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Ethnic identity in Parsee teenagers
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ETHNIC IDENTITY IN PARSEE TEENAGERS
by
Bakhtawar R. Bhadha
Copyright 1997
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfilment of the
Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts
(Psychology)
May 1997
Bakhtawar R. Bhadha
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UMI Number: 1384884
UMI Microform 1384884
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7
This thesis, written by
Bakhtawar„Ray.QmaD4„.J^3ciLha_________
under the direction of h.i.s— Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of the
requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS
D a te l? .^ 3 T .Z .l.h ...l ? .l?
t r'COMM I'.
; ^ Chairman
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Abstract
Table of Contents
iv
Introduction
1
Identity
2
Ethnic Identity
4
Acculturation 10
Relationship of acculturation with academic achievement and psychosocial
adjustment
12
Parsee culture
17
Method
22
Participants 22
Procedure 22
Results 24
Discussion
33
Conclusion
40
References 41
Appendix 1: MEIM 47
Appendix 2: Acculturation scale for Parsee Zoroastrian Americans 50
Appendix 3: What I am like 54
Appendix 4: Religiosity
58
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List of Tables/Figures:
Table 1: Means, Medians, Trimmed Means, Standard Deviations and Ranges for all
Variables
Table 2: Difference between Parents’ and teenagers’ scores on religiosity,
acculturation and ethnic identity
Table 3: Relationship of parent and child ethnic identity to adolescent self-worth:
Least-squares regression analysis
Table 4(A): Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend intercorrelations of parent and teenager
religiosity, acculturation, ethnic self-identification with adolescent GPA and self-
worth
Table 4(B): Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend intercorrelations of GPA, self-worth,
parent and child ethnic affirmation, ethnic identity achievement, ethnic behaviors, and
other group orientation.
Table 4(C): Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend intercorrelations of self-worth, school
competence, social acceptance, athletic competence, physical appearance, job
competence, romantic appeal, morality/conduct, and close friendship.
Table 4(D): Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend intercorrelations of ethnic identity
achievement with ego identity exploration levels for career, religion, politics,
friendship, dating and men’s and women’s roles.
Figure 1: Smoothers showing the relationship between parent and child ethnic identity,
acculturation, and religiosity, and teenagers’ academic performance and self-worth.
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Abstract
Thirty-two Parsee teenagers and their parents were interviewed to determine how ethnic
identity affects social adjustment and academic competence among first and second
generation immigrants. Adolescents and parents completed the Multigroup Ethnic Identity
Measure (MEIM), a religiosity questionnaire, and the Acculturation Rating Scale
(ARSMA) adapted for Parsees. Adolescents also completed the Harter Self Perception
Profile. Academic competence was found to be significantly related to teenagers'
orientation toward the host culture and other ethnic groups that comprise it. Self worth was
found to be significantly related to adolescent and parent self-identification, acculturation,
and religiosity.
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1
Ethnic Identity in Parsee Teenagers
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between ethnic identity
and ego identity, and to understand how acculturation and ethnic identity levels are related
to psychosocial adjustment, self-perception, and academic competence among Parsee
adolescents. As the size of the 'minority' and immigrant population in the U.S. grows, it
becomes increasingly important to understand the nature of the developmental processes
faced by these groups. This would not only contribute to a better understanding of the
majority cultures, i.e., contrasts help clarify issues; but it would also increase tolerance and
acceptance of ethnic minorities in wider American society.
In the present time, more than ever, the United States faces great challenges in the
diversity of its population. While this diversity of background is certainly a resource, it
needs to be fully understood before it might be exploited as such. For example, there is
much to be learned from the way mathematics is taught in Japanese classrooms (Stevenson,
Lee, & Stigler, 1986; Stigler, Lee & Stevenson, 1987). We could admire the way the
Japanese are facile with numbers, and we could use their abilities in business situations.
However, the most comprehensive benefit may be obtained in attempting to understand
what underlies this success, and perhaps trying to emulate it
Furthermore, if the nation as a whole is to advance, one cannot ignore the
contributions of all its constituents. If there are special problems or issues that are found to
be important among a small immigrant community, they must be addressed. Not only will
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2
the individual community benefit from the study, but there will invariably be other
beneficial side effects. For example, more than likely other communities may manifest
similar problems, the majority and other cultures may learn something valuable, and the
overall progress of the country may be better served if one small community can raise its
academic achievement scores due to a better comprehension of its special needs. The
Parsees, in particular, are an interesting ethnic group in the U.S. because they are relatively
nonviolent, affluent, and academically-oriented. Assuredly there is something to learn from
the way these individuals raise their children to develop these qualities. Although Parsees
are East Indians and research done on Indian immigrants applies to them, their needs are
also special. Parsees see themselves, and are seen by the Indian majority, as distinct. They
have a religious identity similar to the other Indian minorities (Hindus are in the majority),
but unlike most groups they practice strict endogamy and non-conversion. This raises
special issues for immigrant families and their children, particularly in developing a sense
of identity.
Identity
Identity is a major issue in adolescence (Erikson, 1964). While trust, for example,
preoccupies the newbom's psychological processes, adolescents are concerned with the
formation of their own identity. At puberty the individual 'comes into his own1 . Peer group
influences grow increasingly stronger, and parent-adolescent conflict increases. Within this
confusion, adolescents seek to discover their own niche and form their own judgment about
who they are and where they are headed. According to Erikson's model of psychosocial
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3
development the overarching conflict in the teenage years is that of identity achievement
versus identity diffusion. This idea was further expanded by Marcia (1965) who developed
the four different stages of identity formation. His theory is based on the concept that the
process of identity achievement involves exploration and commitment An individual who
evidences neither exploration of, nor commitment to, any values or ideals is considered to
be “identity diffused”, e.g., young adolescents who have not given much thought to their
values. One who evidences exploration, but no commitment is considered to be in a state of
“moratorium”. This is characteristic of slightly older adolescents who are beginning to
explore values and trying to figure out their ideals and such. One who evidences
commitment without demonstrating any exploration is considered to be in a state of
“foreclosure”. These would be individuals who may have adopted their parent's values
without question. Finally an “identity achieved” individual is one who has committed to
ideals and values based on a process of exploration. For example, there are individuals who
have carefully considered all the options, and then have committed to certain values and
ideals. Condon, Cooper, and Grotevant (1984) developed an interview to examine Marcia's
stages in several different areas of psychological importance: career, religious, and political
choices; ideas on dating, friendship, and men's and women's roles. The interview is based
on the concept that one's ego identity is not a unitary entity and that the process is
multidimensional, and it examines adolescents’ exploration and commitment in these
different areas.
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4
Ethnic Identity
Ethnicity is a valuable construct in the gamut of psychological variables. Because
the U.S. is no longer considered a 'melting-pot', it is essential to consider individuals' social
identity and how it affects their total psychological functioning. Examining these complex
issues have been challenging for researchers because culture and ethnicity need to be
‘unpackaged’ (Whiting, 1976) to be psychologically meaningful. Ethnicity is a 'complex,
multidimensional construct' (Phinney, 1996). Phinney (1996) suggests that ethnicity is not
a categorical variable and should not be treated as such, but that individuals vary along the
various components that define ethnicity such as ethnic self-identification, and assimilation.
Moreover, Phinney (1996) suggests that ethnic identity is an issue of great
importance, particularly to minority youth in the U.S. If adolescence can be thought of as a
period of storm and stress, it is even more so for adolescents who are not members of the
majority culture. There are two challenges that face adolescents from minority groups.
While adolescence is a period when they are already exploring their options in different
areas of their life, and experiencing some stress over the difference between their peers'
expectations and their parents' values, minority adolescents are further confused by the
differences in their home environment and the demands of their culture of origin as
compared to the new host culture. These demands lead to conflicts which young people
have a hard time sorting out. Thus they often take longer to form a sense of identity. For
instance, Indian parents are extremely strict about issues regarding sex and dating
(Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993). This is in contrast to American parents who expect their
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5
adolescent children to demonstrate an interest in romantic, heterosexual relationships, and
dating is certainly not taboo. When Indians migrate, the parents bring their cultural values
with them, and attempt to impose those on the children. As a result many adolescents have
not had any heterosexual experiences. This not only hampers the development of that
aspect of their identity, but they also take longer to make judgments about whether they
want to date at all, especially given their parents displeasure with this American custom.
