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An examination of the factors that affect education vs non-education career choices of Asian Pacific Americans in higher education
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An examination of the factors that affect education vs non-education career choices of Asian Pacific Americans in higher education
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AN EXAMINATION OF THE FACTORS THAT AFFECT
EDUCATION VS NON-EDUCATION CAREER CHOICES
OF ASIAN PACIFIC AMERICANS IN HIGHER EDUCATION
by
Penny Lee Chin
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2001
Copyright 2001 ^ Penny Lee Chin
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U M I Number: 3054720
Copyright 2001 by
Chin, Penny Lee
All rights reserved.
_ ___
UMI
UMI Microform 3054720
Copyright 2002 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
Ail rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
ProQuest Information and Learning Company
300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
School of Education
Los Angeles, California 90089-0031
This dissertation, written by
Penny Chin
under the direction of h^x-Dissertation Committee, and
approved by all members of the Committee, has been
presented to and accepted by the Faculty of the School
of Education in partialfulfillment of the requirementsfor
the degree of
D o c t o r o f E d u c a t io n
June 7. 2
Dissertation Committee
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ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
List of Tables and Figure iv
Abstract vi
Chapters
I. THE PROBLEM 1
Introduction 1
Problem Statement 2
Purpose 3
Research Questions 3
Assumptions 4
Limitations 4
Organization of the Remainder of the Dissertation S
n. REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE 7
Overview 7
Theoretical Background 8
Demographics and Diversity of APAs 25
Academic Achievement of APAs 28
Occupational Choices of APAs 40
APAs in Education 51
Summary of Chapter 64
m . METHODOLOGY 66
Overview 66
Description o f Methodology 67
Sample Population 68
Instruments 77
Data Collection 82
Data Analysis 83
Methodological Assumptions 85
Limitations 86
Summary of Chapter 86
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TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued)
Chapters Page
IV. RESULTS 89
Student Questionnaire Responses 89
Educator Interviews 110
Student Interviews 125
V. DISCUSSION 133
Overview of the Study 133
Research Questions and Answers 134
Recommendations 148
Conclusions 150
REFERENCES 152
APPENDICES 167
A. Student Questionnaire 167
B. Interview Guide Topics for APA Educators 173
C. Interview Guide Topics for APA Students 175
D. Study Introduction Letter 178
E. IRB Approved Informed Consent 181
F. Figure Caption 185
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IV
LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES
Table
1: Survey Demographic Data by Career (Educators and Non-educators)
and Ethnicity 73
2: Survey Demographic Data in Non-educator Career Subgroups and
Ethnicity 74
3: Demographics of Educator Interviewees 75
4: Demographics of Student Interviewees 76
5: Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions
on Parental Role 91
6: Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on
Self-determination and Ranking of Other Factors 92
7 : Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on
Teachers and Role Models 94
8: Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on
Teaching Skills and Preferences 96
9: Comparison o f Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on
Assertiveness and Educational Environment 98
10: Analysis of Variance Comparison of Educator and Non-educator
Subgroup Responses to Parental Role and Self-determination Questions 101
11: Analysis of Variance Comparison of Educator and Non-educator
Subgroup Responses Teacher Role Questions 102
12: Analysis o f Variance Comparison of Educator and Non-educator
Subgroup Responses to Questions on Teacher Skills 104
13: Analysis of Variance Comparison of Educator and Non-educator
Subgroup Responses to Questions on Assertiveness and
Educational Environment 106
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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES (continued):
Figure
1. Correlation of language spoken to parents and generation
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vi
Penny Lee Chin Linda S. Hagedom, PhD
ABSTRACT
AN EXAMINATION OF THE FACTORS THAT AFFECT CAREER CHOICES
OF EDUCATION VERSUS NON-EDUCATION FOR
ASIAN PACIFIC AMERICANS IN HIGHER EDUCATION
Although Asian Pacific Americans (APAs) represent substantially large
numbers o f students enrolled in leading U.S. higher education institutions, they are
underrepresented in administrative roles and teaching positions where their
knowledge and experience would benefit America’s diverse students.
The purpose of this study was to identify the factors that discouraged APAs’
choice of pursuing teaching or administration in higher education using quantitative
and descriptive research techniques. The perceptions and experiences of APA
students and educators were examined to determine possible causal-comparative
relationships with career choices and outcomes.
Purposeful and snowball sampling were used to obtain APA students enrolled
in California public and private universities in education and non-educational fields
including social work, business, and health-related fields. Students were of Filipino,
Vietnamese, Thai, Cambodian, Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean, and Japanese
ethnicities. In addition, an in-depth ethnographic approach was used to examine APA
students, professors, and administrators in higher education.
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vii
Students in education and social work differed from those in business, health,
and other fields. They had less parental influence regarding their career choice, more
self-determination, more involvement o f role models, more classroom participation,
and a more positive impression of their educational experience. However, education
students differed from social work students in the ease in speaking in front of an
audience and in the need for good or APA teachers as role models. Interviews of
educators and students validated the involvement of parents and role models in
career choice. In addition, support from peers, supervisors and colleagues was
important in overcoming barriers present in the educational system and in the
ultimate achievement of career goals.
Three specific strategies to attract, recruit, and prepare APAs for higher
education careers are: (1) outreach programs for the parents of APA students
regarding career opportunities in education, (2) programs to build assertiveness skills
and self-confidence; and (3) programs to improve the educational experience. In
addition, similar studies may examine the participation of other underrepresented
groups in teaching fields and leadership roles in higher education.
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CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
Introduction
Public higher education and postsecondary degrees have been offered as a
path to opportunity for all Americans (Tierney, 1997). Asian Pacific Americans
(APAs), who have succeeded in large numbers to gain access to undergraduate
colleges and universities in the United States (U.S.), have embraced this ideal.
Although APAs represent less than 5% of the national population (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000a), their enrollment is represented by substantially larger numbers in
leading institutions across the country, from 19% at Harvard, to 12% at Yale to about
half at the University of California campuses of Berkeley, Irvine, and Los Angeles
(Moore, 1989, Hong, 1998). However, APAs are underrepresented in higher
education administrative roles and tenured teaching positions. Astin (1998) found
that only 3.5% of all full-time faculty in U.S. colleges and universities are Asian.
Esqueta and O’Brien (1991) reported that 40% are foreign nationals and 41% are
tenured. Further, APAs hold only 1.2% o f executive and managerial positions in
higher education in the U.S. (Wilds, 2000). Hence, Nakanishi (1996) observed,
“There is a substantial decline in the numbers of Asian Pacific Americans .. .as one
moves up the academic pyramid” (page xx). Therefore, in the new millennium, one
challenge facing higher education institutions is the development of college
leadership and tenured faculty that better reflects the growing diversity o f the student
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2
population or at least represents the heterogeneity of the general population.
Furthermore, a significant resource of academically successful and capable educators
is available but under-utilized in the education of students and as role models for
future generations of Americans. In addition, a more democratic and equitable
education is necessary to provide the optimum teaching and learning for all students.
The Problem Statement
Of degrees conferred in the field of education, APAs earned only 1.5% of
bachelor’s degrees, 1.8% of master’s degrees, and 6.4% of doctorate degrees in 1997
(Wilds, 2000). For APAs, whose culture highly reveres educational achievement,
what are the factors that discourage careers in education? Is this phenomenon due to
barriers related to the Asian culture, such as occupational choices or the process of
acculturation, such as socialization or attaining the level of English language
proficiency necessary for teaching or leadership roles? Are there factors in the
American society in which APAs find themselves that create barriers, e.g.,
discrimination or social barriers in meeting societal expectations? Certainly, both
internal and external factors may play a role. Although overt racism has been rare,
significant events have occurred in recent years that may indicate that negative
stereotypes and divisive attitudes persist in higher education. These have included
affirmative action admission policies at the University of California where the
exclusion o f APAs in studies of minority student population have occurred because
they were not considered “educationally disadvantaged” (Greve, 1996) and perhaps
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3
contributed to the current lack of sufficient Asian American representation in higher
education administration and among tenured faculty.
Purpose
The purpose of this study, therefore, was to examine the factors that influence
APAs’ choice of pursuing academic careers, specifically in higher education
administration and teaching. The decision to pursue or not pursue careers in
education and the circumstances that are at play were explored with APA higher
education students, faculty, and administrators.
This study provided greater understanding of the APA phenomenon of under
representation of administrators and tenured faculty. The factors that influence career
choices in education versus other fields were examined. Why that choice is made is a
significant question, particularly because improvement of APA under-representation
in higher education requires delineation of the factors involved. Implications for
future recommendations and strategies to attract, recruit, and prepare APAs to
teaching and leadership roles in higher education were formulated. Results of this
study may be used to develop strategies to improve the participation of other
minority groups in higher education as well.
Research Questions
The research questions were:
1. What factors promote or hinder career choices in education for APAs?
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2. What roles do culture and acculturation (e.g., individual choice,
parents/family, and mentors and role models, support of peers,
colleagues, and supervisors) play in achieving APAs’ career goals in
education?
3. How do cultural barriers affect career outcomes?
This study investigated the interactions and degree of influence of these factors
specifically for two groups: those who have chosen or are pursuing education
(“educators”) and those who are pursuing other fields (“non-educators”).
Quantitative as well as in depth descriptive research methods were used.
Assumptions
The following conceptual assumptions were central to this study: (a) Career
choices are purposeful or intentional decisions that can be described using
explorative techniques of interviews and questionnaires, (b) data generated from
these techniques possess construct validity, and (c) concepts such as discrimination
and cultural barriers can be explored.
Limitations
The lack of large numbers of available APA as students in education and as
faculty and administrators limited the scope of the investigation. The case study
approach allowed for in-depth examination of a small number of units across
multiple numbers of variables (Isaac & Michael, 1997). Finally, the accuracy of
responses of the participants in the study relied on their degree of self-awareness and
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5
willingness to provide full disclosure. Overall disadvantage of the interviews was
their retrospective nature that relied on memory of the respondent or the investigator.
Intervening events and bias were factors that are more likely over time.
APAs are a diverse group with many different ethnic subgroups. Specifically,
there are distinct cultural and philosophical differences between South Asians and
Pacific Islanders with East Asians and Southeast Asians. The former two groups
were not emphasized in this study although the term of Asian Pacific Americans
(APAs) was used. Therefore, conclusions reflected certain Asian American
subpopulations, specifically, Southeast Asians (Vietnamese, Cambodian, and Thai)
and East Asians (Chinese, Japanese, Taiwanese, Filipino, and Korean). Only APAs
who were college students in public and private universities and current or retired
educators were studied. Fields o f study for students and educators were limited to
education, social sciences, health related areas, and business. APA students in the
physical sciences or engineering were not actively recruited. In addition, since
participants were localized to California, findings cannot be generalized to other
areas in the U.S.
Organization of the Remainder of the Dissertation
Chapter II will present a review of relevant literature including (a) theoretical
background, (b) demographics, (c) academic achievements of APAs, (d) career
choices of APAs, and (e) APAs in higher education. Chapter III will describe the
proposed methods and procedures of data collection. Chapter IV will report the
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findings o f both qualitative and quantitative studies. Finally, Chapter V will discuss
the results and suggest further areas of study.
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CHAPTER H
REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
Overview
During the past two decades there has been an obvious growth and
diversification of the APA population in the United States. It is projected by the
University of California, Los Angeles, Asian American Study Center that the APA
population in the U.S., which is currently at 7.2 million, will reach nearly 20 million
by 2020 (Nakanishi, 1996). The most recent figures from the U.S. Census Bureau
show 11 million APAs, representing 4.1% of the total population, are present as of
September 1, 2000 (United States Census Bureau, 2000a). Consequently, in recent
years universities across the nation have reported an APA enrollment surge. Their
enrollment increase of 11.7% from 1988 to 1990 represents the fastest growing
ethnic group in higher education institutions in the United States (Evangelauf, 1992).
In 1997, associate degrees earned by APAs increased by a rate o f 9.8 percent per
year, and baccalaureate degrees increased by 7.4 percent (Chenoweth, 1998). By
contrast, the number of Whites receiving associate degrees has increased by only 0.7
percent annually, and the number receiving baccalaureate degrees has actually
declined by about 1.2 percent a year. Consequently, it is predicted that this
generation of APA students enrolled in institutions where many U.S. leaders have
been educated will contribute to the definition of American identity, similar to the
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manner of Jewish college students during the first half of the twentieth century
(Gordon, 1964).
This chapter will explore the phenomenon of APAs in the U.S. higher
educational system through review of the currently available research. The
theoretical basis of career development as related to APA and other minority groups
will be briefly presented. Background information will be presented to summarize
existing demographics and describe the growth, diversity and academic
achievements of APAs in higher education. A sociological perspective will then be
discussed to explain some of the factors influencing the educational development of
this minority group. Finally, the impact of these factors on education versus non
education career choices of APAs will be examined.
Theoretical background
Human Behavior and Personality
An investigation of the career choices made by APA men and women must
consider their backgrounds and experiences. Psychodynamic theorists believe that
genetics and environment have a direct effect on human behavior and personality
development. Specifically, relationships with parents and family especially in early
life influence their development (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993). Two psychodynamic
theorists, Freud and Erikson, emphasized the significance o f the role o f parents in the
early development o f the child (Wilson, Nathan, O’Leary, & Clark, 1996). Freud
theorized that the child learns the roles his parents use to interpret society’s
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9
expectations. Further, both conscious and unconscious factors influence the
individual’s behavior. Similarly, Erikson also observed that social and cultural
factors play a major role in shaping personality and behavior. According to his
theory, the individual must face challenges and resolve them at each stage in order to
achieve maturity in life. Hence, through the influence of the Asian family, the
individual’s perceptions, attitudes, and values may be shaped and finally revealed in
behavior and motivations, as well as aspirations, such as one’s career choice.
In addition, the culture within the APA family may have a greater influence
on the individual than the culture at large, especially in immigrant Asian families
with varying degrees of assimilation into the mainstream of American society.
Therefore, the members of the APA family may also be directly or indirectly
impacted by the influence of Confucianism (Xin, 1997). Confucius taught that
society is, by nature, based on unequal relationships. The wu fun, or five basic
relationships, puts people at appropriate levels: ruler/subject, father/son, older
brother/younger brother, husband/wife, and older friend/younger friend. In each case,
the lesser member of the dyad owes the other total loyalty, obedience, and respect.
Another Confucian teaching according to Xin (1997) is that the individual is
considered a member of a family rather than as an individual. This view explains the
prevalence o f collectivism present in all Asian cultures. Finally, there is the
Confucian belief that it is a virtue to work hard and conscientiously. This philosophy
has shaped Asian society for generations (Xin, 1997). The extent to which these
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ideas actually affect today’s Asian Pacific American students’ decisions on career
has not been extensively explored.
Better known is the attitude that ancient Asian society had towards education
(Michaleson, 1996). Indeed, ideal scholarly virtues were defined by Confucius in the
6lh century B.C. Men (not women) who succeeded in the competitive exams were
able to acquire government posts. Men had to possess a detailed knowledge of
established classical texts and an ability to write. Promotion only came through
successful achievement of a set of grades and ranks. They held a “passionate tenacity
in the retention of their jobs and the preservation of their investment in ... learning”
(Clayre, 1984) that was rewarded by the social structure from which it was
constructed. Hence, for thousands of years, the scholar or gentry was the highest and
most esteemed in Asian society. Likewise, teachers and other intellectually trained
individuals were given the highest respect. This attitude remains prevalent in Asian
society today and may explain the degree of encouragement and/or emphasis that
Asian parents place on their children towards academic achievement and the
expectation of their children’s obedience.
Asian Pacific American (APA1 and Career Development Theory
Traditional career theories have been developed by Euro-Americans who
have focused on understanding the behavior of White males (Brown & Brooks,
1996). However, there is a need for career theories that apply to all minority groups.
According to Leong and Gim-Chung (1995), three major theories on career
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11
development have dominated the field: (a) Holland’s person-environment or trait and
factor model, (b) Super’s life-span theory, and (c) Krumboltz’s social learning
theory. These three theories and Lent’s social cognitive theory will be reviewed to
provide further perspectives to the career choice o f minority and specifically APA
students.
Trait and factor theory. Holland’s trait and factor theory attempts to match
individual characteristics to occupational requirements. The choice of an occupation
reflects the person’s motivations, knowledge, and personality. Specifically, six types
of occupations are identified in the Holland scale of occupations. It has been
theorized that people seek work environments and occupations that match their
preferred traits. An overview of Holland’s theory is summarized as follows: In our
culture persons and environment can be categorized into distinct types: Realistic,
Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising, and Conventional. People seek out
environments that allow them to use their skills, abilities, express their attitudes and
values, and take on certain problems and roles. Most individuals’ personalities are a
composite of all the types, each having a unique combination. These types show
reliable characteristic behaviors, patterns of likes and dislikes, and values (Spokane,
1996).
Holland’s theory implies that one’s career traits are established at one point
in time and does not allow for influences that may occur, for example, as a result of
interaction with one’s environment. In Holland’s view culture influences career
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development primarily through its influence on personality, but he does not explain
the influence o f culture on the environment or the cultural socialization process
(Leong & Serafica, 1995), such as role modeling or the influences of teachers. In
addition, the validity of the instruments to measure an individual’s traits may be in
question when applied to non-white groups.
Leung, Ivey, and Suzuki (1994) applied Holland’s theory to state that the
career traits and personality characteristics of APAs pushed them toward the science
and technical occupational areas (which requires structure, logic, concrete, and
impersonal work) and away from occupations requiring forceful expression,
interpersonal interaction, and verbal and written communication. Using the Holland
Classification System, they found that 149 APA undergraduate students were more
likely to have considered Enterprising (involving forceful communication and
interpersonal influencing) and Conventional (e.g., clerical and business) jobs than
234 European American students of equivalent socioeconomic level. However,
contrary to the hypothesis there was no difference in Social type occupations. In two
other studies using Holland’s occupational categories, not only did the Investigative
predominate but was closely followed by the Social category with 25.8% and 25%,
respectively, (Kwak, 1980) and 30% and 21% (Leong, 1982) of Asian American
students choosing those occupations. It may be that Holland’s Social category is too
heterogeneous, consisting of jobs that involve only moderate amounts o f social
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contact (e.g., cook, dog catcher, editorial assistant) as well as those with a heavy
amounts (e.g., nurse, counselor, social worker).
By using the School and College Ability Tests (SCAT), the Strong
Vocational Interest Blank (S VIB), and the Omnibus Personality Inventory (OPI),
Sue and Kirk (1972) found that Chinese-American males were more interested than
European-Americans males in physical sciences, business, and technical trade than
in social sciences, sales, and other occupations that are largely language-dependent.
In contrast, Chinese-American females were more oriented toward domestic
occupations such as housewife, teacher, and secretary. These differences were
explained in terms o f adherence to traditional Chinese cultural values. Another study
compared Chinese-Americans with Japanese-Americans students (Sue & Kirk 1973).
The latter group did not indicate a greater interest in physical sciences or lesser
interest in the social sciences for the men. Similarly, the Japanese-American women
did not indicate a greater interest in domestic fields but rather a preference for
scientific, technical, and business fields which were similar to the Chinese American
males. The difference between the two groups was attributed to differential rates of
acculturation and assimilation although no measurement of these processes was
done. The impression was that Japanese Americans have a higher rate of
acculturation. However, they did find that Chinese and Japanese Americans feel
most uncomfortable with occupations that necessitate interaction communication.
Specifically, they are likely to avoid those occupations that require “forceful self
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14
expression, interaction with people, and communication in oral or written form” and
prefer “structured, logical, concrete and impersonal” work activities (Sue & Frank,
1973, p. 141).
Lifespan theory. Super’s life-span theory employs a long term,
developmental view in contrast to trait and factor theory. Super’s lifespan, life-space
approach suggests that individuals pass through stages of vocational development
involving developmental tasks at each stage similar to that of Erikson’s theory of
psychological development (Super, Savickas, & Super, 1996). “Super’s major
contribution to the trait and factor model was the convincing argument that a
measure of values, or what one wants, should be added to the traditional battery for
vocational appraisal, which has been dominated by measures of abilities and
interests” (Super et al, 1996, p. 138). However, although measures of career
development and values may be a realistic appraisal of one’s potential, they may also
be a reflection of perceived societal barriers and limitations to opportunities in the
job market (Naidoo, Bowman, & Gerstein, 1998). In addition, Leong and Serafica
(199S) state that minority groups such as APAs may progress through different
sequences from their European American peers and that the rates and ultimate
advancement levels may be influenced by societal barriers.
However, Super’s theory does provide a potential framework for
understanding career development for all ethnic groups in that it considers self-
concept as well as vocational maturity to be important factors in determining
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15
occupational choices (Brown, 1996). This theory also incorporates the construct of
role salience and thereby allows for consideration of cultural context. Salience refers
to the value that individuals place on life roles such as study, work, home, family,
leisure, etc., which is changeable over one’s lifetime (Sharf, 1997). Different cultures
have different conceptions of the family, gender roles, and family-work priorities and
relationships. Some cultures may experience greater salience in home and family
rather than work. Therefore, traditional career development theories may primarily
apply to individuals with low salience or high acculturation, that is, whose world
view is similar to values held by the dominant culture, but not to those with high
salience, that is, those whose world view is more ethnic specific (Sharf 1997).
Hence, the importance of considering personal identity factors is important in
understanding career aspirations. Leong and Chou (1994) found that
acculturation/ethnic identity did influence APAs’ vocational behavior and career
choices. This is further supported by Lee’s (1996) psychological study o f APA high
school students suggesting that one’s identity influences academic motivation and
career aspirations. Lee described three separate groups based upon the student’s self-
identification, which was influenced by his/her perceptions o f career opportunities,
education, and minority status: (a) Asian-identified students, (b) New Wavers, and
(c) Asian American-identified students.
Asian-identified students were diverse. In ethnicity they ranged from
American-born and immigrants from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, to refugees
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from Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. In social class they ranged from
merchant/middle-class to poor. They varied in English language skills and lived in
racially integrated neighborhoods as well as Little Saigon or Chinatown. Most have
incorporated their parent’s assertions that hard work and doing well in school is
necessary to succeed in this country. They usually had good relationships with
teachers because they were hard working, quiet, polite and respectful. Asian-
identified students were most like the model minorities described by the media, that
is, quiet, respectful of authority, and hardworking. Between classes these students
were found studying, talking about schoolwork, playing chess, or working on
computers. These students believed that obedience to their parents, education, and
hard work would bring them success and that success would bring respect from the
dominant white group. However, they also recognized that discrimination would
limit their potential. Instead of challenging discrimination they altered their
expectations to fit what they perceived to be their opportunities. Within this group
there were low achievers as well as high achievers. The low achievers tended to be
passed or were given higher grades than earned. Indeed, their failure to achieve was
usually attributed to their problems with the English language or to some previous
hardship or bad experience as a refugee.
Most New Wave students were ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese, or Cambodian
who arrived in the United States as refugees of working class and poor families. The
New Wavers did not view educational achievement as the key to success, were
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therefore erratic in school attendance and often made it their business to avoid school
work, preferring to hang around smoking, talking and listening to music. Lee notes
that they were oriented toward being accepted by their peers and “being cool.” They
considered their parents as “old fashioned” and not able to understand them. They
were the antithesis of the Asian model minority. They also tended to view
themselves as victims of prejudice that may have resulted from previous experiences.
