In H i e • respecting
her right to her own feelings, friends,
activities and opinions.
Mutually agreeing on a fair
distribution of work*
family decisions together
Sharing parental respon
sibilities• being a positive
non-viotent rote model for the
ctdldren.
A cceptin g responsibtnty for
seH-acknowledging past use
a t vioience
communicaliflg openly and
truthfully.
DOMESTIC ABUSE INTERVENTION PROJECT
202 East Superior Street
Duluth. Minnesota 55802
210-722-2701
vwmuOdUh-niodelyaig
Figure 2
Equality Chart
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The Power and Control Wheel marks a shift in the approach to domestic
violence and, specifically, the work with the abusers. The question is no longer,
“Why does she stay?” but “Why do batterer’s think they have the right to be
abusive?” Unfortunately, the use of the chart also marks the eruption of underlying
tensions within the domestic violence movement or instance, many felt that working
with the men, the abusers, deflects money, attention, and energy away from the
women, who are the majority of the victims. This was not a new issue, but the
popularity of the charts in both domestic violence and social services raised the issue
to a new level of discussion within the movement. The Domestic Abuse Center in
Duluth is a nationally known and recognized agency among the domestic violence
movement, social services, and law enforcement, and it is this level of respectability
that help the batterer’s education faction champion the legitimacy of their argument:
in order to change society the domestic violence movement must address the
batterer, the men.
Police Response
The police are often the first resource for battered women. Since the days
before Tracy Thurman v. City of Torrington and Lula Mae Thomas v. City of Los
Angeles-LAPD, the domestic violence community has worked to develop a working
relationship with law enforcement in order to educate the police on the dynamics of
domestic violence, resources for victims, and to sensitize officers to the nature of
domestic violence. Over time and through policy changes the domestic violence
community has also learned how valuable the police can be when they have the
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training and domestic violence community support. Historically, it was not
uncommon for officers to have the perpetrator walk around the block to “cool off.”
This practice lead to several law suits, but not before many victims were hurt or
killed, as is evident from Tracy Thurman’s story (discussed below.) If the offender
was exceptionally offensive it was not uncommon for the police to administer
“ justice” at the call, as in the case of former Officer Pat Baron (L.A. Times Oct 29,
2001 Jill Leovy) who would “perform” a twenty four hour “divorce,” then order the
perpetrator to stay away (Los Angeles Times October 29,2001.) Similar, as several
veteran officers have commented, is the domestic violence scene in the film “L. A.
Confidential,” where the officers take the offender outside, beat him up, and threaten
him with further violence if he continues to beat his wife. The perpetrator was then
ordered to go away and “cool off.” Street justice was not unusual. In either case the
perpetrator would not be arrested.
Tracy Thurman, et. al. Versus City of Torrington, et. al.
The case of Tracy Thurman, et. al. versus City of Torrington, et al. is a
landmark decision and dramatically changed the way police departments across the
country respond to domestic violence calls. After the Thurman case police
departments across the country revamped and revised how they respond to domestic
violence protection orders. As is the practice within the domestic violence
movement and, until recently, LAPD, the ethnicity of a victim is a secondary issue.
The belief that all women, statistically speaking (DOJ, 2000), are potential victims
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of domestic violence and that it is male socialization in a male-oriented society
(Paymar, M. 1999) that is at fault, a victim’s race has little to do with whether or
not one becomes a victim. However, in this case, it is interesting to note the lack
of service, or “equal protection under the law,” was a result of Tracy’s marriage
status and gender: a woman. Tracy Thurman was a young woman from a working
class background who, at seventeen, moved from Connecticut to Florida and met
Charles “Buck” Truman, who was eighteen. Over time they married and had a son.
As an unskilled worker, Buck would follow jobs around the country and, as a result,
isolated Tracy from her family. Tracy was also isolated from any friends, unable
to make any lasting friendship because of their constant moving and Buck’s
jealously. This isolation, Buck’s jealously, and his eventual physical abuse escalated
to such a point that Tracy moved back to Connecticut and filed for a restraining
order against Buck. From October 1982 to June 1983, Tracy repeatedly called
the police regarding Buck’s violations of the order. During that period Buck
called, harassed, stalked (at the time stalking was not recognized as a crime), made
death threats against Tracy, and at one point broke Tracy’s car window. The police
would rarely respond to Tracy’s numerous calls, however they did respond when
he broke the car window. He was arrested and the court sentenced him to six
months suspended sentence and a two-year “conditional discharge.” The order
of condition was to stay away from Tracy. As is common with batterers Buck
did not feel the courts had authority over his wife. He continued to call, threaten
and harass her. Tracy continued to call the police and they continued to ignore
the calls. She turned to the courts but did not receive any help from them.
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On June 10,1983, Buck arrived at the residence where Tracy was visiting a
friend. He began to yell and scream threats of taking their child. Tracy called the
police, informing them of not only the restraining order but of Buck’s conditional
discharge; after fifteen minutes, the police still had not arrived. Tracy then went
outside to attempt to persuade her husband not to take the child and to leave before
the police arrived. At that point, Buck pulled out a knife and stabbed Tracy multiple
times in the head and upper body, and then, while she was on the ground, kicked her
in the head. A police officer arrived 25 minutes after her call having stopped to use
the facilities en route. Buck was still at the scene, ranting and raving at Tracy; yet the
officer failed to take any action. (Later he claimed that he had been waiting for
backup.) Still in the presence of the officer, Buck stopped stabbing Tracy in order to
grab the child from inside the apartment. He took the child over to his bleeding
mother, telling him “Watch your mother die!” Buck kicked her in the head one more
time. Three other officers finally arrived, yet they did nothing to subdue or arrest
Buck, allowing him to wander amidst the crowd. It was not until Tracy was on the
stretcher being attended by medics and Buck approached her yelling further threats
that the police arrested him (U.S. District Court for the District of Connecticut, 595
F. Supp. 1521: 1984).
Tracy managed to survive her attack, albeit with deep scars on her head and
face. She is also paralyzed on one side of her body and numb on the other side. After
Buck’s conviction, Tracy sued the City of Torrington and the police department for
their inaction, claiming the city and police failed to give her equal protection, Tracy
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won her case with an award of $1.9 million. Surprisingly, as recently as the 1980s, a
case like Tracy’s was not unusual in the U.S. As unfortunate as that incident was, it
did have a far-reaching impact on public institutions and, more importantly, on the
domestic violence movement itself, including this study. As a result o f this case,
many police departments began “mandatory” arrest policies. If there were visible
injuries, the police were automatically required to make an arrest. However, in Los
Angeles, the police department and the city’s legal department held out on making
any changes to the domestic violence arrest policy. Soon the decision was made for
them through legislation in the form of California Penal Code 273.5
In January 1986, California Penal Code 273.5 came into effect. This law was
California’s response to mounting pressure from the domestic violence community
to implement a mandatory arrest for domestic violence. According to article 273.5:
. . . as abuse committed against an adult or full emancipated minor who is a
spouse, former spouse, cohabitant, former cohabitant, or a person with whom
the suspect has had a child or has had a dating or “ engagement
relationship.” For the purposes of this section ‘cohabitant’ means two
unrelated adult persons living together, including same sex relationship,
for a substantial period of time, resulting in some permanency of relationship.
Section 13700 (a) defines abuse as “ intentionally or recklessly causing or
attempting to cause bodily injury, or placing another person in reasonable
apprehension of imminent serious bodily injury to himself or another.
California Penal Code
As domestic violence is considered a felony under the new penal code, police
officers do not have to witness actual violence to make an arrest. There must simply
be physical evidence of abuse (a bruise, a broken bone, blood) or some indication
that the victim is in fear of her life. Article P.C. 273.5 does not address the level of
injury, so an officer can arrest even at the sight of a red mark. In order to gauge the
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potential danger of the arrestee, officers must take into account a range of
circumstances. For example, is the alleged victim displaying signs of genuine
distress (trembling, crying, etc.)? Is the residence in disarray? Has the telephone
cord been ripped out of its socket? Is there a past history of police responses to this
location? Is there evidence of escalation from previous incidences? Have there been
previous police reports?
CPC 273.5 is considered a ““wobbler”” in legal circles (D.V. Training L.A.
City Attorney Cheryl Ruden 2000). Under the new penal code, domestic violence in
the State of California is a felony crime; however, at the District Attorney’s
discretion, the crime can subsequently be filed as a misdemeanor. After the arrest,
the case is reviewed by the D.A.’s office, and if it is deemed serious enough to be
considered a felony, then it is filed as a felony; otherwise, it is “bumped down” to a
misdemeanor. Given that a D.A. is an elected official and campaigns on his
conviction rate, and given that the branch D. A. officers are promoted based on their
conviction rates, many weak felony cases are reduced to misdemeanors to reflect a
more successful felony prosecution rate.
In the immediate aftermath of the 1986 enactment of 273.5, police responded
with a backlash o f dual arrests, arresting both the alleged perpetrator and the alleged
victim with the rationale that “It takes two to tango.” In other words, the police
began to arrest anyone who inflicted injuries, and this included wounds created by
the victim in self defense. Either the officers did not want to trouble themselves
enough to identify the primary aggressor, or they were acting out of defiance to
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the law and in solidarity with the batterer. Many officers did not regard domestic
violence as a crime at all and felt arrest was too harsh (Personal communication PEP
roll call training 1987.) However, in most cases, dual arrests stemmed from officers’
resentment at being required to make an arrest when in the past they had been able to
exercise their own discretion. In the mid-1980s, domestic violence communities
throughout California turned to their county domestic violence councils to develop a
means of addressing the problem of dual arrests. In 1999, the State Legislature
enacted a statute prohibiting police officers from making dual arrests under Penal
Code 273.5. Officers are also being to identify the primary aggressor (now referred
to as “dominant aggressor”). (See next chapter.)
Surprisingly, as recently as the 1980s, a case like Tracy’s was not unusual in
the U.S. As unfortunate as that incident was, it did have a far-reaching impact on
public institutions and, more importantly, on the domestic violence movement itself,
including this study. As a result of this case, many police departments began
“mandatory” arrest policies. If there were visible injuries, the police were
automatically required to make an arrest (U.S. Fed News 2005:1.) However, in Los
Angeles, the police department and the city’s legal department held out on making
any changes to the domestic violence arrest policy. Soon the decision was made for
them through legislation in the form of California Penal Code 273.5.
Domestic Violence as a Crime
Depending on where one begins the time line, it has taken 20 years for
domestic violence to evolve from a private family matter into a crime under
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California law. There have been significant obstacles, from the horrors of the Tracy
Thurman case to the backlash against Penal Code 273.5. The process has required
the participation of innumerable concerned gatekeepers -- including the second-wave
feminist movement, the domestic violence movement, Women Lawyers, veteran
police officers, and law-and-order politicians. Even today, as the community of
gatekeepers expands to include the gay and immigrant voices, the interpretation and
enactment of 273.5 continues to evolve.
Summary
The case studies, of formerly battered women, highlight the emotional impact
of domestic violence on women, their children and the people around them. Once
the victim is in the legal system the abuse and terror continues from the continued
danger from the perpetrator and his ability to use the legal system to his benefit.
Even if the perpetrator is not well versed in the legal system by keeping contact with
the victim through the courts is unnerving. For a victim low on emotional support,
the mere volume of detail, redundancy and all around bureaucracy can seem
overwhelming and abusive. This is what contributes to the escalating cycle that can
result in emotional scars, injury, or death. As part of a national campaign to
recognize the devastating and growing nature of domestic violence Surgeon General
Koop called for medical personnel to receive domestic violence awareness training.
Domestic violence movement activists recognized, early, in their concerns
that these two areas, juridical and medical, need change and targeted their efforts to
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provide better service to battered women. As a social justice movement with a focus
on the victim, domestic violence activists developed training for first volunteers then
judicial and medical personnel. A crucial part of the training is the voice of victims.
The case studies presented in this study came from domestic violence training
sessions for volunteers and police response team volunteers. Following the
batterer’s treatment protocol, trainees are not allowed to interrupt or ask questions
giving her the emotional “space” to speak. This is especially important for many
formerly battered women who often were not allowed to express themselves while
they were in an abusive relationship. This tactic also, hopefully, develops the
sensitivity of the volunteer to the long term effects of domestic violence. Having the
formerly battered women speak also helps the trainers teach the trainees the founding
principles of the feminist/ domestic violence movement; respect for woman’s
experience and change societies attitude about gender roles.
The cycle of violence, introduced by Lenore Walker is another tool that was
used to train domestic violence advocates. Recently it has fallen out of fashion by
most of the domestic violence community and replaced by the Power and Control
and Equality wheel charts. However, the cycle of violence is still useful for crisis
intervention because it is sometime the first time a battered woman may hear that
she is not alone and that other women have experienced a similar roller coaster in
her life.
The cycle of violence is also useful if one does not have enough time to go
into the details of the Power and Control chart. I have spoken often at setting where
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the audience is required to attend, such as an employee in service for bank,
aerospace or education personnel. In such settings, most of the attendees do not
want to be at the training so it is vital to present the information in short but useful
bits of information. These type of public forums are critical important to the goals of
a social movement. The general public has to be educated on the issue in order to
change the attitudes of the larger society. This is also sometimes the most difficult
type of presentation but holds the most potential for social change.3
The emotional impact and process of going through the court system are life
changing and often devastating. The domestic violence movement has responded by
developing court advocacy, court accompaniment, and training programs. In all of
the trainings for these different programs the voice of battered women is kept
present. The case studies from women who have been victims of domestic violence
and worked through their difficulties to become survivors are a reminder of the voice
of women. Women’s voices are paramount in keeping with feminist theory. The
reason the social movement developed was because gender issues, especially
violence against women, were not being addressed. Keeping the voice of women
in the research is important because this study is ultimately about the services to
battered women.
Domestic violence laws have existed in California, in some form,
for over thirty years (see page 113-114, California Penal Code 273,1970.)
However, it has taken social action, public education, lobbing and ultimately
law suites for domestic violence laws to have any impact on the public. The
process is a labor intensive, emotional and often frustrating. Domestic
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violence activists continue to work against the slip back to public and judicial
complacency through continuing public education and legislative awareness.
The forums that work to develop new policy include, organizations from both
the grassroots community based organizations and the established institutions. This
is a step toward institutionalization yet also a move away from the loose organization
and radical social change of a social movement. The different coalitions, alliances,
and organizations in California, which develop and address domestic violence policy
represent how a social movement can influence institutions. The next chapter will
discuss the foundations, history and form these organizations have used to work with
each other.
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Chapter Six Endnotes
1 For some women the cycle of violence no longer includes the “honeymoon” stage.
The abuse begins with the tension raising and the physical and/or sexual abuse then
it moves back to tension raising.
2 A dated citation but valuable resource for capturing the voice and rhetoric of the
early years of the second wave of the feminist movement. Now that battered
women’s support groups are institutionalized the free flow of a consciousness rising
group is cumbersome to the goals of recovery.
3 As an educator and a facilitator, I have found that I learned as much from these
audiences as I hope they learned from me. However, sometimes the things I learned
were things they did not intend. I learned to become more aware of when a person
“zones out” while keeping their eyes focus in front of them. I also learned how to
answer, what I perceived as outrageous questions, seriously, then later sit in my car
and react. For instances, one high level bank employee asked if we just could give
these abusers brain scans to see if there is something wrong and then give them the
new revised lobotomy, which he assured me would work.
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Chapter Seven: California Alliance Against Domestic Violence-CAADV
and Southern California Coalition For
Battered Women-SCCBW'
Introduction
This chapter profiles two statewide domestic violence umbrella groups:
California Alliance Against Domestic Violence (CAADV) and Statewide
California Coalition for Battered Women (formerly Southern California
Coalition for Battered Women) (SCCBW).1 The profiles reveal the process
from grassroots organization to highly structured complex state wide organizations.
In the context of this process the members struggle to hold to founding feminist
concepts. Leaders shift and public attitude change and the strategies that worked
as grassroots organizations have to be reevaluated all these changes affected
both organizations. The struggle gets further complicated as the two groups
begin to compete for funding. What seems obvious to any outsider, the merger
of the two groups, has been the biggest struggle within and between the two
t
organizations.
All member organizations within CAADV and SCCBW are working
on a statewide level to change society’s understanding of, and response to,
domestic violence. CAADV and SCCBW work on several different fronts:
social education, advocacy, and organizing among like-minded organizations.
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Both organizations have a mandate to lower the rate of domestic violence
incidents and also to address the roots of domestic violence.
Both CAADV and SCCBW grew out of the larger feminist movement.
During the 1960s and 70s, when early feminists began to discuss the status of women
in society, the discussion led to many different branches of die feminist movement.
One of these branches initially focused on rape and sexual assault and then expanded
to include domestic violence. As the word spread that there were people willing to
listen, domestic violence victims soon began to access rape hotlines and other
services. In the late 1970s and early 80s, the directors of the various shelters and
other programs began to realize that they would operate more effectively if they
shared information and presented a united front. This led to the founding of
umbrella organizations. The members of CAADV and SCCBW continue to identify
themselves as grassroots feminists and, as such, part of a national social movement.
In fact, to a large extent, the feminist movement currently finds expression in these
more specific and service-oriented groups.
Domestic Violence Community Organizational Development
During the 1980s, CAADV and SCCBW became increasingly sophisticated,
evolving from a pervasively grassroots feminist social movement into networks of
lobbyists and state consultants. Ironically, as they became better organized and more
active within established institutions, they felt it necessary to adopt patriarchal
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models of hierarchy, such as the board of directors and structured leadership.
The resulting hierarchies led to tensions and rivalries within the domestic violence
community. Meanwhile, they found themselves struggling to maintain their
position of authority within a patriarchal system that increasingly demanded
credentials validating one’s expertise. Increasingly, professors and psychiatrists
were becoming die visible spokespersons on the subject of domestic violence.
California Alliance Against Domestic Violence History
The first organization discussed in this chapter is the Western Regional
Center, which became the California Alliance Against Domestic Violence or
CAADV. CAADV is an important group because it is the first statewide feminist
grassroots organization to work as a statewide coalition of like-minded women
involved in direct services to battered women. It was also one of the first to
work directly, as a coalition, with state offices for the advocacy of domestic
violence shelters throughout the state. CAADV has become the primary
lobbying agent in California for domestic violence. As the primary domestic
violence information resource for lawmakers, it provides the necessary
background information for a significant amount of domestic violence
legislation. CAADV is a self-identified feminist organization with board
members who usually serve several consecutive terms (Baca, S. June 1998.)
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California Alliance Against Domestic Violence; founding principles
CAADV, known informally as the “Alliance,” was formed in 1972 (fig. 3)
with the cooperation o f the California Office o f Criminal Justice Planning (OCJP) to
1998 CCCDV Organizational Chart
Alliance Against
Domestic Violence
Board o f Directors
California
Lesbian Coalition Against i —
Rural Coalition Against
Domestic Violence
Domestic Violence
Women of Color Coalition
Against Domestic —
Violence
Differently-abled Women
Coalition
Against Domestic Violence
Northern California
Coalition
Against Domestic Violence
Southern California
Coalition
for Battered Women
California Central
Coast
Coalition
Figure3
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provide technical assistance to organizations and agencies applying for domestic
violence funding. The representative from Office of Criminal Justice Planning
approached shelter directors and activists in the domestic violence movement to
establish the Alliance. Originally, the Alliance acted as an umbrella agency
consisting of regional coalitions from throughout California that sent representatives
to board meetings. However, despite its statewide mandate, the Alliance
increasingly became identified with the Bay Area domestic violence community.
This regional identification occurred because board meetings were initially held in
the Sacramento area, which gave Bay Area board members easy access to state
officials. During their work on state legislative issues for many changes in the law
individual board members became experts in their areas. For example, Deanna Jang
became an expert in the area of immigration and battered women and Nancy Lemon
went to law school and now an expert in legal theory and the laws related to
domestic violence. The Alliance became the core resource for State Legislators
seeking leading experts in domestic violence. The Alliance also became the most
visible, vocal and respected lobby for domestic violence issues (Pincus, G. Oct.
2001.)