Erikson (1964) pointed out that true identity includes one's perception of the social context
and support. This suggests that while identity development is an individual process, it
certainly does not develop in a vacuum. Parental and societal support and peer influences
all contribute to this process. Tajfel (1978) defined social identity as "that part of an
individual's self-concept which derives from his knowledge of his membership in a social
group (or groups) together with the value and significance attached to that
membership"(p.63).
In an attempt to define ethnic identity, researchers have focused on different issues
such as self-identification, belonging, and commitment (Singh, 1977;Ting-Toomey, 1981;
and Tzuriel & Klein, 1977); sense of shared values (White & Burke, 1987), or attitudes
toward one's group (Parham & Helms, 1981); and ethnic loyalty (Keefe, 1992). The
development of a sense of belongingness, loyalty, and commitment has been the target of
much research (e.g. Felix-Ortiz, 1994; Phinney, 1996). With rapid advances in
transportation and communication, the sociological, anthropological and psychological
issues of acculturation, assimilation, and cultural identity become a reality. One of the most
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interesting portrayals of this issue is seen in Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) ecological model. In
this model there are concentric circles where one's self-identity forms the innermost circle
with the family identifying one a little further and so on with the community and the nation
etc. (Broffenbrenner, 1986). Where one's ethnic identity would fit in depends on the person
as well as the ethnic group to which one belongs. Much research has been conducted on
Black and Hispanic identity formation and maintenance. Some theorists (e.g. Felix-Oritz,
1994) believe that behaviors such as food, clothing and music preferences help us to
categorize individuals’ levels of identity conformity. Others (e.g. Phinney, 1996) believe
that it is the inner feeling of being Black, or Hispanic (or Parsee) that defines ethnic
identity. Therefore, in a cosmopolitan place like Los Angeles if one chooses a burger over
dhansak (a traditional Parsee dish) one is not any less Parsee. Also in that vein the latter
describe ethnic identity as a concept that might be universally measured. Others such as
Berry (1980) believe that the concept of ethnic identity changes with the group that one is
examining. The process of acculturation varies across groups. Berry’s view may be true,
because a Parsee who cooks 'dhansak' for their family may be demonstrating different
values from one who cooks a burger. Accordingly it is important to also consider the
influence of acculturation on the formation of ethnic identity.
Phinney and Alipuria (1990) studied 196 college students from Caucasian, Black,
Asian-American and Hispanic families to examine the process of ethnic identity search and
commitment, to determine the perceived importance of ethnicity, and to study the
relationship between the ethnic identity search and self-esteem. They found that ethnic
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identity was an important component of ego identity development and was significantly
more so for the minority groups than for the White subsample. In addition they found that
self-esteem was strongly related to ethnic identity search and commitment, especially for
the minority groups. Therefore, it is obvious that for minority groups ethnicity comprises
an important part of their sense of self and identity. It is not an issue as such for the White
majority. Moreover, since self-esteem is also implicated in this correlation, it might be that
the already tenuous self perceptions of adolescents are further attenuated initially, by their
minority membership. As adolescent ego and ethnic identity develops, self esteem also
grows.
Phinney (1989) studied 91 high school students from Caucasian, Black, Hispanic,
and Asian-American families to examine the development of ethnic identity. Ethnic
“identity achieved” subjects were found to have the highest scores on psychological
adjustment (i.e. self-competence and Condon et al’s (1980) independent ego identity
measure). The significance of this study lies in the finding that self-competence and ego
identity are both a function of ethnic identity. If adolescents have achieved an ethnic
identity they will have higher competence levels.
To examine changes in ethnic identity over time Phinney and Chavira (1992)
studied 18 adolescents from three ethnic groups. They found that when the adolescents
were interviewed at age 16 they had significantly less “ethnic identity search” and
“commitment” than when retested at age 19. Also at all ages, self-esteem and ethnic
identity were significantly related at each time period, and across the three years. This
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study supports a sequential model of ethnic identity development. However, it is not clear
from the findings whether self-esteem is a cause or a function of ethnic identity. Therefore,
it can be tentatively concluded that the two are related but further research is necessary to
determine the direction of causality.
Rosenthal and Feldman (1992) studied the ethnic identity of first (tL=61) and
second (N =34) generation Chinese American adolescents (M age =16). They measured
ethnic self-identification. Self-identification includes the extent to which individuals
engage in culturally expected behaviors, knowledge of their culture, and the value they
ascribe to their ethnic origin. In keeping with the theories of acculturation, Rosenthal and
Feldman (1992) found that ethnic self-identification and behaviors decreased over time but
the evaluative components of ethnic identity (the judgments of how important origins are),
remained the same across the two generations studied. This indicates that while children of
immigrants may decrease the actual cultural practices they engage in, as compared to their
first generation parents, they continue to consider their ethnicity just as important These
findings also establish the notion that there are indeed distinct components of ethnic
self-identification, which are affected differentially by migration, time, and acculturation.
Rosenthal and Feldman (1992) also examined the relationship between four types of
parenting behavior (warmth, control, monitoring, and autonomy promotion), and two
components of ethnic identity (behaviors and pride) in 128 first and second generation
Chinese-American, and 89 first and second generation Chinese-Australian 10th and 11th
graders. Their results showed that warm, controlling and autonomy promoting family
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environments were related to higher ethnic pride. However, there was no relation between
parenting behavior and ethnic behaviors. These results corroborate Baumrind's model that
authoritative parenting leads to better adjustment. Parents who might have been
traditionally authoritarian, and who enforce cultural practices as part of their discipline do
not have children with as much ethnic pride as those parents who adopt authoritative
practices.
Chakrabarti and Kundu (1983) found that three different religious groups (55
Hindus, 43 Muslims, and 23 Christians) who were tested on the Indian adaptation of the
Allport scale showed different value patterns. They suggested on the basis of their findings
that values can be taken as the basis of subcultural identity. Identification with a specific
subculture signifies a different pattern of values.
Laroche, Kim, Hui, and Joy (1996) studied ethnic change as a multidimensional
process. Four hundred and seventy-seven French Canadians were studied. Ethnic
affiliation was composed of French Canadian social interaction, French Canadian family,
self-identification, and attachment to French Canadian culture. They found that
acculturative tendencies were composed of attachment to English Canadian culture,
attitudes toward culture change, and English Canadian social interaction. These results
support Berry's (1989) ideas of a sequential acculturation process and the development of
ethnic change.
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1 0
Aries and Moorehead (1989) studied the importance of ethnicity in the identity
development of 40 Black junior and senior high school students. They found that ethnicity
was the most predictive of overall identity status and most important to self-definition.
A recently developed measure by Phinney (1995) attempts to examine not only the
level of ethnic identity achievement but also the other components of ethnic identity such as
belongingness, behaviors such as involvement with one's own ethnic group and orientation
toward other groups. Phinney (1990) suggested that since there are so many components
of ethnic identity, measures need to take into account all of these factors. She further stated
that the issues involving measuring ethnic identity are confounded further by whether the
measures should be culture specific. Her measure is based on the theory that the experience
of ethnicity can be generalized across different cultures, that how much a person is affected
by his or her ethnic group membership and how much their ethnicity means to them are
independent of the actual cultural practices they follow. These factors such as specific
cultural practices have been used in measures designed to study ethnic identity as it relates
to acculturation (Cuellar, Arnold, & Maldonado, 1995, Felix-Ortiz, Newcomb, & Myers,
1994, Landrine & Klonoff, 1994).
Acculturation
From the psychological perspective, acculturation is seen as the changes that occur
within an individual when two cultures come in contact with each other (Berry, 1980).
Berry (1980) suggests that the process of acculturation, where two groups meet and
exchange ideas and values, is tumultuous and fraught with conflict, because one naturally
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assumes a dominant position, or the historical factors that precipitate the connection
necessarily involve a domination. Three basic phases of contact, conflict, and adaptation
will occur. A number of different phenomena occur, especially with the technological leaps
today, and cultures come into contact with each other (e.g. when people emigrate, when
governments make diplomatic maneuvers to take over other nations, or when refugees take
asylum in a place other than their place of origin). The very nature of all of these contacts
suggests that there is always one dominant culture and the other one is subservient to that
'host' culture. Therefore conflict arises. Over a period of time, the two cultures tend to take
on each others' values and ideas and adaptation occurs.
Cuellar, Jasso, and Harris (1980) designed a measure of acculturation based on the
premise that this process is an ongoing one when individuals migrate to a different culture.