Finally, Asian American-identified students were also diverse including
students from a range of ethnic groups (Korean, Chinese, and Vietnamese) and a
range of social classes. Most had been in the United States since they were young
children, a few were new immigrants of less than 5 years, and a few were American-
born. They were similar to the Asian-identified students in their belief that academic
achievement was desirable. Most were generally strong academic students. All were
high achievers but rejected the model minority label. Unlike the Asian-identified
students, they did not believe that education would bring them equal standing in the
United States. Unlike both the Asian-identified and New Wavers who felt they did
not have the power to question racism, they recognized racism and felt empowered
especially through their education to confront it directly. They would have liked to
improve conditions for all Asian Americans. Specifically, Asian-identified students
concentrated on occupations in medicine, engineering, computer science, or other
science-related fields, whereas Asian American-identified students were interested in
law, journalism, film, and ethnic studies in college.
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The identity choices of Lee’s groups did not appear to be dependent on
generation, place of birth, or language ability. Leong and Gim-Chung (1995) believe
that there may be great diversity in worldview, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status
that exists within groups as well. Therefore, race/ethnicity should not be used as the
primary indicator of career behavior, but instead the salient conditions of specific
group identity should be used.
Super’s theory incorporates the concept of career maturity. Career maturity is
the readiness to make career decisions (Lundberg, Osborne & Miner, 1997) and is
influenced by age, gender, race, ethnicity, locus of control, socioeconomic status,
and work salience (Naidoo et al, 1998). The interactions o f these factors affect the
individual’s ability to succeed in achieving successful career development. For
example, minority students may experience increased ethnic identity that may lead to
greater awareness of potential barriers (Perron, Vondracek, Skorikov, Tremblay, &
Corbiere, 1998). In addition, the lack o f access to occupational information, lack of
role models, or the perceived lack of employment opportunities may also influence
their career development (Lundberg et al. 1997). Other studies cite additional factors
that may lower career maturity for some student groups such as socioeconomic status
(Naidoo et al, 1998). Studies by Sharf (1997) and Rojewski (1994) suggest that
career exploration and planning may not apply to financially needy students who
may leave school to take jobs for economic survival. Rojewski’s study implies that
although low-income students may have high aspirations, the influence of
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19
environmental factors such as inadequate guidance, preparation, or role models may
affect the individual’s perception of his/her fit with career maturity and thus interfere
with goal achievement.
“For Asian Americans, Super’s theorizing offers a potentially useful
framework for conceptualizing the developmental sequence of career maturity and
its relationship to successful attainment of career developmental tasks through the
life span” (Leong & Serafica, 1995, p. 91). However, its emphasis on self-concept
may not be applicable to Asian culture that emphasizes a collective rather than
individualistic orientation present in Euro-American culture. In addition, Super et al.
(1996) admit that “the careers of racial-ethnic minorities are clearly underrepresented
in the research” (p. 147) as reviewed by Swanson (1992).
Social learning theory. Krumboltz’s learning theory indicates four factors that
influence career decision making: genetic endowment, environmental conditions,
and learning experiences (Mitchell & Kmmboltz, 1996). People form beliefs that
lead to career decisions as a result of the complex interactions of these factors.
Development of career preferences occurs as a result of people observing themselves
and assessing their performance and when observing people who are positively
reinforced for engaging in activities associated with certain occupations.
Krumboltz’s theory may explain the high frequency of certain occupations (such as
military, medicine, law) occurring in certain families. It also supplies the theoretical
basis for the emphasis on role models and mentoring. Although its applicability to
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20
minority groups has not been studied, the general observation that certain groups
tend to be concentrated in certain fields leads us to consider the role of learning
theory in addition to the constraints placed on certain groups. Leong and Serafica
(1995) point out that “research is needed to determine whether Asian Americans who
possess career maturity skills to a greater degree than their peers arrive at a career
choice more readily and with a higher degree of career certainty” (p. 97).
Social cognitive theory. Social cognitive career theory was intended to build
conceptual connections to integrate other career development theories (Lent, Brown,
& Hackett, 1996). The authors suggest the need to bridge related constructs such as
self-concept and self-efficacy. The theory identifies the interrelationships of personal
attributes and external environmental factors in career development and decision
making. Specifically, Lent et al. (1996) describe social cognitive career theory as a
complex “interplay of social cognitive variables (such as self-efficacy) with other
key person, contextual, and experiential/leaming factors, such as gender, culture,
support systems, and barriers” (p. 416).
Self-efficacy, a term described by Bandura (1986) as people’s beliefs about
their capabilities, is a result of the goals one chooses, but in turn, affects the goals
that one selects and the effort given in pursuit of those goals. The social cognitive
career theory extends Bandura’s general theory to the understanding of career
development. The individual’s self-efficacy beliefs and outcome expectations have a
major influence on behavior and potential achievement of goals. In other words, if
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21
individuals believe in their ability to undertake an endeavor and an expectation of the
outcome of that behavior, they will behave in ways that are likely to lead to success.
In addition, social cognitive career theory emphasizes the cognitive factors
through which learning experiences guide career behavior, and the interrelationships
of interests, abilities, and values. The theory defines vocational interests as people’s
likes, dislikes, and individual differences regarding various occupations that
determine career choice (Lent et al., 1996). Self-efficacy and outcome expectations
also directly affect the formation of career interests. The theory asserts that people
form an enduring interest in an activity when they view themselves as competent at it
and when valued outcomes are anticipated. Conversely, if negative or neutral
outcomes are anticipated, people are likely to fail to develop interests or sensing that
their self-efficacy is weak, will not pursue activities to develop the interest nor skills
needed.
According to the social cognitive theory, discrimination or bias also plays a
role. For some individuals, social barriers may determine the outcomes independent
of behavior. Lent et al. (1996) recognize that career development is not just a
cognitive volitional enterprise. External and internal barriers to choice, change, and
growth exist that may hinder or promote certain career paths. Factors such as culture,
gender, genetics and socio-cultural considerations also influence the range of career
options. Similarly, self-efficacy beliefs may be undermined by gender or racial
stereotypes. Therefore, individuals may not consider career options that they
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22
perceive are not truly open to them (Sharf, 1997). Fanner (1997) explains that the
fact that some individuals are able to persist and achieve in spite o f an unsupportive
environment may be attributable to high self-efficacy traits. However, “there is yet to
be research on the hypothesized means by which cultural socialization factors affect
the acquisition of career self-efficacy” (Lent et al., 1996, p. 398).
Arbona (1996) concludes that the self-efficacy theory may be the most
helpful construct to explore the career development of Hispanics in his studies of
their career development given the educational difficulties faced by many members
of this ethnic group. Likewise, Tang, Fouad and Smith (1999) state that Lent et al.’s
model with some modifications provides a useful theoretical framework for
explaining APA career choices. They found that self-efficacy, defined as adaptation
to mainstream culture, is influenced by acculturation, and itself influences interest
and career choice. Adding the factor of family involvement in APA career choice
provides better understanding. The role of acculturation is supported by that of
Leong and Chou (1994), who found that those individuals with higher acculturation
levels tend to choose less typical occupations, and those with lower acculturation
tend to choose more typical occupations. Therefore, highly acculturated APAs tend
to be more comfortable with U.S. culture and are thus more motivated to challenge
it. In contrast, for less acculturated individuals a more secure job offers an easy
entrance into the majority culture, especially if others have succeeded before them.
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Summary. Although the major career developmental theories often explain
the career development process, they employ assumptions derived from white,
middle-class values and norms such as relative affluence, access to education, access
to occupational information, and especially, work as a central value (Leong &
Serafica, 1995). They fail to include cultural variables such as generational status,
acculturation, ethnic identity, socioeconomic status, and perceived minority status
that are crucial to our understanding of minorities’ career development process. In
addition, Perron et al. (1998, p. 410) state, “the very notion of career development
may be inappropriate for some ethnic minorities.” For example, the value and
importance o f career development to people who are chronically underemployed or
unemployed, is not well understood and the research is often confounded by factors
of race and social class. Brown concurs that the impact of ethnicity is not treated
well by any theory he has included in his text (Brown, 1996).
The significant influence of ethnicity in the process of career development is
recognized as one aspect not always entirely considered by Westem-Eurocentric
career development theories and perspectives. For example, perceived barriers have
been identified as an important factor in career development in the formation of
occupational aspirations and have been employed in career counseling for minority
students (Hotchkiss & Borow, 1996). Luzzo (1993) found that the most significant
ethnic differences in student’s perceptions involved their perceptions of barriers
related to their ethnic group identity. In this study, Hispanic (20%) and African
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24
American students (33%) were more likely than students from other ethnic groups to
indicate the perceptions of ethnic identity barriers to their future achievement of
career goals, whereas, Caucasian Americans (<5%) perceived ethnic identity barriers
the least.
As career development theories are described an increasingly complex
understanding emerges suggesting that career choice and development are influenced
by a multiplicity of complex factors: personality including vocational interests;
individuals’ perception of themselves and the world (that is, self-concept,
racial/cultural identity, world view); socialization; external resources such as
vocational information, role models, mentors; and the salience of various life roles
and identity. Unfortunately, Osipow and Littlejohn (1996) concluded, “At present,
there is no single theory of career development that solely addresses the issues
pertinent to ethnic groups in the United States” (p. 256). In addition, the lack of an
existing career assessment instrument for APAs as a group has hampered the
development of an adequate theoretical framework (Leong & Serafica, 1995). Such a
theory must take into consideration the cultural context of the individual; be aware of
erroneous assumptions that all individuals in a culture have the same values, goals
and experiences; that race and ethnicity interact with gender and class; that the level
of acculturation and stage of ethnic identity development are important factors; and
that multiple subgroup memberships may exist simultaneously (Chandras, Eddy, &
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25
Spaulding, 1999). In addition, the theory needs to recognize the growth and diversity
of the APA ethnic group.
Demographics and Diversity of APAs
Demographics
Until the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed in December 1943, Asians
could not immigrate to the U.S. In past decades, migration waves have brought to the
U.S. large numbers of APAs so that by the end of the 1980s, Asian refugees
accounted for 75.2% of U.S. immigrants (Tokuyama, 1989). APAs are the country’s
fastest growing minority group, doubling its number each decade since 1970 from
1.5 million to 3.5 million in 1980, and finally to 7.2 million in 1990. According to
the latest national estimate for the previous decade, APAs continue to have the
highest rate o f population growth at 45% between April 1, 1990, and July 1, 1999,
more than any other race or ethnic group (U. S. Census Bureau, 2000b). It is
projected that their population will triple by mid>century, from 10.9 million in 1999
to 37.6 million in 2050. Under this scenario, its share of the total national population
would increase from 4% to 9%.
In 1999, most (i.e., 53%) APAs resided in the West (U. S. Census Bureau,
2000b). California had more APAs than any other state with 3.9 million in 1998 with
New York a distant second at 995,000, followed by Hawaii (757,000), Texas
(556,000) and New Jersey (453,000). The states with the highest concentration of
APAs were Hawaii (63% o f the total state population), California (12%), and
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26
Washington, New Jersey and New York (6% each). Indeed, 40% of the APAs in the
U.S. reside in California. Although the number of APAs residing in California
increased by 990,000 from April 1, 1990 to July 1, 1998, the states with the fastest-
growing APA populations were Nevada (a 106% increase), Georgia (95%) and
North Carolina (87%) (Campbell, 1996).
Certainly, California will continue to have the largest numbers with 5.1
million projected in 2005 and 9.1 million in 2025 (Campbell, 1996). By 2025, non-
Hispanic Whites are projected to comprise 33.7% of California’s population, down
from 52.6% in 1995. Interestingly, non-Hispanic African Americans would comprise
5.4% (compared with 6.9% in 1995). However, non-Hispanic APAs would increase
from 10.7% of the 1995 state population to 17.4% of the 2025 state population.
Persons of Hispanic origin are also projected to increase from 29.1% to 43.1% in
2025. When examining the rate of increase from 1995 to 2025, the rate for APAs is
the greatest at 153.4% compared with 130.6% for Hispanics.
Diversity
The race categories used to designate Asians (and all Americans) have
changed many times since the first United States census in 1790 (Lee, 1998). There
was no category for an Asian group in 1790. In 1890, Japanese and Chinese were
counted separately. Forty years later, Filipinos, Hindus, and Koreans were added to
the list and the Asian categories have been modified in each succeeding census. The
1990 Census form named six separate Asian ethnic groups (Chinese, Filipino,
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Korean, Vietnamese, Japanese, Asian Indian), along with three Pacific Islander
groups (Hawaiian, Samoan, Guamenian). But a number of U.S. residents wrote in
other Asian ethnic groups, in particular Cambodian, Hmong, Laotian, Thai,
Bangladeshi, Burmese, Pakistani, and Malaysian. Therefore, “Americans from more
than 29 Asian ethnic groups were enumerated in the 1990 Census” (Lee, 1998, p. S).
However, projections by the Census Bureau defines the APA group as “non-
Hispanic Asian Pacific” as compared with “non-Hispanic White,” “non-Hispanic
Black,” and “Hispanic” (Campbell, 1996) and other reports continue this distinction
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2000a, 2000b and 2000c).
The APA community can be considered and classified into four general
ethnic groups (Trueba, Cheng, & Ima, 1993): (a) Pacific Islanders, consisting of
Fijian, Guamenian, Hawaiian, Marshall Islander, Melanesian, Palauan, Samoan,
Tahitian, Tongan, Trukese, and Yapese; (b) Southeast Asians, such as Hmong,
Indonesian, Khmer, Laotian, Malayan, Mien, Singaporean, Thai, and Vietnamese;
(c) East Asians, consisting of Chinese, Japanese, Taiwanese, Filipino, and Korean;
and (d) South Asians, consisting of Bangladeshi, Bhuanese, Burmese, Indian, Nepali,
Pakistani, Sri Lankan, and Sikimese. For the purposes of this review, because of the
distinct cultural, religious, and philosophical differences between South Asians and
Pacific Islanders with East Asians and Southeast Asians, the former two groups will
not be emphasized. The term of Asian Pacific Americans will include East Asians
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and Southeast Asians. Chinese American or Japanese American will be named if
those are the only subjects examined in the study.
Within each ethnic group, variations exist overtly in components such as
cultural values, philosophy, beliefs, religion, family and social class and the
accompanying values and norms embedded within. Within each subgroup,
differences also exist based on years since immigration into the U.S. and differences
in acculturation, which influence language acquisition and readiness for participation
in the educational system and American society. All these variations contribute to the
diversity within each APA group (Pang, 1990).
Therefore, the concept of APA has become an increasingly inadequate label
in describing a diverse people whose origins extend from East Asia to Southeast Asia
and include a multiplicity of languages and cultures with generations ranging from
recent refugees to fourth and fifth generation Japanese and Chinese Americans. This
demographic diversity of APAs suggests the need for institutions to consider the
conditions of refugees, recent immigrants, and the native-born Americans in more
than two dozen ethnic subgroups (Magner, 1993).
Academic Achievement of APAs
Census data show high levels of college enrollment and achievement for
APAs (Escueta & O’Brien, 1991). In 1980, 33% of APAs had at least four years of
college. By 1990, the proportion rose to 40% compared to 23% of whites. In 1999,
42.4% of APAs aged 25 or older had attained either a college or professional degree,
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compared with 27.7% of non-Hispanic Whites, 15.5% of blacks, and 8.9% of
Hispanics (Newburger & Curry, 2000). APA high school graduates had the highest
rate of qualification (72.7%) in 1992 for four-year colleges (Wirt, 1998). In 1996,
they had the highest rate of college graduation for any ethnic group, including
Whites, and accounted for 8.4% of all initial post-baccalaureate degrees (Wilds &
Wilson, 1998).
In 2000, the concentration of APAs in the state of California is estimated at
12% (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000c). However, APAs constitute a disproportionate
segment of the student population in its universities and colleges, with up to 41% of
the undergraduates at the University of California, Berkeley campus, 40% at Los
Angeles (U.C.L.A.), 58% at Irvine, and 43% at Riverside (Wilbur, 1998). In the
private colleges of Stanford and the California Institute of Technology, they
represent 24% and 27%, respectively.
The academic success of such a large segment has been difficult to explain.
Beyond the general observation that as a group, APAs do demonstrate exceptional
achievement patterns, there is little in terms of research findings that can explain the
factors that account for their achievement level (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Research on
heredity, culture (including social class, family values, and child-rearing practices),
educational experiences, and personality have yielded only inconclusive results (e.g.,
Portes, 1999). Cultural factors have been difficult to test without confounding factors
that lower possible correlations (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). It is also important to
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30
explain the myth of the “model minority.” However, demographics and certain
geopolitical and sociocultural forces play a role and will be discussed in more detail.
Genetic Factors
Hsia (1988) suggests that as a whole, APAs appear to exhibit greater aptitude
for mathematics than Whites. Most have attributed the difference to variations in the
parents’ socioeconomic status, children’s access to educational resources at home
and in schools, and culture (Kao, 199S; Chen & Stevenson, 1995). As Sue and
Okazaki (1990) conclude, “the hypothesis that Asians are genetically superior in
intelligence would appear to be refuted by empirical data” (p. 915). However, even
in a poor family the ability to do well on certain tests may result in the development
of high levels of educational expectations and subsequent achievement. This appears
to be the case with APAs of Chinese, Korean, and Southeast Asian ethnicity but not
with Filipinos nor Japanese (Goyette & Xie, 1999) nor Hispanic, African-Americans,
and Native Americans (Mau, 1995).
There is great variation in educational attainment, suggesting that other
environmental factors are playing a role. Hune and Chan (1997, as cited by Woo,
2000) show the 1990 college enrollment prevalence of APA persons aged 18-24 with
Laotians and Pacific Islanders varying from 26-30%, to Hmong, Cambodian,
Filipino, Vietnamese, and Thai varying from 32-53%, Korean, Asian Indian,
Japanese and Chinese varying from 60-67%. Similar to economic status, there is a
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bimodal distribution of academically successful Asian Americans and a large
collection of undereducated APAs.
Effect of gender. Gender-role identity in APA women was examined by
Chow (1987), who studied 161 Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Filipino women for
occupational attainment, work satisfaction, and self-esteem. APA women who
scored high on the masculine scale had a higher level of occupational attainment than
those who scored high on the feminine scale. A higher level of occupational
attainment will result in a higher level of self-esteem and work satisfaction. On the
other hand, APA women who score high on the feminine scale also score higher in
both self-esteem and work satisfaction. This has been attributed to the stronger
emphasis of femininity in women in Asian culture (Leong & Gim-Chung, 199S).
Chow concluded that both masculine and feminine qualities are important for the
career development and psychological well being of APA women.
APA females are more likely to choose academic post-high school
destinations than males (Dixon, Fukuda, & Ignacio, 1972). Brandon (1991) notes
that young APA females attain a high level of education more quickly than males
and found this to be true particularly among the immigrant generation. As the role of
females in the dominant society has been changing, so have APA female students. In
the 1972 study of Sue and Kirk, Chinese-American females were more oriented
toward domestic occupations such as housewife, teacher, and secretary than White
females. In contrast, in 1994 Leung et al. observe that APA women were more likely
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32
to pursue nontraditional occupational aspirations when compared to European
American undergraduate women. Similar findings are obtained by Mau and Bilko
(2000). Therefore, if APA females simultaneously hold high education aspirations as
well as traditional values and gender roles, they may experience conflicts due to
expectations to maintain traditional roles as wife and mother. Trying to
accommodate the husband’s career and maintain traditional gender roles related to
the family may limit her educational aspiration and attainment. These issues are not
unique to APA women; “however, they may be more severe due to greater polarities
in cultural values and expectations. Furthermore, these issues are not as clearly
identified nor deemed important, and there are fewer role models who have
negotiated the difficulties successfully” (Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995, p. 208). Their
ability to more quickly succeed academically may reflect their ability to more
quickly become acculturated, as indicated by language attainment, etc.
Geopolitical Factors
Blair and Qian (1998) note that although it appears that Southeast Asians
have lower academic achievement than other APA subgroups, two immigration
patterns need to be considered. The first wave o f 130,000 refugees from Southeast
Asia in 1975 immigrated for political reasons and typically left in family units
consisting primarily of urban, educated, middle and upper-class in their respective
countries with some familiarity with English. Among these immigrants, educational
attainment was usually high, as was the parental valuation of it. The second wave,
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arriving after 1978, consisted of much greater proportions of Laotians and Hmongs,
Khmer survivors of the “killing fields” of Cambodia, Chinese Vietnamese “boat
people”, and rural less-educated persons. They fled to escape the poor economies of
their countries and typically arrived in broken family units (i.e., missing one or more
parents or children). For them, American life was difficult in terms of both economic
and family unit survival.
In addition, Chiang (1997) also believes that the educational achievement of
other APAs can be explained by specific legal, political and social factors that have
shaped the minority community. He explains this phenomenon as a result of several
factors: (a) The U.S. immigration laws have historically favored highly educated
Asian professionals over the working class, (b) Geopolitical changes resulting from
improved U.S.-China relations in 1972 and the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam in
197S served to mobilize many upper and middle-class families from Taiwan, Hong
Kong, South Korea, etc. (c) As a cultural response to immigration discrimination,
racism, and limited opportunity, APAs have reacted by focusing their efforts on
socioeconomic mobility. For example, since they were blocked from various routes
of success through politics, sports, entertainment, they have turned to success
through education. Since moderate success was achieved through education, the
belief that educational investment is the certain path to success was reinforced. The
question then remains of why students of other minority groups subjected to similar
circumstances of discrimination have not also developed the same attitude toward
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34
education. Chiang explains that different groups may develop different beliefs and
philosophies about success.
Social Cultural Forces and Parenting Style
Others have attributed the success of the APA student to an academic
socialization process that is conveyed through parenting style (Campbell &
Connolly, 1987). APA parents structured their children’s lives to facilitate academic
success (Asakawa & Csikszentmihalyi, 1998). They were more likely to live in intact
homes, spend more time doing homework, and attend more lessons and activities
outside of regular school (Peng & Wright, 1994). Using the data base of the National
Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88), which defined an APA student as
any student whose origin is an Asian country or Pacific island, they found that APA
parents had higher educational expectations for their children as compared to
Hispanics, Blacks, Native and White Americans. Although APA parents did not
directly help their children in school and work more than other parents, they
provided their children with more learning opportunities (such as visiting the public
library and going to museums) than did other minority parents. Other investigators
(Mordkowitz & Ginsberg, 1986) found that ethnic Chinese, Japanese, and Korean
families were found to motivate achievement by: (a) shaping positive attitudes to
learning, (b) reinforcing the importance of education by providing tutors, moving to
better school districts, etc., (c) maintaining high expectations for achievement and
perseverance, (d) strictly controlling homework and recreational time, (e) providing
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35
accelerated exposure to school curricula, and (0 excusing the child from daily
household chores and economic contributions to focus on academic pursuits.
A child in this environment would understand the importance of learning.
These parents will spare no expense to prepare their children to qualify for admission
into the best possible university. Indeed many studies have shown that a strong
educational emphasis by the parents is a more significant correlate o f educational
achievement than is socioeconomic status (Fuligni, 1997; Fejgin, 1995). In addition,
two studies examining a total of 461 Chinese, 404 Filipinos, 288 Koreans, 124
Japanese, 225 Southeast Asians, 187 South Asians, and 138 “other” Asians (Kim,
Rendon, & Valadez, 1998; Goyette & Xie, 1999) found that parental educational
expectations had the greatest impact on educational aspirations of all APA students,
regardless o f the ethnic origin of the students. Other student characteristics such as
socioeconomic characteristic, math performance, self-concept, and peer-influence
were also highly associated with their educational aspirations. However, there are
differences between each APA subgroup since socioeconomic status may explain the
educational expectations of Filipinos, Japanese, and South Asians but not of Chinese
and Southeast Asians (Goyette & Xie, 1999). Finally, in studies of high-achieving
Chinese American high school freshmen, Goto (1994) found them to be aware of
their parents’ sacrifices for them and a sense of obligation to do well in school.