Until the late 1980s, when most of the regions voted to consolidate, the
CAADV’s regional coalitions were well-defined geographic areas throughout the
state: Northern California, Bay Area, Central, and Southern California. In addition
to regional representatives, women were chosen to represent special communities,
such as the differently-abled, lesbians, women of color, and rural women. The
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coalitions sponsored programs and events independent of the Alliance, such as teach-
ins, speak-outs, rallies, and training sessions for domestic violence workers. The
Alliance sought to maintain communication among the regional coalitions, special
community representatives, and the Alliance itself (Pincus, G. June 2000 and
Samuals, J. August 2002.)
When various regional coalitions expressed concern about Bay Area
domination of the issues, meetings were moved to various areas of the state.
Nevertheless, concerns over a Bay Area monopoly persisted. Soon state officials
recognized the board members from San Francisco as the spokespeople for domestic
violence within the state. Throughout the 1980s, the OCJP, which had initially
coordinated the creation of CAADV, grew in staff and budget. This growth
enabled OCJP staff members to develop individual relationships with some of the
domestic violence agencies the OCJP funding. In the nineteen eighties conflicts
emerged among die CAADV’s regional coalitions, and the coalitions were either
dissolving or developing their own mission statements separate from that of the
Alliance.
Membership and Leadership
Members and leaders discussed in this study are those who have high
statewide and federal recognition, specifically those who have membership in other
organizations profiled in this study. In order to qualify for board membership, a
nominee must have experience in direct services for battered women and be
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nominated by sitting board members. Up to this point these qualifications have
managed to keep men off of the board. After the restructuring o f the former regional
coalitions, all geographic regions of California are represented on the Board. There is
also a concerted effort to diversify the board membership with women o f color,
differently-abled, rural women, and lesbians.
The principles of democracy and consensus often referred to in the
movement, as “feminist process,” govern the internal operation of CAADV.
Feminist process is an ideal of respectful, nurturing and empowering interaction.
However, as an ideal it is rarely realized. However, it serves as a means to maintain
a level of mutual support and communication. The concept grew out of the principles
of the early consciousness-raising (CR) groups that encouraged women to speak out
for the first time in their lives about things that were historically kept quite; such as,
sex, marriage expectations, abuse and domestic violence. The goal was to empower
women to address inequalities in their lives and connect their oppression as a societal
problem and to eventually change society (Worell and Remer 2003.)
Some women found it difficult to speak out in a group. The CR group
encouraged women to examine their speaking patterns in the context of a male
dominated society. Male speech pattern developed from their privileged position in
a patriarchal society, feminist process is essentially a response to male speech
strategy of dominating the floor, speaking over less powerful voices and repeating a
subordinate’s comment or suggestion claiming it as their own. The feminist process
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continues as an ideal but it has been used as a means of a type of filibuster and often
has the effect of prolonging discussion to the point of frustration.
One link to the early activist days of the feminist movement and the current
structure of the domestic violence movement in Los Angeles is Alana Bowman an
important board member of CAADV, Alana Bowman. Alana is the Senior City
Attorney in Charge of the Domestic Violence Prosecution Unit, and also serves on
the Los Angeles City Domestic Violence Task Force. For a short time in 1993 Ms.
Bowman was Chair of the Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council until
County Council (attorney for the County) reminded the LACDVC executive board
that the position was a county position and, therefore, should be held by a member of
the District Attorney’s staff. She has also served on the Board of the Statewide
California Coalition for Battered Women. Other CAADV board members serve as
similar liaisons to various organizations. However, since Ms. Bowman has direct
connections to the various coalitions, councils, and groups which are the focuses of
this study. Ms. Bowman is an attorney and heads the domestic violence unit in the
City Attorney’s office. Ms. Bowman is reluctant to speak to researchers despite her
wealth of information about the domestic violence network in California. This
suspicious attitude is common throughout the movement. It is a suspicion that comes
from the nature of her work as an attorney and the social movement history of the
domestic violence movement. The domestic violence movement grew out of the
larger feminist movement because of the need to provide a safe place for battered
women. Battered women are often in danger of their lives, and maintaining
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confidentiality by keeping a shelter’s location secret, and guarded trust of
outsiders even if they are personal friends, is a strategy of survival for all
movement activists. Yet Ms. Bowman’s attitude goes beyond movement
strategy. It has developed out of a life and career spent in political maneuvering
through both legal institutional structures and grassroots organizations. Other
board members have similar skills developed from their work in institutions
and their activism with domestic violence.
The most productive Alliance committee is the Public Policy and
Research Committee. This committee reviews existing public policy and
researches sources for policy statement for outstanding proposals or issues.
The committee searches other jurisdictions, states, and countries for examples
of existing policies, for example, medical protocol for medical personnel who
treat and report domestic violence. The committee will review and revise the
samples collected to apply the policy to California. Other committees include
Fundraising and Executive committee. There is a discrepancy with the official
founding date of CAADV. According to the history presentation of the November
14 1996 Legislative Committee Retreat, CAADV has been around since
1983 (Minutes CAADV 1996.) However, on verification with Ms. Pincus,
this was a reference to the Legislative Committee that has subdivisions in
Northern and Southern California. It was at this retreat that the committee
name was changed from Legislative to Policy and Research Committee.
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Legislative Committee (Policy and Research Committee)
The Northern and Southern California Legislative Committees meet
separately to discuss proposed legislation and policy with member agencies. The
committees also researches areas that need policy development or revisions. The two
committees conduct separate meetings then fax the minutes to the CAADV staff
person who will in turn fax the copies to each of the other committees, keeping a
copy for the office files. This method predates electronic mail, and in the case of the
north and south meeting at the same time, is still the method o f choice. However, at
the time of this study the transition to electronic mail was becoming available to all
members. Occasionally, if there is urgent business with a bill in committee or other
Legislative business, the Northern and Southern Committees will meet together via
speakerphone, although this is not the preferred method of communication. The
process developed out of the necessities of logistics and economics.
November 14 and 15 1996 Committee Retreat
As a women’s support group facilitator for the Domestic Abuse Center and
a member of the Legislative committee o f the Los Angeles County Domestic
Violence Council I attended the CAADV Northern and Southern Legislative
Committees retreat, which was held in just outside San Luis Obispo in November
1996. The committee retreats are held every year in a location midway between
Northern and Southern California. For that year it was held in Sycamore Springs,
a somewhat isolated spa/resort outside of San Luis Obispo. The hotel remote
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California Alliance Against Domestic Violence
CAADV Organizational Chart 2004
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
I
Executive Director
Director of Programs &
Operations
Director of Finance &
Administration
Public Policy
Advocate
Delta
Prevention
Coordinator
Project
Training
Assistant
Office
Administrative
Assistant I
Office
Administrative
Assistant II
Technical
Assistance
Coordinator/
Rural Grant
Liaison
Figure 5
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wilderness location and spa facilities allowed the members, many of whom are
overworked and underpaid, to relax, which in turn contributed to the willingness of
the participants to engage in the group process and eventually the work at hand.
Retreats offer a touchstone to the early seventies feminist movement with an
emphasis on sisterhood, group solidarity and membership to a larger social
movement. The atmosphere for this group process was established with spontaneous
sing-a-longs. Having the group join in a song helps focus them and develop group
solidarity.
Unlike other “spontaneous” sing-a-longs, which in reality serve to rally the
group, a common technique for organizers, the woman who instigated these sings at
the retreat did not have pre-copied lyrics to hand out. Her awkward, but humorous,
attempts to teach us the lyrics created a sense of group solidarity. Her attempts to
persuade the shyer members to join the singing included a spiritual explanation.
(Spiritual explanation of outside hobbies is a trend repeated within this group and
one I have noticed among battered women support groups.) Singing, she explained,
gave her spiritual balance in an otherwise hectic and stressful life. She also
emphasized that it was something she did for herself that gave her strength. Whether
or not the sing-a-long was planned, many of the retreat participants commented that
they enjoyed the songs and felt they added to the sense of community. Some enjoyed
the sings just “because it was fun,” that it was hot something the group usually does
at retreats. With hot tubs in every room and the forest-like setting many of the retreat
participants commented that it was the most relaxing time they had at a working
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meeting, or for a long time. At the end o f the retreat the group agreed that the relaxed
feeling led to work well done. It also allowed friendships to develop among women
who live in different parts of the state, and to whom they may turn for emotional
support. This retreat was also an example of how much the “movement” has
changed. The group now has contacts who can offer discounts to popular spas and
the financial resources to go to an expensive spa, even at discount prices. The
logistics to manage the finances, communication, travel and information packets all
speak to just how highly organized and structured CAADV has become.
Membership in Policy and Research Committee
The following guidelines for membership were developed at the Retreat: A.)
The applicant has to be an advocate, member or guest of current committee member,
and B.) The applicant has to want to work or want to gather/distribute information
(Retreat Minutes 1996.) If an individual or group representative wants to attend a
meeting in order to ask for support for a bill or would like to persuade CAADV to
develop a bill, they are asked to submit their proposal for review before the meeting.
Upon approval by the executive committee, they may attend the meeting for the time
it takes to present their position. Legislators and their aides are asked not to attend,
but advocacy groups or individuals may present an idea for a bill. Anyone who was
first a member of CAADV and then became a volunteer or intern for a legislator is
welcome to attend. A member may vote after she has attended three meetings within
a six-month period (Retreat minutes 1996.) Ideally, all decisions are by consensus
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rather than majority vote. In a majority vote there is the chance that there will be
those who do not agree with the group and their voices have been silenced by
majority rule. As Lani Granier discusses in her book Tyranny of the Majority, when
majority rule is the voting method, the majority perspective becomes the norm
and that alienating those in the minority (1994.) A minority opinion becomes
diluted to the point where it eventually becomes invalid. Ms, Granier suggests that
for long term harmony and movement building every opinion should be represented
in the ratio to the minority opinion. When this is not possible then provisions need
to be developed to insure the minority opinion has a voice. In cases of emergency
responses to a bill or local incident CAADV leadership can make decisions that
represent the group. As a general rule the committee avoids other women’s issues
such as homelessness, labor safety, or others that are not related to domestic
violence. This provision is an effort to avoid distraction from domestic violence
issues which could otherwise dissipate the committee’s focus and limited resources.
When CAADV testifies on bills they claim they represent over 100
agencies state wide and advocates for the thousands of battered women in the
state. The agencies represent domestic violence shelters in all the different
regions and other non-shelter domestic violence agencies throughout the state.
Occasionally, CAADV will take a “statewide stance” on a bill as part of their
lobbying efforts. This is not a position they take lightly. When this action is called,
a phone tree is activated and calls, faxes, and emails are sent to all CAADV agency
members, although individual members are not polled. Confirmation of the
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statewide stance may or may not be required and, when it is required, it is sent
via fax followed by the original copy. The confirmations then may be used if
CAADV is called to testify at a hearing or on a bill (Retreat minutes and notes 1996.)
CAADV Conference, “Domestic Violence Arrest” August 2000
The conference entitled “Domestic Violence Arrest” was sponsored by
CAADV. It brought together police officers and domestic violence advocates to be
trained by CAADV consultants as well as out of state experts on police response to
domestic violence. This conference is the first time that agencies and police from all
over California, and some from neighboring states, came together to be trained and
dialogue on what was then called the “primary aggressor,” otherwise recognized as
the person who is responsible for the repeated and escalating threats to their partner.
The training conference was held at the Sheraton in Sacramento on August seventh
and eighth, 2000. This setting also provided an opportunity for the participants to
socialize and network. The conference addressed the issue of “primary aggressor.”
The phrase “primary aggressor” would later be changed to “dominant aggressor” to
reflect the emphasis and the intent of the legislation. Primary aggressor refers to the
perpetrator who has a history of abuse and who has intent to harm.
The conference was intended for domestic violence service provider
advocates and police. Dominant aggressor was a new concept, one poorly understood
by advocates and police. The conference attempted to address everyone’s concern
regarding implementing the new policy of determining the primary aggressor in a
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domestic violence incident. The Alliance collaborating with the Los Angeles
Mayor’s office offered training on dual arrest and “primary aggressor” to law
enforcement. Organizing the conference with a grant from the Violence Against
Women Act Grants office, Department o f Justice (DOJ) the Alliance offered
training throughout the State of California in 1999. These training sessions targeted
both civilian and police trainers, who would, in turn, go back to their departments
and train officers and support staff on dual arrests. DOJ and the organizing agencies
found this necessary because of recent changes in the laws, and Police Officer
Standards Training or POST (the state oversight board of police officer training)
felt it was in both the officer’s and victim’s best interests to train police officers on
dual arrest. This supplemental training will hopefully avoid false arrest lawsuits
against officers and prevent further trauma to a victim by being arrested and
spending time in jail. It also prevents the perpetrator from threatening the victim
with arrest if she calls the police. Some batterers are under the impression that
whoever calls the police first is perceived as the victim.
Dual Arrests and “Primary Aggressor”
Since the conference the designation was changed to “Dominate
Aggressor,” due to the confusion of the word “primary,” which is often
interpreted as “first.” This reference is to who is the dominate or main
aggressor. The word “primary” often confused law enforcement whether it
referred to the first to strike or the person who dominates the abusive behavior.
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Historically, the Alliance concentrated its efforts on legislation and, in the
early eighties, helped write and lobbied for several bills that resulted in the Law
Enforcement Response to Domestic Violence (Penal Code Section 13700). This
action established mandates for training, guidelines for writing police reports, and
called for officers to make available referral or information cards with domestic
violence service provider numbers. The training also included making police
response to domestic violence more uniform, taking away much, but not all, officer
discretion. If certain elements are present, then officers are instructed to arrest. Los
Angeles Police Department had a stricter policy, compared to those of surrounding
municipalities, of “shall arrest. “ This policy was developed after the Lula Mae
Thomas suit. One of the elements needed for arrest was physical evidence of injury.
The level of injury was not part of the consideration if the offense merits a felony
arrest (Ruden, C. City Attorney office 1999.) If there is a scratch or red mark on the
victim it is considered enough evidence to arrest the suspect Over time officers were
making dual arrests, which means arresting both the perpetrator and victim, if both
had physical injury. According to cases reviewed by legal issues committee 1992-
95, in many cases the injuries on the arrestee were “defense” injuries, scratches on
the forearms or shoulders, which a victim had made in self-defense during the attack.
Yet, the officers often arrested both because the officers did not want to risk arresting
the wrong perpetrator. There are several officers who arrest out of resentment,
feeling that “...if they want an arrest we will give them an arrest” (unnamed Central
California area officer, a participant in “Dual Arrest” training conference.) It is
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unclear who the “them” are; it could be command or the domestic violence
community. This female officer from the Central California area was a member of
our training group for the exercise/ training on domestic violence report review. As
the scenarios became more complex, conflicting witness statements, injuries on both
and confusing history of abuse both the officers and advocates began to recognize
the perspective of the other. The other officers in the team began to ask the
advocates what strategy they proposed. The lone female officer stated that she was
committed to her attitude to “arrest them both,” clearly a position contrary to the law
and intent of the conference. How much she represents the true attitude of police
officers or speaks to the desperate need for female officers to maintain a harsher
“more male” attitude about female victims is an issue that continues to concern both
the domestic violence community and command staff of police forces.
There are also cases where officers identify with the batterer and arrest both
out of spite (Pincus, YWCA-volunteer training Oct.2000.) CAADV and many in the
domestic violence advocate movement recognized “dual arrest” as often one more
abuse on a victim, who then loses her or his primary resource, the police. Once a
victim calls for help and ends up getting arrested there is a less likely a chance that
the victim will call the police again. The end effect, therefore, is keeping the victim
in an abusive and increasingly dangerous situation.
With monies from VAWA made available for law enforcement training
through the Department of Justice, the Alliance collaborated with the Los Angeles
City Attorney’s Office and the Training division of the Los Angeles Police
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Department “...to develop curriculum to be used by local law enforcement agencies
to train the officers in the identification of the primary aggressor at the scene of
domestic violence crime” (Pardo, D. 1999.)
The Alliance was responsible for choosing the speakers and trainers for the
workshops. As is the practice for workshops and training sessions, the Alliance
found experts in the field outside the targeted trainee population pool, in this case
domestic violence agency advocates in California. Many of the police trainers were
from cities outside of California. Unfortunately, given the multilingual and
multicultural composition of the major cities in California, specifically San Francisco
and Los Angeles, many of the police trainers were ill equipped to address questions
regarding these issues of cultural diversity. The trainers were from Randolph
Massacuca, Albuquerque New Mexico Police Department, Pueblo Colorado Police
Department, Nashville Tennessee Police Department, and Colorado Springs
Colorado Police Department, among many others. Police departments, non-profit
domestic violence agencies and volunteer groups from outside and inside of
California were also trainers.
This conference was the best-documented exercise of domestic violence
agencies working with an institution, the police, which is not only highly structured
but has a history of being a very closed community. Historically, suggestions from
civilians are rarely tolerated and often seen as meddling. Yet, at this training,
police and civilians were working together to present models for developing
domestic violence advocacy groups that would work with the cooperation of the
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police. Tensions and differing philosophies arose in die training and, rather than let
them become points of contention, both sides tried to explain the rationale behind
their philosophies.
The primary difference is the police and domestic violence advocate’s role
in society. The police see themselves as the line between social order and chaos.
Their duty is to enforce the law without regard for special circumstances or need
or a individual’s personal problems. Domestic violence advocates usually see
themselves as champions for the disadvantaged, battered women and children.
These tensions played themselves out in a number of different ways. First because
there were so many female officers participating, some of them self-identified as
feminists. And many of the domestic violence advocates thought it confusing to
not know who was an advocate/feminist and who was an officer. However, most
of the officers did not identify as feminists and none of the officers saw themselves
as domestic violence advocates. At other domestic violence conferences where
the attendance is made up of staff and advocates from domestic violence agencies,
there is some semblance of comradery or sisterhood, although up to 15 to 20
percent of those in attendance may be men. The sisterhood may be only as
superficial as the setting, but the attempt is there to connect on the level of
f
shared experience of “women.”
There was general avoidance between the two groups, particularly during
the sessions at the conference. There was some socializing between advocates
and officers between those officers who had already worked with volunteers
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and advocates at lunch and coffee breaks. Otherwise, each group kept to their
respective group.
This conference was the beginning of an attempt to understand the reasoning
for each other’s actions and viewpoints when responding to domestic violence calls.
The trainers did not hide the fact that both the police and domestic violence agencies
had reservations about the programs, or, rather, their fellow participants in the
programs.
Within the domestic violence community, whenever a ground breaking
conference or policy is implemented there is always the insiders question regarding
participation. Who should be chosen as a trainer and who should be a participant?
With the issue of a mental health model gaining more legitimacy among established
institutions there were contradiction present at this conference. At this particular
conference out of state advocates often did not have the years of experience or the
education i.e., mental health licenses, they were chosen because of their connection
to mental health agencies and police.
The Alliance and the other sponsoring agencies involved use a management
practice of using outside trainers when introducing new practices the belief is that the
participants will listen to an outsider who does not have an interest in the
consequences of the change. If the trainers were from within the group being trained
there may develop personal conflicts or agency jealousies.
Despite the programming contradictions and tensions in the sessions the
conference was an important turning point for the domestic violence community and
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police. With the rise in domestic violence cases, including homicide, both sides
were anxious to implement primary aggressor training, and ultimately domestic
violence response teams, in their communities. Both groups are optimist about
lowering homicides rates by early domestic violence intervention.
Origins CAADV and Southern California Coalition for Battered Women -
SCCBW Relationship
Activists who started and managed the first domestic violence shelters in
Southern California were the first members of both SCCBW and CAADV.
Throughout the nation and Los Angeles, domestic violence shelters started up during
tihe 1970s. Sometimes activists even opened their homes to battered women. During
the shelters’ organizational infancy there were no housing guidelines or policy
models to follow. As a result the shelters turned to each other for guidance. Later, in
the 1980s, cities, counties, and the state of California developed guidelines, statutes,
and laws to govern domestic violence shelters and other domestic violence service
providers. As directors, or representatives, of these early domestic violence shelters,
the board of directors o f both SCCBW and CAADV struggled to make the transition
from autonomous grass-roots agencies to govemmentally supervised organizations.
History of SCCBW
Southern California Coalition for Battered Women (SCCBW) was one of the
original regional coalitions of CAADV. SCCBW was founded to serve as technical
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support and a source of training and policy standards for domestic violence shelters.