Complete assimilation takes generations to accomplish. Contrary to Berry's (1980) theory
this model assumes that assimilation is the only process that will eventually occur. Berry's
model takes on a multidimensional view wherein groups deal with conflict by moving
toward, against or away from the dominant culture. This is done by retaining one's original
culture or not, and by maintaining a positive or negative relationship with the dominant
group, and a third dimension which is the group's right to choose options. The
Acculturation scale (Cuellar, Arnold,& Maldonado, 1995) measures how much the target
group is assimilated into the majority culture and how much they attempt to retain their
cultural distinctness. Theories of acculturation acknowledge that when two cultures come
into contact there is a process of acculturation that both go through. Whether the migration
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is voluntary or involuntary, there is something in the nature of a tug of war that ensues with
the initial confrontation being somewhat antagonistic. How the process continues and
whether the minority culture is positively assimilated is described in Berry's (1980,1989)
theory.
The Relationship_of Acculturation with Academic Achievement and Psychosocial
Adjustment
The process of acculturation has also been studied in connection with the effects it
has on individuals’ psychological adjustment and academic performance. Ogbu (1988) has
further suggested that the group's right to choose options affects the way minorities react to
the social situation, particularly the academic situation in which they find themselves in the
host culture. He suggests that the reason, for instance, Asian-American students do better in
their academic work than their African-American counterparts lies in the fact that the
migration of the former was a voluntary one as opposed to the tatter's. While this
categorical classification fits the fate of the African Americans to some extent, it does not
hold for the other immigrant populations, whose options in coming to the U.S. cannot be
dichotomized. Certainly history provides a lesson in the case of the African-Americans
who were brought to the U.S. under extreme conditions, and Ogbu's theory might give
some explanation for their present academic and social adjustment in the light of their
history. However, what it fails to explain is the differences in academic performance
between other ethnic groups based on this concept of volition. Immigration and
acculturation are far more complex processes than this theory suggests. When a family or
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individual chooses to migrate, there are several circumstances that precipitate this decision
and each of these factors can lie along a whole scale of optionality or volition. The
dynamics of each individual, and cultural situation in this context cannot be represented
categorically. Therefore, the acculturation measure (Cuellar, Jasso & Harris, 1980) and the
ethnic identity measure (Phinney, 1990) pick up sufficient multidimensionality on the
acculturation and perception of the group's position in relation to the majority culture and
one's own relation to the minority and majority groups.
Studies done on different minority groups have shown that individuals’ levels of
acculturation are linked to their academic achievement Ramos and Sanchez (1995)
studied a group of rural Mexican-American high school students to understand how
acculturation, SES, and academic achievement affected their level of academic aspiration.
Their results showed that acculturation mediated how much emphasis the students placed
on their future academic success.
In a similar vein, Kim and Chun (1994) argued that the Asian 'collectivistic' attitude
with its emphasis on diligence, effort and discipline contributes to the traditionally
renowned academic success of the Asian-American student This indicates that even after
migrating to the U.S., the Asians’ traditional collectivistic attitude contributes to their
academic performance.
Rosenthal and Feldman (1991) studied the factors that contribute to school
performance among 237 first and second generation Chinese immigrant students, 96
Anglo-Australians, and 149 Euro-Americans at 16 years of age. Their results showed that
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Chinese-Americans reported more academic effort than the other groups and higher grades
as measured through GPA than their American, but not their Australian counterparts. These
results indicate that there is some difference in academic performance between different
ethnic groups. While this difference is a white versus Eastern culture difference in terms of
academic effort, there is a difference in performance where Euro-Americans perform worse
than Chinese-Americans and Anglo-Australians. We could conclude that there may be
some factor in Asian households that contributes to the value placed on academic
achievement.
Chiu, Feldman, and Rosenthal (1992) conducted two binational cross sectional
studies with 494 15-18 year-olds to examine how parental behaviors, adolescent distress,
and the relationship between these two variables is affected by immigration. First and
second generation Chinese immigrants were compared to their Euro-American counterparts
as well as their counterparts in their culture of origin (Hong Kong) on their ratings of
parental warmth, control and involvement, and their own emotional distress and
psychosomatic symptoms. In the second study the same group of Hong Kong Chinese
were compared to 1st and 2nd generation Chinese-Australians,and Anglo-Australians.
They found that immigration affected the ratings of control and involvement but not
warmth. In addition immigration was not at all related to emotional distress or
psychosomatic symptoms. These results suggest that immigration might be a trigger that
the parents perceive as a threat to their socialization practices and therefore increase their
control and involvement in their children's lives. Contact with the new culture leads them
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to first respond with aversion, and an attempt to preserve their own culture. Their attempt
to control their children's lives more than they would have in the home culture is evidence
of this. However, warmth is unaffected. The parents do not undergo any change as
individuals, only within the context of the perception of a threat to their values.
LaFromboise, Coleman and Gerton (1993) have argued that the linear model of
biculturalism is erroneous. In a review of the literature they propose that the alternation
model deserves better attention and that individuals are able to gain competence in two
cultures without losing their own cultural identity or choosing one culture over the other.
They suggest that biculturalism is not just a sequential process of losing one culture while
one acquires another, but that individuals can become bicultural in much the same manner
as they might acquire bilingualism.
Further links have also been found between higher acculturation levels and social
success. Manaster, Chan, and Safady (1992) studied 151 Mexican-American high school
students who were academically successful and unsuccessful. They found that those who
were successful showed higher levels of acculturation and greater urbanization than did
those who were unsuccessful. Several other mediating factors, however, such as SES
(which was examined as one of the dependent variables) and volition/choice (Ogbu, 1988)
might account for this outcome which in any case is extremely correlational. Indeed on the
basis of their data it is not possible to draw a conclusion as to whether acculturation levels
cause higher academic aspirations and achievement, whether higher academic achievement
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causes greater or faster acculturation or whether both are the result of some third related
factor.
Gibson (1987) compared 44 Punjabi and 42 White students, and found that parental
involvement, greater academic effort, and longer exposure to the US school system
contributed to greater academic success among Punjabi students. Again this study does not
clarify in which direction the causality lies and certainly the role of acculturation was not
directly overtly analyzed.
Besides academic achievement, a number of psychological adjustment variables
have been studied in relation to acculturation. Pawliuk, Grizenko, and Chan (1996) study of
48 children from 34 families found that children of “assimilated” parents demonstrated the
highest social competence. Children's assimilation was seen as rebelliousness though, as
compared to integration which was looked upon more favorably by parents.
Thomas (1995) discussed the gamut of acculturative stresses that make up the whole
scene of psychosocial functioning for the immigrant individuals and families. She found
that the stressors include a new language, economic hardship and value differences. When
individuals migrate to a new country they are subject to several different stressors which
include but are not limited to the adjustment to speaking a new language, possible financial
strain on the family, and cultural differences as manifested in the difference in values and
norms.
In a slightly different light, Heras and Ravilla (1994) found that the antagonistic
demands of the American culture led to worse psychological functioning among
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second-generation Pilipino-Americans than their first-generation counterparts who were
firmly ingrained in the 'old' ways.
The exact opposite results had been found by Gil, Vega and Dimas (1994). Using
4,296 Hispanic adolescents they found that the stresses of acculturaton had more powerful
effects on self-esteem of immigrant rather than native bom subjects. This implies that
acculturative stress affects minorities less as generations progress.
Parsee Culture
It is important to note that since there are only two relevant published articles about
the Parsees in the psychological research literature (Ray, 1983,1986), I have relied on my
own experience as a Parsee immigrant as well as theological, religious, and sociology
publications. Ray (1983) remarked appropriately that the Parsee struggles with fate while
the average Indian submits with resignation. The Zoroastrian religion embraces a strong
work ethic, and education is highly valued (Bose & Khullar, 1978).
Zoroastrianism is one of the oldest organized monotheistic religions of the world
(Eduljee, 1982, Olmstead, 1948). The prophet Zarathushtra is believed to have received
enlightenment in Persia, and with the help of the King Cyrus spread the religion in Persia.
With the Arab invasions of Persia, and the fall of the Achaemenid Empire (Olmstead,
1948), the Zoroastrians were forced to convert to Islam. Historical accounts (Olmstead,
1948) hold that many groups of Zoroastrians fled the region over a long period of time.
Folk lore says that a few believers fled the region by sea and landed on the West coast of
India, in what is now the state of Gujerat, and were granted refuge by the then ruler Jadhav
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1 8
Rana in about 1300 A.D. Since then the Parsees, as they are now known, for the region of
Pars from where they undertook their journey, have become an integral part of the Indian
minority population.