Therefore, Sue and Okazaki (1990) propose that educational attainment by APA
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36
reflects the Asian perception of the relative valuation of education as a means of
upward mobility.
Adolescents who perceived their parents as being authoritative tended to
engage in more effective learning and study strategies (Boveja, 1998). Therefore,
other researchers believe that the parental style is an important factor (Steinberg,
Dombusch, & Brown, 1992). Differences in parenting practices are suggested to
have a direct impact on students’ academic performance. Specifically, parental
authoritativeness contributes to children’s psychosocial development, which in turn
increases the chance of academic success (Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989).
The differences in family characteristics such as parental values and practices
and family structure may account for differences among APA subgroups. Indeed,
Blair and Qian (1998) suggest that researchers often cluster all Asian ethnic groups
together, thereby overlooking the unique family characteristics of each subgroup.
Use of non-English language at home, levels of parental education, family income
and availability of educational materials varied among Chinese, Filipino, Korean,
Southeast Asian, and Japanese students in their study. Most studies have shown that
students with higher educational achievement have parents with higher educational
attainment (House, 1997; Blair & Qian, 1998; Kim et al., 1998).
However, students and parents in all APA subgroups attribute academic
success to effort whereas ability is emphasized more by Americans (Mizokawa &
Ryckman, 1990). Similarly, another study found that American students attributed
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37
academic success more often to ability than did APA students (Yan & Gaier, 1994).
This reflects the Confucian emphasis of the value of hard work. However, the
potential for conflict exists if the ability is not present regardless of the intensity of
the effort. Indeed, both Asian immigrants and Asian Americans spent significantly
more time on homework than White Americans (Mau, 1997) or other minority
students (Peng & Wright, 1994).
Model Minority Mvth
As a group their achievement in academics is well recognized. However,
there is also great diversity among APAs in their educational attainment (Nakanishi,
1996). In 1990, the Census Bureau found that 80% of the APA population 25 years
and older were high school graduates, similar to the 81% rate for the White
population. In contrast, only 22% of the Hmong population and 43% of Cambodians
completed high school (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1990).
Substantial variation in educational achievement is also dependent upon other
cultural characteristics, such as gender and immigration generation (Nakanishi,
1996). For example, nearly a quarter of all immigrant Vietnamese women in the
working age group of 25 to 40 years had less than eight years of education. The
educational performance appears to depend upon the generational status (Kao &
Tienda, 1995). On the other end of the spectrum are the Japanese Americans. O f all
APA subgroups they are the most assimilated and the majority are third-generation
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38
Americans (Kitano & Daniels, 1988). This diversity in ethnicity impacts on the
academic achievement and subsequent socioeconomic status.
There is also great variation among APAs in their income levels. The median
income of APA and non-Hispanic White families were not statistically significant in
1993 ($44,460 vs $41,110, respectively) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1994).
However, there was a greater percentage of APAs living below the federal poverty
level than the non-Hispanic White population (14% compared to 8%). A figure of
15% is seen in 1996 data (Hooper & Bennett, 1998). This discrepancy has also been
noted in similar statistics derived from the 1980 and 1990 census data (Nakanishi,
1995). In 1990, the poverty rate of APAs was 12.2% compared to 8.8% for non-
Hispanic Whites. In fact, the poverty rates for groups such as the Hmongs, Laotians
and Cambodians were greater than 60%. Therefore, despite a higher educational
attainment and a similar median family income, the poverty rate for APA families
continue to be higher than that for non-Hispanic White families. There is also a
bimodal mixture o f extremely successful APAs and a large undereducated APA mass
living in poverty.
Nakanishi (1996) concludes, “There are many significant, and often
unrecognized, educational implications of these wide disparities in educational and
economical factors” (page xv). For example, because of the disproportionately high
numbers of APA students in higher education consisting primarily of East Asians,
disadvantaged APAs such as the Hmong who have high illiteracy and poverty rates
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39
are often excluded from being considered for equal opportunity admission programs,
as well as tutoring and counseling services. Since the prevalence of social and
economic disadvantages within certain APA groups is often not acknowledged, the
needs of these students are not addressed by services available to other students.
Specifically, programs and services to enhance retention and graduation are available
to other students who come from similar backgrounds but are not provided for the
socio-economically disadvantaged APA student (Esqueta and O’Brien, 1991).
Summary
Gordon (2000) notes that “increased attention to minority recruitment into
higher education and, in particular, into colleges of education over the last twenty-
five years has not focused on Asian Americans” (p. 174). Unlike other minority
populations in which low participation in the teaching profession was attributed to
low college attendance and graduation rates, APAs have excelled in gaining entrance
to institutions of higher education. This academic success for APAs indicates that the
reasons for their lack of participation in teaching careers must be found elsewhere.
Therefore, Gordon (2000) has argued, “Successful Asian American students are one
significant source of capable teachers for meeting the needs of diverse classrooms. In
order to increase Asian American participation, we must first come to understand the
sources of resistance among such students to careers in ... teaching” (p. 174). The
review will now focus on the career development of APAs.
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40
Occupational Choices o f APAs
APAs are under represented in such occupations as journalism, law and
social sciences that require language skills and one-to-one contact. On the other
hand, APAs are more likely to major in science (Hsia & Hirano-Nakanishi, 1989;
Toupin & Son, 1991), in which it has the lowest attrition rate in obtaining
baccalaureate degrees (Elliot & Christopher Strenta, 1996). Their ultimate
occupations are concentrated in technical fields such as science or engineering and
medicine (Hsia, 1988). Hsia analyzed the 1980 census data and found that APAs are
more likely than European Americans to be in three occupational groupings:
professional (18% vs 12.8%), technical (5.5% vs 3.1%), and service (15.6% vs
11.6%) occupations. Conversely, there are fewer Asians in sales (8.4% vs 10.7%),
production/craft (8.4% vs 13.4%), and operator/laborer (14.2% vs 17.1%). As for the
intended undergraduate major, APAs are twice as likely to choose an engineering
degree (National Science Foundation, 1990). Within the sciences, biological and
computer sciences are more likely to be chosen as compared to European Americans.
In 1997, the most popular degrees for APAs were business, life sciences, and
engineering (Wilds, 2000).
Leong and Chou (1994) define occupational segregation as the “distribution
of members of an ethnic group across occupations, such that they are over
represented in some and under represented in others” (p. 10). APAs are under
represented in such occupations as journalism, law and social sciences that require
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41
language skills and one-to-one contact. To achieve parity in the legal community,
Quan (1988) notes the need to overcome a history of discriminatory treatment,
inherent biases in the legal system that conflict with Asian values, limited role
models, and little emotional support. The need to increase the number of minorities
in college business programs (Ramey, 1988) and in history/social science education
(Washington, 1994) has also been noted. The reasons for APAs’ occupational
segregation involve many factors: self-determination (which includes self-concept
and the individual’s interest and personality), career prestige, culture and
acculturation, socioeconomic status, family and parental values, and bias and
stereotypes.
Effect of Interest and Personality
The effect of the individual’s interest is shown by the first studies on career
development of APAs by Sue and his colleagues. Sue and Kirk (1972) found that
C hinese-American males are more interested than European-American males in
physical sciences, business, and technical trade than in social sciences, sales, and
other occupations that are largely language-dependent. In contrast, Chinese-
American females are more oriented toward domestic occupations such as
housewife, teacher, and secretary. These differences are explained in terms of
adherence to traditional Chinese cultural values. Subsequent studies have also found
that Chinese-Americans and Japanese-Americans students feel most uncomfortable
with occupations that necessitate interactive communication (Sue & Kirk 1973; Sue
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& Frank, 1973). Specifically, they are likely to avoid those occupations that require
verbal and written expressive abilities and interpersonal interaction skills with people
instead preferring “structured, logical, concrete and impersonal” work activities (Sue
& Frank, 1973, p. 141).
Leong (198S) had noted that there are three personality variables that appear
to be consistent in various studies examining personality variables in AP A career
choice: locus of control, social anxiety, and intolerance of ambiguity (Sue & Sue,
1974; Sue & Kirk, 1972, 1973; Sue & Frank, 1973; Meredith, 1966; Hsieh, Shybut,
& Lotsof, 1969). These studies show that APAs tend to be less autonomous, more
dependent, and more obedient to authorities than Whites in a variety of quantitative
measures such as Rotter’s Internal-External Locus of Control Scale. There is also the
general impression that APAs have more social anxiety as indicated by being more
emotionally withdrawn, socially isolated, and verbally inhibited (Bourne, 197S). This
is also supported by studies using objective and standardized personality instruments
(Fenz& Arkoff, 1962; Sue & Kirk, 1972, 1973; Sue & Sue, 1974; Connor, 1975).
Finally, these measures also show their intolerance of ambiguity by showing that
they are less oriented to theoretical abstract ideas and more oriented to immediate,
practical applications. Therefore, the tendency of APAs to withdraw from social
contacts and responsibility would result in their choice of occupations in the physical
sciences and technical trades, which also satisfy their intolerance o f ambiguity (Sue,
1975). Sue also notes the under representation in the social sciences and other
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vocations that require verbal/persuasive skills and high levels of social interaction,
such as law and psychology.
The link between personality characteristics of APAs and their career choice
had resulted in Leung’s “personality structure hypothesis” (Leung et al., 1994),
which states that there are certain personality characteristics of APAs that push them
toward the science and technical occupational areas (which requires structure, logic,
concrete, and impersonal work) and away from occupations requiring forceful
expression, interpersonal interaction, and verbal and written communication.
However, they found only partial support to the personality structure hypothesis in
their study of 149 undergraduates (which included 9 from India and Pakistan). They
offered a second reason to explain the career choice pattern among APAs, the
“prestige hypothesis,” which states that APAs are more likely to consider college
majors and occupations in the science and technical areas because these occupations
are also “highly valued in the U.S. society with many job opportunities” (Leung et
al., 1994, p. 405). Their study and others (e.g., Leong, 1991) show that APA students
place a greater emphasis on the prestige of an occupation than Caucasian students.
Effect of Culture and Acculturation
Closer examination reveals that APAs’ occupational choices may reflect
survival response by a minority population rather than consideration of choice or
preference (Chun, 1980). Hsia and Hirano-Nakanishi (1989) note that since many
first-generation APAs have not yet developed the language skills of their new home,
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44
they have had to “take advantage of their mathematical reasoning abilities and
minimize the need for eloquence. Thus, as first-generation students, Asians have
focused on engineering, computer science, the physical sciences, and mathematics”
(p. 26). In addition to this optimization strategy, there is a pragmatic view that study
in technical fields will provide marketable skills and entry to secure, high-status,
well-paying jobs. Since future increases in APA college enrollment will come from
immigrant families, these fields will continue to attract APAs. In addition, these
majors offer an impersonal but structured and concrete work environment.
Some believe that Asians tend to be more passive and express themselves in
Eastern cultural ways that are detrimental in areas such as journalism, law and social
sciences such as education (Quan, 1988). Since acculturation enables interaction
with mainstream society that should enable greater opportunities, those who speak
English fluently and understand and adopt mainstream cultural practices and values
will naturally find it easier to pursue careers outside the ethnic community and
therefore pursue a wider range of vocational opportunities. The APAs’ deficiency in
verbal skills may be seen in their average Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) score.
Although the total mean score in 1990 was higher than the national average (528
compared to 476), their average verbal score of APAs was lower (410) than the
national average (424), correlating with the large number of Asian Americans who
speak English as a second language (Sue & Abe, 1988).
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Generation and acculturation are interrelated in that generational level has
been identified as one of the best indicators of acculturation level (Lai & Sodowsky’s
1992 study as cited in Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995). Educational performance
appears to depend upon the generational status, with second-generation youth best
positioned to achieve scholastically (Kao & Tienda, 1995). Hsia (1988) has found
that the length o f time the student has lived in the U.S. is closely related to plans for
major field and subsequent career plans. “The shorter the time an Asian American
senior student has lived in the United States, the more likely he or she was to plan a
science major, particularly in applied sciences such as engineering and computer
science” (p. 129). She also found that being acculturated to American values and of
high socioeconomic status are both related to a non-science major field choice. This
is further supported by Leong and Chou (1994) who found that more acculturated
APAs choose less typical occupations.
Effect of Socioeconomic Status
Studies have indicated that educational attainment is strongly associated with
socioeconomic status, but this has not been found to be true for actual career choice
(Hsia, 1988). This may be related to the high value Asians place on education despite
their socioeconomic status. Thus, “parents often make great personal sacrifices in
terms of time, resources, and leisure opportunities to make sure their children get a
good education. In effect, they are making a total investment in their children. In
return, they have high expectations of their children” (Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995,
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46
pp. 209). Leong and Gim-Chung report anecdotal episodes of APA students who
were not only expected to achieve academically but also to assist the parents in the
family’s business. Therefore, although the financial resources for APA college
students may not be better than for other students (Peng’s 1985 study as cited by
Hsia, 1988, p. 123), the APA commitment to higher education was less likely to be
influenced by immediate family financial considerations. This is further supported by
recent studies showing a lack of significant correlation between the family
socioeconomic status and career choice (Tang et al., 1999).
Effect of Parental and Family Values
Chung (1994) has defined values as “agreements about what is good and
preferable shared by members of a particular ethnic group which are acquired
through the process of socialization” (p. 36). The collective rather than
individualistic orientation in Asian culture translates into the family, particularly
parents, playing an important role in the career development process of APAs. The
family plays a more central role in APAs than Caucasians (Leong & Serafica, 1995;
Sue & Morishima, 1982). APAs were the only minority group to rank parental
pressure as one of the top five most influential factors in career choice (Gim’s 1992
study as cited by Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995). Recent studies supported the impact
of family involvement and career choice (Tang et al., 1999; Mau & Bikos, 2000).
The effect of the traditional Asian value of submergence of individuality can
be observed in the study of Leong and Tata (1990). They used the Suinn-Lew self
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47
identity acculturation scale (SL-ASIA) and the Ohio work values inventory (OWVI)
to examine the relationship between acculturation and work values. The more
acculturated the Chinese-American children, the more they valued self-realization.
This study was performed on fifth and sixth graders who probably have not made
any career decisions nor achieved career maturity. Tang et al. (1999) administered
the SL-ASIA scale to 187 APA college students and found that individuals with
higher acculturation tend to have more interests in less typical occupations.
Therefore, the values o f individualism versus collectivism appear to change with
acculturation.
The role of family can also be observed in the Asian culture’s placement of
high values on deference to authority, older people, and family accord. Therefore,
APAs seem to choose a career that satisfies both their own interests and is acceptable
to their parents. This is one fundamental difference with the European American
students. “In other words, while U.S. culture views choice as a way of self-
actualization and fundamentally as an individual choice, Asian Americans view
career choice as mutually beneficial for themselves and their families” (Tang et al.,
1999, p. 144). Indeed, APAs may not choose a career based on their own interests or
intentions but on parental ideas or expectations, family legends or obligations
(Leong, 1991). How generation or acculturation affects their deference to parental
authority and family accord has not been studied.
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Furthermore, the children of immigrant parents who may have experienced
prejudice and discrimination may be encouraged to pursue science and engineering
careers. In their parents’ view, these careers are less language dependent and thus
safer (Leong & Gim-Chung, 1995) and are also areas in which other APAs have
been successful (Hsia, 1988). Indeed, any groups of people who migrate across
international or provincial borders tend to veer away from occupations that require
intense social interactions (Harrison, Harrison, & Park, 1997). In a study of 2,638
North Americans, there were fewer “social” occupations among Canadian,
European, as well Asian immigrants than Native Americans and native Canadians.
Therefore, APAs are not alone in their tendency to avoid occupations which met one
or more of five conditions: (a) The work is based on organizing, directing, and
getting results through other people; (b) the work usually requires manipulating,
influencing, persuading, or “selling” other people; (c) the work brings the person into
the limelight; (d) the work makes direct, immediate, and personal contributions to
other people’s lives; or (e) the work involves the study of people, societies, and
cultures. This perception that just APAs avoid occupations with intense social
interaction is an example o f stereotypes.
Effect of Bias and Stereotypes
There are other effects of discrimination in subtle forms as bias and
stereotypes. Chun (1980) attributed the occupational segregation of APAs to societal
and cultural barriers to their actual career aspirations. The results of a study by
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Leong and Hayes (1990) indicate that occupational stereotyping o f APAs does exist
among college students. European American college students perceive APAs as
more likely to succeed as engineers, computer scientists, and mathematicians, but
less likely to succeed in sales-related occupations. Indeed, the majority of APA
college students do pursue scientific rather than social and verbal-persuasive careers.
Unfortunately, the occupational stereotypes if prevalent add both external and
internal barriers to the occupational aspirations of APA individuals. External barriers
may exist in counseling, academic advising, and job interviews as counselors,
advisors, and recruiters discourage students from pursuing certain occupations
because they are perceived to be less qualified or less likely to be successful in those
occupations similar to the attitudinal barriers women have experienced in male-
dominated fields (Leong, 1991). On the other hand, APAs could be introduced and
encouraged to certain stereotyped occupations because they are perceived as more
likely to be successful in engineering, computer science or math fields.
There is the image that APAs lack interpersonal and leadership skills and in
written and spoken English. There may be some support for this perception in studies
indicating that White students held stereotypical attitudes toward Asian Americans
(Leong & Schneller, 1997). Indeed, U.S. audiences perceive Asian speakers to have
more speech anxiety than Caucasian speakers, even though Asian speakers do not
self-report higher anxiety levels (Martini, 1992). On the other hand, APA students
did show lower levels of overall assertion in the College Self-Expression Scale than
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50
Caucasian students (Fukuyama & Greenfield, 1983). However, other studies indicate
that that may not be true when one examines actual behavior measurements (Sue, Ino
& Sue, 1983).
Internal barriers to occupational aspirations may occur in terms of
internalization o f stereotypes. Just as women may be socialized into certain feminine
or traditional occupations by gender-typed expectations, APA students may be
socialized inadvertently into what others may consider traditional occupations for
them and greater assurance of their success. Internal barriers may result as these
stereotypes and expectations are internalized by APA students and become self-
limiting guides to decisions concerning career choices (Leong & Hayes, 1990).
Summary
The unique situation of APAs is that biculturality exists. Therefore,
examination of career choice and development must consider the interactions o f two
cultures with the individual’s unique needs and desires. There is a need for
assessment of all factors including occupational values, career interests, and
personality variables with the level of acculturation, degree of self-identity or
ethnicity, the impact of language, and the effect of stereotypes. Unlike Euro-
Americans, higher educational level does not appear to lead to higher occupational
status for APAs (Kim et al, 1998). The presence of occupational segregation can be
especially observed in the field of education (Woo, 2000).
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APAs in Education
Introduction
As the U.S. schools and population have become increasingly multiracial,
one would expect that the teaching force would reflect a similar trend. However, a
declining number of minority teachers, especially APAs, exists despite a growing
demand (Rundall & Hernandez, 1986). APAs constituted only 1% of all teachers and
were largely absent from teacher preparation programs, despite a 22% increase in
their college participation rates from 1989 to 1991 (Goodwin, 1995). Of those APAs
in education, half were in elementary education, a third in early childhood, and the
remaining in secondary or specialized education. “Asian Americans choose
elementary or secondary teaching as their probable profession to a much lesser
extent than do European Americans: 2 percent versus 9 percent” (National Science
Foundation, 1990, p. 43)
The lack of APA involvement in higher education is disturbing. Of the
master’s degrees awarded in 1997, education was among the top two degree fields
for all ethnic groups except Asians (and nonresident aliens) (Wilds, 2000).
Furthermore, of the doctorates earned by APAs in the U.S. in 1997, only 1.5% was
in education (Wilds, 2000). Education degrees represented 15% of bachelor’s earned
by all students, yet only 3.7% of Asian Americans earned education degrees in 1997.
At the master’s level, education degrees accounted for 37.5% of degrees awarded to
all students, but only 15.1% of those conferred to Asian Americans. Finally, of the
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52
9017 doctorate degrees awarded to APAs in 1997, only 4.6% was in education. This
compares with 15.7% in education of all doctorates awarded in 1997 to all students
(Wilds, 2000).
The lack of APA representation in top administrative posts has been well
documented (Esqueta & O’Brien, 1991; Foote, 1996). In 1997, there were only 20
college and university chief executive officers (CEO) who are APAs (compared with
185 African- American and 117 Hispanic) of a total of 3075 CEOs (Wilds, 2000).
Nakanishi (1993a) states that it is a misconception that APAs are well represented in
college faculties and key administrative positions. Of 75 administrators at U.C.L.A.,
only two are APA. He describes a substantial decline in APA representation as one
moves up the academic pyramid and gives data at one university as an example:
In 1987, the representation of Asian Pacific Americans followed
a common downward pattern of declining representation (found
at practically all major colleges and universities): 20% of the
entering freshmen were APAs, but they constitute only 10% of
all entering graduate students, 6% of the non-tenured faculty,
and 4% of the tenured faculty... On the other hand, at practically
every major university in America, Whites reflect the opposite,
upward pattern of increasing representation in the academic
pyramid. For example in 1987 at UCLA, Whites constituted
48% of the entering freshman class, 67% of all entering
graduate students, 81% of all non-tenured faculty, and 90% of
all tenured faculty, (p. 52)
Hence, a real paradox exists in education for APAs. They are a student
population that is over-represented in higher education institutions, who exalts the
value of an education and who persists to the limit in pursuit of the highest
achievable degree, receiving degrees at a disproportionate rate. However, they do not
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53
choose or are not encouraged to choose the field of education for teaching or
leadership roles as a professional career. Why is there such a disparity in
representation? This will be reviewed by examining their resistance to teaching and
then three aspects of their involvement in higher education: (a) Recruitment and
retention, and (b) advancement. Finally, what institutions can do to increase APA
involvement in higher education is briefly discussed.
Resistance
Reasons for resistance to the teaching profession for not only APAs but also
minority students in general reflect strong family and parental influence, low wages,
and multiple career choices within a context of continuing racial discrimination
throughout the dominant culture and in the teaching profession specifically (Darling-
Hammond & Wise, 1983). Therefore, there are both internal and external factors
playing a role.
Numerous studies have confirmed an intense parental pressure discouraging
their children from the teaching profession (Su, 1996; Su, Goldstein, Suzuki, & Kim,
1997; Gordon, 2000). In Su’s study, of all minority groups, Asian parents were cited
as demonstrating the greatest opposition toward their children’s choice of the
teaching profession. This response was partially attributed by some students to the
cultural differences between Asian and American society’s perceptions of the
profession. The lack of respect and value for teachers in American society was the
basic root of the APA parents’ attitude and resistance in spite of their own deep
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54
cultural reverence for teachers. Goodwin, Genishi, Asher, & Woo (1997) have
shown that some APAs perceive teaching as a nonintellectual endeavor. Goodwin
(1995) refers to an earlier study of 22 teachers, in whom three barriers to choosing
teaching as a career were cited: (a) Perception of teaching as nonintellectual (by 66%
of the teachers), (b) low teacher salaries (50%), and (c) low status work (50%).
Finally, Rong and Preissle (1997) state that Leung’s “prestige hypothesis,” in which
APAs have a penchant for high prestige occupations, explains the continued decrease
in APA teachers. Therefore, Gordon (2000) concludes that the “intense pressure
from parents to strive for positions perceived as having higher status, greater
financial rewards, and stability” (p. 173) discourages APA students from education.
Su (1996) also found that another key factor was prior educational
experiences, with minority students facing much more adversity and obstacles such
as lack o f minority recruitment, financial assistance, support from families, relatives,
and friends, poor status and compensation, and a lack of role models, compared to
White peers. Findings from Loo and Rolison (1986) point to the importance of
having ethnic minority faculty to counter the alienation that minority students feel in
a predominantly non-minority setting. In addition, it has been documented that APA
faculty have less mentoring than their White counterparts (Sands et al., 1992).