During the late 1980s and 90s, as responsibility for shelter supervision shifted from
CAADV and SCCBW to governmental agencies, both groups gradually abandoned
their shelter orientation and began to focus exclusively on policy and training. The
attendant ideological shift, which began with feminist principles and ended with a
more mainstream perspective, is an example of a typically awkward stage in a U.S.
social movement’s evolution. As a result of this ideological shift, in the 1990s
domestic violence shelters evolved from woman-centered “safe house” to more
rigidly bureaucratic and business-like agencies.
CAADV dissolved the regional coalition structure in 1996, such that
all the regional coalitions were integrated into a single entity. However, SCCBW
resisted this unification process and retained its identity as a geographically
entity with a network structure. Within a year, SCCBW had totally split with
CAADV in order to function autonomously as an advocate for domestic violence
agencies in Southern California. SCCBW leadership felt that an area as diverse,
large, and densely populated as Southern California could not do without its
network structure and political clout. In 1997 the agency’s board changed the
organizations name to Statewide California Coalition for Battered Women
(thus retaining the acronym) and expanded its mission to include training
sessions for non-domestic violence social service agencies. This new mission
has put SCCBW in competition with CAADV for both funding and recognition.
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CAADV AND SCCBW RELATIONSHIP CHARTS:
A fluid view o f the evolution o f the California Alliance Against Domestic Violence and
SCCBW. In figure 6 CAADV is the umbrella organization with several interest oriented
committees and geographic reagions, o f which there were many more than represented here.
(See 1998 CAADV chart for a organizational view.)
Board of Directors
of CAADV
o
Committees
Figure 6
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CAADV and SCCBW Transitional relationship chart
Figure seven, below, is a view as SCCBW moves from a coalition committee o f CAADV to
become a separate statewide organization. At this point SCCBW is not as large in
membership or power as CAADV but SCCBW is getting larger in political power. The small
overlap represents the dual membership or those participants at large. Note that the small
area where they are touching represents the efforts o f the leadership to talk to each other and
the beginning o f efforts to work together.
CAADV SCCBW
Figure 7
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CAADV and SCCBW
Second transitional relationship chart
Pictured below is figure eight. It is a view o f CAADV and SCCBW as they are at a stage
where they w ill either merge or reorganize as a new organization. There is communication
between the leadership o f both organizations and mission overlap but both are maintaining
their separate programming.
SCCBW CAADV
Figure 8
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SCCBW Straggles to Find Direction
SCCBW straggled to find a place in the domestic violence community
after the membership voted to split from CAADV. During the 1980s, when
SCCBW was still part of CAADV, its membership was primarily comprised of
shelter representatives. In the early 1990s, SCCBW then opened its membership
to any dues-paying member. Voting members and board membership continues
to be restricted to domestic violence community-sanctioned agencies. These
sanctioned agencies are domestic violence shelters and other feminist social
service agencies that were active with SCCBW before its split from CAADV.
The restrictions have effectively kept SCCBW’s focus strongly feminist and
domestic violence-oriented. They have also developed an elite board membership
comprised of close-knit friends and colleagues from the movement days. This
in effect has managed to keep the leadership in like mind. There are the
disagreements but there is a shared history of activism and philosophy that
strengthens solidarity and sense of shared purpose. The board of directors
maintains the strongest sense of in group membership because most of the
members have known each other for several years and they meet as a group much
more often then the general membership. All these factors of solidarity and group
membership helps the leadership of SCCBW manage to keep SCCBW, like
CAADV, its board membership female, feminist, and domestic violence-focused.
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Who Speaks for the Domestic Violence Community in California?
From the early days of the domestic violence social movement there has been
a struggle between the different groups as to who represents the domestic violence
social movement. Ever since their split, there have been attempts by SCCBW to
work with CAADV on state-funded projects, but the relationship remains tense. As
the official umbrella organization for the domestic violence community in California,
CAADV continues to be considered the channel through which this community
conveys its concerns and needs to national and state legislators. However, even
when it was a part of CAADV, SCCBW had unofficial relationships with legislators
and, after SCCBW split off from CAADV, SCCBW’s board members started to
nurture these relationships. As these relationships grew and the organizational
structure matured, SCCBW applied for and received state funding to provide training
sessions for community groups and social service agencies whose agendas included
domestic violence. These training sessions included updates on domestic violence
laws and policies as well as general education on domestic violence.
After splitting with CAADV, SCCBW struggled to define its niche within the
domestic violence community at large. SCCBW members discussed the fact that the
domestic violence community had neglected to address issues such as racism,
sexism, classism, and homophobia as they played out within the domestic violence
community itself. One of the organization’s strategies for proving its worth was to
develop roundtable discussions on these internal problems before they began to
fester. Through these discussions, SCCBW attempted to maintain its image as a
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broadly progressive social movement that framed domestic violence in the context of
society’s ills.
SCCBW Transforms to Statewide organization
The transition of SCCBW from Southern California to a Statewide
organization has been a continually evolving process, affecting the leadership,
membership and mission. The core leadership of SCCBW has remained its founding
members, a core group of long-time friends. SCCBW leadership is a closed group.
The consequences of this closed environment are similar to those Redfield found in
the town of Topozltan. Leaders are suspicious of outsiders, committed to their social
practices (such as how meetings should be conducted), and slow to change. They
also have a very closed worldview in the sense that they believe their perspective on
domestic violence is the only correct one. Furthermore, their intense focus on this
issue has limited their worldview such that they tend to view most issues through the
prism of domestic violence. Membership is by internal nomination, and, historically,
new board members are friends of existing members.
SCCBW’s closed leadership approach is common within the domestic
violence community, which began as a closed community. A “closed
community” develops out of a need for survival and internal harmony, and
the domestic violence movement was bom during a turbulent social movement
era in which confrontation was the norm. Understandably, the movement
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wanted to present a united front as it engaged in a war of words with the
“establishment.” SCCBW continues to maintain this defensive strategy.
Unfortunately, without a diverse membership to offer fresh insights, such a
community may cling to once-useful strategies that have become maladaptive.
Over the past twenty years the domestic violence movement, as represented
by CAADV and SCCBW, has expanded to embrace established institutions such as
the courts, police, and children’s services. The domestic violence movement in
California has both influenced and been influenced by these institutions. Along with
its name change in 1997 from Southern California Coalition for Battered Women to
Statewide California Coalition for Battered Women, SCCBW launched an
aggressive membership campaign. This campaign, while financially successful,
triggered more competition between SCCBW and CAADV for statewide funding
and the status to serve as the voice of authority on domestic violence. In the context
of the economic downturn of the early 1990s, this competition created a strain within
the state’s domestic violence community. Financial resources became increasingly
limited, and media, courts, legislators, and non-domestic violence social service
agencies did not know which organization to turn to for information on the latest
trends in domestic violence. Given all the confusion, domestic violence victims
might well have been better served if SGCBW had been dissolved into CAADV
when the other regional coalitions were dissolved (Samuals, J. 2002.)
SCCBW and CAADV both began as extensions of the broader feminist
movement that, by nature, is closed, including only those who share similar ideals.
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However, as social movements evolve, they need to become more inclusive. In
SCCBW’s attempt to survive, its leaders turned only to each other and others who
shared their perspectives on domestic violence. This further narrowed their vision
and, in turn, their organization’s membership. It has been a struggle for SCCBW’s
leaders to maintain their organization. As SCCBW continues to struggle to
establish a place for itself in the larger national domestic violence community,
its resources are being stretched to the limit and its focus is becoming dissipated.
Discussion and Analysis
Tensions between CAADV and SCCBW highlights a common issue with
social movement-based organizations— namely, the question of which organization
has the authority to speak on the movement’s behalf. Despite their similar goals, the
two organizations each maintained that their selection process for board members
was superior and yielded more truly representative spokeswomen. The composition
of die boards was foreshadowed in the history of feminist organizations.
Membership on boards and in leadership positions are a matter of unwritten status or
rank, prescribed by the grassroots domestic violence community through deference
and community recognition. The position or “rank” is based on primacy of activism
in the feminist movement, attachment to the feminist and, later domestic violence
movement philosophy and individual leader’s personal history within the
“movement.” Each selection process represents the value system of the organization
core leadership. The core leadership has served on the boards for several years. The
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boards of directors are not simply a reflection of personalities but are also a
reflection of the different aspects of the early domestic violence movement of each
organization. As with the larger feminist movement, those in CAADV found their
activism within social advocacy.
CAADV evolved from a regional grassroots domestic violence organization
to a statewide working with legislature, local politicians and the courts. CAADV has
kept the social movement philosophy that defines domestic violence as a social issue.
As a social issue their advocacy addresses gender inequities in society including
attitudes towards domestic violence, resources for victims of family violence and
public education about domestic violence.
In the late seventies and eighties, when the feminist movement began to
transform and split into issue focused movements, such as domestic violence, it was
the activists who became the experts in domestic violence for courts and policy
development. Later in the eighties when CAADV had representatives from different
regions of California, the organizational leaders were recognized as the experts and
spokespersons for the domestic violence community. Currently, with both SCCBW
and CAADV claiming to represent the entire state there tension developed between
the two organizations. As state officials get frustrated with the confusion between
the two groups, which organization is responsible for what part of the workload in
developing domestic violence training and public policy. Also, with funding from
the state becoming increasing scarce it is inevitable that the two groups, SCCBW and
CAADV will merge. What kind of organization emerges will depend on the
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willingness of the leadership to work together on structure and philosophy. Another
influence is the social climate with regard to domestic violence as a critical social
issue. Lastly, one of the most influential factors is funding. Competition for funding
between the two groups is counterproductive to the goals of both CAADV and
SCCBW. Until the two groups either merge or officially divide the work the
question about who speaks for the domestic violence community in California will
remain unresolved. According to Matthews (1991) and Ferree (1992), as community
organizations become more institutionalized the more likely the established
institutions take over the functions of the organization. As more community based
grassroots domestic violence activist become more educated and sophisticated in
government bureaucracy the umbrella organization that emerges will likely be closer
to an established institution than a community based grassroots advocacy/ activist
organization.
Social Movement Philosophy Transformed
The manner in which a social movement’s membership relates to each other
reflects the organizational evolution of the social movement. In the case of the
feminist movement members found their personal interest and branched out to form,
among many, the domestic violence movement. In the United States, when a social
movement is successful it will have an influence on established institutions. In such
case, institutions will change policy, or minimally, its perspective of the issue.
Ultimately, these institutional changes will affect those grass-root agencies offering
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direct services. As CAADV and SCCBW moved from the strategies and actions of a
social movement to work with established public institutions, CAADV and SCCBW
changed their organizational structure, staff management, ideology and their mission
statement. In the same way institutions also change. However, given the institutions
bureaucratic nature and institutional structure or quickly instituted, the changes are
not as profound, perhaps merely a change in language or referrals offered. Once the
domestic violence shelters came under governmental supervision, CAADV increased
its lobbying among state legislators. Their Bay Area office location gave its members
many opportunities to meet with officials in Sacramento. By contrast, SCCBW,
which was originally established to monitor domestic violence shelters, became
obsolete when county and state agencies began to oversee the shelters. SCCBW
members worked to develop strategies how to redefine the goals and mission for
SCCBW. The organization expanded the services they provided to both tire domestic
violence community and the larger community. In doing so they often duplicated
services provided by CAADV and LACDVC.
Summary
This chapter discusses how SCCBW became a separate entity from the
former umbrella group CAADV, and eventually both, being bom out of the larger
feminist movement developed into autonomous statewide organizations. SCCBW
straggles to develop a identity and mission of their own and in doing so began to
duplicate some of CAADV’s programs such as, training. Domestic violence
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training, particularly when given to law enforcement personnel can be a source of
funding and more importantly, the legitimization of the group’s voice of authority.
During SCCBW’s evolution into a statewide organization CAADV continued
their work throughout the state. The committees meet and addressed issue relevant
to the committee’s particular focus. However, the relationship between the two
groups became strained as the funding and training engagements became more
competitive between the two groups, SCCBW and CAADV. Each group’s board of
directors continued to struggle to maintain the principles of the feminist movement
yet recognizing that their respective group was moving away from monumental
social change. The concept of social change, in this case changing the underlying
beliefs and assumptions that allowed domestic violence to reach epidemic levels in
the United States, has not changed. The participants now have to concern themselves
with the day to day functions of running a statewide organization (Rothenberg 2003:
77-83.) In the case of the domestic violence movement the move toward
institutionalization forces a group to re-prioritize their efforts, a phenomenon not
uncommon in social service organizations bom of a social movement.
One of the earlier definitions of a social movement by Fisher is the lack of a
structured hierarchy and a recognized spokesperson. Both CAADV and SCCBW
are highly structured hierarchies yet between them there is not a statewide publicly
recognized spokesperson. The pressing concern is their expertise status among state,
county, and city officials. With the expert status one’s voice or opinion will be
heard, although not necessarily heeded when it comes to domestic violence. In order
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to keep to the principles of the domestic violence movement, keeping the victim’s
voice heard, respecting every woman’s experience, and changing societies attitudes
and beliefs about domestic violence in policy development one of these two groups,
a merger or a combination of the two, has to remain the voice of authority for
domestic violence issues.
Both CAADV and SCCBW have representatives attending the Los Angeles
County Domestic Violence Council (LACDVC), which will be discussed at length in
the next chapter. LACDVC is a Los Angeles County forum for domestic violence
service providers. Los Angeles is a large and powerful county, which makes
LACDVC an important group for both CAADV and SCCBW. However, over the
past fifteen years, as private for-profit social service organizations became active in
the LACDVC they began to influence the direction of SCCBW and, peripherally,
CAADV. The Los Angeles Domestic Violence Council moved away from social
service/social education issues and became primarily concerned with policy. Policy
is indeed important to organizations such as non-shelter domestic violence agencies,
shelters, and other interested non-profit organizations. However, this new focus on
policy dramatically shifted the priorities for both of these organizations and thereby
influencing domestic policy throughout the state. Even as they are developing policy
the two organizations continue to shift and struggle to define their place in the
domestic violence community in California.
The Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council (LACDVC) defines
their community as the County of Los Angeles. However, for the Los Angeles City
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Task Force, it is the city. Districts within the city have Civilian Police Advisory
Boards (CPAB) that are connected to the different police divisions of the Los
Angeles Police Department. The over lap of domestic violence movement activists
participating in statewide as well as county coalitions ties the county and city
agencies to the larger domestic violence movement. The two organizations
discussed in the next chapter are highly institutionalized organizations and most of
the members, outside of the board, have little or no personal identification with the
larger domestic violence movement (Pincus 2000.) These two groups, the Los
Angeles County Domestic Violence Council and the Los Angeles City Task Force
are discussed in the next chapter.
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Chapter Seven Endnotes
1. For these two organizations, CAADV and SCCBW, community is the state of
California. In their early days both groups identified as being part of a social
movement, with the implication that they had no regular income or support from the
larger society. As a fledgling social movement the first issue was framed in
language of oppression and patriarchy. The domestic violence feminists groups
addressed the lack of resources for battered women as part of a symptom of a society
that does not value women and children. Their early efforts were to develop new
options for women and children in violent homes, such as hotlines, shelters and
underground railroads.
2 Given the scope of their interests and expertise, “community” for CAADV refers
to the entire state of California. For most other organizations, “community” is a
much smaller constituency; hence their impact is also on a smaller scale. As the size
and definition of communities vary, so do the goals of the organizations. For
example, Statewide California Coalition for Battered Women (SCCBW) initially
focused solely on Southern California, but now addresses the needs of the whole
state of California (Samuals, J. 2000.) Each organization defines its community
based on its mandate and/or funding sources. CAADV* and SCCBW work within the
domestic violence movement and have personal and philosophical ties to like-
minded women and organizations across the nation. As a part of a social movement,
both organizations are responsible for and committed to larger constituencies, not
just battered women. Their identity and larger community is the feminist movement,
which guides their direction, organizational structure, protocol for group interaction,
and overall mission.
Coalition building is a delicate balance between the needs of the larger group
and the demands of the membership agencies. Some of these agencies may be in
conflict with other member agencies on specific issues but nevertheless choose to
work with each other for a large goal or for the good of the community. A coalition
can package an idea proposed by a member organization to make it more
“marketable.” In other words, a coalition can take the radical edge off a militant
perspective, making the issue more palatable to the public or funding source.
Therefore, an otherwise radical organization will allow the coalition group to
represent the cause or issue so long as the ultimate goal stays within mutually agreed
parameters. Ironically, a relatively small radical group can sometimes mobilize a
demonstration or letter campaign which is more effective than the negotiating
maneuvers typically used by mainstream coalitions. Each level of organization has
something to offer a coalition. A coalition’s negotiating style and choice of projects
will affect the way mainstream society perceives its cause.
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Chapter Eight
Alliance Among Domestic Violence Service Providers;
Institutions and Non-Profit Agencies
Introduction
This chapter profiles the Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council
(LACDVC) and the Los Angeles City Domestic Violence Task Force (Task Force.)
Both organizations address domestic violence policy for their respective
communities. LACDVC is an organization that identifies with the larger social
system of established institutions such as police, social services and others. Those
membership organizations that are part of the established institutions usually see
themselves as a means to maintain an orderly society, in contrast to the social
movement organizations. The institutional organizations see their mandate as
protectors of an “ideal” society, one that addresses domestic violence as something
that is disruptive to society, something that needs fixing rather than understanding as
a symptom or dysfunction of this “ideal” society. In contrast, the Los Angeles City
Domestic Violence Task Force is a smaller group, also made up of public and private
agencies, which come together to address domestic violence funding allocations,
policies, and issues within the City boundaries. Many of the members of LACDVC
are also members of the City Task Force.
Also discussed are groups that have addressed domestic violence in education
symposiums and projects in communities within the city limits, such as Community
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Police Advisory Board (CPAB) and Los Angeles Police Department’s (LAPD)
Domestic Abuse Response Team (DART.) As part of the profiles, the relationship
between institutional and grassroots organizations (particularly those in the city of
Los Angeles) is discussed, specifically how the two types of groups with their
different philosophies and histories work together to address domestic violence and
how each type of group learns from the other. Also discussed is how one group
changes the other and how these interactions and policy changes affect the
perception of domestic violence in the larger society.
This chapter first examines organizations that seek to work together in
coalitions or alliances to address domestic violence in the County of Los Angeles
and the City of Los Angeles. The County is large, both geographically and
demographically. The county ranges from urban centers to rural areas, such as
Palmdale and Lancaster, each of which have special needs and concerns for
addressing domestic violence. Both the County and the City possess culturally
diverse populations and most County and City services offer printed material in
Spanish, Korean, Tagalog, Armenian, Farsi, Mandarin, and English. If budgets
allow and the area necessitates, Vietnamese, Cambodian and other Asian languages
are also employed.
The chapter will also discuss the process of policy implementation by
describing different projects, seminars and programs that arose from the agencies.
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It is often during the organizing of these projects that relationships are built, trust is
formed, and tensions regarding philosophical differences are played out. One
example of these joint efforts is the domestic violence symposium held by the
Northeast Division Community Police Advisory Board (CPAB). It is another
example of the efforts of community groups and police working together on a
common project of community education. The chapter will describe a “ride-along”
with the Van Nuys Division Domestic Abuse Response team (DART), with a focus
on the working relationship between LAPD through their DART officer and Major
Assault Crimes (MAC) detectives and the Domestic Violence Victim Advocate.
This is an excellent example of a community grassroots agency and police working
together on a domestic violence project.
All the projects— the conference, symposium, and DART - represent
different levels of community involvement with established institutions, primarily
the police. They all reflect the tensions between domestic violence advocates and
institutions. These tensions develop from the different histories, philosophies, and
goals of the domestic violence community and institutions like the police, in addition
to the judicial system, social services, and welfare.
Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council
The Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council or LACDVC (also
referred to as the “Council”) is, as the name implies, a council that serves Los
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Angeles County, from the Harbor district to Lancaster. The Los Angeles County
Board of Supervisors established the Los Angeles County Domestic Violence
Council on April 29,1979. Its original purpose was to establish communication
between public and private agencies that work with domestic violence, either as
service providers to victims or developers of policy. Public agencies are those
funded directly by public monies, whereas private agencies are those funded though
private funds. Private agencies may or may not be “not for profit” or nonprofit
agencies with 501 (C)3 tax codes, in which case they may receive grants to run their
programs from public funds. LACDVC serves as a quasi-govemmental organization
to bring public and private agencies together to address domestic violence policy in
Los Angeles County. The only staff, council coordinator, is funded by the County
Supervisors. LACDVC has no governing or policing function or authority over the
member agencies. The recommendations and suggestions for policy change have to
go through the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors. LACDVC has, on
occasion, supported statewide legislation with appeals to member agencies to sent
letters of support to their state representatives. However, the majority of the
attention is directed toward issues and policy within the County.
Los Angeles County has diverse communities, from the congested area of
downtown to the rural areas of Lancaster-Palmdale and the San Fernando Valley.
There are also various ethnic and cultural enclaves within the county, all of which
create logistical confusion when the county tries to develop services. Information
must be printed in at least the four major languages of the county, English, Spanish,
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Korean, and Armenian, as well as considering culturally appropriate language. The
Domestic Violence council offers a forum in which community-based organizations
and county based organization work together to develop information booklets,
programming and policy. Developing policy is a daunting task in itself, and when
agencies and organizations who have different missions and philosophies try to
work together, it can be frustrating for both groups. Yet, in this process each group
learns a little bit more about the other. Community based organizations learn about
county budgets, hierarchies, and constraints from existing county policy or the
County Council, the attorneys who represent the county. The county, on the other
hand, learns about the unique needs of the communities, the informal networks,
and the cultural practices of social interaction. For this reason, the Domestic
Violence Council presents a perfect example of the tensions between grassroots
or community-based organizations and established county institutions, but is also
an example of the ways both learn to appreciate the other. The county has learned
to develop councils to address other sensitive issues, such as domestic violence,
that may not be addressed as a crime in their communities.1 The domestic violence
issues include those ignored or not addressed because of general denial of their
existence, or those in the gay community, or because in the country of the victim
or batterer’s origin it is a low priority crime. (Most other countries do have some
laws against “wife beating,” but often their police and courts are so understaffed
that it is rarely addressed Violencia conference-Caracas, Ven. plenary session 1998.)
In some cases the community and country of origin do not see domestic violence as
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a crime but as a family affair. Issues that are address through the advisory council
by educating city institutions about cultural understanding of domestic violence and
educating their communities about the laws and attitudes regarding domestic
violence in California.
Domestic violence Council also has had to address the different philosophies
and missions of the domestic violence movement, which not only represent different
communities and ethnic enclaves in the county, but represent, at least historically, a
nationwide feminist movement against domestic violence. From the early days of
the domestic violence movement the goal was social education, empowerment of
women and children, and social change. These are at times in direct conflict with the
established institutions, which only recently were told they are also responsible for
addressing domestic violence issues in the county. These conflicts, more than
culturally appropriated education, are the most difficult to overcome. It is this
process that shows the differences in philosophy, mission and goals of the different
agencies. Yet, it also shows how much grassroots organizations and establishment
institutions have been willing to learn about the other.
The Domestic Violence Council also serves as the overseer and monitor for
the distribution of County grants. Currently, the other purposes of LACDVC
are to:
-Coordinate existing domestic violence programs
-Develop needed programs
-Train professionals and the general public (on domestic violence and
referrals)
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-Increase public awareness
-Ensure that shelter services are available
-Support appropriate legislation
-Develop inter-agency protocols and guidelines
History of Domestic Violence Shelters in Los Angeles County
Haven House, the first domestic violence shelter, opened in Los Angeles
County over 30 years ago. Today Los Angeles County has eighteen emergency
domestic violence shelters and four transitional shelters. Given the size and diversity
of Los Angeles County, these 22 shelters do not serve the needs of the county either
in numbers of beds or services.
In 1970 Haven House was established in Canoga Park. Haven House
was an alcohol treatment center for women and, out of necessity, shifted the
programming and mission to domestic violence. Although it was never
considered feminist activist from the perspective of the domestic violence
movement, Haven House did focus on advocacy and empowerment for women
that enabled it to integrate its efforts with the larger domestic violence movement.
Haven House is an example of women redefining their philanthropic mission
based on the new found awareness of domestic violence gained through the
education of the larger feminist movement. They acted on the information
and urgency of the need even though most did not personally identify as feminist.
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During this era of social “revolution” and the feminist movement, the
domestic violence movement was developing general social recognition from
educational efforts of the feminist movement. The movement also enjoyed increased
activism through the efforts of the larger feminist movement. The social recognition
and activism raised awareness about the existence of domestic violence shelters.
This awareness increased the need for more funding for domestic violence shelters.
Over time, these domestic violence shelters found they needed to regulate their
operations and funding. One regular source of funding came from the county, which
began to establish links between established institutions within the state, county and
city to the shelters.
Before the Council the shelters communicated with each other through loose
social networks of women and Coalitions connecting them throughout the state
(discussed later in this chapter.) The social networks were sometimes established
through consciousness-raising groups or through other grassroots political work.
Occasionally, the networks developed through traditional philanthropic organizations
such as church groups or established charities, for example Haven Hills. However,
given this structure, if there was a problem with existing bureaucracies there was no
official channel to file a grievance. In the seventies, the idea of a woman leaving an
abusive home with outside help was radical, especially considering that the people
helping her were often self-identified as feminists who saw institutions as a part of a
larger patriarchal system. It was under these circumstances that the domestic
violence movement operated in the early stages. Institutions, particularly the police
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and society at large, viewed the shelter movement with suspicion and the shelters in
turn were suspicious of the police or any other entity that had a part in the
“institutional oppression of women.” This distrust of all bureaucracy continues
today, and both sides agree rightfully so, since more than a few times, through the
police, a shelter’s confidential location has been revealed to a perpetrator or other
inappropriate agent. Officers continue to harass shelters and women in shelters.
On occasion they will force entry into a shelter to serve a court order. Typically,
court orders are delivered to the shelter office, which is separate from the residence,
or some arrangements are made to avoid the need for officers or any official to go
to a shelter. The police view the reluctance to allow service on a woman
characteristic of the domestic violence advocates tendency, in general, to obstruct
“justice.” When shelters first started, police and society at large viewed them
as an attempt by radical feminists to “abduct” women, brainwash them to leave
their husbands and families, and join the feminist movement. Until the shelter
movement, society and the laws written to maintain order in society treated domestic
violence as a private family affair, and outsiders, including police and the domestic
violence movement, had no business interfering with private family issues. Now
that there are laws that make that domestic violence a crime, the police view
every aspect of a case their jurisdiction. This view conflicts that of the shelters
who see their mandate as victim safety first, and bureaucratic incidentals second.
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This clash of policy is an example of one the first conflicts between the
police and the shelter community that the Council was able to mediate and monitor.
The shelter directors were able to bring the Council representative to the police
and, with the help of the Council chair, they worked out a standard protocol for
when it was necessary for police or other official to have contact with battered
women. Haven Hills serves as the domestic violence shelter-clearing house for
space availability in the network, calling each shelter, throughout the county, every
morning to check on what space they have available. A system was worked out at
Haven Hills where information from the police is relayed to the women in the
respective shelter during space check; “Detective (name) seeking Jane Doe-call
at... ” This usually removes any need for the police to physically go to a specific
shelter.
Overview: Los Angeles County Domestic Violence Council
Ultimately, the goal of LACDVC was, and still is, to develop a more
efficient and victim- friendly response for service providers in the county.
Given the size and bureaucratic nature of Los Angeles County, applying for
and receiving social services is oftentimes time consuming and daunting. For
a domestic violence victim with other, often life-threatening concerns,
applying for services may not seem worth the effort. The domestic violence
movement, at that time mainly shelters, hotlines and other sympathetic women’s
organizations, approached the County Supervisors with its concerns. With
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the support of the domestic violence education campaign, community support,
and the support of key county workers, the Domestic Violence Council was
established as a forum to address domestic violence in Los Angeles County.
Originally, the bylaws designated the Hall of Administration as the
meeting site; however, many non-county (non-profit agencies) members found
parking to be too expensive and inconvenient after the county withdrew its validated
parking privileges.There was also the issue of a limited number of county meeting
rooms large enough to hold the LACDVC meetings. However, the decision to move
the meeting site revealed the underlying tensions between institutions and the
grassroots regarding funding support. County and city agency workers had county or
city lots where they could park without out-of pocket fees. Non-county and city
workers, who did not work downtown, had to pay the parking fees for downtown
parking. Downtown parking lots tend to be more expensive than other lots around
the city. At the time the county withdrew its support, the one available lot charged
an eighteen-dollar flat fee. Most of the private agencies were either nonprofit or
small agencies with tight budgets, and the eighteen dollar fee was far too expensive.
As for the prosecutors, any site outside of downtown and away from their offices and
courts was inconvenient. Prosecutors could be paged to court at any time and have
to be no more than thirty minutes away. The downtown location was walking
distance for all prosecutors. This is an example of the conflict of resources between
the public and private agencies, especially where the public agencies had the
advantage of power because of their access to resources, in this case parking space.
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This was not a trivial issue. It was a cause for increased tensions between the two
groups and resulted in discussions between the private agencies before meetings to
rally their solidarity against the public agencies, or in the language of early activists,
“the establishment.” All of the above reasons as well as other room scheduling
conflicts led to the decision to move the meeting to the Los Angeles Police Academy
in Elysian Park near downtown.
The Domestic Violence Council meetings are currently held at the LAPD
Academy-Elysian Park location. The Police Academy is located just north of
downtown and is accessible by several freeways, an important feature in Los
Angeles. The Academy has a coffee shop, which provides a limited menu or buffet
for the Domestic Violence Council meetings, this also is not a trivial feature
considering the meetings are scheduled for noon. Another feature making the Police
Academy an ideal setting is the ample and free parking. Occasionally, when LAPD
hosts a conference or has special training, the parking is limited. However, street
parking is abundant.
These issues may seem somewhat trivial, yet they reveal underlying tensions.
The parking is an example of the ongoing tensions between private and public
agencies, and the Supervisors’ role and the Council. Public agencies usually have
larger budgets and are tied to a larger institutionalized network. In other words, if
one county agency has a meeting in another part of the county, they have the use of
all other county facilities, including parking lots, available to them. On the other
hand, non-profits are out on their own, left to find facilities and affordable parking
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where they can. Although most domestic violence agencies feel they are, or were, a
part of a movement, that movement does not provide the same financial resources.
The resources provided a movement is not a large budget, but the loose network,
philosophy and “sisterhood” of the domestic violence and feminist movement.
The connection to these movements has advantages and disadvantages in the
face of established institutions. Money, unfortunately, is not one of the advantages.
There is always a competition for funds. The next section will discuss how the
council serves as a medium where members of the community can agree on what is
best for battered women in the county, including the funding of different programs.
Los Angeles County Supervisors and Council
For agencies coming from the grass roots domestic violence community and
the institutions their existed preconceived notions of who the other was and what
they believed. These preconceived notions created a tension between the two
“camps,” institutions and grass roots. The nature of a coalition, working with others
on a broader goal, also brought out tensions between the camp members. The
meeting location revealed some tension between city and county. The Hall of
Administration is a county facility. This gave the County Supervisors easy access to
the meetings and kept the Council a clear County entity. However, when the
meetings moved to the Police Academy, the County dominance was not as clear.
This conflict has not been overt. Yet it has illustrated, metaphorically if nothing
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more, the struggle between the city and county for control over the Council and
domestic violence issues in the county. This issue would arise again during the
transition of Chairperson of the Council, a position appointed by the County Board
of Supervisors out of the District Attorney’s office.
Functions
According to the 1979 bylaws, the functions of the Domestic Violence
Council shall be to “study the problem of family violence in Los Angeles County.”
This broad mandate covers many different aspects of domestic violence. Since Los
Angeles County is such a large geographic area with a diverse population, this
mandate is expansive. Over the years the Council has sponsored conferences that
focused on different issues, such as children who witness domestic violence, family
court and domestic violence, and new laws addressing domestic violence.
Conferences and symposiums are usually the responsibility of committees. The
Council largely focuses on the day-to-day issues facing public and private agencies
working with family violence. The Council worked to develop communication and
establish relationships between service providers, police, and courts. The more the
council studied domestic violence, the more they found that many of the issues were
interconnected. Once service providers received specialized training in domestic
violence, they were able to provide more effective intervention for their clients by
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offering appropriate referrals or by consulting with domestic violence agencies about
their case management.
In order to study the problem of domestic violence in Los Angeles County
the different county agencies had to agree to provide statistics, copies of policy and
any additional hard data available. There was, and still is, reluctance by some public
agencies to provide statistics on their domestic violence service numbers. For
example, LAPD, a member of the council, does not release records on the race or
ethnicity of domestic violence perpetrators and victims. Their explanation for this
practice is their reluctance to give the appearance of racial profiling. The philosophy
is that police procedures should be standard no matter what the race or ethnicity of
the victim and perpetrator. The police also argue that the information may be used
by non law enforcement to perpetuate stereotypes about minority and poor
communities. However, the United States Bureau of Justice Statistics, a branch of
the Department of Justice, which has access to police reports, does compile this
information and has faced little or no criticism. The information is accessible only as
part of a profile of national trends and is not categorized according to city.
Therefore, it is impossible to provide arrest statistics on the different racial and
ethnic communities in Los Angeles. The current discussion on police racial profiling
underlines the sensitive nature of statistics gathering using race and ethnicity as
markers. Other county agencies do not, or have not until very recently, kept records
on domestic violence unless it is directly related to the services they are providing.
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Membership and Leadership
There are 38 public and private agencies in the Los Angeles County
Domestic Violence Council who are voting members. An agency can apply for
membership once it has attended six Council meetings with no more than two
absences; however, the executive committee has final vote on granting voting
membership. The meetings are held once a month on the third Tuesday of the
month. Meetings are public and visitors from other agencies often attend to network
and gather information on services, or new legislation, or county policy relating to
domestic violence. There is a resource table at every meeting where agencies place
brochures, flyers of upcoming events, and job announcements. Each committee
gives a report, new business is discussed, and dates for conferences and training
sessions are announced.
The District Attorney appoints the Chair of the Los Angeles Domestic
Violence Council. The election of a new District Attorney causes a new Chair to the
Council to be appointed from his staff attorneys. However, for a brief time in 1995,
Alana Bowman was Chair of the Council. Bowman is the head attorney of the
domestic violence prosecution unit within the City Attorney’s Office. She filled the
post until it was brought to the attention of the Supervisors and the executive
committee of the Council that the position had to be filled by the District Attorney’s
office and Ms. Bowman was from the City Attorney’s office. This oversight came at
a time of transition from the former District Attorney, Ira Reiner, to the newly
elected Gil Garcetti. Although Mr. Garcetti was recognized as a strong supporter of
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the domestic violence community the shelter and other feminist grassroots agencies
had hoped to keep Ms. Bowman as Chair of the Council.
Ms. Bowman has ties with feminist grassroots organizations as a board
member on the California Alliance Against Domestic Violence. She is also a self
identified activist often volunteering for shelter volunteer trainings and speaking
engagements. Ms. Bowman’s introduction into domestic violence came through her
participation as a law student in the restraining order clinic run by students from the
law school at Northwestern University. Unfortunately, she has not worked in direct
services since that time. Ms. Bowman’s expertise is in lobbying and networking
within the State, national, and international domestic violence community. Her lack
of current direct service experience has resulted in growing tensions between Ms.
Bowman and new programs, such as police response teams. Her ideas of what
battered women need come from outdated models gleamed from the ideology of the
feminist movement of the seventies which are often perceived by non-feminist as
being anti-male. Many of the victims are not feminist and the programs Ms.
Bowman proposes are not what the current victims have asked or need.1 1 The victims
in Los Angeles have different laws that can protect them but most do not have access
to non-profit social service agencies. Most victims rely on the police for their first
resource option. However, Ms. Bowman has advocated for the separation of
domestic violence victim advocates from the police cars, or even the police station.
In this situation her self-identification as an activist in the domestic violence
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movement is in direct conflict with her position as a Deputy City Attorney for the
City of Los Angeles.
This tension and Ms. Bowman’s position, as the head of the domestic
violence prosecution unity in the City Attorney’s office, caused representatives from
the different police response teams to behave cautiously and with apprehension
around Ms. Bowman, (much like a battered woman behaves around an abusive
partner). Conflicts and contradiction within the domestic violence community not
only make it difficult to maintain the identity and sense of a social movement those
conflicts and contradictions reflect those in the larger society. The domestic violence
movement advocates for the victims, but who defines the kind of advocacy and how
is it implemented? This is the continuing issue for the movement and the Los
Angeles Domestic Violence Council that is played out through committee work and
leadership selection.
District Attorney Garcetti replaced Ms. Bowman with Scott Gordon, a
staff attorney from his office. Mr. Gordon was a former police officer with a
background in domestic violence cases through his law enforcement and district
attorney experience. Many of the private feminist grassroots agencies perceived
significant philosophical and political differences between Ms. Bowman and Mr.
Gordon, although both were political appointees from public institutions.
Numerous domestic violence advocates were apprehensive about Mr. Gordon’s
appointment, fearing his philosophy and alliance were with law enforcement.
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Given the history of tension between law enforcement and shelters, concerns
about the commitment to battered women were legitimate. Historically, law
enforcement did not treat domestic violence as a crime, and when they would arrest a
perpetrator they would often either apologize for having to make the arrest, or offer
sympathy to the perpetrator, for having such a terrible wife or girlfriend. Frequently
the police felt radical feminists, who were more concerned with their agenda than
the family, staffed the shelters (Salazar, L. 2003:259.)
Both shelter and non-shelter programs were also concerned about Mr.
Gordon’s association with the Orenthal James (O J.) Simpson case. Former pro
football player O.J. Simpson was accused of killing his estranged wife, Nicole
Brown Simpson, and found not guilty in the criminal case. Ultimately, Mr. Simpson
was found to be responsible for Nicole Brown’s murder in a civil suit. The outcome
of the civil case cast doubt on the capability of the D.A.’s office that had prosecuted
the criminal case. Mr. Gordon was on the prosecution team of the criminal trial as
the lead researcher and strategist. Many in the domestic violence community
disagreed with the strategy of the prosecution team. According to domestic violence
advocates, the team did not build the background for domestic violence, nor did
they educate the jury overall on battered women issues, and specifically battered
women’s syndrome. Many felt, and still feel, the case was the D.A.’s office to
lose and they lost the case by rushing to trial too soon, allowing the defense team
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to circumvent domestic violence issues by focusing on police corruption and race
discrimination.
Mr. Gordon has been chair of the Council since 1995. He has worked
successfully to represent the entire Council membership. In fact, at the end of
the year awards, and appreciation ceremony the executive board members made
Mr. Gordon an honorary “woman.” His token gifts of bubble bath, lotion, and nail
polish were given in good humor, but they also contained a message acknowledging
his sensitivity to domestic violence. More importantly the gifts and ceremony
recognized Mr. Gordon’s solidarity with the grassroots domestic violence movement.
Although the gift was a humorous award, it reflected the deepest concern: as a man
and former police officer, the movement members acknowledged that Mr. Gordon
could advocate for battered women. Through his tenure as Council Chair he proved
he could be an advocate for battered women and the domestic violence movement
overall.
LACDVC Leadership structure
Co-chairs are elected from private agencies, usually shelter. The Co-chair
in 1995 was Linda Ikeda Vogel, the executive director of Pacific Asian Domestic
Violence Shelter of the Pacific Asian Family Service Center. The Co-chair often
chooses a low public profile, usually keeping her primary identification with her
agency. Her role is to monitor the Chair and to carry the voice of the private
agencies. She can chair the meeting when the County appointed Chair is absent.
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The Executive Director is a staff person who is interviewed by the
executive committee then hired by the County Board of Supervisors. In the past
the candidates have come from the domestic violence shelter system. However,
the current Executive director came from a family court project in Denver. This
is further movement toward institutions developing ties with the bureaucracy,
whereas shelter staffs usually have a background of grassroots commitment and
personal experience with domestic violence.