It is believed by some, that the reluctance of the king to grant them refuge resulted
in a promise by the Parsees that they would not convert the Hindus to their religion. Other
traditionalists believe that the precept of non-conversion is an integral part of the religion
itself and that the Prophet in essence rediscovered the traditional 'Mazdayasni1 religion
which may be followed as the birthright of those bom into this race. The policy of
non-conversion has resulted in not only a separate religious identity, but also a distinct
ethnic identity. Traditional Parsees believe that the religion of the Iranian Zoroastrians who
attempted to practice the religion within the secrecy of their homes in Iran, was diluted by
the Islamic influence. Thus the only true Zoroastrianism exists in India where traditional
rituals and fire temples are allowed to exist in communal harmony with the other faiths and
minorities. Undoubtedly, much of the Gujerati culture influenced the Parsees. This is to be
seen in the traditional dress, foods, and language. But all of these were adapted with a
special distinguishing twist.
In Ogbu's (1988,1989) terms, the Parsees' first migration, from Iran to India, was an
involuntary one. The second, from India to the U.S., is somewhat harder to classify in his
migration scheme. When the British colonized the Indian subcontinent, the Indian majority
became a subjugated group in their own homeland. This could be described in Ogbu's
scheme as an involuntary minority where the exposure to a new culture was forced upon the
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1 9
existing culture. However, the Parsees continued to thrive. Most Parsees adopted Western
education and influence and flourished socially and financially. Some Parsee industrialists
took the helm of this Westernization and established small economic empires.
These Parsee industrialists founded several altruistic scholarship funds as well as
built housing for their compatriots with foresight and loyalty to the community. In major
cities in India today, especially in Bombay, there are many collections of buildings that are
architecturally and geographically distinct. Although the Parsees are no longer the most
affluent, they have established trust funds to provide for their poor, sick, senior, and
otherwise disadvantaged members. In addition, the scholarship funds continue to provide
for education of the youth based on need as well as on merit. In a land where there is
almost 70% illiteracy, the Parsees can boast of almost 100% literacy (Bose & Khullar,
1978).
Parsee affluence and ambition leads them to now look for greener pastures abroad.
Several families and students have migrated and settled in England, North America,
Australia, and other places. They are distinct from the Hindu and Muslim Indian majority
because of their religious origin and non-conversion traditions. They may also be different
because of their constant awareness that they migrated from Iran. Despite the fact that that
migration occurred close to 600 years ago, the dogma of nonconversion keeps the idea of
these roots very much alive. On the other hand, Parsees share very few cultural similarities
with their co-religionists who have also migrated to the West from Iran.
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20
There are about 400 Parsee Zoroastrian families living in Southern California. The
task of raising children in the United States today is already a difficult one. This little
minority faces the added challenge of raising ethnically conscious children. Since identity
formation is an important issue in adolescence, this study attempts to examine how cultural
identity is experienced by the Parsee teenager, how parents impart Parsee values, and how
religious and cultural identity contributes to or detracts from adolescents' adjustment in
social settings at home and in school.
The research (Sodowsky & Carey, 1987; Yao, 1989; Ramisetty-Mikler, 1993; Kaul,
1983; Wakil, Siddique & Wakil, 1981; Lalonde, Taylor & Moghaddam, 1992) suggests that
Indian parents in general are greatly concerned about inter-racial marriages and the negative
effects of dating. While they migrate in search of educational opportunities and economic
advancement, they are keenly aware of the challenges their ethnic identity faces in the West.
Religious identity is one of the major components of the Parsee ethnic identity.
Therefore a religiosity scale was developed to measure the level of faith and rituals
practiced by the individual families. The author's own experience with the religion, and
co-religionists' concurrence helped her to identify the levels described in this Likert scale.
The choices described were scaled according to the author’ s knowledge of the religion and
concurrence with other Parsees.
While there are some distinct similarities between the Jewish and Parsee
communities, there are some differences as well. Like the Jewish community, that of the
Parsees is based on a common religion and common place of initial origin. Like the small
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21
section of orthodox Jews who believe in non-conversion, traditional Parsees do not allow
those people who are not bom Zoroastrian into the religion. In addition, both communities
fled their native land to escape persecution, but the Parsee Zoroastrians were fortunate to
find a welcome in India where they lived peacefully for 300-400 years. The Jews on the
other hand were persecuted in many of the places they settled and ended up surviving the
most devastating holocaust the world has ever seen.
There are other minorities in India such as Sikhs and Muslims who have engaged in
riots and massacres with the Hindus for centuries. Yet the Parsees have remained largely
uninvolved in the strife. Whether this peacefulness is a result of historical circumstance, or
whether it is one characteristic of the Parsee psyche that is carried on in the cultural
parenting practices, is another question this study wishes to address. Some indicators might
lie in the differences experienced in the acculturation process. Given the stress of
acculturation, and depending on the cognitive styles of the groups involved, aggression,
resistance and reactance might very well result.
Based on the literature reviewed above, the following hypotheses were proposed:
first based on the work of Ogbu (1993) and Oyserman, Gant & Ager(1995) who found that
ethnic identity and minority group status determines the level of school achievement, it was
expected that higher levels of ethnic identity would be related to adolescents’ higher school
achievement and to lower levels of acculturation.
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22
Second, based on Phinney’s work, adolescents’ and their parents’ levels of
acculturation, identification, and religiosity were expected to predict adolescents’ global self
worth.
Third, exploration levels on ego identity issues were expected to predict ethnic
identity achievement (Phinney, 1990).
Method
Participants
Thirty-two Parsee teenagers (13 males and 19 females) and one of their parents (30
mothers and 2 fathers) participated in the study. These individuals constitute the bulk of the
Parsee teenagers in the Southern California region. They were identified from membership
in Zoroastrian associations in the area as well as by word of mouth referrals. The teenagers
were between the ages of 13 and 18 years (M = 15.75 years). Where there was more than
one child within that age group in a family, the one who was in the center of this age range
participated. Mothers were usually interviewed as a representative of the families’
parenting practices, and in two cases where the mother was unavailable or unwilling, the
father was interviewed. The parents were all identified as Parsee immigrants and the
teenagers were either bom in the U.S. or had emigrated here with their parents.
Procedure
Interviews were carried out mostly in the subjects homes with the parent and the
teenager separately. After explaining the purpose and nature of the study, parental and
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2 3
teenager consent was obtained. The interviews took a total of about an hour and forty
minutes: an hour with the adolescents, forty minutes with the parent
Each teenager was given 4 measures and the parents were given three.
The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992) was used to
assess the teenagers’ and parents’ levels of ethnic identity. This measure assesses the
feeling of oneness with one's own group and a feeling of separateness from other groups.
Interviewees are asked to rate each statement on a scale from one strongly disagree to five
strongly agree on 20 items. The measure yields five scores: total self identification,
affirmation and belongingness, ethnic identity achievement, ethnic behaviors, and other
group orientation. The scores range from one to five. (See Appendix 1 for a copy of this
measure.)
The Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans (Cuellar & Harris, 1980)
was adapted for the Parsees. The scale comprises 16 Likert choice items ranging from one
very Parsee, to five very anglicized/acculturated. (See Appendix 2 for a copy of this
measure.)
The Harter Self Perception questionnaire (1980) was completed by each teenager.
This scale provides subjects with 45 polarized statements which they are asked to rate as
being “very true” or “somewhat true” of themselves. Each item is scored from one to four.
The scale yields scores for global self worth, social acceptance, athletic competence,
scholastic competence, romantic appeal, morality/conduct, physical appearance, and close
friendship. (See Appendix 3 for a copy of this measure.)
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Religiosity was examined using a questionnaire which asked the teenagers and
parents to rate the importance of their religion on a scale from 1 to S. Reliability was
obtained by requiring the subjects to also rate the importance of other dimensions of their
life (roles e.g. I am a son/daughter, I am a good person, I am a student, etc.). The purpose
of this was to correct for stringency, leniency, or central tendency across subjects. The
rating for Parsee/Zoroastrian roles was divided by the average importance rating across all
roles for each subject to obtain a score for religious significance. In addition, subjects were
asked to rate their religious practices on a Likert type scale. To develop the scale the author
utilized her own knowledge of the religion to determine the rituals practiced. Some
consultation with other Parsee Zoroastrians was also used. This scale captures the two
dimensions of religiosity as: a belief in the divine, and the importance given to rituals and
practices. (See Appendix 4 for a copy of this measure.)
Academic competence was measured using the end of term school reports (grades).