Finally, Gordon (2000) also acknowledges the “fear of working outside a
comfort zone defined by language, diversity, respect, responsibility for other
people’s children, and separation of private from public selves” (p. 173) as another
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factor. It is difficult to determine if the sense of inadequacy due to high standards set
of Chinese traditions of schooling reflects the lack of acculturation. Gordon’s APA
subjects, who were either first generation or immigrant, may have felt inadequate to
teach students in a dominant culture which they themselves do not fully understand.
This can be closely related to several personality factors common in APAs, including
their need to avoid ambiguity, presence of social anxiety, and submergence of
individuality or respect for authority (Leong, 1985).
Recruitment and Retention
The APA record of persistence through high school and then college and
post-graduate graduation has been well documented. They have the highest rate of
college graduation than any ethnic group with 65% in 1997 (Wilds, 2000). Two
percent of all bachelor’s, 2.1% of master’s, 2.7% of doctoral, and 2% of first
professional degrees given by U.S. institutions in 1980-1982 were awarded to APAs
(Hsia, 1988), compared with their representation in the total U.S. population o f 1.7%
at the time. After ten years, their growth in the overall population to 2.9% had been
matched by comparable increases in their representation among those who earned
bachelor’s (3.9%), master’s (3.5%), and doctoral (2.7%) degrees (Escueta &
O’Brien, 1991). However, the participation of APAs in advanced studies in the
humanities has been low. In particular, APAs are less likely than White and other
ethnic minority students to pursue degrees in education (Escueta & O’Brien, 1991).
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Therefore, doctoral degrees in education represents 20.6% of all doctoral degrees in
1994 but only 8.0% of APA doctoral degrees (Woo, 2000).
Although the stereotype of APAs suggests that they pursue degrees in
science-based fields, such as engineering or physical sciences, detailed examination
reveals that their numbers are inflated by the presence of foreign-born Asians who
may return to their country or not remain, nor hold their academic positions. “The
‘overrepresentation’ of Asians among science and engineering doctorates had never
been due to high rates of participation on the part o f native-born Asian Americans”
(Hsia, 1988, p. 161). Nakanishi (1993a) cites a study that Stanford University
performed which found that 39 of the 52 (75%) tenure and non-tenure Asian faculty
at the institution in 1987 were bom outside the U.S. This situation has several
potentially unwarranted consequences for APA faculty and students. He quotes the
study conclusions:
We note that foreign-born and foreign-educated faculty
members may not be as effective as role models for minority
undergraduates, who are for the most part American-born.
Students have described gaps in communication, especially in
advising and counseling, arising from what they feel are the
very different life experiences of minority faculty bom and
raised abroad. In such instances, mentoring—so important for
the successful academic experience of minority students—can
be strained (Stanford University, 1989, p. 19; as cited by
Nakanishi, 1993a).
However, there is no data to show that the academic achievement or subsequent
career development of undergraduate and/or graduate students are actually affected
by the presence of foreign-born faculty members.
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Although one may expect that future generations of APAs would be more
acculturated and therefore more equipped to handle the communication skills that are
needed in education, this has not happened (Gordon, 2000). Therefore, programs to
develop their verbal skills (Takeuchi, 1975) as well as to increase their assertiveness
(Fukuyama & Coleman, 1992) have been developed but need to be widely
incorporated in institutions of higher learning. In addition, further studies are needed
to determine why those APA students who have no problems in interpersonal
communication pursue degrees in other areas such as psychology or sociology rather
than education.
In addition, the expectation that APAs do well academically adds an
emotional pressure upon them to succeed. Beyond the problems that APAs face in
higher education including poor communication skills are also stress from family and
community pressure to achieve (Endo, 1980). Therefore, Asian college students
show a higher level of psychological maladjustment (Abe & Zane, 1990) and scored
higher in measurements of obsessive-compulsiveness, interpersonal sensitivity,
depression, phobic anxiety, paranoid ideation and psychoticism (Cheng & Leong,
1993). APAs were found to be more pessimistic than Caucasian Americans (Chang,
1996). Therefore, despite their low attrition rates in science and engineering, APA
students reported a negative quality of campus life as well as strong feelings of social
alienation and dissatisfaction (Bennett & Okinaka, 1990). This may be further
aggravated by the presence of discrimination or racism on campus as documented by
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Su et al. (1997) in teaching, law and medical schools. The ability to handle racism
was found to be related to performance (grades and retention) later in APAs’ careers
(Sodowsky, Lai, & Plake, 1991; Wang, Sedlacek, & Westbrook, 1992; Fuentes, J.N.,
Sedlacek, W.E., & Liu, W„ 1994).
Advancement
Esqueta and O’Brien (1991) reported that although preliminary analyses
might indicate the proportion of APAs in higher education is equal to the overall
population, “Asian American women have not reached parity with the overall
population, and a high percentage of Asians are in non-tenured positions” (p. 267).
Therefore, although most reports show between 4 and 5% of all full-time faculty in
U.S. colleges and universities are Asian, less than half (41%) are tenured and more
than 30% are in non-tenure track positions. Indeed, APA faculty has one of the
lowest tenure rates of all minority groups despite spending more time in research and
similar publication rates (Blackburn et al., 1994; Bellas & Toutkoushian, 1999).
Laden and Hagedom (2000) listed several obstacles present for minority
faculty: (a) Perception of tokenism, (b) increased stress due to the tenure process and
subtle discrimination from majority faculty members, and (c) non-supportive
atmosphere. The first factor may be the result of excessive time serving on multiple
institutional committees (as the token minority faculty member) and acting as
advisors and/or mentors. Turner and Myers (1999) note that they need to show a
visible presence in the institution by serving on various committees as the sole
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minority member, by teaching in various courses to serve as an effective role model
and mentor, and by continuing a vigorous research endeavor to obtain tenure. A
study by Astin, Antonio, Cress, and Astin (1997) of almost 34,000 full-time college
faculty indicated that 60% of minority faculty reported extensive stress during the
review or promotion process as compared to only 44% of White faculty. Woo (2000)
quotes from the 1997 report by Hune and Chan, “APA faculty report little support or
mentoring from their departments and a lack of respect for issues of importance to
them. They are consulted when diversity issues arise, but rarely as colleagues with
academic expertise” (p. 117).
Johnsrud and Sadao (1998) describe the experience of “otherness” that ethnic
and racial minority faculty experience. In their study of minority faculty in Hawaii,
three distinct but related experiences are shared by APA faculty with other ethnic
and racial minority members which are not recognized by their White peers:
biculturalism, ethnocentrism, and discriminatory behavior. The minority faculty felt
that they need to balance their own cultural values and norms that often are at
conflict with those of the Western-based university. Indeed, they also perceived that
the university devalues any orientation that is not Eurocentric or White. Finally, over
half describe ethnic and gender stereotyping and tokenism in the university setting.
All of these factors “represent a source of stress, an additional burden that
accentuates their ‘otherness’ and differentiates their experience from that of their
White colleagues” (p. 335).
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It is a misconception that APAs do not face discriminatory or unfair
employment practices in higher education institutions. Although much attention has
been given toward the treatment of Dr. Don Nakanishi at U.C.L.A. (Omatsu, 1990;
Osumi, 1990), Woo (2000) gives anecdotal accounts of other instances. However,
Dr. Nakanishi’s case indicates two major forms of potential discriminatory
treatment. APA faculty members who pursue research in ethnic studies may
encounter the perception by faculty colleagues that ethnic research has yet to be fully
accepted as important and relevant subjects of study. On the other hand, it is difficult
to be an APA faculty member in a humanities department in which they are
underrepresented in both graduate student and faculty populations without feelings
of isolation. There may also be covert and overt forms of racial discrimination.
Another aspect was noted by Nakanishi (1993b) that although there are
usually some Asian professors in most college faculties (in contrast to the situation
of other minority faculty), they are usually concentrated in specific fields such as the
sciences, engineering, medicine, or the teaching of APA studies. With the
development of ethnic studies in general and APA studies specifically, statistics
showing adequate representation of APAs in higher education faculty may be
misleading. The APA faculty may be concentrated in just one department such as
ethnic studies (Fong, 199S). One can state that there is an uneven distribution of
APA faculty, which in itself perpetuates the existing maldistribution by attracting
APA students to these fields. Unfortunately, the departments o f ethnic studies,
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physical sciences, mathematics, and engineering usually are not sources for
administrators. As long as APAs are underrepresented among tenured academic
positions and evidence indicates chief administrative appointments are from faculty
positions (Fujimoto, 1996), it will be unlikely that APAs will achieve leadership
positions in higher education.
There is also the additional effect of the “glass ceiling.” Woo (2000)
elaborates that perceived differences in APA leadership and social skills infer that
they are under-qualified for management positions. This perception may be shared
by subordinates in the organization and are not related to the actual ability of the
APA. “Although Asian Americans place a great faith in objective performance,
major barriers before them now include assessments related to leadership and
language skills” (p. 138).
Solutions for APA Academic Stagnation
Although education has provided an avenue for survival, upward mobility
appears to be limited for APAs, resulting in academic stagnation. Hu-DeHart (1998)
points out that for APAs, policies should focus on increasing upward mobility and
advancement within institutions since entry can be easily gained. Colleges and
universities should examine their tenure and promotion practices to determine the
causes for the low tenure rates of APA faculty, their concentration in non-tenure
positions, and their vast under representation among higher education administrators.
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There must be institutional support for having both a diverse faculty and
student body. Many programs have provided support services for minority students.
Similar strategies are needed for minority faculty. Ultimately, having APA faculty
will help recruit more APA students to the institution as well as offer mentors and
role models. In addition to fostering faculty role models for Asian students, it is
necessary to provide academic counseling and support services, inclusion in teacher
recruitment efforts, and curriculum infusion of APA related content.
Changing the policies and practices of higher education involves the process
of shared governance whose power base are the senior faculty and administration
(Drummond, 199S). Ranbom (1987) notes that the minority presence on boards of
trustees in universities and colleges is too small to have a significant impact on
redirecting policy and funding support programs for minorities. Therefore, the only
effective way to bringing about change is to greatly increase the proportion of
minority representation in top administrative positions. Hence, Drummond advocates
the need to place qualified minorities in roles of line authority to establish policies
for increasing the attraction, promotion and success of minorities.
Similar to what appeared to have happened in higher education and despite
their overall academic success, APAs have also stalled in the middle management
ranks of major U.S. corporations (Xin, 1997). College-educated and U.S.-born APAs
get lower pay on average than similarly qualified Whites. Although their
occupational prestige scores positively correlate with their high levels of education,
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their income does not (Barringer, Takeuchi, & Xenos, 1990). There is a loss of
income with a greater proportional loss among workers with more education (Tienda
& Lii, 1987).
Throughout the U.S., higher education students are becoming increasingly
diverse at a rate that is rapidly surpassing the faculty. Furthermore, not only is the
primarily non-APA faculty lacking in diversity but more importantly, the cultural
milieu in which most of these faculty were trained was primarily Eurocentric. Their
mentors and the professors before them came from even more traditional programs.
One goal of higher education must be to improve instructional practices to focus on
teaching and learning for culturally diverse learners (Lynch, 1997). To do this, we
can utilize one major resource that is readily available. They are the APA students
who do so well in our classrooms as students. These students are not only a primary
source from which to recruit our future teaching force but they also offer the
diversity and role models needed by all students. Therefore, improving our
understanding of the factors that influence career choice, educational achievement,
and career success or advancement, particularly in the field o f education will assist
us to provide support to our culturally diverse students. The success of these students
will increasingly influence our society as they become active participants in the
community. Furthermore, the promise of public higher education to provide
opportunities to all Americans can be better achieved.
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Summary of Chapter
In attempting to explain the educational success of APAs, the tendency has
been to use genetic or cultural explanations. However, the evidence is far from
conclusive. Asian cultural values, beliefs, and practices, when analyzed in the
context of our society and historical events may be partially responsible for APA
academic achievements.
There is no adequate model of career choice and development for APA
students. The limitations of the trait and factor theory as described by Holland’s
person-environment model, the developmental approaches as exemplified by Super’s
theory, and the social learning approach as delineated by Krumboltz and Mitchell,
have been discussed. There is a need to unify these hypotheses and to include other
factors including the level of acculturation and degree of self-identity with ethnicity.
The collective rather than individualistic orientation in Asian culture means that the
family, particularly parents and their cultural values, play an important role in the
career development process of APAs. In addition, beyond the role of family, the
impact of bias and stereotypes also need to be considered. Further, the model
minority depiction of APA achievement creates an inaccurate portrayal that
perpetuates obstacles for less educated APAs. The theoretical framework and
background in which these social and cultural factors that may be affecting APA
career choice were discussed.
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The multiplicity and complexity of factors related to APA under
representation among higher education tenured faculty and administration, especially
in light of the over-representation o f students in certain fields, is a compelling
problem for educational investigation. Based on the existing literature and research,
questions remain and await investigation. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to
explore the factors that promote or hinder APAs’ choice of careers in higher
education teaching and administration. The perceptions and experiences of APA
students and educators were examined to determine possible causal-comparative
relationships with career choices and outcomes. APA students are the best source of
this information as well as those who have achieved careers as educators. Results
add to the body of knowledge by providing perspectives regarding APAs, minority
education, and career development, in hopes of improving the diversity of faculty
and leadership for higher education institutions.
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CHAPTER HI
METHODOLOGY
Overview
The goal of this study was to examine the factors that have promoted and
hindered the career choices of APA educators and students enrolled in programs in
higher education. The perceptions and experiences of APA student educators and
non-educators were examined to determine possible causal-comparative relationships
with career choices and goals. Specifically, the influence of such factors as
individual choice or self-determination, parents and family, and teachers as role
models or mentors, upon career choices in education versus other fields was
examined. In addition, the effect of past experiences and perceived cultural barriers
upon career outcomes in education was explored with APA faculty and
administrators. This chapter describes the methodology used to examine these
factors. Due to the lack of research data related to this phenomenon and the lack of
APA educators, the study consisted of a two-stage, multi-method approach of data
collection. The quantitative examination of APA students was followed by an in
depth ethnographic investigation of APA educators and students to answer the
research questions proposed: What factors promote or hinder career choices in
education for APAs? What roles do culture and acculturation play in achieving
APAs’ career goals in education? How do cultural barriers affect career outcomes?
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Description of Methodology
Questionnaires and interviews (case studies) are used extensively in
educational research to collect information that is not directly observable (Gall,
Borg, & Gall, 1996). These methods are able to penetrate the surface to inquire about
the feelings, motivations, attitudes, and experiences of individuals. Although self-
reports are the only means of obtaining data pertaining to one’s cognitions, emotions,
and behaviors, there are limitations based on the individual’s willingness and ability
to discuss certain kinds of information (Whitley, 1996). Therefore, in a study that
explores the perceptions and experiences of people the use of triangulation drawing
upon corroborative evidence is the primary method that is used to establish greater
validity for the data that is reported (Eisner, 1998).
Triangulation is the process of using multiple data collection methods, data
sources, analysis, or theories to corroborate study findings. Triangulation contributes
to the validity of a study by eliminating biases that might result from reliance on one
data collection method, source, or theory (Gall, et al., 1996). With variation of the
approach to generating the same or similar findings, the results of this study was able
to achieve a greater level of validity and reliability. A questionnaire (survey tool) and
quantitative analysis o f224 APA students resulted in findings that were further
explored through in depth interviews with 16 APA educators and 11 APA students
who were not participants in the questionnaire. The interview method provided for a
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substantial amount of in depth information that was accessible primarily by asking
each person for their accounts by talking and listening to them (Mason, 1996).
Sample Population
Sample Population for Questionnaire
Purposeful sampling for the questionnaire and interviews was achieved
through university schools of education and social science and humanities
departments who contacted their APA undergraduate and graduate students. These
students were selected to provide a mostly homogeneous student population from
which comparisons can be made to students pursuing a degree in education. These
fields more likely require similar levels of language, social interactions and
communication skills than with students in technical fields such as mathematics,
physical sciences and engineering. In addition, based on Leong (198S), Asian
Americans who choose careers in mathematics, engineering and physical sciences
may differ in the tendency to exhibit lower degrees of autonomy, higher anxiety and
intolerance of ambiguity. Therefore, the research sample was purposeful to ascertain
why students with similar goals, interests, and perhaps personality characteristics do
not choose education but instead choose a career that also requires interpersonal
skills and is another “social” occupation in Holland’s classification (Spokane, 1996).
APA students were also contacted through various student campus
organizations. Students who volunteered to participate in the study were contacted
by mail or e-mail addresses provided. In addition, snowball sampling was used to
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provide sufficient numbers of APA education and non-education students. These
participants were contacted by acquaintances who had previously participated.
Additional survey responders attended the Asian Pacific Americans in Higher
Education (APAHE) conference held in San Francisco in March 2001. Students of
East Asian (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese, and Filipino) and Southeast
Asian (Vietnamese, Thai, and Cambodian) ethnicities were selected. Students not
majoring in mathematics, engineering or physical sciences participated by filling out
and returning the questionnaire, thereby provided informed consent. Demographic
description of the participants is shown in Table I.
A total o f229 responded, of whom 224 met the criteria of the study. There
were 56 males (25%) and 168 females (75%). There were 56 (25.0%) students who
were enrolled in the field of education (“educators”). The non-education fields
(“non-educators”) were divided into health-related professions (53 or 23.7%),
business (35 or 15.6%), sociology or social work (43 or 19.2%) and miscellaneous,
including those with no major (37 or 16.5%).
Most respondents attended either the University of Southern California (107
or 47.8%) or a campus of the University of California (106 or 47.3%). The remaining
students attended Stanford University, Pomona College, Azusa Pacific University or
St. Mary’s College.
The most common ethnic subgroups were Chinese (60 or 26.8%), Filipino
(48 or 21.4%), Vietnamese (23 or 10.3%), Korean (22 or 9.8%), and Japanese (18 or
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8.0%). Nineteen (or 8.5%) marked a combination of ethnicities, including Chinese-
Vietnamese (which was the most common at 6), Chinese-Cambodian, Chinese-
Japanese, etc. Their distribution among the career choices is shown in Tables 1 and
2. Two did not give their ethnicities.
A majority of students (127 or 56.7%) did not indicate their age.
Nevertheless, of those who did their mean age was 23.5 (4.6) years (with standard
deviations in parentheses). There was a statistically significant difference between
the mean age for educators at 27.1 (7.0) years) with 22.4 (2.8) years for non
educators ( jl- .004 by Student t-test, 2 sample assuming unequal variances).
However, between educators and social work students, whose mean age was 26.5
(4.0) years, there was no statistical difference ( jl= -37).
The socioeconomic status was assessed indirectly by asking the highest
parental education, of which 220 responded. Eighty (35.7%) had parents who were
high school graduates or less. Those with parents whose highest education was a
baccalaureate degree numbered 75 (33.5%), masters 42 (18.8%) and doctorate 23
(10.3%). There was no statistical difference between the educator and non-educator
students in parental education level.
Majority of the respondents (127 or 56.7%) indicated that they were first
generation. The mean time that they spent in the United States was 18.5 yrs for
educator students and 15.7 yrs for non-educators. There was no significant difference
(jL~ -12). One quarter (57 or 25.1%) indicated that they were born in the U.S. and
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were second-generation Americans. Due to the low numbers, analysis on the effect
of generation grouped those students who were third generation or greater
(consisting of 12 who were third generation, 7 fourth generation, and 2 fifth
generation for a final percentage of 8.5%). Nineteen (8.5%) did not give their
generation. There was no statistical difference between the generation of educators
with a mean of 1.7 (0.9) generation and a non-educator mean o f 1.7 (0.8) generation.
Case Study Sample
APA faculty and administrators in higher education. An in-depth case study
approach was used in interviewing 16 current and retired higher education APA
educators who are/were professors, lecturers, and administrators. Selections were
based on purposeful and snowball sampling. Criteria for selection o f the case study
participants included: individual must hold (a) current or previous (retired) teaching
position in a public or private California higher education institution in the fields of
nursing, social sciences, humanities, or education, or (b) current or previous (retired)
administrative position in a public or private California higher education institution.
APA educators who are in technical or science-based fields such as engineering,
physical sciences, and mathematics were not included for similar reasons discussed
in the previous section. In addition, the investigator did not seek to include or
exclude any educator based on his/her social awareness or activism. Other
participants who met the criteria were provided through references given by the
initial interviewees.
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Seven males and 9 females were interviewed. Their ethnic origins were
Chinese (6), Taiwanese (4), Japanese (4), and Korean (2). There were 6
administrators and 10 faculty members, of whom 7 had tenured positions. Their
fields o f teaching are shown in Table 3. A majority (10 out of 16) was first
generation immigrants, indicating their birth in another country. However, all
attended graduate programs in the U.S. and 14 (87.5%) attended a U.S.
undergraduate school. Nine graduated from high schools in the U.S. Six of the 16
educators were bom and educated in the U.S. Four were second and 2 were third
generation Asian Americans. They were currently or in the past lecturers, professors,
and administrators at public and private universities, including the community
colleges, in the state of California. Their last two positions are shown on Table 3.
APA undergraduate students. Interviews of 11 students enrolled at a campus
of the University of California were conducted (see Table 4). Students responded to
an E-mail request for participants by a student campus organization and snowball
sampling. For five, education was their ultimate career goal (“student educators”)
Six had considered but decided to pursue other careers in business, health-related
fields, and computer science (“student non-educators”). The mean age of the student
educators was 21.6 (0.5) years, which was not statistically different from 22.0 (2.3)
years for the student non-educators. Two of the student educators were female and
Japanese, majoring in liberal arts. The other three were males with one Filipino, one
Japanese, and one Chinese. One of the student non-educators was a female Japanese.