A typical agenda for the Domestic Violence Council includes the usual
agenda, such as reading of the minutes and committee reports. Often there are guest
speakers who address special issues relating to special populations, legislation, or
an agency’s special project. For example, the Executive Director of the African
Refugee Community Center spoke about special considerations when serving
African refugees. These considerations may range from Post Trauma Stress
Disorder (PTSD) 1 1 1 from living/surviving a refugee camp or war, cultural shock,
and female circumcision. Other speakers have addressed topics such as gay lesbian
transgender issues, the ASPCA addressed the relationship between animal abuse
and spousal abuse, or topics may be updates from the State Attorney General’s
office. In this way the Council serves as a means of disseminating information
and network building.
The executive director of the Council appoints all chairpersons of the various
committees. This policy reflects the executive director’s network. County
Supervisor Shabarum appointed Rosanne Donnelly in 1979 as staff to the Council
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rather than executive director, and she was a county employee from the Department
of Senior Services. The position title was changed to executive director in 1992 and
was filled by Carol Arnett, a former staff member of Sojourn Shelter in Santa
Monica. Ms, Arnett had been active with the Council in several capacities. She
was active with Training Committee and the Public Information (newsletter)
committee. In her position as executive director she appointed people whom she felt
shared her philosophy and approach to domestic violence services, specifically those
who had worked their way though the grassroots agency organization and those who
believed in a stronger autonomy for shelters and shared a feminist philosophy.
The Executive Committee is made up of chairs from each committee, an
executive director, a Council Chair, and Co-Chairs. The Executive Committee is
responsible to the County Board of Supervisors, thus the effectiveness of the
LACDVC shifts according to composition of the County Supervisors. Within the last
ten years support for the Council crosses party lines, the Republican Supervisors
adopting the language of law and order, citing the need for law enforcement to work
with community organizations to improve effectiveness, and Democratic Supervisors
adopting the language of victim services. Ultimately members of the City council
for each party, has supported tougher domestic violence laws and policy.
Shelter Executive Directors committee represent the domestic violence
shelters in the county. There are eighteen shelters in Los Angeles County. Some are
very active in Council activities and committees, such as Rainbow in San Pedro,
Haven Hills in Canoga Park, and Sojourn in Santa Monica. Unlike other
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committees, this is a closed committee. One must be a shelter director to qualify for
membership in this committee. Those who are not as active are usually those from
shelters that are short staffed or in outlying areas, such as Lancaster, which makes it
difficult to regularly attend Council meetings. Yet most make an effort to have some
representation at the Shelter Directors meeting, even if it has to be a low-level staff
member. This committee is responsible for overseeing funding requirements from
county sources or from other sources that designate the county as administrator, as
is the case with many federal grants. This committee also acts as the voice of
battered women and the domestic violence movement, often voicing an opinion
of dissent when policies ignore battered women. For example, for some time LAPD
detectives had a rubber stamp which said, “Victim will not prosecute,” which was
not only legally incorrect, but violated the spirit of the Lula May Thomas memo
from the Chief of Police which cites the lawsuit that promoted the domestic
violence policy. The woman is not the one who files charges. It is either the City
of Los Angeles or the State of California. The woman is a witness to a crime, albeit
she is also the victim, similar to any other violent crime in which the victim is
attacked. Thus, to ask a domestic violence victim if she wants to file charges not
only violates legal protocol, it places the victim in danger. She is asked to
assume the responsibility of the arrest of the perpetrator, which undoubtedly will
anger the perpetrator, leaving him to either ruminate on his “betraying” partner’s
actions or gloat over his ability to intimidate her into not pressing charges. After
many discussions mediated by the Council between domestic violence shelter
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victim advocates and the police, the command staff LAPD detective bureau
agreed to stop using the rubber stamp. Whether or not the police have stopped
asking remains an issue of concern for the domestic violence community.
Membership in committees is open to anyone interested in doing the
work of the committee. Even if one is not a member of the larger council,
he or she can vote on committee business. The checks and balances on this
process are that every decision goes before the executive committee. If
it is a policy issue or decision which may affect the body, it goes before
the full Council at which time it may be discussed, debated, and voted upon.
Legislative Committee
One area of my participation and research is the Legislative committee
that reviews pending legislation and sends suggestions to potential sponsors. The
committee also reports to the larger body and makes recommendations whether
or not to support a bill. Members often work with other organizations and
legislators to write and/or lobby for bills. The Legislative Committee also
sponsors the Legislative Forum which invites sympathetic legislators to discuss
current issues and problems facing the domestic violence community. The
Legislative Forum often results in new bills or the revision of pending bills.
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Legislative Forum “War on the Home Front” 1995
Every year the Legislative Committee organizes a forum in which legislators
and experts in the field address current issues in domestic violence. The forum also
examines accomplishments of the domestic violence community. The legislators and
experts also discuss the court’s accessibility to battered women of color, non-English
speaking women, and women with disabilities. The forum also addressed child
custody issues for battered women and discussed how custody is awarded. The
discussion included input and questions from the audience, in expectation of
developing policy changes, or legislation, if necessary.
The other committees are the Laws and Legal Issues and the Public
Information committee. The Law and Legal Issues Committee reviews legal
applications and policy. It broke off from the Legislative Issue committee in the
attempt to delegate the overload of work that resulted in a flurry of new laws passed
in the nineties. The Public Information committee gathers and writes articles for the
newsletter.
Training Committee
The Training Committee is responsible for offering training to any public
or private county agency needing information on domestic violence. In the early
days, when there were not the numbers of qualified people available there are today,
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trainers were chosen or nominated from the Council membership by committee
members. However, currently the way trainers are chosen is a point of discussion
for the Training committee. During Carol Arnett’s tenure as the executive director
trainers were appointed from her circle of friends and acquaintances. Whether that
was from convenience or strategy will remain unanswered, given that particular
executive director has since left Los Angeles. However, the fee may have been
incentive enough. The position of Council trainer awards that person and their
agency a certain amount of legitimacy and prestige in the social service community.
Once trainers have established themselves they can market their skills to agencies
and corporations for a fee. The fee to train in the non-profit community ranges from
forty-five dollars to several hundred dollars an hour and the rates for public agencies
are higher. How trainers from the Council are chosen is an ongoing issue which has
yet to be resolved.
The training sessions are offered free of charge by the Council to member
agencies. The training sessions may consist of the California State Evidence
Code (1051), requiring 50 hours of minimal training of domestic violence, or
it may be directed to a specialty group such as the Department of Protective
Services or Major Assault Crimes (MAC) LAPD detectives. There have been
exceptions to limiting the training to Los Angeles County, given the pool of
experts in different aspects of domestic violence within LACDVC. Many
of the members of the larger council work on national/federal issues in
domestic violence, such as immigration, cross state abduction, and firearms.
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LACDVC serves as an important forum for public and private agencies
to gather to discuss domestic violence issues, and occasionally develop domestic
violence policy for the county. It has been a forum where those from public and
private agencies can meet to exchange information on their agencies. It also has
the added social advantage of meeting at the lunch hour as lunch is being eaten
from brown bag or the Academy coffee shop.
Los Angeles City Task Force on Domestic Violence
The Los Angeles City Task Force on Domestic Violence, or Task Force, is
the most recent coalition style organization founded to address domestic violence in
the city of Los Angeles. The Task Force is the only organization that only focuses
on the City of Los Angeles. Other organizations have a much broader target
community, either the county or state. As a pew organization they have struggled to
define their mission and philosophy. Their members range from established
institutions to representatives from the domestic violence community. However,
because most of the members are also active with LACDVC, they are often faced
with conflicts and tensions that have followed them from their other encounters on
LACDVC. These struggles and conflicts give some insight into the differing
philosophies and goals of the members of the Task Force, and yet they are still trying
to establish the Task Force as a respected and legitimate force in the domestic
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violence community. Unfortunately, given the time they spend developing their
mission and organizing themselves, they were not a high priority in this research.
Another consideration in researching this organization is that they were
founded after the O.J. Simpson murder case. In reality, it is an effort by City
leadership to appear proactive regarding domestic violence. If there had been
effective oversight of the various agencies involved before Nicole Brown and Ron
Goldman’s murder the loss of life may have been prevented. This fact makes the
organization particularly relevant to the question of society’s perception of domestic
violence and how that perception is influence by action or inaction of both the
established institutions and the grassroots. Yet, given the era, many things were
happening in the community, particularly with agencies in which I had
responsibilities, so I was not able to follow the organizational development of the
Task Force. Throughout the development of the Task Force I talked extensively
with Ms. Pincus, my primary informant, about the direction of the Task Force.
However, the extent of my involvement has been writing letters of support for the
development of the Task Force, and I attended a meeting to show support for
proposed projects, such as the DART teams.
Task Force History
Margie Braude, a psychiatrist and late wife of Marvin Braude, a former Los
Angeles City Councilmember, organized a conference on domestic violence in 1994
where she called for “... greater coordination within the justice system.” Following
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the details of police and court response to domestic violence calls to the O.J.
Simpson house Dr. Braude used the ground swell of interest to found the Los
Angeles Task Force with support from the City of Los Angeles (Los Angeles Times
2005:11.) These efforts were a direct response to the OJ. Simpson case in 1996, and
also to the growing concerns of city agencies in response to the increasing public
awareness of the dangers and escalation of domestic violence.
Leadership
Along with Dr. Braude, the board was chosen from those in the city of Los
Angeles who have an interest in domestic violence policy; the Los Angeles
Women’s Commission, LAPD, City Attorney’s Office, Los Angeles Women
Lawyers and others. Diane Miller, the past chair, was not trained in domestic
violence according to California evidence code 1037, as was most of the
membership. The curriculum for the training is shelter developed and domestic
violence movement influenced, maintaining a focus and primary concern for victim
safety. The Task Force membership either joined out of concern for women’s issues
or new awareness stemming from the O.J. Simpson case.
Members
The City Council allowed the Domestic Violence Task Force to grant
LACDVC a vote on the Task Force, yet the Council has not granted the Task Force
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a vote on LACDVC. Very few of the Task Force members are active on LACDVC
committees. The Task Force has met with difficulties in promoting their agenda as
a consequence of not having agencies with a primary domestic violence focus.
Goals and duties
Currently, the Task Force is responsible for granting requests, judging, and
awarding of VAWA funds. These are specifically the monies to develop Domestic
Response Teams (DART). The Task Force is a new voice in the domestic violence
community and I have not had the opportunity to participate on it. Yet I have
included it here in the overall description of the participant in Los Angeles County
domestic violence community because it represents the City’s efforts to address
domestic violence and because of the dynamics between the Task Force and other
organizations.
Summary
Institutional organizations are a reflection of the historically ideal of society
and are organized as instruments to maintaining that ideal. When change occurs
ideally it should come from inside the institutions and be implemented by the
institution. The Domestic Violence community in contrast has a history of social
change. One of the original goals of the domestic violence movement is to change
the underlying beliefs about women’s role in society. With those to very different
goals organizations have to work together in order to serve battered women and her
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children. The Los Angeles Domestic Violence Council was established by a
directive from the County Board of Supervisors and serves the whole county of Los
Angeles. The advantage of this history is that public institutions are required to
attend and the community based organizations want to attend because they will have
the forum to address public institutions.
In contrast, the Los Angeles City Domestic Violence Task Force is a smaller
group, also made up of public and private agencies, which come together to address
domestic violence funding allocations, policies, and issues within the City
boundaries. Many of the members of LACDVC are also members of the City Task
Force.
The Los Angeles Task Force on Domestic Violence is an example of an
organization that was founded from the top down. The Task Force was established
from a public institution, in this case the city council to a coalition type task force
which includes grassroots agencies. Dr. Margaret Braude insider status is two fold.
She is a psychiatrist with a mental health education background and she as the wife
of a former city council member she has access to the power brokers in the city.
Therefore, the Task Force is clearly has strong affinity for established public
institution’s philosophy which is a mental health model. The Task Force has
influenced the dissemination of domestic violence funds in the city and but has yet to
influence policy outside city agencies. As a young organization and one heavily
influenced by a mental health model, a model which tends to pathologize the victim.
The question is what future influence will the Task Force have on domestic violence
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beyond city agencies? Which are the grassroots agencies where most domestic
violence victims eventually find long term social services. A further question is,
how will the Task Force relate to the other agencies discussed in this study? It is
best these questions are left for another study.
The formations of these two organizations illustrate the level of public
recognition of domestic violence, at least on the government administrative level.
Because both organizations were started out either by directive from superiors, as in
the case of the County Board of Supervisors or from influential community member
as in the case of Marge Braudy, the institution representatives are compelled to
participate. As a consequence of the underlings participation they will change
behavior and eventually their attitudes about battered women.
The next chapter will discuss a smaller unit of response to domestic violence-
the Los Angeles Police and the Community Police Advisory Board. The police are
usually the first resource used by battered women and therefore the first to be
scrutinized by grassroots community based organizations. The CBAB is one entity
that offers a forum for dialogue between police and community agencies.
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Chapter Eight Endnotes
1 There are other advisory councils and commissions that address relations between
the gay community and the police or other ethnic groups and city representatives.
2. The shelters and other grassroots domestic violence agencies recognize that most
women want to return to the husband or boyfriend they just want the violence and
abuse to stop.
3. “The ICD-10 Classification of Mental and Behavioural Disorders World
Health Organization”, Geneva, 1992
“F43.1 Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder”
This arises as a delayed and/or protracted response to a stressful event or situation
(either short- or long-lasting) of an exceptionally threatening or catastrophic nature,
which is likely to cause pervasive distress in almost anyone (e.g. natural or man-
made disaster, combat, serious accident, witnessing the violent death of others, or
being the victim of torture, terrorism, rape, or other crime).
Predisposing factors such as personality traits (e.g. compulsive, asthenic) or previous
history of neurotic illness may lower the threshold for the development of the
syndrome or aggravate its course, but they are neither necessary nor sufficient to
explain its occurrence.
Typical symptoms include episodes of repeated reliving of the trauma in intrusive
memories ("flashbacks") or dreams, occurring against the persisting background of a
sense of "numbness" and emotional blunting, detachment from other people,
unresponsiveness to surroundings, anhedonia, and avoidance of activities and
situations reminiscent of the trauma. Commonly there is fear and avoidance of cues
that remind the sufferer of the original trauma. Rarely, there may be dramatic, acute
bursts of fear, panic or aggression, triggered by stimuli arousing a sudden
recollection and/or re-enactment of the trauma or of the original reaction to it.
There is usually a state of autonomic hyperarousal with hypervigilance, an enhanced
startle reaction, and insomnia. Anxiety and depression are commonly associated with
the above symptoms and signs, and suicidal ideation is not infrequent. Excessive use
of alcohol or drugs may be a complicating factor.
The onset follows the trauma with a latency period which may range from a few
weeks to months (but rarely exceeds 6 months). The course is fluctuating but
recovery can be expected in the majority of cases. In a small proportion of patients
the condition may show a chronic course over many years and a transition to an
enduring personality change.
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Diagnostic Guidelines
This disorder should not generally be diagnosed unless there is evidence that it arose
within 6 months of a traumatic event of exceptional severity. A "probable" diagnosis
might still be possible if the delay between the event and the onset was longer than 6
months, provided that the clinical manifestations are typical and no alternative
identification of the disorder (e.g. as an anxiety or obsessive-compulsive disorder or
depressive episode) is plausible. In addition to evidence of trauma, there must be a
repetitive, intrusive recollection or re-enactment of the event in memories, daytime
imagery, or dreams. Conspicuous emotional detachment, numbing of feeling, and
avoidance of stimuli that might arouse recollection of the trauma are often present
but are not essential for the diagnosis. The autonomic disturbances, mood disorder,
and behavioural abnormalities all contribute to the diagnosis but are not of prime
importance.
The late chronic sequelae of devastating stress, i.e. those manifest decades after the
stressful experience, should be classified under F62.0.
Includes:
□ traumatic neurosis
ICD-10 copyright ©© 1992 by World Health Organization.
309.81 DSM-IV Criteria for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder:
A. The person has been exposed to a traumatic event in which both of the
following have been present:
(1) the person experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with an event or events
that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to the
physical integrity of self or others (2) the person's response involved intense
fear, helplessness, or horror. Note: In children, this may be expressed instead
by disorganized or agitated behavior.
B. The traumatic event is persistently reexperienced in one (or more) of the
following ways:
(1) recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event, including
images, thoughts, or perceptions. Note: In young children, repetitive play
may occur in which themes or aspects of the trauma are expressed.
(2) recurrent distressing dreams of the event. Note: In children, there may be
frightening dreams without recognizable content.(3) acting or feeling as if the
traumatic event were recurring (includes a sense of reliving the experience,
illusions, hallucinations, and dissociative flashback episodes, including those
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that occur upon awakening or when intoxicated). Note: In young children,
trauma-specific reenactment may occur.
(4) intense psychological distress at exposure to internal or external cues that
symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event.
(5) physiological reactivity on exposure to internal or external cues that
symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event.
C. Persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of
general responsiveness (not present before the trauma), as indicated by three
(or more) of the following:
(1) efforts to avoid thoughts, feelings, or conversations associated with the
trauma
(2) efforts to avoid activities, places, or people that arouse recollections of the
trauma
(3) inability to recall an important aspect of the trauma
(4) markedly diminished interest or participation in significant activities
(5) feeling of detachment or estrangement from others
(6) restricted range of affect (e.g., unable to have loving feelings)
(7) sense of a foreshortened future (e.g., does not expect to have a career,
marriage, children, or a normal life span)
D. Persistent symptoms of increased arousal (not present before the trauma), as
indicated by two (or more) of the following:
(1) difficulty falling or staying asleep (2) irritability or outbursts of anger (3)
difficulty concentrating (4) hypervigilance (5) exaggerated startle response
E. Duration of the disturbance (symptoms in Criteria B, C, and D) is more than
one month.
F. The disturbance causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social,
occupational, or other important areas of functioning.
Specify if. Acute: if duration of symptoms is less than 3 months Chronic: if
duration of symptoms is 3 months or more
Specify if: With Delayed Onset: if onset of symptoms is at least 6 months after
the stressor
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Chapter Nine: Police and Domestic Violence
Community Collaborations
Community Police Advisory Board-CPAB
The Community Police Advisory Boards, or CPABs, represent one standing
forum where community members and police share information at regular monthly
meetings. The citizen board members include a domestic violence expert as well as
representatives from different communities within a police division. Ideally, the
domestic violence expert is allied with the domestic violence community and serves
as means to disseminate information about domestic violence to the other community
representatives on the board. The domestic violence expert also serves as an advisor
to the area police captain on domestic violence, including domestic partner
homicides, and trends and issues facing the Division. The original intent was to
have representation from the domestic violence constituency, a member who is
part of, or in touch with, the grassroots domestic violence community. However,
the role of the domestic violence expert varies from division to division. Some
CPAB domestic violence representatives have neither a background in domestic
violence nor any connection with the domestic violence community. Each
Division has a different selection process for the domestic violence expert. Since
I am the domestic violence expert representative on the Northeast CPAB this
section will address the duties and goals of the domestic violence expert at
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Northeast. (Unfortunately, since I am unfamiliar with the criteria for selection of
other CPAB domestic violence representatives, their appointments and duties
cannot be discussed in this section.) This section will also discuss the tensions and
disagreements between the command staff of LAPD Northeast and the CPAB
domestic violence representative, which mirror many of the tensions between other
established institutions, such as the police and domestic violence grassroots
organizations.
History
The Community Police Advisory Boards were established in each
division of the Los Angeles Police Department on the recommendation of the
Christopher Commission. The Christopher Commission was convened at the
request of the federal Department of Justice after the 1992 riots. Warren
Christopher, former Secretary of State, headed the Commission. The riots
were set in motion after the LAPD officers involved in the Rodney King
beating were acquitted of all charges by an east Ventura County jury.
One of the goals of the Commission was to develop a means in
which the community can communicate issues and concerns to the
police. A number of reforms were recommended, such as changing the
cumbersome method for filing a police complaint, and conducting
town meetings. The Community Police Advisory Boards were also
generated as a result of the Christopher Commission recommendations.