Results
Means and standard deviations were computed for each of the variables and their
components. For example, total multigroup ethnic identity, affirmation and belongingness,
ethnic identity achievement, ethnic behaviors, and other group orientation were calculated
for each subject using the MEIM. Parents' total MEIM was significantly higher (M = 4.23;
SD = .48) than teenagers' total MEIM scores (M = 3.98; SD = .58) at_p<.05 using bootstrap
samples of trimmed means and M-estimators to obtain confidence intervals as well as with
regular t-tests.
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Table 1
Means. Medians. Trimmed Means. Standard Deviations and Ranges for all variables
MEAN MEDIAN TRMEAN STDEV MIN MAX
parent religiosity 3.59 3.50
parent acculturation 2.28 2.25
parent total MEIM 4.23 4.30
child religiosity 2.95 3.00
child acculturation 3.09 3.06
child total MEIM 3.98 4.10
GPA 3.40 3.56
self worth 3.26 3.10
ego identity - career 2.71 3.00
ego identity - 2.61 2.00
religion
ego identity - politics 2.36 2.00
ego identity - 2.57 2.50
friendship
ego identity - dating 2.50 2.00
ego identity - sex 2.46 2.00
roles
3.62 0.96 1.33 5.00
2.29 0.32 1.44 2.81
4.24 0.48 3.20 5.00
2.98 0.79 0.80 4.40
3.09 0.49 1.69 4.19
4.00 0.58 2.71 4.80
3.45 0.63 1.80 4.30
3.25 0.39 2.75 4.00
2.69 0.71 2.00 4.00
2.42 1.50 1.00 4.00
2.35 0.62 1.00 4.00
2.54 0.63 2.00 4.00
0.84 2.00 9.00
2.42 0.64 2.00 4.00
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Table 1 (contd.)
MEAN MEDIAN TRMEAN STDEV MIN MAX
parent affirmation 4.72 4.90 4.74 0.37 3.80 5.00
parent ethnic achieve 4.05 4.15 4.06 0.66 2.71 5.00
parent ethnic behav. 3.76 4.00 3.81 1.11 1.00 5.00
parent other gr.omt 3.98 4.05 4.02 0.82 2.00 5.00
child affirmation 4.37 4.70 4.41 0.71 2.60 5.00
child ethnic achieve 3.77 3.90 3.78 0.59 2.70 4.70
child ethnic behavior 3.74 4.00 3.75 0.85 2.00 5.00
child other grp.omt 4.56 4.70 4.57 0.40 3.80 5.00
school competence 3.18 3.20 3.20 0.56 1.80 4.00
social acceptance 3.06 3.10 3.07 0.52 2.00 4.00
athletic competence 2.41 2.20 2.41 0.82 1.00 4.00
physical appearance 2.76 2.80 2.76 0.69 1.40 4.00
job competence 3.13 3.00 3.13 0.54 2.40 4.00
romantic appeal 2.49 2.20 2.48 0.71 1.40 4.00
morality/conduct 2.99 2.80 2.98 0.44 2.40 4.00
close friendship 3.34 3.40 3.36 0.58 2.00 4.00
parent parsee import. 1.07 1.09 1.07 0.29 0.25 2.00
child parsee import 1.07 1.08 1.08 0.23 0.48 1.61
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The trend, that parents scored higher than their children, remained for all the
variables that were examined in parents and children. Parents had higher scores on
affirmation and belongingness (M = 4.72; SD = .37), ethnic identity achievement (M =
4.05; SD = -66), and ethnic behaviors (M = 3.76; SD =1.11) than their children (affirmation
and belongingness: M= 4.37; SD = 71; ethnic identity achievement: M = 3.77: SD = .59;
and ethnic behaviors: M = 3.74; SD = -85). The scores on affirmation and achievement
were found to be significantly different for parents and their children using dependent t-tests
(affirmation:! (28) =2.4, p = .02; achievement: 1(28) = 2.12, p = .04). Using robust
methods these scores were not significantly different. Why this would happen is somewhat
unclear because the robust methods generally offer greater power than t-tests. But in this
case the M-estimator and the 20% trimmed mean of the difference between parents’ and
children’s scores had a confidence interval that included zero. The difference between
parents’ and their children’s scores on ethnic behavior was not found to be significant using
any of the methods. On other group orientation teenagers scored higher (M = 4.56; SD =
.4) than their parents (M = 3.98; SD = .82). This difference was found to be significant
using means (1 (28) = -3.41, p = .002), as well as bootstrap confidence intervals of M-
estimators and trimmed means (See Table 2).
Parents had higher religiosity scores (M = 3.59; SD = .96) than teenagers (M = 2.95;
SD = .79). This difference was significant (1(31) = 3.86, p = .0006). It was also significant
when using the M-estimator and 20% trimmed means as measures of location. (See Table
2)
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Table 2
D ifference Between Parents* and-Teenams! scores on Religiosity. Acculturation and Ethnic Identity
Variable Mean Confid interval Confid interval
of M-estimator of Trimmed m
Religiosity .74** 2 3 ,1.09 .4,1.12
Acculturation -.79** -.93,-.58 -.88, -.56
Ethnic Identification 23* -.14, .4 -.17, .44
Affirmation .33* -.17, .49
Achievement .25* -.13, .47 -.03, .51
Ethnic Behavior .04 -.46, .85
Other group orient -.58**
1
©
so
•
-j
Teenagers had higher acculturation scores (M = 3.09; SD = .49) than their parents
(M = 2.28; SD = .32). Using t-tests this difference was significant (I (31) = -9.26, jl= .00).
This difference was also found to be significant using bootstraps to compute a 95%
confidence interval for the M-estimator and the 20% trimmed mean.
Based on Phinney's (1990) methods for the purpose of obtaining a continuous
variable only the exploration dimension was used to assess ego identity in each of the areas.
The means for exploration in each of these domains were M = 2.71 (SD= .71) for career, M
= 2.36 (SD = .84) for religion, M =2.36 (SD = .62) for politics, M = 2.57 (SD = .63) for
friendship, M =2.5 (SD = .84) for dating, and M =2.46 fSD = .64) for men’s and women’s
roles. It is interesting to note, though, that out of the 32 subjects 14 were classified as
'foreclosed' on the religious domain. No reliable scores can be reported on the domain of
dating because only 6 teenagers interviewed had any experience with it. The average
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2 9
exploration in this domain was 2.5 (SD = .83). Self reported GPA averaged at 3.40 (SD =
.63) in the semester previous to the one the subjects were interviewed in. On the Harter Self
Perception Profile, the means were M =3.26 (SD = .39) for global self worth, M-3.18 (SD
= 1.8) for school competence, M_= 3.06 (SD = 2) for social acceptance, M = 2.41 (SD = 1)
for athletic competence, M = 2.76 (SD = 1.4) for physical appearance, M = 3.13 (SD = 2.4)
for job competence, M = 2.50 (SD = 1.4) for romantic appeal, M = 3.0 (SD = 2.4) for
morality/conduct, and M =3.34 (SD = 2) for close friendship.
To test the hypothesis that parent and child acculturation, ethnic identity, and religiosity
levels would affect the teenagers' academic performance a regression analysis was
conducted. There were no significant findings. None of the variables: parent acculturation,
child acculturation, parent total ethnic identification, child total ethnic identification, parent
and child religiosity were significant contributors to GPA. However, teenagers' ethnic other
group orientation was found to be significantly related to GPA. Other group orientation
accounted for 10.6% of the variance in GPA (E=4.32, p<.05). (Also see Figure 1).
Table 3 Relationship, of Parent and C hild-Ethnic Identity
to Adolescent Self W orth
Least Squares Regression Analysis
Coef. t-value
P
Intercept 2.73 4.79 .000
Parent ethnic ident -.37 -2.85 .009
Child ethnic ident .52 4.61 .000
R-square = 45.2%
E = 11.33 p<.001
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3 0
A second regression analysis was performed on parent and child ethnic self-
identification against teenagers' global self worth. Parent and adolescent ethnic
identification accounted for 45.2% of the variance in adolescent self-worth (F=l 1.33,
p<.001). (See Table 3)
Third, a modified bounded influence m-regression (Wilcox, in press) was used to
analyze the data. This is a robust regression method that holds up well under
non-normality, as well as when there are outliers in the data. However, this failed to reveal
significance. Correlation matrices were obtained for the data based on percentage bend
correlations using 20% trimming (Wilcox, 1996).
A least squares, as well as a bounded influence m-regression analysis, was also run
on the ego identity exploration data with ethnic identity achievement scores, but they were
found to be non-significant.