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Table 1
Survey Demographic Data bv Career (Educators and Non-cducators) and Ethnicity
Educators Non-educators Total Count
N Row% C d% N Row% Col % N Row % Col %
Chinese 17 28.3 30.9 43 71.7 25.7 60 100 26.8
Japanese 7 38.9 12.7 1 1 61.1 6.6 18 100 8.0
Korean 8 36.4 14.5 14 63.6 8.4 22 100 9.8
Filipino 7 14.6 12.7 41 85.4 24.6 48 100 21.4
Taiwanese 4 30.8 7.3 9 69.2 5.4 1 3 100 5.8
Vietnamese 1 4.3 1.8 22 95.7 13.2 23 100 10.3
Thai 0 3 100.0 1.8 3 100 1.3
Cambodian 0 4 100.0 2.4 4 100 1.8
Other 3 25.0 5.5 9 75.0 5.4 12 100 5.4
Combination 8 42.1 14.5 1 1 57.9 6.6 19 100 8.5
Total 55 100.0 167 100.0 222 99.1
'Numbers do not add to 100% due to those who did not state their ethnicity
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Table 2
Survey Demographic Data in Non-r^nyatnr Career Subgroups and Ethnicity
Ethnicity
Health-related Business Social Work Miscellaneous
N
Row
% Col% N
Row
•/. Col% N
Row
% Col % N
Row
% Col %
Chinese 14 23.3 26.4 1 0 16.7 28.6 8 13.3 18.6 1 1 18.3 30.6
Japanese 2 11.1 3.8 1 5.6 2.9 7 38.9 16.3 1 5.6 2.8
Korean 4 18.2 7.5 1 4.5 2.9 7 31.8 16.3 2 9.1 5.6
Filipino 12 25.0 22.6 1 2 25.0 34.3 10 20.8 23.3 7 14.6 19.4
Taiwanese I 7.7 1.9 2 15.4 5.7 3 23.1 7.0 3 23.1 8.3
Vietnamese 1 3 56.5 24.5 2 8.7 5.7 2 8.7 4.7 5 21.7 13.9
Thai I 33.3 1.9 0 0 2 66.7 5.6
Cambodian I 25.0 1.9 1 25.0 2.9 1 25.0 2.3 1 25.0 2.8
Other 3 27.3 5.7 2 18.2 5.7 1 9.1 2.3 3 27.3 8.3
Combination 2 10.5 3.8 4 21.1 11.4 4 21.1 9.3 1 5.3 2.8
Total 53 31.5 100 35 20.8 100 43 25.6 100 37 22.0 100
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Table 3
Demographics of Educator Interviewees
Age Gender Ethnicity Generation Field Career/professional
57 Female Chinese 1st Education CEO, Dean
58 Male Chinese 1st Psychology CEO, Professor
55 Male Chinese 1st Political Science CEO, Professor
67 Female Japanese 2nd Nursing Dean, Professor
52 Female Taiwanese 1st Nursing Professor
65 Female Taiwanese 1st Nursing Professor
32 Male Taiwanese 1st Sociology Professor
31 Male Japanese 3rd History Professor
46 Female Taiwanese 1st Asian Languages Professor
30 Female Japanese 2nd Religious Studies Lecturer*
30 Female Korean 2nd Asian Languages Lecturer*
60 Male Chinese 1st Research Lecturer*
45 Female Chinese 1st Education Professor
52 Female Japanese 3rd Administration Vice-CEO
32 Male Korean 1st History Professor
45 Male Chinese 2nd Social Sciences Dean
* Non-tenured
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Table 4
Demographics o f Student Interviewees
Age Gender Ethnicity
Genera School
tion Year Major/field
Career/professional
goal anticipated
21 Female Japanese 4th
Education
4th Liberal arts teacher
21 Female Japanese 3rd 4th Liberal arts teacher
22 Male Filipino 1st 5th Biochem teaching & business
22 Male Japanese 1st 5th Chemistry teaching
22 Male Chinese 1st Grad Mathematics teach 2nd school or
21 Male Taiwanese
Non-Education
1st 4th Business
junior college
financial consultant
21 Male Chinese 1st 4th
Administration
Computer
Science
system
analysis/programmer
23 Male Filipino 1st 5th
Computer
Science
lead software
developer for some
19 Male Korean 1st 2nd Biomedicine
company
M.D.
22 Female Japanese 3rd+ Grad Human
applying to
Occupational Therapy
26 Male Vietnamese 1st Grad
Development
Physiology;
Health Services
schools
physician assistant,
Research DrP-H.
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There were S males with one Taiwanese, one Chinese, one Filipino, one Korean, and
one Japanese.
Instruments
Questionnaire
A questionnaire was developed by the investigator based on available
research (as reviewed in Chapter II: Review of Literature). Specifically, items were
formulated that examined various cultural and social factors that were suggested by
the studies reviewed. For example, Tang (1997) described the influence of parents
upon the career decisions of APAs. The student was asked to indicate agreement to
the role of parents in his/her career choice on a scale of I to 5, from strongly disagree
to strongly agree. The survey was piloted two separate times and analyzed by the
investigator. Further refinement occurred prior to implementation in the study. The
questionnaire (see Appendix A) was mailed or e-mailed to participants who were
APA college students enrolled in the field of education (“educators”), health,
business, and social science fields such as sociology and social work (“non
educators”). The conceptual framework for the questions asked is listed below.
Question 1: “What job do you see yourself doing in five years? Reason(s) for
choice .” It was first necessary to ascertain what the student’s career goal is and
his/her reasons for the choice. It was of particular interest in examining the reasons
for those students who were planning a career in education.
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Question item numbers 3, 13, 16, 21, 22, 28, 31, 36, 37, 41, and 43 assessed
the degree the participant’s parents played in his/her career choice. Numerous studies
have confirmed an intense parental pressure discouraging their children from
entering the education field (Su, 1996; Su, Goldstein, Suzuki, & Kim, 1997; Tang,
1999; Gordon, 2000). The relationship with parental influence and academic
achievement was assessed with questions 30 and 40. Therefore, the role in which
parents played in students selecting education as compared with those choosing non
education was of particular interest. However, “future research studies are needed to
examine a possible relationship between career aspirations and family expectations”
(Leung et al., 1994, p. 410).
Question item numbers 14, 18, 19, 38, and 42 attempted to assess the degree
in which self-determination played a role in career choice by asking how the students
felt toward their career selection. In particular, question 42 asked whether their
career choice met their expectations more than that of their parents. In contrast,
question 43 asked whether their career choice met their parents’ more than their own
expectations. Question 48 was an attempt to assess how confident the student was of
his ability to teach. Finally, question 17 asked whether their career choice was the
result of both decisions by both self and parents.
Su (1996) believes that the lack of APA in education is also related to a lack
of role models as compared to White peers. Therefore, the role of teachers, as role
models or supporters was assessed by questions 4, 8, 27, 33, 39, 44, 4S, and 46.
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Although it has been documented that APA faculty had less mentoring (Sands et al.,
1992) it is not known whether this would have encouraged the APA student to
choose education.
There is the image that APAs lack interpersonal and leadership skills and in
written and spoken English. The lack of verbal (writing/language) skills (Takeuchi,
197S), interpersonal interaction skills and assertiveness/self-confidence (Fukuyama
& Coleman, 1992; Fukuyama & Greenfield, 1983) has been documented in the APA
student. Questions 6, 7, and 49 addressed language and computational skills. These
questions were examined to determine the possible effect of acculturation on the
APA student’s career choice. Question S O assessed their participation in class and
indirectly their assertiveness, which was further measured by their responses to
questions 23, 24, and 29. Finally, any perceived effect of discrimination or bias was
also examined in the students’ responses to two questions. They are asked how much
they agree or disagree with the statements, “Only students who speak and read
English well can choose a career in teaching” (question 20) and “Mostly White
students choose careers in teaching” (question S).
Questions 9, 11, 12, 25, and 26 directly asked about their interest in higher
education in either capacity as faculty member or administrator. Responses to these
questions also served to validate their interest in a higher education career.
Questions 51, 52, and 53 asked, “What fields/career(s) were you encouraged
to pursue by your parents? Why? What fields/career(s) would you prefer to
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pursue? A mentor/role model who influenced my career choice:” These
questions again attempted to assess the role of parents, self-determination, and
mentor or role model. There have been indications that there is no relationship
between an Asian American’s interest and his/her career choice (Leong, 1991).
Demographic information such as the age and sex o f the student, his/her
school/college, and year in college were asked. As reviewed in Chapter II, there was
great heterogeneity within the APA ethnic group. Therefore, the specific ethnicity of
the APA student was asked. There was evidence that educational performance
depends upon the generation status (Kao & Tienda, 199S) and educational level of
the parents (House, 1997; Blair & Qian, 1998; Kim, 1990). Some assessment of
acculturation was also ascertained by determining what language is spoken at home.
As the acculturation level increased, the possibility was greater of choosing less
typical careers (Choi, 1994). In addition, it may also indicate the need for language
acquisition by the respondent (i.e., English as a second language). Finally, the
expected date o f graduation, degree anticipated and ultimate degree goal were asked.
Their ultimate career or professional goal anticipated served to validate their
response to the first question. Answers to both the first and last questions should be
consistent in order to assign the student to the career choice subgroups for the
purpose o f the study.
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Interview of Educators
The researcher’s purpose in using the interview approach was to explore
each participant’s personal and cultural experiences and past histories regarding
factors that influenced the development of career aspirations along with significant
events that led to their career choices. In-depth interviews of APA educators
(namely, faculty and administrators) generated information about the participants’
experiences in his/her own terms with their own meanings. Each of the 16 educators
was interviewed by the investigator during one 45-60 minute session. Interview
questions were selected inductively based on responses given. A prepared list of
interview topics was used to provide a basic outline to guide the questions asked (see
Appendix B). A semi-structured approach was followed based upon the subjects’
responses. Interview questions also pursued accounts of personal changes and
growth, frustrations and dissatisfactions, and aspirations and visions of the future.
Those who are or were teachers were asked other questions, such as position, field,
department and tenure status.
Interview of Students
Eleven APA students were individually interviewed by the investigator
during a 20-30 minute session. A prepared list of topics was used to guide the
questions asked (see Appendix C) in a semi-structured approach. Interview questions
pursued accounts of the students’ aspirations, factors and people who played a role in
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the career decisions, reasons for entering or not pursuing the field of education, and
factors that may limit their career aspirations.
Data Collection
The questionnaire was distributed to students who attended the APAHE
conference or was mailed or e-mailed to students who were willing to participate
through their departments or student organizations. An explanation of the study
accompanied the questionnaire (see Appendix D). A statement explained the
procedures that were in place to protect the anonymity of the participants. No
identifying information was asked. Permission to use the participants’ responses was
requested. A prepaid return envelope and an incentive to maximize completion and
return of the survey were included. The incentive consisted of adding the participant
to a random drawing for gift certificates for music CDs. Participants’ e-mail
addresses were separated from the questionnaire upon receipt. The Institutional
Review Board of the University of Southern California approved this study and the
informed consent (see Appendix E).
For the educators who were interviewed, various non-science departments
and administrative offices of higher education institutions were contacted by phone
and e-mail. After a brief introduction to the purpose of the study, appointments were
scheduled for professors/lecturers or administrators who were willing to be
interviewed. In addition, educators attending the APAHE conference were contacted
while attending the meeting. Prior to each interview, each participant was informed
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as to the purpose of the study and assured of his/her anonymity and confidential use
of the data. Informed consent was obtained from each participant and demographic
data was collected, including age (optional), gender, ethnicity, occupation,
citizenship, year and generation since immigration, education, and degree or degree
anticipated.
Similarly, APA interview students were contacted by e-mail through campus
organizations. Interested students were informed as to the purpose of the study and
assured of his/her anonymity and confidentiality before proceeding with the
interview.
Data collection for the questionnaire began on February 1 and was completed
on March IS, 2001. Interviews of educators and students began March 7 and were
completed on April 7, 2001.
Data Analysis
Data Analysis of the Questionnaire
Students were divided into two career groups: those who have chosen
education as a career (education) and those who have chosen other areas (non
education). Comparison between the two groups used the independent-samples t-
Test. The non-education group was further divided into four subgroups o f health-
related professions, business, social work, and miscellaneous (representing other
social science or undeclared majors). Determination of any significant differences
among this group of students utilized the Kruskal-Wallis one-way ANOVA. For
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those groups in which equal variances are assumed, least significant difference
(LSD) and Tukey tests allowed for post hoc multiple comparisons to determine
which means differ. Levene’s homogeneity-of-variance test was performed to
confirm that the groups come from populations with equal variances.
Data Analysis o f the Interviews
An inductive process was employed to generate, organize and analyze the
interview data (Glesne, 1999). Patterns and themes were drawn from the raw data to
deduce meaning and explanatory concepts based on theories of career development,
and parental, cultural and other influences on career choices. The information
generated was used to clarify, enhance, and add depth and meaning to the data
collected from the survey of the students’ responses of those who had chosen or plan
to choose careers in education and those who had chosen or plan to choose non-
educational careers. The data from the APA educators and students was prudently
examined to produce constructs, themes, and patterns to assist in drawing
conclusions and subsequent areas of query from succeeding interviews or to reject,
modify, or confirm prior conclusions. The data analysis process was repeated after
each interview.
Confidentiality was a primary concern. Individual faculty members and
administrators were assigned a letter of a, b, c, etc., to ensure anonymity. Although
there may be significant cultural differences within the group based on ethnicity,
their common perceptions and experiences at various higher education institutions
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was the focus of this study. Although their names and institutions were not disclosed,
data that are relevant to the study such as ethnicity, field, academic position, gender,
and generation were reported to adequately describe the circumstances without
providing information that allows identification of the individual.
An obvious limitation was the experience and interpretation of the
investigator. The potential for bias existed related to the author’s familiarity with the
cultural experiences o f the participant. However, at the same time, this offered a
unique perspective that is considered an asset to qualitative research (Glesne, 1999).
The investigator was aware of the ethical and professional obligations as a researcher
to control personal bias in the interpretation of the results. Therefore, specific steps
were taken to reduce the risk that the investigator’s cultural perspective might distort,
exaggerate, or minimize the participants’ accounts. In presenting the findings,
extensive quotes were used to ensure that the participants’ own voices were heard. In
addition, following each interview each quote was checked with the interviewee to
confirm its accuracy, intent, and interpretation.
Methodological Assumptions
This study was conducted under the assumptions that:
1. Measures selected were valid indicators of the constructs they were designed
to measure.
2. Subjects participated willingly and freely.
3. Participants responded truthfully.
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Limitations
The scope of this investigation was limited by its non-experimental design
and self-report measures. Data was obtained from selected APA educators,
administrators, and college students in the state of California. Therefore, the focus o f
this study was narrow and will limit the generalizability of findings.
This inductive research may be vulnerable to subjective bias of the
researcher. With an internalized construct or schema of the world based or
experiences and perceptions, interpretation o f data at all levels of the findings are
subject to the same set of expectations, values, beliefs, and judgments. In addition,
researchers may risk misinterpretation by being too immersed or failing to recognize
the implications of a study. These may jeopardize the results and their actual
representations. Therefore, care and attention was given to provide objectivity before
inferring conclusions especially from interview data (Isaac & Michael, 1997).
Summary of Chapter
Purely inductive research begins with the collection of data. Observations or
measurements o f a construct are collected and theoretical categories and
propositions, or hypotheses are discovered among the data (LeCompte & Preissle,
1993). That is, this research began with an examination o f a relatively unexplored
phenomenon: the lack of Asian American representation among educators. From
successive examinations of similar data a research question was developed to explain
what was studied. The researcher chose to examine the phenomenon by using a
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quantitative instrument to survey a larger student population followed by a more in
depth examination of a limited number of educators and non-educators. The
quantitative analysis of survey data provided for objective results. Qualitative
analysis o f ethnographic data provided depth of understanding. The results added to
and generated new perspectives and theories.
Therefore, in a study of the influence that culture, acculturation, and barriers
have on the educational versus non-educational career choices of Asian Americans, a
research design that includes both quantitative and qualitative (e.g., ethnographic)
approaches was necessary. Indeed, Koegel, Donin, Ponterotto, and Spitz state, “The
specific questions... about the career-related behaviors of racial and ethnic minority
individuals... suggest a need for a greater use of qualitative methods in the area of
multicultural career research, both independently of and conjointly with quantitative
designs” (p. SS).
This chapter described the methodology to identify the factors that influence
APAs’ choice o f pursuing academic careers, specifically administration and/or
teaching in higher education. The decisions to pursue or not to pursue careers in
higher education and the circumstances that are at play were examined with APA
college students in education and non-education fields, in-depth with APA college
students interested and those who had considered but decided against education, and
current or retired APA educators who are/were professors and administrators. The
use o f both a quantitative measurement and an ethnographic qualitative examination
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of individuals in different stages of career development in higher education allowed
for an analysis of responses regarding the experiences and perceptions of students
and educators from varying fields and levels of career development in education.
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CHAPTER IV
RESULTS
Student Questionnaire Responses
Introduction
The questions were designed to assess the role of parents and/or family,
teachers, role models or mentors, and the extent of the student’s self-determination,
his/her level o f interpersonal interaction skills and assertiveness, and stereotypes.
Other potential barriers such as the diversity of college educators in their campus
environment were also measured. Responses were compared between those students
who are entering the education field (“educators”) with those who have chosen other
fields (“non-educators’).
There were thirteen questions attempting to identify the role of the parents: 3,
13, 31, 37, 41, 43, 16, 30, 40, 21, and 22. The last five actually examined the role
parents have in academic achievement or success and whether they prefer one career
over another. Determination of the Pearson correlation among the first six questions
indicated significant agreement among these questions except question 36 (“My
parents support me in any career decisions that I make”). Conversely, there were five
questions attempting to assess the participant’s self-determination: 14, 18, 19, 37,
and 42. All five questions show significant correlation in the students’ responses.
There were eight questions on the effect of teachers in the career choice. Some
showed fair correlation but one question (number 39) had significant correlation with
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all the other questions: “My teachers have played an important role in my career
choice.”
Comparison between educators and non-educators
A slight majority of the 224 students surveyed (113 or 51.1%) stated that
their parents preferred medical or health fields and only 18 (8.1%) stated education
or teaching. However, this was true for only 40.7% of the 54 educator students
compared with 56.5% of non-educator students. In addition, parents of educator
students did prefer an education field in 11 out of 54 (20.4%) students compared
with only 7 out of 161 (4.3%) non-educator students.
Role o f parents/familv and self-determination. Educator students have a
statistically significant lower agreement with statements indicating that their career
choice reflected their parents’ expectations more than their own (t = -3.9, g = .0001
by independent sample t test) and met with parental approval (t = -2.4, g = .017 (see
Table 5). Therefore, the students in education appear to more likely feel that their
career choice goes against their parents’ wishes. This is supported by their being
statistically more “certain” that their career choice is best for them (t = 3.0, g = .003)
(see Table 6). Finally, when the students were asked to rank the factors that were
more important in their career choice, “my preference” was ranked higher by
educators than non-educators (t = 2.7, g = .007). In contrast, “parent’s preference”
was ranked higher by students in non-educator fields than by (t = -1.9, p = .05)
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Tables
Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on Parental Role*
Educators Non-educators
Questions Meanb SD Meanb SD
Parents play role 3.2 0.9 3.3 1.1
Parental approval 2.9* 1.0 3.4* 1.1
Success reflects parents/family 3.8 1.0 3.7 1.0
Parents have been supportive 4.2 0.9 4.0 0.9
Parents support of career decision 4.1 1.0 3.9 1.0
Choice satisfies obligations to parents/family 3.6 1.0 3.6 1.0
Career choice reflects parents/family 3.4 1 .2 3.5 1.0
Career choice meets parents' expectations 1.9*** 0.9 2.5*** 1.0
Parental pressure to achieve grades 3.4 1 .3 3.7 1.2
Parents expea high academic 4.0 1.0 4.2 0.9
Parents prefer professor career 2.9 1 .3 3.0 1.2
Parents prefer psych/sw career 2.1 0.9 2.3 0.9
* Scale was l=strongly disagree. 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Means were compared by the independent samples t test.
* g < .05, *** g < .001
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Table 6
Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on Self-determination and
Ranking of Other Factors*
Educators Non-educators
Questions Meanb SD Meanb SD
rank of my preference0 4.6** 2.1 3.6** 2.3
rank of parent's preference0 2.9* 1.5 3.4* 1.4
rank of prestige0 3.4 1.3 3.6 1.3
rank of salary0 3.4 1.6 3.7 1.6
rank of role models0 3.8 1.4 3.6 1.6
rank of friends/peers0 3.5 1.6 3.4 1.9
Career choice result of both parents and me 2.4*** 1.2 3.1*** 1.2
Can choose any career 4.3 1.0 4.3 0.9
I am certain my choice best for me 4.3** 0.8 3.9** 0.9
My career choice is my decision 4.7 0.6 4.5 0.8
My career satisfies my obligation to myself 4.4 0.7 4.2 0.8
Meets my expectations more than parents 4.3 1.0 4.1 0.8
* Scale was I=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Means were compared by the independent samples t test.c Rank was in order of 1 to 6, the factors
that were least (I) to most (6) encouraging of that choice.
* B < .05, ** b < .01, *** b < 001
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educator students. Interestingly, students in education were more likely to disagree
with the statement that their career choice was the result of both parents and their
decision (t = -4.1, j> = .0001).
Role of teachers and role models. In comparing their responses to questions
on the role of teachers (see Table 7), educator students were more likely to agree that
they needed or required the support or advice of teachers and advisors in their career
decisions (t = -2.3, j> = .025) and that teachers did play an important role in their
career choice (t = 2.7, j> = .007). Similarly, they were more likely to agree that
teachers were supportive of their career goals or decisions (t = 3 .6, j> = .0004) and
that having a good teacher would have encouraged a teaching career (t = 3.1, j> =
.002). They were more likely to agree that encouragement to consider the field of
teaching would have prompted an interest in education (t = 3.4, j> = .0007). Indeed,
they felt that having other APAs as teachers/professors would more likely to have
“opened this career” to them (t = 4.0, p = .0001). It should be noted, however, that
there was no difference between educators and non-educators as actually having an
APA teacher as a role model. Finally, as would be expected, educators were more
likely to agree with question 48, indicating that they feel confident of their ability to
be a “good teacher” (t = 3.7, j> = .0003). As would be expected, students in education
were more likely to have considered a career as a college professor or administrator
than non-educator students (see Table 8).
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Table 7
Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on Teachers and Role Models*
Educators Non-educators
Questions Meanb SD Meanb SD
Not needed support or advice of teachers 2.1* 1.2 2.5* 1.2
My teachers make me feel confident 3.7 1.1 3.5 0.9
Teachers have been supportive 4.0*** 1.0 3.5*** 0.8
Have APA teacher as role model 3.4 1.4 3.3 1.3
Teachers played important role 3.4** 1.2 3.0** 1.0
Having good teacher would encourage 3.9** 1.2 3.3** l.l
If someone encouraged me to consider teaching 3.7** 1.2 3.1** l.l
Having APA teachers would've opened this career 3.6*** 1 .1 2.9*** 1.0
I feel confident 1 could be good teacher 4.4*** 0.7 3.7*** 1.1
* Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=sirongly agree.
b Means were compared by the independent samples t test.
* B < .05, ** e < 01, *** E < °01
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Language skills. Education students were less likely to feel that mathematical
or computational skills were their strengths when compared with the responses from
non-educator students (t = -3.5, g = .0005) (see Table 8). On the other hand, they
were more likely to agree that writing or language skills are their strengths (t = 2.5, g
= .013). This is further supported by their answers on what they felt to be a problem
while pursuing their education. They were statistically less likely than non-educators
to state they have problems with writing (t = -2.2, g = .03) and reading (t = -1.9, g =
.05) the English language. They appeared to be much more at ease when speaking in
front o f an audience (t = -3.7, g = .0003). Although it appeared that educator students
did not have any problems with English, there was no difference between non
educators and educators with the statement: “Only students who speak and read
English well can choose a career in teaching.”
Assertiveness. Students in education appeared to be more assertive (see Table
9). They were more likely to agree with the statement of seeking assistance from the
professor if they had questions (t = 2.4, g = .019). They were also more likely to send
the teacher E-mail (t = 2.4, g = .019) and to communicate with the teacher by asking
questions in the class (t = 4.2, p < .0001) or out of the classroom (t = 3.5, g = .0006).
Indeed they were more likely to speak up during class discussions (t = 3.1, g = .002)
or lead small group discussions (t = 2.3, g = .02).
Educational environment. Interestingly, there were statistical differences in
how the students feel about their educational environment (Table 9). Student
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Table 8
Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Responses to Questions on Teaching Skills and
Preferences*
Educators Non-educators
Questions Meanb SD Meanb SD
Mostly White students choose teaching 2.6 1.3 2.6 1.1
Writing/language skills my strengths 3.8** 1.1 3.3** 1.2
Math/computational skills my strengths 2.8** 1.3 3.4** 1.2
Those who speak and read English well choose
psych/social work 3.2 l.l 3.3 1.1
Students speak and read English well choose teaching 2.5 l.l 2.6 1.1
Problem with understanding English 1.4 1.1 1.7 1.2
Problems with speaking 1.4 1.0 1.7 1.2
Problems with writing 1.5* 1.0 1.9* 1.2
Problems with reading 1.4* 0.9 1.7* 1.2
Problems using Eng language 1.4 0.9 1.6 l.l
Problems speaking in front audience 1.8*** 1.1 2.6*** 1.4
I would consider career as college prof 3.8*** 1.5 3.0*** 1.2
I prefer professor over sociol/sw 3.9*** 1.3 3.0*** 1.2
Prefer sociol/sw over professor 2.3*** 1.1 3.0*** 1.2
I would consider administrator 4.3*** l.l 3.2*** 1.2
(table continues)
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Table 8. (continued')
Educators Non-educators
__________________ Questions__________________ Meanb SD Meanb SD
I would consider college professor 3.7*** 1.2 3.1*** l.l
More interested in teaching K-12_________________ 2;6________ 1.4 2.8________ 1.3
* Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Means were compared by the independent samples t test.