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Overview
The purpose of the CPABS, as stated in the original Administrative Order
No. 10 (LAPD; Office of the Chief of Police 1993), was to “...advise and inform
Area commanding officers of community problems and concerns. Additionally,
CPABs were also responsible for disseminating feedback to the community
regarding Area Operation.” On May 18,2000, the Office of the Chief of Police
issued Administrative order number 6 which restates the role of CPAB as:
A C-PAB is a group of civilian volunteers from the residential and business
community of the Area. An Area C-PAB’s role is to advise the Area
commanding officer regarding crime and quality of life issues that affect the
community. Additionally, C-PAB members are to disseminate information
received from the Department back to the community. Community-Police
Advisory Boards are Area specific and one source from which an Area
commanding officer receives information.
(LAPD-Office of the Chief of Police
Parks May 18,2000)
Additionally, the order states “there shall be only one C-PAB in each Area.” This
was to address the rogue C-PAB in the San Fernando Valley, which, dissatisfied with
the process of selection, chain of command and other restrictions imposed by the
Department, chose to break away from the command structure. That “CPAB” is not
recognized, and no longer exists, thereby effectively eliminating uncontrollable
members. However, this action also eliminated avenues of information to and from
the community. The officially recognized CPAB still functions, yet many of the
CPABs have lost the “advisory” quality to the boards and become boosters and
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supporters for the LAPD management’s agenda. Line officers (those on the streets)
and LAPD management often have different views on how the department should be
run. The Area Captain in each division appoints CPAB members. At Northeast this
process has resulted in a diverse and informed board that is willing to voice
grievances and opinions. However, at other CPABs the boards serve only to
disseminate information to their communities and are limited in their advisory
capacity.
Membership in CPAB
A member is nominated by two different methods: through recommendation
from the previous area representative, or by nomination from the city council
member of the area. The sitting chairpersons, the Area Captain, and the civilian
chair then interview the candidate. According to the Administrative order “the
commanding officers shall be solely responsible for the selection of all C-PAB
members.” The Area Captain has ultimate veto power over the candidate. Such a
veto may be based on criminal history, or simply an arbitrary decision that is left
unknown to the larger CPAB group. A diverse membership is highly encouraged.
Stated in order of desirability, diversity in CPAB membership should reflect those
of opposing views, the population of different communities in the Area, and
residential and business interests. Northeast has actively recruited students from
the Area’s high schools. Unfortunately, this recruitment has not been successful.
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CPAB-Northeast, is an advisory board made up of community members
who act as a liaison to their district or community and for a Northeast Division that
includes such diverse areas as Silverlake, Los Feliz, Highland Park and East
Hollywood. The Area also includes large micro communities, such as college
campuses of Occidental and the Church of Scientology, as well as business
complexes. All boards throughout the city are also required to have a domestic
violence expert from the community, and this is the capacity in which I serve on the
Northeast CPAB. The other members include command and officers from the LAPD
division. See figure 4 the map of Northeast Division.
CPAB Summits
Every year the police department sponsors a citywide “summit” of all
CPAB members. Since I was a member of the Northeast CPAB, on February
3,19961 attended the CPAB Summit held at the Los Angeles Convention Center.
The theme of the summit was “Community-Police Problem Solving” and had the
“focus on improving the quality of life in our communities and involving other
City departments in this process” (W. Williams 1996.) A committee comprised
of CPAB representatives from all of the divisions and employees from the
police department organizes the summit. Divisions, often mistakenly called
precincts, are what the police department calls the segments of the city which
each station patrols. This meeting was the second annual summit and proved to
be the largest in size and number of participants up to that time, and ever since.
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Since most of the top police administration “brass,” city, and county officials
were in attendance, there were SWAT (Special Weapons and Tactics Team) teams
strategically placed in and around the Convention Center. At the time their presence
was a bit unnerving to civilian CPAB members, especially those from the Westside
and Valley CPABs, who earlier expressed unease going to the downtown location of
the Convention Center. The officers, at my table, later informed me during lunch that
sharp shooters and bodyguards are always present when top police administrators are
gathered together. Additionally, this “new” Police Chief Williams appeared without
bodyguards in his presence. I was unable to find out if the previous Chief, Daryl
Gates, had regular bodyguards. However, the tension and resentment, and the
remarks that were made against this new Chief, served to underscore his “outsiders”
status.
When Chief Williams was hired from Philadelphia he was unable to carry
a weapon in the City of Los Angeles for two reasons: First, because he was not a
sworn police officer trained in the City. Secondly, it was at the time very difficult,
if not impossible, to obtain a license to carry a concealed weapon in Los Angeles.
The last one issued had been at least over a decade before, pre- Daryl Gates, the
previous Chief of Police. This left the Chief of Police of the second largest city
in the United States unable to carry a weapon. It wasn’t until much later into his
tenure as Chief of Police that he received a special dispensation from the City
Council to carry a gun. This fact was a source of humor for many officers,
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yet it also fueled the resentment they had against this “outsider” who was
hired to run a department still reeling from the shock of the L.A. Riots of 1992.
A little over half of the conference attendees were line officers who seemed
to feel freer to talk among so many of their “brethren.” As with many conferences,
one learns more from the conversation at luncheons and between workshop breaks
than from the proceedings themselves. It was no secret that Chief Williams was not
the first choice of the majority of officers, and many in the police force felt the
replacement choice should have come from within the department. Whether or not
these complaints were just, the general tendencies for underlings to complain about
their superiors, or were genuine concerns for the department and its leadership is
hard to discern. In either case the fact was that this table of officers and some of
their immediate superiors felt both comfortable and safe enough to talk about
internal political issues. In other words, the numbers of civilians at the conference
and at the table were insignificant to whether or not they felt they could talk about
their grievances. Especially since many of the civilians at the table were the support
rank and file of the department.
Workshops
The workshops were proposed to the Organizing committee by the different
CPABs, and the covered issues such as; “Community Offices,” “Dynamics of
Business-Police Partnership,” “Public Relations” and “Domestic Violence.”
The “Domestic Violence” workshop was comprised of domestic violence experts
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working on developing different domestic violence response teams throughout
different divisions in the City of Los Angeles. The panel members were Gail
Pincus, working with Van Nuys Division, Bemita Ross, with 77th Division, and
Connie MacFarlene, working with Harbor Division. Hollywood Division was
also represented with a program, which was comprised of a Reserve Technical
(Tech) officer, Susie Caron. A Reserve Tech officer is a volunteer from the
community who has attended classes at the police academy but who is not a
sworn officer. A Reserve Tech officer does not carry a sidearm, cannot make
an arrest, and is covered by LAPD for liability. In this case, the Reserve officer
wears a uniform whenever they are out with LAPD as a volunteer on patrol or
representing LAPD in any way. The panel also had representatives from the
LAPD administrative level, including Tim Williams, who talked about the need
to develop relationships with community-based domestic violence programs to
fulfill the community policing recommendations.
Other non-reserve programs are based within domestic violence
service organizations. Rainbow Shelter is located in San Pedro and works
with Harbor Division on a domestic violence program that depends on
police cooperation to call the shelter program after they have finished their
investigation, made any necessary arrests, and given referrals to the victim.
This program depends on the police partnership to call the shelter advocates, who
will then follow up with the victim, usually within hours or the following day.
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Bemita Ross spoke on the newly formed DART (Domestic Abuse Response
Team) program in 77th Division. Ms. Ross is a former Los Angeles County Sheriff
who is now the director of Project Peacemaker and Coordinator of the 77th DART.
As a former law enforcement officer she has an advantage over most other domestic
violence advocates. She can speak to law enforcement as one of their own,
acknowledging their concerns with domestic violence arrest policy. She is also able
to criticize past practices and policies because she was not only trained as an officer
in the old policies, but as a survivor of domestic violence. She was also a victim of
the ineffectual domestic violence policies then in force. She is a dynamic speaker
who commands the attention of her audience, which makes her a highly requested
speaker at domestic violence education training sessions,
77th Division is often referred to as “South Central,” but it only covers
part of South Central Los Angeles. Historically, 77th Division has had a high
rate of gang activity and nightly gunfire. This area of town has also had an
adversarial relationship with law enforcement in general, and LAPD in
particular. The clients served by the DART program in 77th tend to be very
distrustful of the police and, unlike other victims of domestic violence, do
not use the police as their primary resource for addressing domestic violence.
Ms. Ross has mentioned that she seeS the DART program as an opportunity
to educate domestic violence victims about resources and inform the overall
community that the police can be trusted as a resource for the community.
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In contrast, the West Los Angeles program, coordinated by Patricia Pirtchert,
has other obstacles. West L. A. Division covers a diverse population but is
characterized by its more affluent neighborhoods of Westwood and Brentwood.
Here, the problem is not that the police are called but to whom they are responding:
often the rich, affluent, and sometimes famous celebrities. This is the division
where Nicole Brown Simpson first called the police in 1987. When they responded
to her call they failed to arrest O.J. Simpson, even though there were visible signs of
violence and fear of further violence. Allegedly, the officers were so awestruck with
the famous football hero they asked for his autograph but failed to investigate the
abuse. This is also the Division where Detective Furman, who was later to
investigate the Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman murders, was stationed.
He testified there were anti-women (officers) “clubs” in the division (L.A. Times
1998.) that further limits the response to domestic violence in the Division. At West
Los Angeles Division there was, and is, the problem that affluent communities fail to
believe that domestic violence can happen in their neighborhoods. When it does
occur, the walls of denial encompass the police, the community, and the courts,
leaving domestic violence victims feeling very isolated and extremely vulnerable.
DART in West Los Angeles is different than the models in Van Nuys and
Northeast that are discussed later in this study. In West Los Angeles the advocate
is in the station waiting for calls to come in from either the police or detective, at
which time she follows up with the victim. She calls the victim to inform her about
resources available to her, such as shelters, court accompaniment, and legal aid, and
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also discusses the status of her case. The advocate will help the victim file reports of
continuing incidents of violence or abuse, or restraining order violations, and will
make sure those incidents are added to the detective’s investigation. Although this is
not a “response” team, (a group comprised of police and an advocate who respond
immediately to a domestic violence call) it is still considered a DART program by
both the police and prosecutors. The concept of DART teams is new and still
evolving. Each team in the different divisions is developed according to the
domestic violence agency’s resources and area needs.
The concept of a Domestic Response team is a fairly new one in the city of
Los Angeles. The longest running program is in Van Nuys and has been running for
eight years. Eight years is infancy, given the conservative nature of the police
department, arid the fact that domestic violence has historically received low priority
in both the department and society overall. To date, there is no uniformity
throughout LAPD in the design of domestic violence response teams. This non
uniformity has led to discussions between the service providers as to which model is
more effective. Tensions between agencies exist in their efforts to secure funding.
This issue is seen as artificially imposed by outsiders, police, and funding sources;
because each program developed with the resources they had available to them in
their respective communities. So, despite the fact some service providers and their
partners within the police department may choose to champion their model for a
citywide model, it may be unsuitable or ineffectual for the various Divisions and
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diverse communities served by LAPD. This situation is disconcerting for LAPD,
which tries to unify their response to crime throughout the city.
The mission of LAPD is “To Protect and Serve.” 1 The police department
is the enforcement branch of the judicial system for the City of Los Angeles.
This represents a fundamental difference in philosophy between LAPD and
domestic violence advocates. The philosophy of the domestic violence movement,
bom from the larger feminist movement, follows that of feminism’s concerns
about the empowerment, education, and advocacy of women. In contrast, the
LAPD is a part of the social system designed for social stability, which tends to
focus on keeping the status quo. By the nature of their duty as civil order
enforcer and as a social institution the police are philosophically conservative
(Hall, T and D. Whyte 2003.) In the current environment of “community policing,”
LAPD command has seen the need for some type of community involvement
when addressing domestic violence. It has been affected either through social
education, lawsuits or LAPD’s willingness to let others take up some of the
workload. For whatever reason, LAPD is working to develop better relationships
with social service and domestic violence agencies and their advocates.
DART in Van Nuys
In response the growing police awareness of the advantage of networking
with community agencies and the funding made available through VAWA
and other sources, the police began developed programs to collaborate with
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domestic violence agencies. The programs ranged from domestic violence
advocates on twenty four hour pager to domestic violence counselors riding
with the police. Los Angeles Police Department had not made any commitment
on any model when Gail Pincus approached Van Nuys Division with a
preposition for a Domestic Abuse Response Team (DART.) Gail Pincus was,
and still is, the Executive Director of the Domestic Abuse Center in Northridge.
The first DART teams in Los Angeles started at the Van Nuys division of
LAPD in September 1994 as a joint venture between the Domestic Abuse Center (a
nonprofit or 501(c)3 non-shelter program) and LAPD. Van Nuys Division is also
the headquarters for the Valley Bureau of LAPD. Because Los Angeles is so large,
the police department has divided the city into four Bureaus: Central/Metro, West
Los Angeles, South, and Valley. Valley Bureau covers Van Nuys, West Valley,
Devonshire, Foothill and North Hollywood Divisions. The divisions vary in
geographic and population size depending on population density and crime
levels. For instance, Rampart Division has a high population density and
high levels of all crimes, covers the southern part of Echo Park and Silverlake,
Westlake, including McAuthur Park. Van Nuys Division includes the district
of Van Nuys, parts of Sherman Oaks, West Hills, and Studio City. LAPD
divisions and city districts do not correlate geographically, and it is not unusual
for city districts to be divided between divisions, as in the case of Silverlake,
a geographic district divided between Rampart and Northeast divisions.
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DART History in Van Nuys Division LAPD
The Van Nuys Domestic Abuse Response Team (DART) was established in
1994 as a collaborative community and police effort to provide domestic violence
advocate support to the secondary responding officer on a domestic abuse call. The
Team offers referrals, resources, and counseling to the domestic violence victim and
interviews witnesses (including children) when appropriate. The Team is made up of
a plain-clothes police officer, assigned on a rotating basis for one month, and two
trained and supervised domestic violence advocates. The Team rides in an unmarked
police vehicle and responds to domestic violence calls in one of Los Angeles’ busiest
police divisions. When the police dispatch receives a call, a uniform unit is sent to
the location first. Then, if necessary, the unit makes an arrest and takes the initial
report. When the location is secured, the DART team is called on to begin its
intervention. A crisis intervention is made, the battered woman and her children are
interviewed, and safety plans are discussed with the victim. In addition, photos of the
scene and any injuries are taken. If there is enough evidence of danger or a high level
of fear, an Emergency Protective Order may be requested at this time. An
Emergency Protective Order is a short-term Domestic Violence Restraining Order
that includes all the restrictions of the “stay away” and custody orders of a normal
Temporary Restraining Order, but is good for only five court days. It may only be
obtained by a police officer, and is issued telephonically by a judge on duty. When
her injuries are severe enough, the victim may be transported for emergency medical
treatment. The Team may provide the victim with food or clothing gift certificates.
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If the situation requires it, and the victim is willing, she may be transported to a safe
location, such as a battered women’s shelter or a friend or relative’s home. The
victim,, through an agreement with the hotel and the Domestic Abuse Center, which
provides letters documenting an in-kind tax deductible donation, may also be taken
to a local hotel that provides a safe room for one night. Both advocates and officer
members of the Team are trained in the dynamics of domestic violence and crisis
intervention, as well as some of the practical problems in pursuing these cases
through the judicial system. Battered women are often more forthcoming in sharing
their experience with the Team than with a uniformed officer because of the more
relaxed, non-threatening attitude. An officer in uniform can be an imposing figure
for a woman who is in psychological crisis. The Team has the luxury of going over
the entire incident in more detail, and is often able to add information for the
detectives who follow up on the call. The details that the battered woman share with
the team, as well as the gathering of physical evidence, names, telephone numbers,
and addresses of other witnesses and family members, often allows the detectives to
follow up on cases that might have been lost from inadequate information.
The Van Nuys DART philosophy is pro-prosecution. Some feminists argue
that the strong prosecution stance takes away a woman’s right to decide for herself
whether to leave the abuser and/or press charges. However, that argument does not
hold up when one looks back at the intent of the law which takes into account equal
protection in the context of historic social injustice and judicial prejudice against
women. The argument from an advocacy standpoint is that ultimately prosecution
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helps the victim. If the case is strong enough that the victim does not have to testify,
the report and photographs will tell the story. Both the City Attorney’s Office
(which prosecutes misdemeanors in the City of Los Angeles) and the District
Attorney’s Office (which prosecutes felonies) are enthusiastic supporters of the
project, which provides them with thorough notes and additional pieces of
evidence. Detectives have found that victims are more cooperative and positive
when DART has been involved.
Many times the judicial response, which includes DART’s intervention, may
be the first time that anyone has held the batterer accountable for his behavior. This
sends a strong message to the woman and children that violence/abuse are
unacceptable. Of course, it sends a message to the batterer as well. Not only has his
behavior been deemed unacceptable and criminal, but the message has come from
other men — the officer, detectives and others. This may be the first time that a
male authority figure has declared that his behavior is wrong. Most batterers learn
their behaviors from fathers or stepfathers, and to learn differently from an authority
figure can be a profound revelation. If the system works as it should, arrest,
prosecution, jail time, and/or batterer’s treatment programs will help monitor the
batterer long enough for the victim to make an educated and clear-headed decision
regarding her future with the batterer.
The demeanor of the officer answering a domestic violence call will
influence the details of the victim’s narrative and the batterer’s impression of his
culpability. Comprehensive domestic violence training increases the effectiveness
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of police response, witness recall, and ultimately success of the case. Poor training
can result in lack of response to domestic violence or if there is response collusion
between the batterer and police, usually by minimizing the illicit nature of the crime
(Allen 2005: 71-82.)
In the post-Lula Mae Thomas environment LAPD is conscientious about
their domestic violence training. This, along with the post-riot shift in focus to
community policing, changed the way LAPD address domestic violence calls.
Community policing is essentially involving the community in decisions about
policing strategies. This means identifying problems areas, identifying stake
holders in the community and developing liaisons with community organizations.
This has not meant a change in the overall structure of LAPD but including the
community in the process of policing.
LAPD is a highly structured hierarchical paramilitary organization of around
eight thousand officers. It has strict rules of behavior between subordinates and
superiors, dress codes (uniforms must be clean and in order), and rules of conduct
with the public. Officers are expected to keep within their ideal weight in proportion
to their height, with consideration given to the muscle bulk of a body builder. Many
officers weight is above the listed “ideal” weight because of their increased muscle
mass (Canfield 1999.) Under Chief Gates, the image of a paramilitary organization
became more prevalent among the general population. It was the policy of Chief
Gate’s to keep the officers under strict scrutiny and at a distance from citizens. He
kept such close control over the officers that they were not allowed to speak on
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radio stations he did not approve, such as KPFK, the local Pacifica Network station
(Medcalf 1988.)
Police work is very stressful. From veterans’ stories, pews reports, roll call
updates, and their own experiences, officers are always aware of the hazards of the
job. It is a job that requires specialized training, and over time, manifests in a belief
that officers are special. This belief develops into an “us vs. them” attitude. This
“Brotherhood of the Badge,” has slowly and reluctantly allowed women into its
ranks but still remains suspicious of outsiders. Officers will extend their loyalty
to family members of officers, especially widows of officers, but never to a civilian
not connected to an officer. Many of the civilians working with the department,
such as dispatchers, clerks, administrative assistants, and volunteers, are extended
some level of insider status but, since they do not share the training, danger and
public disdain thrust on the officers, they are not truly insiders.
As a board member and a trainer I participated in the curriculum
development of the DART program. My participation with the Van Nuys
DART was as a trainer for the volunteers. My area of training was “police
culture” or the closed community attitude of the police. As a member of the
Community Police Advisory Board and my experience with family members
in law enforcement provided me the expertise to address this issue. The
hierarchical paramilitary structure of LAPD and the insider-outsider boundaries
of the of the police “brotherhood” make it particularly difficult for the domestic
violence volunteers to develop a working relationship with the officers. The
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paramilitary structure is the legacy of Chief Daryl Gates policy and the insider
outsider attitude is a result of the very real danger of the job. The academy
acts as the initiation rite and street experience is the shared experience that
bonds the brotherhood. Both experiences are typically male socialization
environments. The process is so intense that even the female officers develop
an insider outsider or us against them attitude. The advocates are part of the
outside and are easier categorized as “them” and therefore potentially dangerous.