Two-dimensional smoothers were applied to the data in an attempt to discover any
non-linear relationships that might exist in the data (Wilcox, 1996; Staudte & Sheather,
1990). The data reported here are fairly homogenous with few trends. Besides the fact that
GPA was found to relate to adolescents' other group orientation, there is an interesting
relationship of GPA to adolescents' total ethnic identification scores. A linear regression
analysis would not have picked up this curvilinear relationship. It appears that low and high
ethnic identification scores are positively related to high academic competence, but
moderate levels of ethnic self identification predict the lowest GPA. There is some
relationship between GPA and teenager's religiosity levels. Perhaps with a larger sample
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3 1
Table 4 (A)
Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend Intercorrelation of parent and teenager religiosity, acculturation, ethnic self-
parent parent parent adolesc adolesc adolesc adolesc
religios accultur. identif. religios accult identif GPA
parent accult -0.50*
parent identif 0.44* -0.31
adolesc relig .53** -.42* .06
adolesc accult -.13 .48* .00 -.15
adolesc identif -.07 -.13 .32 .09 -.41
GPA -.16 .22 -.33 .10 -.19 .07
self-worth -.13 -.10 -.17 .05 -.55** .63** .28
Table 4(B)
Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend Intercorrelations of GPA. self worth, parent and child ethnic affirmation,
ethnic identity achievement ethnic behaviors, and other group orientation
gpa selfwort parent parent parent parent adolesc adolesc adolesc
affirm achieve eth beh. other affirm achieve eth beh
selfworth .28*
parent aff -.23 .08
par. ach. -.22 .03 .39*
par. beh -.23 -.33 20 .48*
par. other .06 .31 .32 .16 -.28
adol affir -.10 .59* .33 .24 .09 .39
adol achv .06 .54* .37 .51** .12 .35 .67**
adol beh .29 .42* .08 .18 .04 .06 .23
adol other .43* .25 -.19 -.07 -.19 .20 .04
* p<.05 **p<.01
.44*
.06 .33
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Table 4(C)
Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend Intercorrelations of self-worth, school competence, social acceptance-
athletic competence, physical appearance, job competence, romantic appeal, moralitv/conduct and close
friendship
self school social athletic physical job romantic morality
worth comp accept comp. appearce compet
sch comp .26
social accept .13 .02
athletic comp .13 .15
l
©
00
physical app .53** -.05 -.02 .24
job competenc .33 .53 .01 26 .32
romantic app .08 .06 .26 .25 .43 .19
morality .27 .52 .35 -24 -.12 .19
close friendsh .33 .35 .19 .01 .08 .33
Table 4 (D)
Trimmed (.2) Percentage Bend Intercorrelations of ethnic identity achievement with ego identity
exploration levels
for career, religion, politics, friendship, dating and men’s and women’s roles
ethnic career religion politics friendship dating
identity
career 0.28
religion 0.24 0.22
politics -0.05 0.26 0.12
friendship 0.34 0.39 0.55** 0.18
dating -0.17 -0.22 -0.43 -0.21 -0.20
gender roles 0.27 0.59** -0.01 0.22 0.49*
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3 3
this might be observed. Teenagers' level of acculturation, on the other hand, appears to be
somewhat negatively related to GPA.
In summary, self-worth was significantly related to acculturation, and ethnic
identity. Academic performance was significantly related to adolescents' “other group
orientation”. Some other trends were also noted.
Discussion
It was hypothesized that the level of acculturation would predict academic
competence. While this was not found, it was interesting to note that “other group
orientation”, a subscore in MEIM, significantly predicts GPA. Ogbu (1993) purports that
the 'involuntary' minorities perform poorly in school because they do not accept the
majority culture as their own and that their academic non-performance is a symbol of their
revolt against their situation. In this way they are taking a stand against the “primary
culture”, and its values. In Ogbu’s research (1993) minority subjects’ poor grades reflect
their negative orientation toward the majority culture. This is exactly reflected in the results
of this study. Those adolescents who are less positively oriented toward the American
culture are less likely to do well in school than are adolescents who are more positively
oriented. However the phenomenon appears, from this data, to be continuous, not
categorical, as Ogbu proposed.
The hypothesis that self worth would relate significantly to acculturation and ethnic
identity was also revealed by the data. The highest relationships were found between parent
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3 4
Figure 1
Smoothers showing the relationship between parent and child ethnic identity, acculturation, and religiosity
and teenagers* academic performance, and self worth
GPA
*
*
3.60+ * *
*
3.40+ * *
*
*
♦
3.20+ *
*
*
*
3.75 4.00 4.25 4.50 4.75 5.00
Adolescent other group orientation
GPA
*
3.68+
3.52+
*
* *
*
*
*
*
*
*
3.36+ *
*
-+-
1.50 1.80 2.10 2.40 2.70
Parent acculturation
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3 5
Figure 1 (contd.)
GPA
3.75+
*
3.50+ * * *
* * * * *
*
* * *
3.25+ * *
*
3.00+
2.80 3.20 3.60 4.00 4.40 4.80
Teenager total self identification
GPA
4.40+ *
4.00+
3.60+
3.20+
* *
*
* * * *
* *
3.15 3.50 3.85 4.20 4.55 4.90
Parent total self identification
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Figure 1 (contd.)
GPA
C26 - * *
* * * * * * *
* * * * * * * *
3.0+ *
2.0+
1.0+ *
— +--------- + + + + +_
1.40 2.10 2.80 3.50 4.20 4.90
Parent religiosity
GPA
* * *
3.50+ * * * *
* *
*
* * * *
* * * *
3.00+
2.50+
*
_ + ----------- H ------------ +---------- +-----------+-----------+ —
0.70 1.40 2.10 2.80 3.50 4.20
Adolescent religiosity
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3 7
Figure 1 (contd.)
GPA - *
6.0+
*
*
4.0+ *
* * * * * * •
* * * * * * *
*
2.0+
*
1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.0
Adolescent acculturation
and child total self identification. Parent self-identification was found to relate negatively
with self-worth and teenage self-identification was found to relate positively. This finding
means that as teenagers' ethnic identification increases, so does their global self perception.
An identification with the ethnic group serves to enhance their self image. However their
parents' self-identification serves to reduce their sense of self- worth. Perhaps this is
because parents who identify extremely with the Parsee subgroup tend to be more
controlling and authoritarian than those who are less concerned themselves with retaining
their identity, and more with how their children will fare as minority adolescents, and their
adjustment in this country.
No significant relationships were found between ethnic identity achievement and
ego identity achievement perhaps because of the very small range of ego identity
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3 8
exploration scores. The exploration levels on the ego identity interview did not offer
enough variation. That combined with the small sample resulted in non-significant
findings. It might be expected that a positive relationship would exist between the two
when the measures are more sensitive, and the sample larger and more heterogeneous.
The smoothers (see Figure 1) revealed some trends in the data as well. These results
indicate that when parents are somewhat bicultural in their approach, children fare the best,
especially as far as their academic performance is concerned. When parents approach their
roles in the immigrant context with some flexibility, the pay-off is high.
Teenagers' total self-identification showed a somewhat curvilinear relationship with
their GPA. This suggests that children who identify very strongly with their ethnic group,
as well as those who are the other extreme of the ethnic self identification scale, perform the
best in academic situations. Those who identify moderately with their ethnic group perform
the least well. This relationship is obviously undetected using both least squares and robust
regression methods since they can only pick up linear, and at best monotonic relationships
between variables. This can be explained in the light of the different research examined
above. On the one hand, Ogbu and others suggest that those minorities who identify with
the host culture (and therefore consequently are less involved with their own group)
perform better academically. On the other hand, research on Asian minorities has revealed
time and again that these cultures value academics greatly and the home environment is
geared toward strong academic goals. In the course of the interviews with both teenagers
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3 9
and their parents it was revealed that this is certainly true of the Parsees. They place a
strong emphasis on education.
Parents' religiosity levels also seem to be related to children's self-worth in a
curvilinear fashion. Those parents who are highly religious and those who are not religious
at all have children with higher academic performance than those who are moderately
religious.
Adolescent self-worth also appears to be negatively related to their own
acculturation levels. Highly acculturated or anglicized adolescents appear to view
themselves less favorably than those who are less acculturated. Perhaps a sense of
belonging to the Parsee community helps elevate their sense of self-worth. Related to this,
teenagers who demonstrate high levels of ethnic self-identification reveal higher levels of
self-worth. This further reinforces the idea that their ethnicity gives them a more positive
self-perception. Their identification with the minority group contributes to their self
esteem.