* p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001
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Table 9
Environment
Educators Non-educators
Questions Mean SD Mean SD
Assertiveness
I have no difficulty making friends. 4.2 0.9 4.0 0.9
I have no difficulty speaking to strangers. 3.9 1.0 3.6 1.1
If I have questions, I would:
seek assistance from professor 4.0* 1.0 3.6* 1.1
E-mail teacher 3.2* 1.3 2.7* 1.2
Asked prof questions in class 3.7*** 1.0 2.8*** 1.3
Ask prof questions before/after class 3.5*** l.l 2.8*** l.l
Speak up during class discussions 3.8** 1.2 3.2** 1.2
I have worked in small groups 4.0 l.l 3.6 l.l
I have lead small groups 3.7* 1.3 3.1* 1.4
Educational environment
I am satisfied with ethnic diversity of teachers 2.4*** 1.3 3.1*** 1.2
I have been satisfied as a student 4.0 1.0 3.7 1.1
I have positive impression of my educational experience 4.0 1.0 3.7 1.0
Educational system is supportive of APA 2.7* 1.2 3.0* 1.0
* Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagrce, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5-strongly agree.
b Means were compared by the independent samples t test
* B< .05, ** p < .01, •** p < -001
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educators were less satisfied with the ethnic diversity of teachers or administrators in
their college or university (t = -3.7, j> = .0003). They were also less likely to feel that
the educational system was as supportive of APA students as other students (t = -2.1,
P = .037). Nevertheless, they tend to have a more positive impression of their
educational experience (t = 1.7, p = .09) and be more satisfied as a student (t = 1.8, p
= .07) than non-educator students.
Comparison of subgroups within the non-educator group
The non-educator group was a very heterogeneous population. However, one
can segregate those in health-related areas, business, social work, and others
(miscellaneous). It had been noted that there was a statistically significant difference
in age with educator and social work students being older. In addition, gender and
the place of birth of the friends also showed significant differences. There was a
greater predominance of females in both education and social work subgroups. In
addition, business students rarely had friends who were foreign-born. Therefore, the
following comparison of subgroups within the non-educator group needed to
consider these confounding factors (see Tables 10-15).
Role of parents/familv and self-determination. Specifically, the importance of
parents to the students in the health-related fields was indicated by their higher mean
scores on questions asking about parental role (ANOVA p = .019) and needing
parental approval (ANOVA p = .01). These were statistically higher in comparison
to the educators (LSD p = .05 for both). In addition, the health-related students had
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the highest mean score on similar questions on meeting parents’ expectations more
than their own (ANOVA p = .0003) (see Table 10). At the other extreme were the
educators and social work students, whose mean responses were statistically lower
by the Tukey post hoc test than all other subgroups on questions of career choice
meeting parents’ expectations (g < .005). In addition, their mean scores on whether
career choice was the result of both parents and self decision were significantly
lower than all other subgroups (ANOVA g = .0001; LSD g < .01) Finally, their mean
scores on parental approval were the lowest. Conversely, when comparing the
responses to the question on whether the career choice was “my” decision, the mean
scores by both educator and social work students were higher than medical and
business students (ANOVA g = .0006). Finally, students in business and the
miscellaneous subgroups were less certain that their career choice was “best” suited
for them (ANOVA p = .0006).
Role of teachers and role models. In their responses to the role of teachers,
both education and social work students indicated that teachers play an important
role (Table 11). They both highly agreed that teachers, counselors, advisors, etc.,
have been supportive of their goals and careers (ANOVA g < .0001) and their mean
responses were statistically significantly higher than those in medical fields,
business, miscellaneous careers (g < .05 by Tukey post hoc test for educators and g
< .05 for social workers by LSD test). They both statistically tend to agree more than
the other subgroups that teachers played an important role in their career choice
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Table 10
Analysis of Variance Comparison «f FH»ratnr and Non-educator Subgroup Responses to Parental
Role and Self-determination Questions*
Question Education Health Business
Social
Work Misc. F *
Parents play role
Parental Role
3.2 (0.9) 3.6 (1.0) 3.2 (1.2) 2.7 (1.1) 3.6 (1.1) 4.71**
Parental approval 2.9 (1.0) 3.4 (1.0) 3.3 (1.2) 3.0 (1.2) 3.7 (1.0) 3.27*
Success reflects parents/family 38(1.0) 3.8 (1.0) 3.3 (l.l) 3.8 (1.0) 3.9 (0.8) 2.44*
Parents have been supportive 4.2 (0.9) 4.2 (l.l) 3.7 (0.9) 39(1.0) 4.2 (0.7) 1.87
Parents support of career
decision 4.1 (1.0) 40(1.1) 3.9 (0.8) 3.7 (l.l) 4.1(08) 1.47
Choice satisfies obligations to
parents/family 3.6 (1.0) 4.0 (0.8) 3.6 (0.8) 3.2(10) 3.6 (1.0) 3.98*
Career choice reflects
parents/family 34(1.2) 3.7 (1.0) 3.7 (0.8) 3.1 (1.1) 37(1.1) 2.28
Career choice meets parents’
expectations 1.9 (0.9) 2.7 (1.1) 2.6 (0.8) 1.9 (0.9) 2.7 (1.1) 8.99***
Parental pressure to achieve
grades 34(1.3) 3.3 (1.2) 3.9(10) 36(1.4) 4.3 (0.7) 5.11***
Parents expect high academic 4.0 (1.0) 4.0 (1.1) 4.3 (0.8) 4.1 (1.0) 4.4 (0.6) 1.66
Parents prefer professor career 29(1.3) 2.9 (1.3) 3.2 (1.0) 3.1 (1.3) 2.9 (1.0) 0.63
Parents prefer psych/sw career 2.1 (0.9) 2.1(09) 2.5 (0.9) 2.2 (0.8) 2.5 (1.0) 2.84*
Career choice result of both
parents and me 2.4 (1.2) 3.5 (1.1) 30(1.1) 2.5 (1.4) 3.4 (1.2) 9.40***
Can choose any career
Self-determination
4.3 (1.0) 4.4 (0.9) 4.3 (0.8) 4.4 (0.9) 4.2 (1.0) 0.30
I am certain my choice best for
me 4.3 (0.8) 4.1 (0.7) 3.6 (1.0) 4.1 (0.9) 3.7 (0.9) 5.09***
My career choice is my decision 4.7 (0.6) 4.3 (1.0) 4.4 (0.9) 4.9 (0.3) 4.4 (0.8) 5.10***
My career satisfies my
obligation to myself 4.4 (0.8) 4.2 (0.9) 4.1 (0.8) 4.5 (0.7) 4.2 (0.7) 1.65
Meets my expectations more
than parents 4.3 (0.9) 4.0 (0.9) 4.0 (0.9) 4.3 (0.7) 4.0 (0.9) 1.77
* Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Values are means with standard deviation in parenthesis.e Means were compared by ANOVA test
with df= 219-221.
* B < O S , •* p < .01, • • • p < .001
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Table 1 1
on Teachers and Role Models*'1 ’
Question Education Health Business
Social
Work Misc. F
Not needed support or advice of
teachers 2.1(12) 2.8(13) 2.4 (1.2) 2.1(10) 2.7 (1.4) 3.44**
My teachers make me feel
confident 3.7 (1.1) 3.5 (0.9) 3.2 (0.9) 3.8 (0.8) 3.4 (0.9) 2.56*
Teachers have been supportive 4.0 (1.0) 3.6 (0.9) 3.4 (0.7) 3.9 (0.7) 3.2 (0.8) .57***
Have APA teacher as role
model 3.4 (1.4) 3.4(12) 3.2 (1.4) 3.2(14) 3.6 (1.2) 0.66
Teachers played important role 3.4 (1.2) 3.1 (0.9) 2.9 (0.8) 3.2 (1.1) 2.8 (1.1) 2.81*
Having good teacher would
encourage 39(1.2) 3.5 (1.0) 3.4 (1.1) 30(1.3) 3.5 (1.0) 3.81**
If someone encouraged me to
consider teaching 3.7 (1.2) 3.1 (1.0) 3.0 (1.0) 2.9 (1.4) 3.3 (1.1) 3.73**
Having APA teachers 3.6 (1.1) 2.9 (0.8) 3.1 (1.1) 2.7 (1.2) 3.1 (1.0) 4.62**
I feel confident I could be good
teacher
• e * a____ a-
4.4 (0.7) 3.9 (0.9) 3.2 (l.l) 3.9 (1.1) 3.7 (1.1) 6.59***
b Values are means with standard deviation in parenthesis.c Means were compared by ANOVA test
with df= 199-221.
* B < .05. •* p < .01. *•* b < .001
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103
(ANOVA p = .03). Conversely, their responses indicated they were the least to agree
with to the question, “I have not needed nor required the support or advice of
teachers, counselors, and advisors in my career decisions” (ANOVA p = .009). All
non-educator subgroups did not feel that having a good teacher, encouragement, or
having APA teachers would have encouraged a teacher career whereas educator
students had significantly higher mean scores of agreement on these questions.
Teaching skills and preference. There was no statistically significant
difference among the various subgroups in their responses to questions asking about
writing and language skills and their ability to communicate in English (see Table
12). However, in asking about their strengths, students in business or health fields
were significantly less likely than student educators to cite writing or language skills
(LSD p < .OS) but more likely to cite mathematical or computational ability (Tukey p
< .05). As noted earlier, it appeared that students who had no problems with speaking
and reading English tend to choose teaching. However, when directly asked whether
they agreed with these types of statements there remained no difference among any
subgroup o f the students. It was statistically significant, however, that students from
each of the four other subgroups except those in education felt that they have
problems speaking in front of an audience (ANOVA p = .0003). Specifically, student
educators were less likely to feel that they have problems speaking in front of an
audience (LSD p < .02).
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104
Table 12
Analysis of Variance Comparison of Educator and Nan-cdiicainr Subgroup Responses to Questions
AM T n i r l i n r C l r t l l n a a u l H m n ln im n m r 1
on Teacher Skills and Preferences*’b
Question Education Health Business
Social
Work Misc. F *
Mostly White students
choose teaching 2.6(13)
Teacher Skills
2.7 (1.0) 26(1.0) 2.1 (1.0) 3.0 (1.0) 3.39*
Writing/ language skills my
strengths 3.8 (1.1) 30(1.1) 3.3 (l.l) 3.5 (1.2) 36(1.3) 3.61**
Math skills my strengths 2.8 (1.3) 3.8 (1.0) 3.5 (1.2) 3.1 (l.l) 3.1 (1.3) 6.36***
Those who speak and read
English well 3.2 (l.l) 3.2 (0.9) 3.6 (0.9) 3.0 (1.3) 3.5 (1.1) 1.78
Students speak and read
English well choose teaching 2.5 (l.l) 2.8 (1.1) 2.7 (1.2) 2.4 (1.1) 2.3 (1.1) 1.27
Problem with
a) understanding 1.4 (1.1) 1.7 (1.3) 1.8 (1.2) 1.7 (1.3) 1.6 (1.1) 0.67
b) speaking 1.4 (1.0) 1.6(12) 1.7 (1.2) 1.7 (1.3) 1.6 (1.2) 0.67
c) writing 1.5(10) 1.9(12) 1.9 (1.1) 18(1.3) 1.8 (1.3) 1.20
d) reading 1.4 (0.9) 1.8 (1.3) 1.7 (1.1) 1.6(12) 1.8 (1.2) 1.11
e) using English language 1.4 (0.9) 1.6 (1.1) 1.6 (1.1) 1.6 (1.2) 1.6 (1.2) 0.57
Problems speaking in front
audience 1.8 (l.l) 2.4(13) 2.7 (1.3) 2.5 (1.5) 2.9 (1.4) 4.37**
Would consider career as
college professor 3.8 (1.5)
Preferences
2.8(12) 2.5 (1.1) 3.3 (1.3) 3.3 (1.2) 6.81***
Prefer professor over social
work 3.9 (1.3) 3.4 (1.2) 2.8 (1.0) 2.2 (1.0) 3.3 (1.3) 14.62***
Prefer social worker over
professor 2.3 (l.l) 2.4 (1.1) 3.1 (0.8) 3.9 (1.1) 2.8 (1.2) 16.03***
Would consider college
administrator 43(1.1) 32(1.1) 2.9 (1.1) 3.2 (1.4) 3.4 (1.2) 8.27***
Would consider college
professor 3.7 (1.2) 3.0 (0.9) 3.3 (1.0) 3.3 (1.2) 30(1.2) 3.84**
More interested in teaching
K-12 2.6 (1.4) 2.8 (1.4) 3.1(12) 2.4 (1.4) 2.8(14) 1.51
1 Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Values are means with standard deviation in parenthesis.c Means were compared by ANOVA test
with d f= 209-221.
* B < .05, ** p< .01, *** p< .001
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Table 12 also shows that none of the non-educator subgroups showed any
interest in either college administration or teaching. Indeed, those in business and
social work subgroups significantly preferred sociology, psychology or social work
over a career as a professor or college administrator (Tukey p < .003). This is further
supported when directly asked whether they prefer a career in academia over
sociology, psychology or social work; all subgroups were significantly less than
those in education (LSD p < .02).
Responses to questions attempting to assess assertiveness (see Table 13)
indicated that both students in education and social work had statistically higher
responses than those in business or miscellaneous fields regarding having no
difficulty speaking to strangers (LSD p < .02 for educators, < .05 for social workers).
In addition, both were statistically more likely to seek assistance from a professor
than any other subgroups (LSD p < .03 for educators, < .002 for social workers). It
had been noted earlier, that students in education appear to be asking more questions
in class and participating more in class discussions or in small groups. This
continued to be statistically significant when comparing their responses to those of
the four non-education subgroups with one exception. There was no difference in
any of these questions between students in social work with those in education.
Therefore, education and social work students had similar responses to the questions
assessing assertiveness.
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Table 1 3
Analysis of Va ria n c e Comparison of Educator and Non-educator Subgroup Responses to Questions
An A ffffrtii ran nee aaul CfMNMntnaMl^ ^
on Assertiveness and Educational Environment**b
Question Education Health Business
Social
Work Misc. F
No difficulty making friends 4.2 (0.9)
Assertiveness
4.1(09) 3.8(10) 4.0 (0.9) 3.8(1.1) 1.31
No difficulty speaking to
strangers 3.9 (1.0) 3.9 (0.9) 3.3 (1.1) 3.8 (1.0) 3.4(1.2) 2.98*
Seek assistance from professor 4.0 (1.0) 3.6 (l.l) 3.3 (0.9) 4.2 (0.8) 3.2 0.1) 7.87***
Have sent E-mail to teacher 3.2 (1.3) 2.5 (1.2) 2.9 (1.4) 2.8 (0.9) 2.9 (1.2) 2.20
Have asked prof questions in
class 3.7 (1.0) 2.3 (1.1) 2.7 (1.3) 3.5 (1.2) 2.3 (1.3) 10.99***
Have asked prof questions 3.5 (l.l) 2.7 (1.2) 2.7 (1.2) 3.1 (1.0) 2.5 0.1) 4.54**
Have spoken up during class 38(1.2) 3.1 (0.9) 3.2 (1.4) 3.8 (1.2) 2.5 (1.0) 7.99***
Have worked in small groups 4.0 (l.l) 34(1.1) 3.6 (1.3) 4.1 (1.1) 3.5(1.0) 3.42**
Have lead small group 3.7 (1.3) 2.8 (1.5) 3.5 (1.5) 3.3 (1.2) 2.8(1.3) 2.40*
Satisfied with ethnic diversity
of teachers
Educational Environment
2.4 (1.3) 3 5(1.0) 2.6(12) 3.0 (1.2) 3.1 (1.2) 7.05***
Satisfied as a student 4.0 (1.0) 38(1.1) 3.1 (1.3) 4.0 (0.7) 3.5 (1.0) 5.29***
Positive educational
experience 4.0 (1.0) 3.9 (1.0) 3.2 (0.9) 4.1 (0.6) 3.6 (1.1) 6.48***
Educational system is
supportive of APAs 2.7 (1.2) 3.3 (0.8) 2.9 (0.9) 2.9 (1.1) 3.0(1.0) 2.01
* Scale was l=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=neither agree nor disagree, 4=agree, 5=strongly agree.
b Values are means with standard deviation in parenthesis.e Means were compared by ANOVA test
with d f= 140-221.
* B < .05, ** p< .01. *** g< .001
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107
Students in education, health fields, and social work expressed a greater level
of satisfaction with student life than those in business and miscellaneous fields (LSD
P < .03) and had a more positive impression o f their educational experience (LSD p
< .04). This is in contrast to those business students, who were significantly less
satisfied with both (Tukey p < .02, p < .003). On the other hand, business students
shared with the students in education dissatisfaction with the ethnic diversity of
teachers or administrators in their college or university (LSD p < .02 for educators,
p < .O S for business).
Directly comparing the mean responses of education with social work
students showed some differences by the independent samples t test. Social work
students indicated a significantly less parental role (t = 2.1, p = .039), parental
support (t = 2.1, p = .037), and parent or family obligation (t = 1.9, p = .05) than did
the education students. In addition, they consistently do not consider a career as a
college professor (t = 1.8-7.2, p < .05 for three questions). Furthermore, they
indicated that “having a good teacher” or an “APA teacher” or “if someone
encouraged me to consider teaching” would not have resulted in their considering
education (t = 3.5, p = .0006; t = 3.6, p = .0006; and t = 3.2, p = .002, respectively).
Finally, they do perceive that speaking in front of an audience to be a problem (t = -
2.8, p = .007).
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108
Generation
Performing the Kruskal-Wallis Test with the grouping variable generation
indicated that there was statistically significant generation effect to the answers on
the questionnaire. Results indicated that the higher the generation, the lower the
parental role in their career choice (p - .01) and higher the rank of their own
preference in career choice (p = .010). Conversely, the higher the generation, the
greater the agreement with questions that their career choice was “best suited” for
them (p = .013) and that it satisfied their obligation to themselves (p = .038). In
addition, the APA student felt increasingly more dissatisfied with the ethnic diversity
of teachers (p = .009) and felt that the educational system is not as supportive of
APA students as other students (p = .0008). On the other hand, none of the questions
on assertiveness showed an effect of the students’ generation.
There was excellent correlation with generation and language spoken to
parents. As the generation increased, the student decreased the frequency in which
he/she spoke the native ethnic language toward the parents. This relationship did not
differ between educators (y = -0.9565x + 3.9049, R2 = 0.9959) and non-educators
(y= -0.8453x + 3.7761, R2 = 0.9945) (Figure 1). There was also good correlation
between country origin of their friends, with more U.S. bom friends the greater
generation of the student (R2= 0.7618). However, there was also no statistical
difference between country origin of their friends between educators and non-
educators. Finally, as noted earlier, there was no difference in generation between
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Ethnic Language Spoken t o Parents
Figure 1.
109
Educators Non-Educators
3.5
2.5
o
S
3
Li-
0.5
1 2 3
Generation
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n o
educators and non-educators with the mean (with standard deviation in parenthesis)
of 1.7 (0.9) and 1.7 (0.8), respectively. Therefore, from a variety of indices, it does
not appear that there was a difference in acculturation between educator and non-
educator students.
Educator Interviews
Introduction
The interviews of APA higher education educators yielded informative
responses. All participants reported the strong influence o f parents and family,
although there were varying degrees of effect on the final outcome. Although some
parents had minimal to no education themselves as reported by the participants, all
APA parents expected and stressed the importance of success through effort to
achieve academic and career success and financial security. The educators
interviewed agreed that the implicit message of achievement through effort was
clearly expected and an “unspoken assumption.” The greatest motivator recalled by
one educator was the “fear of bringing shame to the family.”
Role of Parents and Family
Some parents encouraged or insisted on careers in medicine, law, science,
and engineering. Two teachers’ parents openly expressed their preferences for their
daughters to choose careers in “medicine or, at least, law.” These two educators
sensed that their choices of teaching were in direct defiance of their parents’ wishes.
However, they expressed understanding for their parents’ concern for their job and
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Ill
financial security. In contrast, indirect influence may have affected two other
participants. These professors had parents who were teachers themselves and
allowed their sons to choose any career. One, a third generation Japanese-American,
stated, “Although my mother quit working when I was bom I always felt it was all
right to choose teaching. She would tell me about some of her experiences as a
[junior high school] teacher.” The other faculty member attributed his career choice
to both the influence of his mother in addition to the high regard for scholars in the
culture of Asia where he grew up until he immigrated to the United States as a
graduate student. Hence, the presence of parents who were teachers themselves, may
have exerted an indirect positive influence towards a career in education.
The majority of educators interviewed recalled parents who were open to
their career choices. They allowed their sons and daughters to follow their own
career interests. One felt that any familial obligation for his career choice was
fulfilled by an elder brother who became an engineer based on the wishes of his
parents. Being the second bom son allowed him to freely choose his own career in
teaching.
Two other educators recalled their parents’ influence as a deterrent to their
career decisions for education. One administrator achieved his parents’ goal for him
in engineering and later pursued his own dream of a doctorate in psychology leading
to higher education teaching and an executive position. One teacher stated that her
parents “gave up” attempting to enforce their desire for her career in either medicine
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112
or business after she failed to do well in science and economic courses. Eventually
“nothing was said” to encourage or discourage her interest in teaching.
Self-determination. Motivation, and Acculturation
Interest in careers in education for some of these educators followed a
common trend. First awareness of an interest in fields such as social science,
psychology, or humanities occurred in high school or college. Various people in the
lives of the educators were influential in exposing them to their future career fields.
For one who was an undergraduate at the time her career choice was forming, “the
field of minority education and curriculum and instruction evolved from my
increasing awareness o f the needs for training secondary school teachers in
California.” History was a favorite subject in college and stimulated one APA into
research/teaching and led another to “become politicized after graduate school and
develop a cause to increase race awareness for others.” He added, “I am basically a
shy person, but I knew I would have to learn to be verbal.” A high school
government teacher stimulated the interest o f one administrator in social issues that
continue to be of interest to her although her baccalaureate degree was in
psychology. She describes herself as “a typical Asian, shy, introverted, a wall flower,
although I was active in [high] school activities. It’s still a struggle. I force myself to
do things because it is important. Give me a cause and an agenda.” Journalism was
the field that led another teacher to develop an interest in social issues. “I switched to
do research in sociology and to teach.”
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All educators interviewed were very satisfied with their career choice. The
majority (12) spoke of gaining a sense of self-actualization and status: “There is a
high regard for professors and education in China. Professors have a high social
status and are respected although they are not paid a lot. I feel that I have achieved
that status.” “I have reached many goals and killed myself doing it; and
accomplished a lot. Now I have choices to just coast or look for something new.”
“Doing research a t has a lot of status, and I feel I gain from its prestige.” “For
my parents, a career in education was not as prestigious as teaching at the university
level. This made it [my career choice] more acceptable to them.”
Some spoke of the passion for teaching which was for them the real
motivation. One stated, “The most satisfying part of my job is being with students.”
Another elaborated,
I have a love for learning and a passion for the subject. I am able
to change the ways of thinking for others. The greatest thing is
to be a role model for others. I looked for a mentor but there was
no one for me, but I realize that you are able to make the
difference for yourself and others.