Most of the DART volunteers are young and female and have to be reminded
that they are guests in the DART car. Even though they may develop a level of
friendship with the officer, DART volunteers have to remember they are
representing the agency and are there primarily to help victims of domestic violence.
The volunteers do not have any experience with the police department. Most do not
have an understanding or appreciation of their civilian status until they go through
the DART training, including a few ride-a-longs with the team volunteer’s
supervisor.
Ride-A-Long with Van Nuys DART
On March 2000, the DART car in Van Nuys began patrol with more than the
usual number of occupants. On that night the car held the officer, Domestic
Violence Victim advocate, the officer’s daughter, an advocate trainee, and me, in my
multiple roles as board member of the Domestic Abuse Center, researcher, and
Community Police Advisory Board Member who was interested in starting a DART
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in Northeast division. Needless to say this was not a “usual” patrol. However, they
did answer domestic violence calls, interview victims, and performed their duties as
the DART team. The officer conducted his investigation; and the victim advocate
interviewed the victim and the witnesses, especially the children, to assess further
needs of the victim. If there is a conflict of opinion on how to proceed with the call
the advocate and officer will step away from the victim and discuss their opposing
perspectives. Usually, this discussion involves whether or not to call in for a
temporary restraining order. For most advocates it is a matter of course to request
an order and to let the commissioner make the final decision. However, most
officers do not seem to like requesting a restraining order unless they are fairly
sure it will be awarded.
In both advocate training and police academy training instructors try
to impress on their trainees the advantages of a restraining order. It starts a
paper trail for the victim and covers the officer’s liability to some degree. If at
some point the perpetrator returns and injures or kills the victim, the officer is
assured that he or she had done everything legally possible to protect the victim;
there by preventing lawsuits such as Thurman vs. State of Connecticut. Many
victims refuse to even consider a restraining order by arguing that it is “only
a piece of paper and paper doesn’t stop bullets.” At this point the advocate
can educate the women on the importance of a restraining order. It is often
difficult to convince the victim to apply for a restraining order because she has
tried civil remedies before and they were difficult and expensive to obtain. It is
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also because the victim knows the batterer will find a way to fulfill his threats
even if it from inside jail or years after the offending incident. However, the
restraining order can offer another level of protection and it documents the
history of abuse which the victim may need later to show a pattern of behavior.
It is the advocates’ job to make sure the victim understands the victim’s
options. An advocate is not the voice of the victim but educates the victim about
options and resources, such as a restraining order. If a victim has a restraining order,
and another incident occurs, the victim informs a 911 emergency operator of the
existence of a restraining order on file. The call is then given a higher priority. The
existence of the restraining order also validates the level of danger for the victim as
well as the police. The restraining order also alerts the perpetrator that other people
are aware of his behavior and that, if anything should happen to the victim, there is a
paper trail. Unfortunately, because most of the cases, that we answered the night of
the ride-along are still pending, the details and arresting information is not available
to the public and cannot be discussed.
In order for the DART team to work, both the officer and advocate have to
be clear about their roles. Even though they are a team, their respective agency’s
goals and philosophy will put them at odds with each other. As friendly as the
officer and advocate may become their roles as representatives of their agencies
come first, and this is the relationship that both DART teams in the respective
divisions have had to struggle to find a balance. The officer needs to understand
that a disagreement with the advocate on how he or she handled the call is not a
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criticism of the officer but a conflict of goals. The officer is there to enforce the
law and make an arrest if appropriate. The advocate is there it to assist, educate,
and help the victim. In turn, the advocate also needs to understand that, if an officer
feels the situation is not safe enough for the advocate to assist at the scene, she must
also respect the officer’s judgment and realize it is not a comment on her abilities,
but of the volatility of the situation. It may be that the perpetrator’s family is
present, or he is a gang member, or the overall location seems dangerous. Usually
the conflicts in opinion between the team members, lead to insights on how the
officer and the advocate view the situation. Often, the differences lead to issues
being addressed in training or supervision. Most of the time, working out the
conflicts has helped develop a more complete protocol and a more effective DART
program.
D ART-Northeast
Central Bureau includes Northeast Division which covers the districts of
Highland Park, Mount Washington, Cypress Park, Atwater Village, Los Feliz,
most of Echo Park (north of Sunset Blvd.) and parts of Hollywood. (See
Northeast Division) As the domestic violence expert on the Northeast Division
CPAB, I have been actively involved in training the DART program volunteers at
Northeast. The team was established in 1998 by Captain Kyle B. Jackson with
Officer Yvonne Blanpied as officer in charge, as mandated by Command. Unlike
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the Van Nuys DART, this is a police-run and police volunteer/reserve model.
This means the volunteers are chosen from reserve officer program applicants,
typically people who want to be police officers, but either cannot make the
qualifications, cannot live on an officer’s salary, or just choose to remain volunteers.
The volunteers for the Northeast DART program were recruited from reserve
applicants, friends and family of the officer in charge, and community members
interested in the program. The reserve applicants were those who wish to serve as
volunteer reserve officers. These applicants were male and either desired to become
regular officers at some point or had finished the academy training and had to delay
becoming fully sworn officers for various reasons. Some of them had previous job
or family commitments, and others had reasons that were confidential, which often
means administration holds. For this pool of applicants, the commitment to helping
the victims of domestic violence seemed minimal or non-existent. An observation
I, as the trainer, (and domestic violence expert CPAB member) shared with the
officer in charge. Yet, because of pressure from Command, Officer Blanpied
was so anxious to start the training program, and eventually the DART team,
that she kept these applicants in the training class despite my objections. Other
applicants included an undergraduate social work student from a local university,
a caseworker from a local non-profit social service organization, and a formerly
battered woman. Unfortunately, the formerly battered woman had very recently
left the violent situation and was still in a victimized state and not appropriate
candidate for the DART program. However, this volunteer offered insight and
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passion to the training but was inappropriate to serve as a DART volunteer at her
stage of recovery. For the safety of the next family served and for the volunteer’s
emotional well being the Domestic Abuse Center policy is to wait until a woman
is strong enough to witness another woman battered and abused. There is no
time limit but it is decided between the women and the training supervisor.
Northeast DART Training
If the objective is victim advocacy and enhanced prosecution this model
has many problems. A victim advocate is one who will follow the case from the
initial call to detective’s investigation, the City Attorney or District Attorney’s
office, and court, if the case goes that far. In every step of this process the
advocate needs to keep focused on what is good for the victim. It is sometimes
easy to lose sight of, or to adopt other ideas of, what is necessary for a successful
case. A District Attorney (or DA) may choose to “bump” the case down to
misdemeanor because he or she may feel that the injuries or transgressions were
not serious enough to warrant a felony (D.A. Ruden 2001.) Although the law
states the level of injury is only part of what determines a felony, it is often left up
to individual DAs. Since the DAs are products of society, there are those who feel
that domestic violence is still not a crime on the level of stranger-to-stranger crime.
Therefore, the different DA offices throughout the county, including those that
serve surrounding municipalities, will have varying qualifications for what
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constitutes a domestic violence felony. In one office a women who has suffered
years of abuse, stalking, threats and, ultimately, a broken neck, may find her
assailant is charged with a misdemeanor. A victim, with a similar history, in a
different office may find her abuser charged with felony stalking. Therefore, it is
necessary for an advocate to know all of the laws related to or used in a domestic
violence arrest. It is also important for the advocates to know the different DA and
CA offices, as well as the attorneys in those offices. It is also important to know
about the other social service agencies that can help her advocate for the victim.
Defining Advocate and Advocacy
Institutions such as courts, police, and county social services have different
definitions for a domestic violence advocate. The advocate is a branch of the
institution that offers to help the victim through the institutional process. However,
for the domestic violence movement, the advocate is there to help the women
empower herself, to provide education about the process in which the victim finds
herself, and to validate the victim’s experiences of accomplishment or frustration.
In short, from the point of view of the domestic violence movement, the advocate
represents the principles of the feminist movement: to have every woman’s voice
heard and to work toward an equitable society. From this point-of-view an
advocate is a political position. Although Knitzer was discussing child advocates
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in her article, “Child Advocacy: A Perspective,” this fulfills one of her principles,
found in all forms of advocacy. Thus, her six principles are worth noting here:
a. Advocacy assumes that people have, or ought to have,
certain basic rights.
b. Advocacy assumes that rights are enforceable by
statutory, administrative, or judicial procedures.
c. Advocacy efforts are focused on institutional failures
that produce or aggravate individual problems.
d. Advocacy is inherently political
e. Advocacy is most effective when it is focused on
specific issues
f. Advocacy is different from the provision of direct
services.
(Knitzner 1976)
These are similar to the feminist ideals that led to California Evidence Code
1037.1A, which outlines the curriculum for all certified domestic violence advocate
training in the state of California. Initially, it was required curriculum for anyone
who works in a shelter, hotline, or court accompaniment program. The curriculum
was designed with the cooperation of domestic violence shelters, CAADV, legal
advisors, and formerly battered women. It was introduced into the Evidence Code,
and as part of California Evidence Code, it carries administrative enforcement. This
training has become the standard for any agency that claims to do domestic violence
advocacy and who applies to state, county, or city funding to do work with domestic
violence victims. Every agency must have all their advocates complete domestic
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violence training according to 1037.1A in the California Evidence Code. Any group
or agency that is engaging in domestic violence advocacy, and who has not
completed the training, is open to liability.
Advocates and the advocate training programs are seen as an extension of, or
representative of, the larger domestic violence movement, and as such are political.
Advocates are in the middle of power struggles to represent women in the male-
centered environment of the courts. Advocate training addresses issues of male
socialization, the feminist movement, and the objectification of women, all
disturbingly political. Those advocates who have come from the domestic violence
movement, and then find themselves on the payroll of an institution within the
“system” (the preferred term of the domestic violence movement, bom out of the 70s
women’s liberation anti-establishment vocabulary), are often at conflict with the
philosophy and goals of the institution. However, when advocates are recruited
internally from within the institution, as with Northeast DART, they often
understand neither feminist processes nor appreciate the feminist history that has
created the advocate’s position within the institution. Their orientation and personal
perspective is that of authority, representatives of the judicial system.
During training role-plays the volunteers would often assume an air of
authority and start the interview demanding to know what the victim did to
provoke the perpetrator. One police recruit/ advocate proceeded to lecture the
victim on what she (the victim) “must” do. On more than one occasion in the role
play, the volunteer, usually male, would sternly, instruct the victim to calm down.
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I, as the trainer, asked the volunteer if he thought this was the most productive and
empathic approach. He responded by saying he found emotionalism annoying and
he was more interested in getting to the facts. Several of the female volunteers said
that, most likely, they would not tell a victim to calm down, but could not articulate
why they felt it was inappropriate.
After that comment the training group and trainers discussed the difference
between an advocate and a police officer. Over a lengthy discussion the female
volunteers (and some of the other male volunteers) understood the need for an
advocate to be patient and empathetic toward a battered and abused victim. After
further discussion, the first male volunteer said he understood, but still expressed
irritation at “female emotionalism.”
The City Attorney’s office domestic violence victim advocate program
deserves a brief mention here because it is part of the judicial system and several of
the advocates are survivors of domestic violence. However, they work in the court
room offering referrals to battered women and attending hearings and court when
asked. The court advocates are not considered response teams. The City Attorney’s
advocates have either come from the domestic violence movement or were recruited
with an understanding of the history of the domestic violence movement. This
program is an example of domestic violence victim advocates who are employees of
an established institution, also referred to as the “System” by the domestic violence
community. This program has allowed unemployed, formerly battered women who
may not have many skills to become gainfully employed in a position that offers
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benefits and security. Unfortunately, this employment also places them outside the
“ideal” image of a domestic violence advocate, according to a veteran domestic
violence movement activist, Gail Pincus and Bemita Ross (the trainer for Hollenbeck
Division DART.) The City Attorney Advocates, as employees of the city, are part of
the whole system that has historically oppressed and ignored battered women.
According to Knitzer and the domestic violence/feminist movement, a Victim
Advocates’ primary loyalty and focus is the victim, which may place the advocate at
odds with their employer, the City Attorney’s Office. The victim has been abused
and is often alone and powerless. Without the advocate the victim has no
representation in the court proceedings. The City Attorney’s goal is prosecution,
which means the focus is on the accused. The perpetrator has the rights of one
accused of a crime, thus has an attorney who will fight for him. Without the Victim
Advocate, the victim is left without representation or power in the proceedings. The
struggle of power and representation is political. The Victim Advocate’s role is, in
the broadest sense, a political position. The volunteers for Northeast DART were
recruited from friends and family of the lead officer, as well as from people who had
applied to become reserve police officers. In contrast to the Northeast team, Van
Nuys DART Volunteers are recruited either through the Domestic Abuse Center, a
non-shelter domestic violence agency, or Haven Hills, a domestic violence shelter.
Van Nuys DART advocates have either used DAC or Haven Hills
resources or have an understanding of the feminist foundations of the domestic
violence movement. The Northeast volunteers understanding of the feminist and
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domestic violence movement was minimal or non-existent. Their motive for
involvement in the program was either to receive the mandatory training
for counselors, as was the case for a minority of the female participants,
or to acquire training hours to improve their chances to be a reserve officer.
This model was doomed to fail for lack of support from within the domestic
violence movement and the confusing role of the volunteers as either reserve officer
or domestic violence advocate.
The demise of this program was facilitated by a number of reasons, but
primarily because of the withdrawal of my support as the CPAB domestic violence
expert for the program. As the domestic violence expert for the division, and one of
the primary trainers for the program, I was compelled to withdraw my support
because of the lack of program accountability to the domestic violence community
and to battered women. In a meeting with the MAC (Major Assault Crimes)
Detective Ramos and with Captain Meraz (Captain II of uniform officers), I insisted
that the program needed to establish a memorandum of agreement with the local
domestic violence shelter, YWCA-Domestic Violence Project, or at least include a
member from the shelter in DART supervision. Their response was to offer to make
me a Tech Reserve, formalizing my position with the Department. A Tech Reserve
is a police volunteer who has not completed the complete academy training, cannot
carry a weapon, and does not receive a stipend, yet is considered part of the Police
Department. Usually, Tech Reserve status is reserved for those who have a
particular expertise or skill, and is covered under the Department liability while they
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are volunteering for the department. My response was to decline. I argued that as a
community member, and CPAB volunteer, I can remain free to disagree with the
structure, protocol, and command officers of the DART program. I could also
remain active as a domestic violence advocate/activist, free to organize the
domestic violence community against the deployment of this model of DART.
Within a few months the Northeast DART program folded. The Northeast
communities (see map) placed as their major priority to eradicate graffiti and
gang activity. Domestic violence is low on their agenda. The VAWA funding
available to police is awarded on the condition of community collaboration
with a domestic violence shelter, and as the Northeast DART was structured,
it did not qualify. There is no social service agency that offers a domestic violence
program, as their primary mission, in the Northeast area and this is the biggest
handicap for the community as a whole and for any DART program. LAPD has
suffered major cutbacks in its general operating fund. Although there is funding
for particular programs, the department cannot carry programs without special
grants. The lead officer was eventually reassigned to develop a volunteer
surveillance program to monitor street crime, graffiti and gang activity. The police
have to consider the demands of the community and domestic violence is not a
high priority in Northeast Division, as it is not a high priority in society. There
was no public pressure to continue the DART program and a lot of pressure to
develop a surveillance and anti graffiti program. Without financial support and
community pressure it is regrettable, but understandable, that the program failed.
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The Northeast DART was organized as a volunteer police program that did
not receive supervision from any outside domestic violence agency. This lack of
supervision allowed the police to shield themselves from any outside monitoring.
Thus, they were free from accountability to the domestic violence community. This
reinforced the existing tensions between the domestic violence community and the
police, increasing suspicion between the two. The domestic violence community has
no way to monitor, or even know, what the team did on their calls. For an
inexperienced volunteer, it could be easy to unknowingly collude with the batterer
or to re-victimize the victim, as was evident in Ms. Harman’s comment
during her presentation: “I just want to tell these women what to do!” (see “Healthy
Families Symposium.) This statement reflects an impatience and paternalistic
attitude toward the victim. Many an advocate has felt the frustrations of seeing a
battered woman return to the abuser. However, from the feminist perspective,
which is the foundation of the State Evidence Code domestic violence
training, the advocate is there to empower the victim and educate her as to her rights
and resources. Ms. Herman’s statements occurred at a public education forum
(“Healthy Families” Symposium discussed below), which should have been an
opportunity to remember the goals of the movement: to educate the public on
domestic violence and not blame the victim. Both the batterer and society often
blame the victim. In keeping with a feminist perspective, the advocate should
not. According to the shelter recommended training, it is important for the advocate
to remember the role of an advocate, which is to educate and support the victims
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of domestic violence. Depending on the agreement with the partner agency, the
advocate should also document all valuable information for court or victim
services eligibility. A victim has enough people telling her what to do in her life;
she needs to learn options and alternatives to living in a violent relationship.
The mission of Northeast DART was an extension of law enforcement rather
than advocacy and, as such, did not allow the advocate to take notes, since both the
notes and the advocate could be subpoenaed to court. The officer was the only one
who took notes that became part of the criminal investigation. The MAC detective
and Captain of Detectives supported that scenario. If an advocate should be
subpoenaed, the department and the advocate could be sued. The Van Nuys DART
has their advocates supervised under a Licensed Clinical Social Worker who is
covered under her own liability insurance. Other DARTs have taken the option to
keep notes confidential, under shelter liability. Both strategies have yet to be
challenged in court.
Current status of CPABs
When the CPABs were initiated they were seen as avenues for community
participation for the true “advisory” committee. Police initially resented them as
“outsiders” who are forced upon the department to appease the political climate of
post 1992 riots. Currently, however, line officers rely on CPAB to be the voice of
community support for some issues, such as returning Senior Lead Officers to their
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communities and the compressed work schedule, two issues which command
opposes and both line officers and knowledgeable community members support.
Summary
Direct assistance is not the same as advocacy. When LACDVC was founded
it forced groups that had different philosophies to work together. Both the grassroots
community and established institutions had preconceptions of the other’s goals and
mission. Yet within each side there was a continuum of philosophy. Haven Hills
was an outgrowth of a women’s club philanthropic project and did not identify with
the larger feminist domestic violence movement. “Advocacy” was a political stance
for those who came from the domestic violence movement. Advocacy is one
strategy to reach the goals of the larger movement, which is to change society one
victim, one family at a time. For those, such as grassroots organizations, who see
their work as political action, direct assistance implies charity work. Charity is
something one does out of the kindness of one’s heart or for spiritual development.
For those working to make structural change in society, charity work is seen as a
“bandage approach:” it stops the bleeding but does not address the cause of the
injury. These were the internal philosophical conflicts within the domestic violence
community when they began to work with established institutions. It forced the
domestic violence community to work as if they were a united front. This was the
beginning of the institutionalization of the grassroots, community based, agencies.
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It is an insidious process. First there are the forms and statistics required for funding
from the state or county. Then, as the community based groups work more and more
with the institutions, they begin to change policies to achieve county recognition as a
service provider. For some agencies the change to policy from philosophy was only
a small step, and it soon became hard to distinguish between some community based
organizations and established institutions.
LACDVC forced the domestic violence community to address internal issues,
and become proactive in self-monitoring and policy development, lest the county
start monitoring the shelters and programs and start developing policy without the
input of the domestic violence community. But ultimately, the monitoring, funding
selection, and program development became the responsibility of the county through
LACDVC. This left the domestic violence movement in Los Angeles County
struggling to find a place in this new structure.
The people from established institutions also felt forced to participate in
LACDVC. Most people from established institutions felt they were the experts in
domestic violence and usually pointed to their education and degrees as evidence
of their expertise. When representatives from institutions were forced to work with
community based domestic violence organizations they either did not participate or
became defensive, as in the case with Northeast DART. Northeast command had
legitimate concerns about their program. Some of these concerns could have been
addressed with the participation of an outside domestic violence agency.