Close examination of the smoothers suggests that there might be some positive
relationship between adolescent religiosity and GPA where those teenagers who are more
religious also perform well at school, but this is indicated very slightly by the data.
There were some problems with the data. The sample size was small. Almost the
entire Parsee population in Southern California was interviewed, yet data analysis falls apart
with n<30 especially with conventional least squares analyses. Robust methods failed to
salvage the situation perhaps also because of the homogeneity of the data. The variation in
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4 0
the data was not sufficient to allow for more significant analyses. Most of the families
interviewed are from middle class socio-economic backgrounds, quite religious, and value
education extremely. During the interviews, it was revealed that most parents resort to
explanation as a form of disciplining their children and that they are most concerned about
what they consider their traditional Parsee and Indian values: respect, education, and
endogamy. In addition, most of the parents are themselves highly educated: 28 of the 32
couples have at least a Bachelor’ s degree, and 27 adolescents have at least one professional
parent.
Certainly one of the most important extensions to the study would be to get a larger
sample of Parsees from all over the United States to see whether these trends hold up.
Conclusion
This study has uncovered some interesting preliminary results about a small
minority who has never been examined in the psychological literature. Although the
sample size was small, it is highly representative of the Parsee community. There are some
exciting further possibilities for studying people who are twice migrants, and those who
have emigrated from a country where also they were in the minority. An obvious
contribution of these sorts of endeavors is the recognition of the challenges faced by ethnic
minorities in raising their children, and what there might be to learn in these practices.
The logical next step will be to compare this group with a group of matched White
adolescents, and a group of Parsees in India. It will be interesting to see whether these
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4 1
individuals are any different in terms of adjustment from the control groups, and what
factors contribute to the differences.
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4 2
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Appendix 1
ED:
MEIM
DATE:
4 8
In this country people come from a lot of different cultures and there are different words to
describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come from. Some examples
of the names of ethnic groups are Mexican-American, Hispanic, Black, Asian-American,
American Indian, Anglo-American, and White. Every person is bom into an ethnic group,
or sometimes two groups, but people differ on how important their ethnicity is to them, how
they feel about it, and how much their behavior is affected by it. These questions are about
your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react to it.
Please fill in:
In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be________________
Use the numbers given below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each
statement
5. Strongly agree 4. Somewhat agree 3. Neutral 2. Somewhat disagree 1. Strongly
disagree
1.1 have spent time trying find out more about my own ethnic group, such as its
history, traditions, and customs.
2 .1 am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my
own ethnic group.
3 .1 have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me.
4 .1 like meeting and getting to know people from ethnic groups other than my own.
5 .1 think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership.
6 .1 am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.
7 .1 sometimes feel it would be better if different ethnic groups didn't try to mix
together.
8.1 am not very clear about the role of my ethnicity in my life.
9 .1 often spend time with people from ethnic groups other than my own.
10.1 really have not spent much time trying to learn more about the culture and
history of my ethnic group.
11.1 have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.
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4 9
Use the numbers given below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each
statement
5. Strongly agree 4. Somewhat agree 3. Neutral
2. Somewhat disagree 1. Strongly disagree
12.1 understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me, in
terms of how to relate to my own group and other groups.
13. In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other
people about my ethnic group.
14.1 have a lot of pride in my ethnic group and its accomplishments.
15.1 don't try to become friends with people from other ethnic groups.
16.1 participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music
or customs.
17.1 am involved in activities with people from other ethnic groups.
18. I feel a strong sense of attachment towards my own ethnic group.
19.1 enjoy being around people from ethnic groups other than my own.
20.1 feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.
Write in the number that gives the best answer to each question.
21. My ethnicity is______
1. Asian, Asian American or Oriental
2. Black or African American
3. Hispanic or Latino
4. White, Caucasian, European, not Hispanic
5. American Indian
6. Mixed, parents are from two different groups
7. Other (write in):_________________________
22. My father’ s ethnicity is (use numbers above)_____________
23. My mother’ s ethnicity is (use numbers above)_____________
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5 0
Scoring
Ethnic Identity
The total score is derived by reversing negative items (indicated by R), summing across
items, and obtaining the mean (Items 1 ,2 ,3 ,5 ,6 ,8R, 10R, 11,12,13,14,16,18, and 20).
Subscales are as follows: Affirmation and Belonging (Items 6,11,14,18 and 20), Ethnic
Identity Achievement (Items 1,3,5,8R, 10R, 12, and 13), and Ethnic Behaviors (Items 2,
and 16). Ethnic self-identification (open-ended response), ethnicity (Item 21) and parents'
ethnicity (Items 22 and 23) are not scored but used as background information.
Other group orientation:
Scored as above (Items 4 7R, 9 ,15R, 17 and 19).
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5 1
Appendix 2
Acculturation Scale for Parsee Zoroastrian Americans
Please circle the number next to the answer that BEST fits the question
1. What language do you speak?
1. Farsi or Gujerati only
2. Mostly Farsi/Gujerati, some English
3. Farsi/Gujerati and English about equally (bilingual)
4. Mostly English, some Farsi/Gujerati
5. English only
2. What language do you prefer?
1. Farsi or Gujerati only
2. Mostly Farsi/Gujerati, some English
3. Farsi/Gujerati and English about equally (bilingual)
4. Mostly English, some Farsi/Gujerati
5. English only
3. How do you identify yourself?
1. Parsee Zoroastrian
2.1.5 generation Parsee Zoroastrian
3. Zoroastrian American
4. Indian/Pakistani American
5. Anglo American or other
4. Which ethnic identification does (did) your mother use?
1. Parsee Zoroastrian
2.1.5 generation Parsee Zoroastrian
3. Zoroastrian American
4. Indian/Pakistani American
5. Anglo American or other
5. Which ethnic identification does (did) your father use?
1. Parsee Zoroastrian
2.1.5 generation Parsee Zoroastrian
3. Zoroastrian American
4. Indian/Pakistani American
5. Anglo American or other
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5 2
6. What was the ethnic origin of your friends and peers you had as a child up to age 6:
1. Almost exclusively Parsees
2. mostly Parsees
3. about equally Parsees and other ethnic groups
4. mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other ethnic groups
5. almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other
ethnic groups
7. What was the ethnic origin of your friends and peers you had from age 6 to 18 years?
1. Almost exclusively Parsees
2. mostly Parsees
3. about equally Parsees and other ethnic groups
4. mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other ethnic groups
5. almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other
ethnic groups
8. Whom do you now associate with in the outside community?
1. Almost exclusively Parsees
2. mostly Parsees
3. about equally Parsees and other ethnic groups
4. mostly Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other ethnic groups
5. almost exclusively Anglos, Blacks, Hispanics or other
ethnic groups
9. What is your music preference?
1. only Indian/Pakistani
2. mostly Indian/Pakistani
3. equally Indian/Pakistani and English
4. mostly English
5. English only
10. What is your movie preference?
1. Indian/Pakistani movies only
2. Indian/Pakistani movies mostly
3. equally Indian/Pakistani and English
4. English language movies mostly
5. English language movies only
11. Where were you bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
Where was your father bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
Where was your mother bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
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5 3
Where was your father's mother bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
Where was your father’ s father bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
Where was your mother’ s mother bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
Where was your mother's father bom? India/Pakistan U.S. other
12. Where were you raised?
1. In India/Pakistan mostly
2. mostly in India/Pakistan, some in the U.S.
3. equally in the U.S. and India/Pakistan
4. mostly in the U.S., some in India/Pakistan
5. in the U.S. only
13. What contact have you had with India/Pakistan?
1. raised for one year or more in India/Pakistan
2. lived for less than one year in India/Pakistan
3. occasional visits to India/Pakistan
4. occasional communications (letters, phone calls etc.) to India/Pakistan
5. no exposure or communications with people in India/Pakistan
14. What is your food preference?
1. Exclusively Parsee/Indian food
2. mostly Parsee/Indian food, some American
3. about equally Parsee/Indian and American
4. mostly American food, some Parsee/Indian
5. exclusively American food
15. In what language do you think?
1. Only in Farsi/Gujerati
2. mostly in Farsi/Gujerati
3. equally in Farsi/Gujerati and English
4. mostly in English
5. only in English
16. Can you read Gujerati/Farsi? yes no
Can you read English? yes no
Which do you read better?
17. Can you write in English yes no
Can you write in Gujerati/Farsi? yes no
Which do you write better?