“The greatest satisfaction of teaching is seeing the students’ minds turn on. For this I
have passed up opportunities for administrative positions after much consideration,”
stated another. Another faculty reflected upon his own process of education: “...my
own race awareness has fueled me to teach Asian American history and racism in
American history.” Finally, one concludes,
I am totally satisfied and feel I have achieved my goals. I am not
only learning about myself as an immigrant to my present day
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114
but I feel faculty have the real power to make changes in terms
o f policies, curriculum, through academic senates and all other
academic aspects of higher education.
For the 16 educators 13 learned English as a second language. Although none
of these APAs indicated that factors such as language limited their career, several
described its effect. One stated, “it’s a challenge [and] a longer learning curve for
new immigrants.” Another faculty stated,
Values are set by Western European standards that counter
Asian values. [In this culture], verbal abilities show how
knowledgeable one is and proof of knowledge is what is said,
therefore, assertive people are recognized. Whereas, we are
taught to be quiet and not draw attention to ourselves but to gain
respect through our skills and effort.
One of the two faculty who are native English speakers indicated that verbal skills
continued to be a challenge for him to develop in order to teach well. “I realized I
was not a verbal person and had to learn to be verbal,” he stated. He spoke of being
aware of and valuing Asian cultural characteristics such as displaying less arrogance
and more humility and that less talk is better. Another administrator spoke of being
turned down for a position because he was not aggressive enough. He did not
challenge his supervisor for fear of being disrespectful to authority. When he took
the advice to be more assertive, he was turned down for a subsequent interview
because the committee feared that he would alienate others by his aggressiveness. He
may have benefited from the presence of a mentor or role model.
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115
Presence of Role Models/Mentors
None of the administrators had role models during their early years in
academia. Three who were immigrants reported having teachers who made a positive
impression in the early years prior to arriving in the United States. Later, as faculty
members, two had the fortunate opportunity to have other faculty who provided the
support and encouragement needed for their successful development. For one
administrator, “another professor saw my qualities and encouraged me to go for the
position which is what I did and how I got here.” Hence, others saw their skills and
qualities early in their careers and supported them as they advanced, urging them to
seek their highest potential.
For three faculty members the absence of teachers as role models throughout
their entire educational experience was particularly notable. The overall influence
was reflected in comments such as “I had good teachers and poor” and “no one I
wanted to copy”. Their experiences evolved through the desire to do research in
“what better than a prestigious university environment?” as asked by one. Combined
teaching/research positions provided the opportunities to perform both. Stated
another, “I chose academia to do research more so than to teach.” This was echoed
by the other two.
For six of the participants who were interviewed various people in their lives
were positive role models who affected their career choices and/or development in
education. The recognition and encouragement of teachers provided a positive
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116
influence to do well in school. In general, as one teacher stated, “When you do
better, teachers liked you.” Another stated, “An uncle who was a political science
professor stimulated my intellectual side.” “ My father was a gardener. He had no
education but he used to make speeches that led his people to form a credit union. He
was probably my earliest role model,” stated a female administrator.
Mentors who were teachers affected the career choices for five faculty and
one who became an administrator. Those mentioned were both Asian and non-Asian
professors and department chairs. These APAs described how they were affected: “A
biology professor and chair pushed me to get my Ph.D. This feedback showed me I
was capable.” “A Latina-American professor mentored me to get my Masters degree
in bilingual language education.” Another educator stated, “I worked hard as a work
study student for a business professor to see what profs do.” For yet another faculty,
a comment from a professor that she should consider teaching secondary education
was received negatively and “enraged me to achieve greater goals. I realized that if I
was not going to push myself, no one else will.”
Educational Environment
Ethnic diversity. Several educators recognized the lack of cultural diversity
specifically in their fields of history and sociology as a factor that impacts APAs and
other minorities in education. For two, the lack of diversity was initially a curiosity
that was difficult to understand but not a barrier to them. Another faculty explained
the phenomenon of diversity within the academic culture. She described the need for
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all faculty to conform to Western European standards of education as a socialization
process in order to succeed:
We are defined by our disciplines. We begin our jobs as a
biologist, historian, and so forth. We narrow or lose our self-
identity because we are valued by what we teach not who we
are. Immigrant professors going through 10 to 11 years towards
tenure and full professorship change in the process. This
process is difficult without acculturation or socialization. It is
also the nature of people in the institution to not ‘rock the
boat’. Therefore, it is our responsibility to touch others with
what we know and who we are.
Yet another administrator felt that improving awareness of cultural diversity at the
community colleges has not assisted APAs in achieving administrative positions.
Instead, there has been an “increase in hiring of Latino males... APAs are being
ignored once again especially because not as many students are Asian [in the
community colleges]; therefore, we are not as essential.”
Support. In looking at the workplace of academia, several APAs believed that
acceptance as equals by co-workers and recognition by supervisors were lacking. In
fact, an APA administrator reported that her supervisors years ago had made
statements such as, “You Orientals are so hard to understand” (meaning mysterious
she explained). Peer attitudes were described by one APA educator, “If you’re
successful, there’s jealousy, if you’re unsuccessful, there’s no respect for you.” For
one administrator, the lack of peer support was most evident during an incident in
which he was accused of “having connections with board members.” Another
female administrator stated, “White men have ripped me to shreds for things. They
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118
would not do this to another White man.” Comments by other faculty included, “I
am not included on the team.” “There are negative attitudes toward me. My peers
don’t like to include me,” reported a female faculty. An educator who immigrated to
the U.S. attempted to explain, “We always have to try harder. This is only fair in that
if the tables were turned and someone comes into your [field] from another country,
you’d question his knowledge, too. I need to prove myself and to gain acceptance
because I am a new immigrant.” He stated that these circumstances would be more
difficult to accept from the perspective of one who is native bom.
Other faculty felt that in general they were treated equally to their peers.
Upon closer introspection one admitted that although he received positive feedback
from administrators regarding major grants on his research, he “played down [his]
scholarly achievements...because they may be threats to my colleagues. I only talk
about them when I am asked,” he added. The other APA faculty, who is a third
generation Japanese, felt “more connected to other minority Hispanic faculty.” He
states,
Race matters, ...I remain uncomfortable in the culture of
academia perhaps like the elite schools of the East where there
are class differences. It may be part of the Western European
academic atmosphere that is so different from my own
upbringing. Unfortunately, the culture that is recognized runs
the roost.
A second-generation female Japanese American administrator adds,
I sense this loneliness and isolation...unable to share my
emotions and let off steam. I don’t connect hardly at all here. I
have no deans. There are no meetings with the president. The
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119
cabinet doesn’t discuss anything with me. I have learned to
adapt and deal with it. I reach out to others, but they don’t
really understand my problems.
For three non-tenured faculty with less than 3 years of teaching the sense of
inclusion or exclusion was less apparent. For one, her perception of exclusion was
related to her recent appointment and her fields of expertise: “My colleagues don’t
really know how to include me because of my dual fields.” Of the two other junior
faculty, neither sensed any difficulties.
In contrast, peer support was quite satisfactory for one teacher. Colleagues in
her department supported her well. There was no conflict she could recall in IS years
of teaching in one department. Her philosophy was summed in one statement: “Just
do good work at all times.” As described by her, peer support was received from all
9 members of the relatively homogeneous language department consisting primarily
of faculty who were bom, educated, and immigrated from Asia and East Asian
countries. All were faced with the initial challenge of teaching in the English
language and all shared similar interests in research. She reported her past
educational experiences as quite unremarkable and her success was a result o f her
family and luck. No particular challenges to her success were presented by language,
peer support or recognition. In her role of educator in her institution, no mentoring or
role models existed nor was ever needed being that the focus of her academic work
was research, not teaching. The status of being a researcher at a prestigious
university was her ultimate goal and which she has achieved, she explained.
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Career advancement. For four of the educators, career advancement was
hindered. Several reasons were presented: Three administrators stated that success
and advancement in the workplace were based on self-confidence, politics, timing,
and opportunity. For one APA faculty, who eventually advanced to become dean and
subsequently, dean of instruction, she explained her advancement as self-created
when she convinced her supervisors that a growing multi-departmental division
needed an administrator. She was the only person knowledgeable of the division and
was promoted to the position without proceeding through the selection process. For
one former administrative educator, advancement from an 8-year director position to
an assistant dean position was hindered by the selection of a White female 14 years
younger and with a two-year administrative experience as an assistant director. An
APA faculty reported having had at one time aspirations of an administrative
position but sensed that “it would not be worth it.” Indeed, three administrators
reported past incidences of less than equitable actions. One summed up his
experiences, “They will always choose those who they are most familiar with, who
they are most comfortable with, who look and behave most like them...It’s just
human nature.”
Four of six administrators stated that they advanced through conventional
routes o f faculty, dean, and finally to chief administrative positions. As faculty, none
had aspired to high administrative positions. When opportunities arose, each felt
he/she had unique qualities such as a different approach at the interview level to
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121
convince the hiring committee, or for one, an outstanding reputation for grant
writing. All agreed that they would not have had the opportunity had it not arisen at
the right time. Demographic data indicate that these administrators were immigrants
and learned English as a second language though none felt impaired by this. None
felt pressured by their parents in their career choices nor was the field of education
encouraged either. However, self-confidence and assertiveness were mentioned as
assets to survive as administrators in the field of education. A fifth administrator who
advanced through student service management positions and was a native English
speaker reported how a high school assistant principal assisted her to develop
interview skills when she was a 23 year old graduate student working as an
instructional aide. She realized at that time, “I can do this.”
For teachers, attempts for advancement to tenure faculty positions or to a
higher position presented varying experiences. Several faculty discussed overcoming
difficulties by, as stated by one, “going the extra mile” to be assured tenure or that he
would be the best qualified applicant for a job: “In all cases, I have worked extra
hard to reduce possibilities of being turned down.. .1 exceed standards and
expectations. Rewards will come. One can gain respect through hard work.” Another
described being turned down, “It is difficult to say...perhaps female affirmative
action led to denial of a position. However, I feel I have been supported by my
department, and I have delivered, too. I make sure. In general, tenure was not
especially difficult; my tenure committee was my friends.” He explained that his
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effort to maintain his status within his department and institution has been
augmented by his work on a second book based on his research.
For another faculty, the tenure process presented definite difficulties. “Tenure
was tough. After being denied twice by my tenure committee based on questions
related to relevance of my community service in the Asian and Black communities
on issues of race, I was assisted by an Asian-American dean from another discipline
to gain tenure on the third attempt.” In contrast, for the faculty member in the
homogeneous language department, “Tenure was not a stressful experience because
[her] research was good.” She and each of the other faculty in her department were
granted tenure in the time expected. Her explanation for success in her field was
stated as, “luck.”
For three junior faculty who were lecturers and not yet tenured, two
expressed great satisfaction with their current teaching positions and plans for tenure
were definite, however, there was minimal awareness of the challenges that were
ahead. For the third, tenure was not the current issue. Family coercion to leave the
field o f teaching because of “low salary and intense pressure” was creating
uncertainties for her. “My husband sees what I am doing and asks, ‘What for?’”
However, she stated, “I really do love teaching. That is where my heart is.”
Barriers. An administrator recognized both internal as well as external
barriers to reaching her goal of college president:
I am too focused on doing a good job. Perfectionism... You
know it’s that Asian culture of avoiding shame. I’ve got to do it
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123
perfectly. I really need to work on connecting with people more
by networking and becoming more well-rounded. It’s what they
said to me after one of my interviews. ‘We know your work, but
we don’t know you.’
On speaking of the external barriers, she stated, “Battles continue with that glass
ceiling.” An example of this was described by another administrator:
I had been promoted to an associate deans position from a
director of student training, but three years later, students were
still being referred to me as if I had never left that job. It was
people’s perception of me. I knew after that that I could not
advance any further at that college. I made up my mind I had to
leave.
Advantages and disadvantages for achieving administrative positions yielded
varying opinions for administrators and faculty. One administrator enumerated the
advantage o f having a broader influence and institutional effect to communicate with
an audience that needs to hear about and develop sensitivities towards students o f all
ethnicities. However, for one faculty, ten years after immigration, “getting into
administration is filled with challenges and obstacles.” He admittedly performed his
committee obligations but did not enjoy the interactions. In addition, “I am
unfamiliar with the social norms and culture. I am able to state my opinion, but I lose
the essence of what others are saying when there is extensive elaboration.” The
politics of his institution eluded him. “I feel left out of the inner communication
network...am usually the last to know about any new information because I am
excluded by my peers and keep to myself mostly. No one sees me as someone they
need to keep informed.” Another stated, “I don’t enjoy committee work because
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there is too much discussion. I’d rather make a decision and be done. But eventually,
after tenure, I would consider a leadership position.” However, he expressed some
reservation about a leadership position such as the academic senate in that much
depends on name recognition, and that politics was “baffling, how it works.”
Another faculty had comments such as, “ To be a leader requires recognition and
respect. This is more an uphill battle. [I] accept but resent this battle that 1 must
fight.” He explained that his desire for a leadership position requires that he knows
what the audience wants and is able to give it. Whereas, with experience in a
classroom, he knows what he must do to set the atmosphere for students. Upon
further reflection, he stated that he was “not comfortable interacting with others
outside of his own department”, “had not received any grooming by others”, [and]
felt negatively towards the “political and public aspects” of leadership. An
administrator felt he had gained from the mentoring given by several female
minorities along his career path because “the culture of white male management is
not compatible with mine.”
Summary of Educator Interviews
O f the 16 educators, four had parents who did not allow them to pursue a
career in education. Ten parents did not encourage nor discouraged any particular
profession. Two educators had encouragement and support from their parents, who
were themselves in education and may have served as role models. Indeed, for six
educators various people in their lives, including family members or teachers, served
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125
as positive influences. On the other hand, the absence of teachers as role models
throughout their educational experience occurred for three faculty members. Those
for whom there was a negative parental influence, there was a sense o f
determination, self-confidence, and a love of teaching to continue despite these
obstacles. A majority appeared to have gained a sense of self-actualization and status
in their career.
Role models and mentors who were non-Asians as well as Asians appeared to
have been especially helpful for five faculty and one administrator to succeed.
Several APAs also cited a lack of support from peers and supervisors, which could
reflect a lack of cultural diversity within their department or in their institution. The
feeling o f“otherness” as described by Johnsrud and Sadao (1998) was also
expressed by several interviewees. In addition to cultural barriers there continued to
be feelings o f inadequacy in their mastery of English, even for those in whom
English was their only language, and in their perception of the existence o f a glass
ceiling.
Student Interviews
Six APA students had considered education and decided against it. Five
other students were interested in teaching. In examining the responses of these 5
students, 4 were not interested in teaching in higher education. A 21 year-old
Japanese-American senior, whose major was liberal arts, stated, “My heart is not
there. I feel as though I would have more of an impact on the younger children.”
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Although she did feel that the salary and role model of a college professor are
important, the technicalities of higher education did discourage her. She also
enjoyed teaching younger children and that her family was "Americanized" and fully
supported her. Another 21 year old Japanese-American senior in liberal arts
indicated that she wanted to go into elementary education because it will “make a
difference in people's lives.” As to why she would not consider going into higher
education, she wrote that it would be “a lot more time-consuming than just teaching
kids.” Both of these students indicated no pressure from their parents on their career
choice. It should also be noted that they were either 3rd or 4th generation APAs.
A 22 year old Filipino student whose major was biochemistry stated he was
interested in education “because I feel like I have the ability and the drive to help
students learn ... for their immediate and future successes.” He also stated that he
feels “more comfortable at teaching students while they are younger so that I can
hopefully prepare them for the work that may lie ahead of them.” His parents
wanted him to go into medicine or engineering because “these are professions that
are considered both difficult and respectable, well-paid,” resulting in “having a
secure future [which] is important for my parents so that they know that I am taken
care of at least financially.” He wanted to go into teaching or business because
“these are areas that I feel comfortable in handling and are areas that I know I can
handle.”
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Another 22 year-old Japanese-American in chemistry also stated that he did
not consider teaching in higher education “because kids are hard to get through to”
and he had no interest in it. Significantly, of the 9 students, he was the only one who
stated that a teacher most influenced his career decision. Specifically, a football
coach in high school who taught chemistry was his role model. On the other hand,
he also stated that administration headaches would discourage him from a career in
higher education. However, his parents voiced no opposition to his choice.
All four stated that having a teacher role model would have encouraged their
decision to go into higher education. Three also indicated salary, probably reflecting
their awareness that teachers in higher education earn more than teachers in other
educational levels. Only one student mentioned social status and another mentioned
parental considerations and interacting with students. Although two were from
families of greater than two generations in the U.S., the other two were first
generation immigrants.
The one student who was interested in teaching at a junior college or at a
secondary education level was a 22 year-old Chinese-American in graduate school in
mathematics. He wanted to “interact with people, [and] not just sit at a desk or
cubicle. It is a career that I think I can enjoy and work at for the rest of my life.” He
could not cite any factors that would discourage such a career and stated that he
would enjoy all “the responsibilities behind being a college professor, the tasks,
lecturing, answering questions, etc.” Interestingly, his parents would have liked him
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128
to go into computers and he himself would rather be a musician or write for
television or movies.
Six APA students had considered but decided against a career in education.
Their immigration status ranged from being foreign bom to greater than 3rd
generation APA. One, a 23 year-old Filipino male, stated that he believed that “to
improve society teachers are part of the foundation of such improvement.”
However, the relatively low salary discouraged him. Instead, he had blended his
interests in architecture, engineering, and graphic design and majored in computer
science with an emphasis in computer architecture. He would like to be involved in
developing software in this area. His parents were a major influence in his career or
college decision and had wanted him to go into medicine, architecture or
engineering. He indicated positive influences in a decision for higher education
would be parental desires and the role model of being such a teacher. Therefore, the
fact that his parents did not desire a career in education for him and the low salary in
teaching both made his decision against teaching in higher education relatively easy.
Both parents and salary played a role for a 21 year-old foreign-born
Taiwanese senior in business administration as well. He also stated that although he
would “love the interaction with people. I dislike the bureaucracy in the system.”
His parents would rather have him be involved in “anything for government or ...
prestigious like a doctor [instead of education] because they've never had a sense of
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129
financial security and thought that being in either of those fields would secure me
one.” His ultimate goal is to be a financial consultant.
For the three other APAs who had considered a career in higher education,
their parents’ desire for a health-related area did result in their pursuing careers
ranging from occupational therapist, physician assistant to physician. A 22 year-old
Japanese-American who is a third-generation immigrant and graduated in human
development is applying for admission to a school in occupational therapy “because
of the need and job availability.” She also stated, “I've always wanted to do
something in the medical field and this is an opportunity to do something that is
really helpful and important for the future” and a medical field was desired “because
my mom is a nurse.” Similarly, a 26 year-old Vietnamese native bom graduate of
UCLA in physiology is currently enrolled in a masters program in public health and
ultimately would like to be a physician’s assistant. He noted that the low salary and
adverse parental pressures have dissuaded him from seeking education as a career.
However, he “would like to be an assistant professor at an academic institution”
eventually. Finally, a 19 year-old Filipino first generation sophomore, who is
enrolled in the biomedical program in preparation for a M.D. degree, also cited low
salary as a negative factor in going into education. Nevertheless, he also stated that
he “would enjoy teaching students, especially in the humanities.” Finally, for the 6th
APA student, a 21 year-old Chinese senior,
It would be fun to be back in a college/university environment.
I enjoyed my years (so far) in college...a great learning
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experience about a great many things. It would also be
interesting to be on the other side for once... I could enjoy being
a professor in a college or university.
Instead, he is majoring in computer science and wants to become a systems analyst
or programmer because his parents would discourage a teaching career.
In this group of 6 APA students, all indicated positive views o f a career in
higher education. Three also indicated that the respect and social status o f a college
professor were additional favorable factors. However, they were discouraged
because of the low salary and parental desires, which led to their decision not to go
into education. This is in contrast to the lack of parental pressure in three out of five
APA students who are going into education.
Were there any factors that limited their career goals or aspirations in these
11 APA students? Interestingly, five mentioned that mathematical skills or
computational abilities played a role. Three perceived socialization or acculturation
barriers. Two mentioned interpersonal interaction skills and only one cited a lack of
assertiveness or self-confidence. Only one mentioned possible racial or cultural
barriers, “because I "am" [emphasized by him] Asian, and most famous freelance
writers are White.” He is going into medicine but would also like to be a writer.
Another, who wanted to go into financial consulting, said that “it's not what you
know, it's WHO you know, and I don't have any connections.” All mentioned a
generally positive impression of their educational experience.
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Summary o f Student Responses
Those APA students not pursuing a career in education appeared to have
been influenced by low salary concerns and parental pressures despite all six
indicating positive views of a career in higher education. Specifically, two indicated
that salary was a discouraging factor, one said parental desires, and two said both
salary and parents were negative factors. Four stated that their parents played a major
role in their career decision and only two stated “self.” This is in contrast to the lack
of any parental pressure in three out of the five APA students interviewed who are
seeking degrees in education. In one his parents were specifically concerned about
his financial security if he chose education. The other was very self-confident in his
abilities and his family’s opinion did not play a role in his career choice. He also did
not feel that there were any barriers and that “I feel I'm taking the right and necessary
steps to attaining my goal.” Therefore, three out of five mentioned that their career
choice was primarily influenced by “self,” whereas one mentioned parents and the
other a teacher.
For the other four students pursuing a career in education and for four out of
six non-education students interviewed competency in either mathematic or writing
and language skills was felt to limit their career aspirations. One student educator
and two student non-educators interviewed were concerned with socialization or
acculturation barriers and interpersonal interaction skills. Another non-educator
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student pursuing a career in computers or business mentioned his non-assertiveness
may be a detriment to his career goal.
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CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION
Overview of the Study
One’s career choice is thought of as based on one’s abilities and the
expression of one’s aspirations, perceptions, and motivations. As theorized by Freud
and Erikson, parents, culture, and society can have an impact on the individual.
While career theories exist that explain the influence of individual traits, stages of
development or career maturity, social learning, self-concept, and values and
interests, none address the social cultural experiences of APAs or other minorities.
Other factors such as culture, acculturation, and cultural barriers may alter their final
career choice or outcome. The lack of APAs as faculty and administrators in light of
the cultural value of education and in contrast to the number of students enrolled in
higher education institutions is a phenomenon in need of investigation. The purpose
of this study was to examine the relationship of social cultural factors in influencing
career choice in education versus non-education fields. A better understanding was
achieved by using a questionnaire to survey the perceptions and experiences of APA
students. More in depth understanding was gained from interviewing APA educators
who provided their knowledge and perspectives based on their experiences. In
addition, APA students who are in the process of making career decisions were
interviewed and provided information that reflected their current experiences.
Specifically, this study identified the significant roles of parental pressures, self-
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confidence, role models and mentors, and the perception of cultural barriers in
influencing the career choices and outcomes of APAs. These will be discussed as
answers to the research questions outlined in Chapter I.
The participants in this study were 251 APA undergraduate and graduate
students and faculty and administrators from higher education institutions in
California. They were selected using purposeful and snowball techniques to respond
to a questionnaire or to be interviewed.
Research Questions and Answers
What Factors Promote or Hinder Career Choices in Education for APAs?
The negative influence of parents on career choices in education. The
majority of APA students who chose the field of education had minimum parental
involvement in their specific career choice. Therefore, parents appear to hinder APA
students’ choice for a career in education. For two faculty who were interviewed,
their choice of teaching was felt to be in direct defiance of their wishes that was
understood by them as a direct result of their parents’ concern for their job and
financial security. Four of six non-educator students who were interviewed stated
that they did not pursue a career in education because of parental pressure or desires.