Unfortunately, there was no exclusively domestic violence agency within
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the Northeast area. The police felt that they had the necessary expertise in the
department and did not need outside help. Established institutions can not share the
need for advocacy because it would challenge their role in society. This is especially
true with the police whose mandate is to maintain the status quo. Doing so as defined
in their role as protectors and not, as often commented by patrol officers, social
workers. It is with the tension of differing philosophies that the member
organizations attempt to work together on LACDVC, the City Task Force on
Domestic Violence, and CPAB. It continues to be a power struggle for the voice
of the domestic violence community. The current challenge is the new LACDVC
participants, campaigning to become voting members, who have adopted a mental
health model. The mental health model fits well into the counties philosophy of
individual service, as opposed to the grassroots philosophy of social change. The
mental health model focuses on the state of mind of the victim and perpetrator,
rather than the criminal nature of domestic violence.
The mental health model returns to a doctor/ patient relationship and
does not offer empowerment for the victim. With the mental health model
the voice of the battered women is lost in clinical analysis and psychotropic
drugs. If the victim is afraid of the perpetrator, or of new relationships, the
mental health model labels her paranoid. Or if she is nervous and depressed they
give her drugs. This approach is much more comfortable for established
institutions. It relieves the institution from the responsibility of dealing with
the social inequities that result in the lack of resources for battered women.
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The social change model questions how established institutions collude with
the perpetrator and disempower the victim, many who are women. The social
change model also questions the status of women in society and places the problem
of domestic violence in the context of society. Established institutions are a direct
reflection of society; therefore, these questions are a direct challenge to the role these
institutions play in the perpetration of domestic violence.
The best strategy for institutions to avoid this challenge is to co-opt the
grassroots community-based organizations. Sometimes institutions actively recruit
domestic violence activists, as in the case of Northeast division. Sometimes the
activists move on to the stable and better paying institution jobs. The process of
including, and then “taming,” the radical edge off the community-based groups has
been repeated with social movements in the United States time after time. The
United States democratic system allows for change, albeit limited change, within the
system. This allows activists to implement changes, in degrees, and prevents full
blown armed revolutions. The domestic violence movement lost its radical power
base of the larger feminist movement when the larger feminist movement splintered
off into different interest groups, such as sexual assault awareness, pro-choice, Title
IX campaigns, and lobbying. This power shift, the competition for funding,
standards for service providers, and programs monitoring all, forced the domestic
violence movement to refocus their efforts to the programs within their own state,
county, and city.
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Chapter Nine Endnotes
‘ The complete mission statement reads “It is the mission of the Los Angeles Police
Department to safeguard the lives and property of the people we serve, to reduce the
incidence and fear of crime, and to enhance public safety while working with the
diverse communities to improve their quality of life. Our Mandate is to do so with
honor and integrity, while at all times conducting ourselves with the highest ethical
standards to maintain public confidence.” Los Angeles Police Department Official
Publication, 2000, Bernard C. Parks, Chief of Police.
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Chapter Ten: Conclusion
This study examines the impact of influence on organizations that work
alliances, coalitions and councils to develop domestic violence policy have on each
other. The processes of change between grassroots organizations and established
institutions reveal how both groups adapt to a working relationship despite the
underlying differences and tension resulting from their different philosophical
backgrounds. Grassroots feminist organizations change as they move from being part
of a social movement, with a goal for social change, to a social service agency that
has to account to funding sources. The changes often involve increased bureaucracy
and steeper hierarchy in which the leadership is removed from the day-to-day work
of the agency. As the grassroots organizations change, so do the established public
institutions and, eventually, public opinion (Giugni 1998:371-394.)
As stated by Rouland in his work in legal anthropology, modem societies
“.. .tend to determine what is just by referring to a model of behavior rather than to a
prevailing norm” (Rouland 199.) If the prevailing norm is to ignore domestic
violence as a family affair, then the model has to be a violence free-relationship.
Laws and policy force service providers in institutions to change their behavior even
if the staff does not agree with the underlying assumptions. Established public
institutions have the existing bureaucracy to manage funding, oversight and
coordinate the different agencies. However, when they were compelled to join and
participate with the different coalitions and began to work with domestic violence
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activists, the individual institutions began to change. Institutional change much
slower when the change comes from within. Whatever changes occur the
institutions do not the fear that it will affect the larger bureaucratic structure of the
institution.
The examples of these changes from the study include one institution, the
police and using examples from different divisions of LAPD. In the case of Van
Nuys and the Domestic Abuse Center, with Gail Pincus, together they developed a
Domestic Abuse Response team that included both a domestic violence advocate and
a sworn officer. In the early years of the program officers would ask to be assigned
to DART because it would give them the opportunity to work investigations, an
incentive for any officer wanting to be promoted to detective. At first the officer
changes his or her behavior toward domestic violence victims because it was
required. Eventually he or she would change attitudes and sometimes, if the officer
stayed on the team long enough, would change attitudes about battered women. This
change in attitudes about battered women, and traditional gender role expectation, is
one of the continuing goals of the domestic violence movement.
Much of the research for this study comes from my experience as a domestic
violence expert in Los Angeles County, what Tedlock (2004) calls auto-ethnography.
As an expert in domestic violence within the grassroots feminist organizations and,
later, as a representative expert on domestic violence with the police, I wrote about
my domestic violence advocacy from my experience as “the observation of
participation (Tedlock 2004.) This results in the blurring of my roles as activist and
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researcher. As an activist, my role (and my personal goal) was to advocate for
battered women and their children and to advocate for social change. The
anthropological approach offers insight into the process of change in domestic
violence intervention from its beginnings as a grassroots social movement as it shifts
to social policy.
Social movements are bom out of a perceived need for change in society.
As Boggs (1985) and Granier (1993) mention in their respective studies, since the
beginning of its second wave, in the sixties, the feminist movement has had an
impact on the whole culture in the United States. The different branches of the
feminist movement have changed the way society treats women, with regard to this
study specifically, victims of domestic violence. The loose network of women’s
clubs, feminists, and former victims of domestic violence came together and started
working for women and children caught in violent and abusive relationships. Some
women’s groups identified with a larger feminist social movement with its larger
goals of changing society’s value of and attitudes about women. Some saw their
work as part of their philanthropic mi ssion.
The domestic violence movement became more organized, and
communication increased between people working with families touched by
domestic violence. Then the state, county, and city found monies to fund first
domestic violence shelters, followed by various other non-shelter domestic violence
programs. It was the introduction of a way to monitor the funds that created the
dialectic relationship between the shelters, non-shelter programs, and public
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agencies. The coalitions, alliances, and councils were imposed structures in which
all members were forced to participate. Public agencies received directives from
either County Supervisors or agency directors. Community- based grassroots
organization were coerced with threat of funding loss or, in the case of shelters,
zoning violations to attend councils. However, for most of the grassroots
organizations their chief concern was losing the network of both the public and
private agencies. A network which, on one hand, can help with community
education yet, on the other hand, takes service providers away from the intimate
personal relationship with battered women and their children. This is why grassroots
domestic violence organizations have demanded that the victim’s voice be present at
every training and why victim profiles are included in this study.
From the time these coalition type of organizations as formed to the present
the member organizations struggle to find a way to work with each other. Each
member organization has a different motive for its participation in the domestic
violence field. Even among the community-based organizations there are differing
philosophies and motives for their involvement in the domestic violence community.
This is especially true for members active with the coalitions, councils and alliances
discussed in this study. This environment of institutional tension, varying
philosophies and continued negotiation is where the domestic violence policy is
developed. These policies have wide-ranging impact on all domestic violence social
service organizations. Ultimately, victims of domestic violence are the ones who will
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live or die as a result of how well the member organizations communicate and work
together.
When members of advocacy organizations see themselves as part of a larger
social movement, and use institutions to finance projects, they have to be
accountable to the institution. This fact alone diminishes any radical goals for social
change. Without radical presences there is the possibility of established institutions
slipping into complacency and eventually revert to the previous standards for policy
development. In the case of domestic violence, that means back to either blaming
the victim or turning a blind eye to the problem because it is a “family issue.”
The former “grassroots” agencies become extensions of the funding
institution; either through goals and mission or even if it is only through the
perceptions of the larger public. Those other community-based organizations which
see their work with domestic violence as part of their philanthropic mission view
their connection with established institutions as a necessity for legitimacy and
economic need. In these cases the radical presence is gone, if it was ever present,
and the voice of battered women is in danger of becoming lost in the vast vortex of
bureaucracy.
Community-based domestic violence organizations come into the coalitions,
councils, and alliances with conflicts among themselves. Conflicts the date to the
time of origin, was the agency bom out of the feminist movement or an existing
charity? The conflicts also include the leadership of the different grassroots
agencies. For example, Gail Pincus is known to speak her mind with sometimes less
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than diplomatic grace, but no one in the domestic violence community would
question her commitment to ending domestic violence. Gail also has had to justify
her work with the male batterers to other domestic violence agencies a component of
her agency that alienates the more women focused of the domestic violence
community. Yet, as a community the grassroots agencies, need to work with
established institutions as a united front. Otherwise, the funding sources may see fit
to fund only the public agencies. So, the tensions between the grassroots domestic
violence agencies are often just below the surface in a financially competitive
environment.
There is also conflict between those from the public institutions who believe
they are the experts and those in the grassroots agencies, many of whom lived though
the early struggles of the domestic violence movement. The representatives from the
public institutions usually have more formal education and degrees. Therefore, they
believe they are the legitimate resource for victims of domestic violence. The
councils, coalitions, alliances are bom out of opposition or conflict. When the
coalition members find a common goal, in the case of domestic violence providing
continuing and efficient resources for battered women, they can focus on that goal.
This allows the different coalition members to set aside philosophical differences and
reserve that aspect of their agency for their membership and supporters. Each
agency may also have different services but as a member in a coalition they can
coordinate their services to better serve battered women. Over time, all member
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organizations learn to work with each other and respect each other, in some degree.
There is always an undercurrent of mistrust and suspicion, but they work together.
In the case of CAADV and SCCBW, both are coalition-type organizations.
They are in the process of working out what their relationship will be towards one
another. Both are part of the domestic violence community. But, as they are
structured now, they are risking competition between funding and recognition of
expertise. It is inevitably that the organizations merge. However, which leadership
will dominate the new organization is the major concern for both organizations.
According to Gail, there does not appear to be major philosophical issues but
regional issues which date back to the time when the Alliance dissolved the other
coalitions and Southern California coalition decided to remain intact (Pincus 2000.)
Until the issue of which organization leadership is the spokesperson for domestic
violence in California input from grassroots community-based organizations to state
policy is diminished.1
The evolution of a social movement can turn to armed revolution, or an
attempt to integrate its goals of social change into existing social institutions. For the
domestic violence movement armed revolution violates their basic non-violent
philosophy. Armed revolution has not been a practiced option in the United States
(Boggs 1985.) In the United States there are usually avenues to change society
though existing means, such as legislation and internal infiltration. The domestic
violence movement used a variety of methods. Laws were changes or strengthened,
law enforcement policies were revised, as in the case of 273.5 which was upgraded
251
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to a felony arrest, and sympathetic legislators such as Hilda Solis, were elected. Law
and the judicial system reflect the value system of a society. The feminist
movement has worked to change society’s attitude toward women through education
and legislation. Change has occurred and filtered down to the judicial system. Yet,
domestic violence victims are still in danger from their abusers and society,
including the judicial system (Crenshaw 2003.)
The domestic violence movement attempts to change laws, and the way the
entire judicial system responds to domestic violence. There has also been an attempt
to change the prevailing attitude about domestic violence. Ethnographic research
attempts to discover the value system that influences a society’s institutions, family,
religious, and social organization. Cultural Legal studies, and legal anthropology use
applications of laws, judicial system, and jurisprudence (the philosophical
foundations of the law) to examine society’s attitudes about social issues, in this case
domestic violence (Hiesch and Lazarus-Black 1994:1.)
The participants of the “feminist social movement” became activists or direct
services workers in domestic violence organizations. This is an example of the
splintering of a social movement into exceptionally focused social organizations.
The new smaller groups no longer speak for and identify with a common larger goal,
but are now different organizations looking after their own self preservation and
growth. As the new splinter organizations focus on their issues, rhetoric, slogans,
and spokespersons emerging specific to the smaller organizations target concerns.
252
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As the domestic violence/ social movement becomes more institutionalized
the voice of the battered women is in danger of becoming lost in the theory, legal
wrangling, and struggle of opinions. The voice of battered women is uncomfortable
and reminds one of how messy these cases can be. It is easier to work with facts,
and statistics rather than the emotional messy world of battered women. It is those
who identified themselves as part of a domestic violence social movement who fight
to keep the voice of battered women present. These social activists are the ones who
insist that a battered woman’s testimony be part of all state recognized domestic
violence training (Pincus 2000, Bowman 2000.) Service providers need to hear the
emotional and psychological trauma that results from domestic violence and one of
the best ways to do this is to keep the voice of battered women present. Despite the
awareness of uses and abuses of power and control, the activists in the grassroots
community based groups struggle with abusive tactics of power and control (see
Power and Control chart page 109), their relationships with each other (Tobias
2004.) The reality is the tactics can work in the short term. This can certainly be
appealing when seeking solutions to policy problems. (This also speaks to the level
of acceptance of abusive tactics in our sociality.) However, tactics of power and
control do not work to build communities- a vital concern for community-based
activists. Individuals working in established institutions cannot be concerned with
consensus or community building; it is a process that takes time. Public established
institutions represent large populations and the concern of their executive staff is
providing services and keeping the bureaucracy running smoothly. Consensus
253
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helps develop harmony in a community, not a high priority for institutions.
Institutions are concerned with maintaining the status quo. They tend to be “problem
solvers,” concerned with finding a solution rather than with the process. Social
activists often see the problem solving approach as short term and superficial. Both,
short term solutions and long term social change, serve the public good in different
ways. The establish institutions provide bureaucracy and continuity. Grassroots
organizations provide innovation and connection those seeking services, in this case
battered women.
People and society find it difficult to break out of the familiar. Laci Peterson
and Hacking represent the danger women face when normal expectations of
marriage interfere with the man’s illusions of who he is, the playboy, in the case of
Peterson and the educated doctor, in the case of Hacking. These two men represent
the extreme cases of what many batterers believe men’s right to define their lives, i.e.
“life style,” without regard to the consequences to their wives. Unfortunately, a view
still shared by many in society. There are many aspects of domestic violence that still
need research, programs and education. The most difficult is educating the general
public that domestic continues to be an issue for all facets of society. Without
standardized training for the courts, childem’s services, and police across state lines
and without further community education more women, children, their extended
family and society will continue to suffer from the effects of domestic violence.
The Los Angeles Police Department has made innovative strides with the
inception of the DART teams. However, there continues to be a struggle with
254
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developing DART teams throughout LAPD. In some cases the obstacles are beyond
their control. If there is no domestic violence social service agency, public or
private, in the division then it is difficult to develop a program. Currently Northeast
Division is researching the possibilities of renewing the efforts to establish a DART.
Yet the issues of oversight, supervision, community accountability continue to be an
issue of contention between domestic violence service providers in the area and
Northeast LAPD. The model proposed for Northeast DART is the Wilshire/Rampart
model that is a mental health model. It is collaboration between a children’s
advocacy agency and police. Not only is it a mental health model but one that has a
primary concern for children rather than the battered woman. This is the evidence
that a need for domestic violence education within LAPD continues to be needed.
It is also further evidence that the mental health model is familiar and, therefore,
accepted to other public institutions.
The mental health model focuses on the individual; whereas the social
change/ empowerment model calls into question assumptions and practices of the
very institutions that provide services to battered women. The police mandate is to
maintain order, keep the status quo. The mental health model is utilized by
government and quasi-government agencies that also have an interest in maintaining
social order. In contrast the ideological roots of the domestic violence movement
call for social change. This position can be a challenge to the stability of established
institutions. The dilemma for grassroots community-based domestic violence
255
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agencies is to continue to advocate for the empowerment of battered women and
social change while working with public institutions.
The struggle for the grassroots community-based domestic violence agencies
to be recognized as valid and legitimate voice for battered women also continues.
For feminist, like Gail Pincus, the choice to get a social work degree was motivated,
in part, to gain legitimacy in a world where education and degrees count for more
than experience and passion (Pincus and Samuals 2000.) The empowerment model
encourages agencies to hire former domestic violence victims. It is application of
the feminist philosophy which values a women’s experience yet, recognizes that the
process of recovery must include education and training. In this way, women help
victims become survivors who, in turn, will help other women.
The more agencies turn to the mental health model as the intervention of
choice the easier it is for the individual focused society of the United States to revert
back to blaming the victim. This acceptance will leave the feminist domestic
violence movement politically marginalized from main stream established
institutions, and mark a return to the feminist domestic violence movement
advocating for victims at the grassroots level. The tense relationship between
institutions and grassroots agencies follows many of the same patterns of power and
control used by batterers. Established institutions have the power of history, budget
and bureaucracy. They turn to strategies of financial coercion, blaming the victim, in
this case, the smaller overworked grassroots agencies. If a community-based
grassroots agency does not meet their proposed goals under a institutional grant the
256
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grassroots agency is blamed for doing a poor job. Yet, institutionally funded
programs administered by the institution fails it is easier to hide there is little or no
community accountability, as was the concern with the LAPD Northeast DART
program. When the institutions are confronted with their shortcomings in the media
and through public demonstrations, or “education,” the institutions are pressured to
change. However, established public institutions are quick to claim expertise, much
like a batterer who claims to know what is best for the relationship. Much like
battered women, it will take the domestic violence movement several efforts before
we, as a society, can break out of the vortex of traditional views of gender roles. The
domestic violence movement, or the current stage of metamorphose, social advocacy
agencies, and supporters among public institutions, need to continue to lobby,
advocate, empower battered women and social or community education in order to
reduce, possibly stop, domestic violence.
The evolution of the domestic violence movement toward institutionalized
social service agencies is an example of one of the options for social movements in
the United States. There is the option to develop into an institutionalized agency or
remain outside the established institutions as radical and/ or militant advocates and
finally dissolve. The domestic violence movement activists evolve from radicals
and militants to advocates working with the established institutions, yet managing to
maintain a level of autonomy. The domestic violence coalition type organizations
such as CAADV and SCCBW avail themselves to legislators and others in the
established institutions as experts in domestic violence. At the same time maintain
257
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the link between victims and service providers by keeping the voice of battered
women present in training, workshops and seminars. Other groups such as the
council are examples of the different groups, grassroots and established institutions
working together on day to day policy for all domestic violence service providers.
The negotiations and relationship between the agencies are examples of how the
value systems of their communities become manifest in their dealings with each
other. On one hand, social conservative institutions restate domestic violence in
terms of law and order turning to familiar models of mental health. On the other
hand, there are the grassroots organizations developing innovative programs to serve
battered women and questioning the fundamental assumptions that allowed domestic
violence victims to be underserved for so long. Together the groups create a
dynamic relationship of negotiation, bargaining and compromise - much like a
healthy adult relationship.
258
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Chapter Ten Endnotes
1 As of the last edit of this study, the two organizations, CAADV and SCCBW
merged. The board members from both organizations are in the process of
organizing a new board of directors and searching for a new executive director. It
remains to be seen which former board will dominate the new organization
leadership.
2 Laci Peterson a pregnant woman was murdered by her husband Scott Peterson.
Scott Peterson had a girlfriend and told her he was single. He portrayed as fast living
playboy to his girlfriend. The pregnancy and Laci’s change of status from wife/
sexual partner to “mother” challenged his image. To “save” himself from this
challenge he felt he had to get rid of this threat and he murdered Laci. Dateline NBC
7:00 AM EST NBC
January 8, 2006 Sunday, Copyright 2006 National Broadcasting Co. Inc. NBC News
Transcripts.
3 Officers involved domestic violence incidences are investigated by LAPD Internal
Affairs. Gail Pincus is often called as an expert witness on these cases but the
proceedings are sealed unless criminal charges are filed against the officer.
Unfortunately, this policy prevents the release of the level of domestic violence
among LAPD personnel. It also does not allow for a discussion of the development
of policy for the investigation and consequences of officer involved domestic
violence incidents.
259
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Asset Metadata

Creator Cuevas, Claudia Mary (author)

Core Title Organizational development and coalition building among domestic violence agencies in California: conflict and compromise between grassroots groups and established institutions

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Anthropology

Degree Conferral Date 2006-08

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag anthropology, cultural,OAI-PMH Harvest,social work,sociology, individual and family studies,sociology, organizational

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Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-579432

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