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5 4
18. If you consider yourself an Indian, Indian-American, 1.5 generation Indian, or Parsee
Zoroastrian, or however you identify this group, how much pride do you have in this
group?
1. extremely proud
2. moderately proud
3. little pride
4. no pride but no negative feeling toward the group
5. no pride and negative feeling toward the Parsee community
19. How would you rate yourself?
1. Very Parsee
2. mostly Parsee
3. bicultural
4. mostly anglicized
5. very anglicized
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5 5
Appendix 3:
What I Am Like
Really Sort of Sort of
True True True
for Me for Me for Me
Sample Sentence:
a) Some teenagers like to go to BUT Other teenagers would
the movies in their spare rather go to sports events
time
1. Some teenagers feel that BUT Other teenagers aren’t so
they are just as smart as sure and wonder if they are
others their age as smart
2. Some teenagers find it hard BUT For other teenagers it’s
to make friends pretty easy
3. Some teenagers do very well BUT Other teenagers don’t feel
at all kinds of sports that they are very good
when it comes to sports.
4. Some teenagers are not BUT Other teenagers are happy
happy with the way they with the way they look,
look
5. Some teenagers feel they are BUT Other teenagers feel that
ready to do well at a part- they are not quite ready to
time job handle a part-time job
6. Some teenagers feel that if BUT Other teenagers worry that
they are romantically when they like someone
interested in someone, that romantically, that person
person will like them back won’t like them back.
7. Some teenagers usually do BUT Other teenagers often don’t
the right thing do what they know is right
8. Some teenagers are able to BUT Other teenagers find it hard
make really close friends to make really close friends
9. Some teenagers are often BUT Other teenagers are pretty
disappointed with pleased with themselves,
themselves.
10. Some teenagers are pretty BUT Other teenagers can do their
slow in finishing their school work more quickly,
school work.
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Really
True
for Me
5 6
Really Sort of
True True
for Me for Me
Sort of
True
for Me
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
Some teenagers have a lot of BUT
friends
Some teenagers think they BUT
could do well at just about
any new athletic activity
Some teenagers wish their BUT
body was different
Some teenagers feel that BUT
they don’t have enough
skills to do well at a job
Some teenagers are not BUT
dating the people they are
really attracted to
Some teenagers often feel BUT
guilty about certain things
they do
Other teenagers don’t have
very many friends/
Other teenagers are afraid
they might not do well at a
new athletic activity
Other teenagers like their
body the way it is.
Other teenagers feel that
they do have enough skills
to do a job well.
Other teenagers are dating
those people they are
attracted to.
Other teenagers hardly ever
feel guilty about what they
do.
17. Some teenagers can be
trusted to keep secrets that
their friends tell them
BUT Other teenagers have hard
time keeping secrets that
their friends tell them.
18. Some teenagers don’t like
the way they are leading
their life
BUT Other teenagers do like the
way they are leading their
life.
19.
20.
21.
Some teenagers do very well BUT
at their classwork
Some teenagers are very BUT
hard to like
Some teenagers feel that BUT
they are better than others
their age at sports
Other teenagers don’t do
very well at their classwork.
Other teenagers are really
easy to like.
Other teenagers don’t feel
they can play as well.
22. Some teenagers wish their
physical appearance was
different
BUT Other teenagers like then-
physical appearance the way
it is.
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Really
True
for Me
5 7
Really Sort of
True True
for Me for Me
23. Some teenagers are proud of BUT
the work they do on jobs
they get paid for
24. Some teenagers feel that BUT
people their age will be
romantically attracted to
them
25. Some teenagers are usually BUT
pleased with the way they
act
26. Some teenagers don’t really BUT
have a close friend to share
things with
27. Some teenagers are happy BUT
with themselves most of the
time
28. Some teenagers have trouble BUT
figuring out the answers in
school
29. Some teenagers are popular BUT
with others their age
30. Some teenagers don’t do BUT
very well at new outdoor
games
31. Some teenagers think that BUT
they are good looking
32. Some teenagers feel that BUT
they could do better at work
they do for pay
33. Some teenagers feel that BUT
they are fun and interesting
on a date
Sort of
True
for Me
For other teenagers, getting
paid is more important than
feeling proud of what they
do.
Other teenagers worry about
whether people their age
will be attracted to them.
Other teenagers are often
ashamed of the way they
act
Other teenagers do have a
close friend to share things
with.
Other teenagers are often
not happy with themselves.
Other teenagers almost
always can figure out the
answers.
Other teenagers are not very
popular
Other teenagers are good at
new games right away.
Other teenagers think that
they are not very good
looking
Other teenagers feel that
they are doing really well at
work they do for pay.
Other teenagers wonder
about how fun and
interesting they are on a
date.
Really
True
for Me
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
5 8
Really Sort of
True True
for Me for Me
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
Some teenagers do things BUT
they know they shouldn’t do
Some teenagers find it hard BUT
to make friends they can
really trust
Some teenagers like the kind BUT
of person they are
Some teenagers feel that
they are pretty intelligent
Some teenagers feel that it’s
really important to do the
best you can on paying jobs
Some teenagers usually
don’t get asked out by
people they would like to
date
Some teenagers usually act
the way they know they are
supposed to
BUT
Some teenagers feel that are BUT
socially accepted
Some teenagers don’t feel BUT
that they are very athletic
Some teenagers really like BUT
their looks
BUT
Some teenagers don’t have a BUT
friend that is close enough
to share really personal
thoughts with
Other teenagers often don’t
act the way they are
supposed to.
Other teenagers do have a
close friend that they can
share personal thoughts and
feelings with.
Sort of
True
for Me
Other teenagers hardly ever
do things they know they
shouldn’t do.
Other teenager are able to
make close friends they can
really trust
Other teenagers often wish
they were someone else.
Other teenagers question
whether they are intelligent
Other teenagers wish that
more people their age
accepted them.
Other teenagers feel they are
very athletic.
Other teenagers wish they
looked different
BUT Other teenagers feel that
getting the job done is what
really counts.
BUT Other teenagers do get asked
out by people they really
want to date.
45. Some teenagers are happy
being the way they are
BUT Other teenagers wish they
were different
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
Really
True
for Me
5 9
Appendix 4
Religiosity
ID:________________________________ DATE:
1. What does being a Zoroastrian mean to you?
2. How important is it within the scheme of your life?
3. Rate the following in importance on a scale from 1 to 5 with 5 being very important and
1 not important at all.
I am an Indian
I am an American
I am a Parsee
I am a Zoroastrian
I am a student
I am a good person
I am a good son/daughter
I am a good parent
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
60
(4) How often do you pray?
1. never
2. once a year or oftener
3. once a month or oftener
4. once a week or oftener
5. everyday or oftener
(5) What prayers do you pray?
1. Just silent spiritual time
2. Pray in English or Gujerati
3. Pray the kusti prayers
4. Pray the kusti prayers and the Sarosh Baj
5. Pray other prayers such as the Gahs, Yashts and Nyash's
(6) How would you rate your knowledge of the Zoroastrian calendar?
1------2------ 3-------- 4 --------5
none complete
(7) How would you rate your belief in the Zoroastrian calendar?
1 ------2------ 3-------- 4 --------5
none complete
(8) Do you observe not eating meat on specific days of the month or during the Bahman month?________
(9) Do you plan special events/trips by the 'good' days of the month?________
(10) Do you wear your sudreh-kusti (barring the time you bathe)?
1. Never
2. Sometimes - when attending a function or such
3. Often - take it off occasionally when wearing certain clothes etc.
4. Almost always - take it off only under dire circumstances
5. All the time
(11) Do you have a prayer table?________
Do you light a divo?_______
If yes, how often?______________
(12) Do you observe purity rituals?
1. Not at all
2. Do not enter the agiary/dar-e-mehr/religious functions when menstruating
3. Do not pray at all when menstruating
4. Have special utensils/bed/clothes when menstruating
5. Do your kusti every time before praying in case contact with someone/something unclean has been made.
R eproduced with perm ission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without perm ission.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Bhadha, Bakhtawar Rayomand
(author)
Core Title
Ethnic identity in Parsee teenagers
School
Graduate School
Degree
Master of Arts
Degree Program
Psychology
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
anthropology, cultural,OAI-PMH Harvest,psychology, developmental,sociology, ethnic and racial studies
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Farver, JoAnn (
committee chair
), Manis, Franklin (
committee member
), Wilcox, Rand (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-10985
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Bhadha, Bakhtawar Rayomand
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texts
Source
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Tags
anthropology, cultural
psychology, developmental
sociology, ethnic and racial studies