Similarly, parents of two of the five educator students wanted them to pursue another
career field. Finally, quantitative results of the students surveyed indicated a
statistically significant lower agreement by educator students with statements that
their career choice reflected their parents’ expectations and that their choice met with
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parental approval. Conversely, this was supported by their statistically significant
higher agreement with statements that they were more certain that their career choice
was best for them. Therefore, “my preference” was ranked higher as a factor in their
career choice by the student educators than non-educators whereas non-educators
ranked “parent’s preference” higher than educators. These findings confirm other
studies indicating an intense parental pressure discouraging APA children from the
teaching profession (Su, 1996; Su et al., 1997; Gordon, 2000).
Parental influence may reflect the degree of choice allowed by parents and
the students’ degree of determination in making that choice. Indeed, while 51% of
the students surveyed stated that their parents preferred medical or health fields for
them, group comparisons showed that this was true for 40% of educator students
versus 56% of non-educator students. Students with majors in business and health-
related fields scored significantly higher in stating that their career choice met
parental approval and satisfied family/parental obligations and expectations.
However, although almost half of the parents of educator students wanted a health-
related career for their child, their children nevertheless pursued education. This is
further supported by the interviews of faculty and administrators, some of whose
parents encouraged or insisted on careers in medicine, law, science, and engineering.
Hence, for many of those in education, from undergraduate to graduate students to
those already in faculty or administration, their career choice was against their
parents’ wishes. Parents have pressured their sons and daughters to choose positions
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having high prestige, salary, and stability, thereby, discouraging careers in education
(Gordon, 2000; Su, 1996). A small percentage (2.4% in the survey) of parents simply
wanted their children to be “happy’ ' in whatever field they pursue. A higher
percentage (10 of 16 or 62.5%) of educators interviewed had parents who were
noncommittal.
Tang (1999) modified Lent’s social cognitive theory to explain the process of
career development for APAs. The parents influence an individual’s interests as it
develops towards formulating career decisions. Others (Campbell & Connolly, 1987;
Asakawa & Csikszentmihalyi, 1998; Mordkowitz & Ginsberg, 1986) have attributed
APA parental influence to an academic socialization process that maintains an
environment of high educational expectations for academic success, achievement,
and perseverance. Goto (1994) described the child’s perception o f parents’ sacrifices
as a strong influence resulting in a sense of obligation to do well. As stated by Peng
and Wright (1994), parents expected and provided the structure for their children’s
life that facilitated their academic success. Indeed, the educators who were
interviewed described sensing their parents’ message as an “unspoken assumption”
and the “fear of bringing shame to the family” as the greatest motivator. Parents were
an apparent influence for all who participated in this study. For the APA
participants, parents expressed expectations of successful academic and career
achievements as is customary of centuries of Asian culture. For many APAs, parents
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played a major role in influencing career choices. APA students were aware of their
parents’ desires and did their best to meet those expectations.
Self-confidence as a positive influence on career choices in education. Self-
confidence was measured in this study using statements that describe the degree of
assertiveness in the classroom. Not surprisingly, students in education tended to take
a more active role in the classroom by asking more questions in class and
participating in class discussions or small groups. Interestingly, social work students
shared this characteristic. They were just as assertive in the classroom as education
students. However, education students did not have problems speaking in front of an
audience while all other subgroups stated that would be a problem. Another aspect of
self-confidence was their agreement with the question regarding how certain was the
student that his/her career choice was the best suited for him/her. Educator students
scored the highest although those in social work and health-related fields also scored
high.
Faculty and administrators who were interviewed discussed self-confidence
as a necessary attribute to achieve success in teaching and administration. They
described challenging experiences during years of teaching, facing tenure, or in the
process of attaining positions in administration. This self-confidence may in fact
have been demonstrated for some APAs who chose education despite strong parental
opposition of their choice of career. For those whose parents allowed them to choose
their own careers, they were able to do so without feeling conflict. It should also be
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noted that both educator and non-educator students indicated they equally felt
supported by their family in their career choice. For those APA educators who may
have had varying degrees of self-confidence or parental support, there may be
mentors, role models and peer support. However, as described by eight of the sixteen
faculty and administrators, collegial support from peers and supervisors often was
not available. For these APA educators to pursue their goals in an academic
environment that was less than supportive necessitated some level of self-confidence.
Following one’s career choice despite parental pressures and in conflict with
cultural values may require a certain level of self-confidence. For most APAs,
parents provide strong guidance in choosing a respected profession in which others
have succeeded. In addition, APA youth may be more apt to defer to parental rule
related somewhat to respect for authority and elders (Johnson, et al., 1983).
Therefore, in choosing a career, the APA student may attempt to select one that is of
interest to them and yet is acceptable to parents.
A career in education may be more acceptable by parents who are new
immigrants and whose cultural values are more strongly influenced by the traditional
values of Asia (Gordon, 2000). This was true for one APA educator who was
interviewed. On the other hand, it can be expected that immigrants or first generation
APAs would be less inclined to go into fields in which verbal and socialization skills
would be required such as education. As future generations of APA become more
acculturated and possess greater language skills, they perhaps would be likely to
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enter a field such as education. This has been suggested by several investigators
(Leong & Chou, 1994; Hsia, 1988). However, this study did not find acculturation as
measured by generation to be related to choosing a career in education. Instead, a
generation effect was found to have an inverse relationship to the degree of parental
role in making a career choice. Therefore, increasing generation was associated with
students’ likelihood of making a career choice based primarily on his/her own
preference. This is consistent with findings of Leong and Tata (1990) that explained
the role of self-realization in career choice for APAs. On the other hand, ten out of
sixteen APA faculty/administrators in higher education in this study were either
foreign born or first generation. In addition, three out of five APA students
interviewed who had chosen a career in education were first generation immigrants.
Therefore, these first generation APAs have the self-confidence to pursue a career in
education despite not mastering verbal or social skills. Many attribute having
teachers as role models and/or mentors as being important. Some had parents or
other family members who were in education.
Other positive factors such as teachers, role models, mentors, and peer
support. Krumboltz’ social learning theory states that one learns from seeing others
doing and the feedback that is given. Su (1996) attributes the lack of APA educators
as related to a lack of role models as compared to White peers. However, non-
educator students of all subgroups in this study did not feel that having a good
teacher, encouragement, or having APA role models would have encouraged a
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teaching career. This may be especially important for the students in social work,
who were very similar to those in education in the level o f parental influence, self-
confidence, and teacher role modeling. Specifically, both social work and educator
groups of students were more likely to agree on the need for support as well as
advice of teachers, who appeared to have played an important role in their career
choice. However, those in social work were not as likely to feel that having a good
teacher or encouragement from someone would have influenced them to consider
teaching. In contrast, those in education strongly agreed that those factors would
have positively influenced their choice in teaching.
For those faculty who had such support, various people in their lives served
as role models including teachers and family members who were teachers. Teachers
were also mentors for six of the sixteen educators interviewed. Mentors were Asians
as well as non-Asian professors for the teachers. For administrators, role models
were other administrators. For one APA administrator, the lack of peer support
created an extremely lonely experience for her. Three of the teachers who had no
mentors or role models were proud of their achievements in research more so than in
teaching. On the other hand, there was no difference between the groups of educator
and non-educator students as to their having an APA teacher or a good teacher as a
role model.
Therefore, it appears that APA students do not rely on role models to actually
make their career choice in education. However, they do yearn for APA teachers to
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help them cope during their student years. Indeed, APA educators and administrators
also emphasized their need for role models and mentors once they have committed to
education and are further along in their career development.
Educational experience as a positive influence. There is a dichotomy of
perception by APA education students. On one hand they were more likely to
express awareness of the lack of ethnic diversity in faculty and administration in
higher education as well as the lack of support for APA students by the educational
system. However, they also were more likely to express satisfaction with student life
and to state a positive impression of their educational experience. This is in contrast
with Su (1996) who described a more adverse educational experience for minority
students. However, perhaps there was a difference between the APA students studied
by Su and those in this study with the latter limited to students in California, which
has a more diverse student environment as noted in Chapter 2. On the other hand,
Johnsrud and Sadao (1998) describe the feeling of otherness that APA faculty feel in
Hawaii, in which up to one-third of the faculty are members of various APA ethnic
groups. This feeling was also expressed by the APA faculty and administrators in the
current study and may have contributed to their perception of cultural barriers.
Perhaps for the students, self-confidence as demonstrated by assertiveness in the
classroom reflected or influenced their overall impression of the educational
environment from the student’s perspective and opened the field of education to
them despite their perceptions of the lack of cultural diversity or support.
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How do Cultural Barriers Affect Career Outcomes?
Faculty and administrators who were interviewed spoke from their
experiences o f situations that indicated that either or both internal and external
barriers exist. The Asian culture of perfectionism to avoid shame, value of respect
for authority, not drawing attention to oneself versus the dominant culture’s value of
networking, speaking one’s mind, and competitiveness were ways that created
difficulty for these APAs in the academic environment and especially for those
interested in career advancement. Other sources of barriers to advancement discussed
by the faculty interviewed included difficulties with language, communication, and
interpersonal skills experienced by those who were third as well as first generation
APAs. Verbal abilities were recognized as a highly valued indicator of one’s
knowledge and were difficult for APAs not accustomed to verbally asserting
themselves to achieve. Several faculty spoke of the challenge to overcome obstacles
presented by language and communicating with colleagues at meetings. Indeed, for
APA individuals in this study, social barriers may determine the outcomes
independent o f behavior (Lent et al., 1996). This is in contrast to the educator
students who did not anticipate any problems with the English language. Those who
chose education were likely to feel more competent in their ability to communicate
and appeared to be more assertive than those who did not choose education with the
exception of those in social work. None of the students interviewed perceived the
possible difficulties in education that the faculty and administrators discussed.
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Furthermore, lack of support, covert and overt messages, and subtle and
obvious comments made by others indicated that bias and discriminatory attitudes
exist in the academic institutions of the educators interviewed. These were obstacles
that hindered achieving career outcomes for some APA faculty and administrators.
Although resentment and disappointment were voiced, these attitudes were also
perceived as issues that needed to be addressed and overcome. Therefore, career
development is not merely a cognitive volitional process; external and internal
barriers to choice and advancement exist that may inhibit or promote certain career
paths for APAs in education.
Finally, the lack o f cultural diversity in higher education was a source of
stress for APA students in education (and business) and faculty. There appeared to
be a generation effect with increasing dissatisfaction among the students. There was
the perception that not only was there a lack of ethnic diversity in the faculty but also
that the educational system itself was not as supportive for APA students as for other
students. Description of the effect of this factor can be seen with the interviews of
APA faculty who taught in primarily non-Asian departments o f sociology, history,
and nursing. Reports of difficulties in achieving tenure were attributed to relevance
of service or research and a non-supportive atmosphere where there was a lack of
respect for issues of importance to them. Indeed, Fujimoto (1996) made the
observation that APAs were often concentrated in specific fields in math,
engineering, medicine, and ethnic studies, contributing to misleading numbers of
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144
faculty, attracted other APAs to the same fields, and usually were not sources for
potential administrators. Hence, the same barriers that exist in society that result in
the overrepresentation and under-representation of APAs and minorities in certain
fields may exist in academia and may be indicative o f occupational segregation
related to restricted access.
Therefore, career choices and outcomes may be influenced by both internal
and external barriers that inhibit career paths or options and outcomes. Self-efficacy
in career choice as described by Lent’s social cognitive theory and/or the APA
students’ or educators’ perceptions and experiences of barriers that reduce the
options that are truly open to them. This may be similar to the process described by
Lee (1996) in her study of Asian-identified, Asian American-identified, and New
Wave students for whom identity affected motivation and effort towards academic
achievement. Although the questionnaire did not directly measure ethnic
identification, it did ascertain the country of origin o f most o f the friends o f the
students. There was no difference between students who were educators and non
educators. However, this needs to be further studied using instruments that
specifically measure identity and career choice and outcomes.
What roles do culture and acculturation (e.g.. individual choice, parents/family, and
mentors and role models, support of peers, colleagues, and supervisors! plav in
achieving APAs’ career goals in education?
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145
Although there may be many aspects of culture influencing the individual, a
major determinant was that conveyed by the parents and family. Many of these
students, faculty, and administrators have parents who did not want their children to
enter the field of education but yet, allowed their decisions to prevail. Upon closer
examination, it appeared that the principle factor was his/her own self-confidence to
the degree that was perhaps sufficient to overcome the influence of parents and
culture. Student educators showed greater self-determination in career choice than
non-educators. This study did not find an association between generation and
language spoken to parents with career choice in education. It did show an inverse
relationship between the students’ generation and parental role in career choice.
In addition to possessing greater self-confidence, those who chose education
appear to have greater interpersonal skills and comfort in speaking before an
audience. Perhaps acculturation may not be limited to the society at large but
socialization to the classroom environment or educational milieu that relies on verbal
discourse. Those who can acculturate to this environment perform better and
possibly perceive a more positive educational experience. This may be another factor
for those who are more likely to choose a career in education. Thus, a higher level of
self-confidence and positive impressions of educational experiences were therefore
found to be associated with educator students than with non-educator students.
For many of the faculty and administrators, their parents did not discourage
their children from the teaching profession. They allowed fulfillment o f aspirations
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146
based on their children’s own interests and abilities. This was also seen in the
educator students but to a much lower frequency. The reason for this difference is
uncertain but may relate to temporal differences since the students were much
younger. In addition, there were other APA families who did not discourage their
children from entering the teaching profession but who have family members who
preceded them in education. Those family members may function as role models for
the APA student who have decided on a career in education. All educator students
and faculty have expressed a strong desire for the presence of more APA role models
who may serve to validate or invalidate various internal and external perceptions and
provide mentoring. Therefore, a major effect of role models may not be in attracting
students to the field of education but rather to serve to keep those who have made
that decision. Those individuals with the aspiration to enter the field o f education
need to possess enough self-confidence and determination to overcome the strong
negative parental influences that appear to be present in most families. In addition,
they may need role models and mentors to cope with the lack of ethnic diversity and
support in the presence of internal and external barriers while pursuing their career
goals.
Bringing awareness of APA students to the opportunities provided by careers
in education may depend upon the ability of APAs already in the field to impart their
experience of satisfaction and success as educators. However, non-educator students
appeared to be less influenced by the presence of good teachers or the
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147
encouragement of APA educators or others in pursuing a career in education. This
finding suggests that it is uncertain as to whether those who have not chosen
education can be persuaded to pursue education by role models. On the other hand,
building self-confidence and the presence of role models and support through
mentors could provide the positive influences needed for APA students to support
their interest in education as a career.
In addition, mentors appear to be helpful in negating the over-all adverse
educational environment that the APA may find him/herself. Among the faculty and
administrators, incidences were reported that indicate less than supportive attitudes
and interrelations pervade among peers, colleagues, and supervisors. The lack of
support from supervisors and peers and the presence of glass ceiling are obstacles
that the APA faculty and administrator appear to encounter in academia, especially
in those fields in which APAs are under-represented. Mentors can provide the
encouragement that is needed to spur the educator to achieve greater goals. In
contrast the educator students appear not to be aware of the feeling of “otherness”
expressed by the APA faculty and administrators, both in this study as well as those
published earlier (Johnsrud & Sadao, 1998; Su et al., 1997; Laden & Hagedom,
2000). For educators who seek career advancement especially, mentors are needed.
Hence, barriers continue to cause divisiveness and impose conditions that
may be contributing to the low numbers of APA educators, especially administrators.
Improving the multicultural environment in higher education has been addressed by
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148
others (e.g., Fuentes et al., 1994). They noted, “It is important that Asian American
students have a positive self-concept and confidence in their ability to negotiate the
social demands of the college environment” (page 84). Moreover, these qualities are
essential for APA educators to successfully navigate their academic career in
education.
Recommendations
This study has identified significant but usually conflicting roles of parental
pressures and self-confidence as they relate to APA selection of education as a
career. There appeared to be a group of APA students who are likely to follow the
paths their parents choose. Any strategies developed to alleviate the problem of lack
of APA representation in education should necessarily include outreach programs to
the parents. Early parent outreach that begins while students are attending secondary
schools may introduce parents to careers in higher education and correct any
misconceptions. Improving parents’ awareness of the opportunities in higher
education teaching and administration will enable them to be open and supportive.
Another group of APAs is more likely to have the self-confidence to pursue
their own aspirations based on their assessment of their strengths and desires for a
career. However, not all will have the necessary self-confidence, especially if their
desires are in conflict with their parents and/or cultural traditions. Therefore,
programs may be needed to increase their self-confidence and develop verbal and
leadership skills (Takeuchi, 197S) as well as to increase the assertiveness (Fukuyama
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149
& Coleman, 1992) for students and educators. Programs such as Leadership
Education for Asian Pacifies (LEAP) Inc. recognizes the lack of APA faculty and
administration and provides leadership development for higher education. LEAP
focuses on preparing a pool of APAs for senior levels o f higher education
administration by promoting their leadership and professional development through
training and mentors.
The presence of role models and mentors may provide the support needed
and also serve to alleviate the feelings of alienation in a non-supportive atmosphere.
Programs that provide mentors who share insights on how to navigate the political
and social environment of higher education institutions and the obstacles that are
present are needed.
Further investigation. Clearly, further studies are needed to understand the
cultural environment of various institutions of higher education and the influence of
ethnic diversity upon students, faculty, and administrators. In addition, studies to
examine the evolution of changes in attitude of APA students as they continue their
academic career to graduate students, junior faculty, tenured faculty and
administrative positions may be especially helpful in understanding the development
of this feeling of alienation.
The similarities between students in education and social work have been
described in this study. Comparison between the two groups revealed that educators
were more at ease in speaking in front of an audience. In addition, social work
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150
students appeared to have even less parental influence and more self-confidence in
their career choice. However, this study did not clearly delineate except for speaking
in front of an audience, what factors dissuaded social work students from pursuing
education. A more detailed examination of factors specifically hindering their choice
would be needed. Interviews with APA social workers may be helpful in providing
more insight and understanding.
Further investigations using a more representative number of APA students
are needed to examine a wider population, including those in other fields. Successful
strategies to increase their interest and success in higher education careers can be
implemented. This is an area in which much research is needed and can be extended
to examine the involvement of other minority members in higher education.
Conclusion
Parents, students’ determination, generation, role models, mentors, peer
support, assertiveness and impression of educational experience were factors in
APAs career choice and outcomes in education. For educators, internal and external
barriers played a significant role in achievement of career goals. This study
examined the perceptions and experiences of APA students, faculty and
administrators in higher education careers. Most report minimum parental
involvement in their career choice as compared to other APA students in other fields.
For many students, parents played an important but usually negative role. Those who
pursue careers in higher education appeared to be more likely to follow their own
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151
aspirations. They possess and some recognize their own self-confidence based on
their desire for a career in which they can be satisfied. For many APA students and
faculty mentors and role models played an important role. In addition, a positive
impression o f past educational experiences perhaps supported a career decision in
education. However students who lacked self-confidence, especially if their desires
are in conflict with their parents, tended not to go into education.
APAs are an excellent source of capable and committed teachers and
administrators for American higher education institutions but who are not for various
reasons o f culture, acculturation, and barriers that exist. If higher education’s goal is
to meet the learning needs of an increasingly diverse student population,
participation of APA and other minority individuals at all levels of the higher
education process is essential. It is the responsibility o f all those in higher education
institutions to provide for changes in policies and programs to support the upcoming
generations of APA students, faculty, and administrators and those of other minority
groups. Their multicultural perspectives and experiences are a unique source of
knowledge not only for minority students but for the majority population as well.
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152
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Appendix A
Student Questionnaire
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168
STUDENT QUESTIONNAIRE
1) What job do you see yourself doing in five years?__________________
Reason(s) for choice:
2) Considering your career choice, please number in order of 1 to 6 the factors that are
least (1) to most (6) encouraging of that choice:
a. M y preference _ _
b. Parent’ s preference _ _
c. Prestige___________ _ _
d. Salary _ _
e. Role models _ _
f. Peer/friend’ s influence _ _
CIRCLE APPROPRIATE N U M BER
Strongly Neither agree/ Strongly
Disagree disagree Agree
3) M y parents play an important role in my
career choice.
4) I have not needed nor required the support
or advice of teachers, counselors, and
advisors in m y career decisions.
5) M ostly W hite students choose careers in
teaching
6) W riting/language skills have been one of
my strengths.
7) Math/computational skills have been one of
my strengths.
8) M y teachers make me feel confident that I
can achieve in any field.
9) I would consider a career as a college
professor.
10) I am satisfied w ith the ethnic diversity of the
teachers/administrators in m y
college/university.
11) I would prefer a career as a professor/
college administrator to a career as a
sociologist/psychologist /social worker.
12) I would prefer a career as a sociologist/
psychologist /social worker over a career as
a professor/college administrator.
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
2 3
5
5
5
5
5
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169
13) M y parent’ s approval is important in m y 1 2 3 4
career choice.
14) I can choose any career as long as I have 1 2 3 4
the skills, interest, and education.
15) Those students who speak and read 1 2 3 4
English well can choose careers in
psychology/sociology/social w ork.
16) M y success reflects upon my 1 2 3 4
parents/family.
17) M y career choice is the resun of both my 1 2 3 4
parents and my decision.
18) I am certain my career choice is best suited 1 2 3 4
for me.
19) M y career choice is my decision. 1 2 3 4
20) Only students who speak and read English 1 2 3 4
w ell can choose a career in teaching.
21) M y parents would prefer I choose a career 1 2 3 4
as a professor/ administrator to a career as
a psychologist/social worker.
22) M y parents would prefer I choose a career 1 2 3 4
as a psychologist/social worker to a
professor/administrator a career
23) I have no difficulty making friends 1 2 3 4
24) I have no difficulty speaking to strangers 1 2 3 4
25) I would consider a career as a professor in 1 2 3 4
a college or university.
26) I would consider a career as an 1 2 3 4
administrator in a college or university.
27) Teachers, counselors, advisors, etc., have 1 2 3 4
been supportive of my career goals or
decisions.
28) Parents/family have been supportive of my 1 2 3 4
career goals.
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
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170
29) If I have questions pertaining to the lecture 1 2 3 4
that my friends could not answer, I w ould
seek assistance from the professor.
30) There has been parental pressure to 1 2 3 4
achieve grades.
31) There has been parental pressure in 1 2 3 4
making career decisions.
32) I have been satisfied w ith my life as a 1 2 3 4
student.
33) I have had an Asian American professor or 1 2 3 4
teacher who is a positive role model.
34) Generally, I have had a positive impression 1 2 3 4
of my educational experience.
35) I am more interested in teaching K-12 than 1 2 3 4
college.
36) M y parents support me in any career 1 2 3 4
decisions that I make.
37) M y career choice satisfies my obligations to 1 2 3 4
my parents/family.
38) M y career choice satisfies my obligations to 1 2 3 4
myself.
39) M y teachers have played an important role 1 2 3 4
in my career choice.
40) M y parents expect high academic 1 2 3 4
achievement
41) M y career choice reflects upon my 1 2 3 4
parents/family.
42) M y career choice meets my expectations 1 2 3 4
more than that of my parents.
43) M y career choice meets my parents' more 1 2 3 4
than that of my expectations.
44) Having a good teacher would encourage 1 2 3 4
me to consider teaching as a career.
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
5
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171
45) Generally, if someone had encouraged me 1 2 3 4 5
to consider the field of teaching, I would
probably be interested.
46) Generally, having other APAs as
teachers/professors would’ ve opened this
career to me.
47) I feel that the educational system is as
supportive of APA students as other
students.
48) I feel confident that I could be a good 1 2 3 4 5
teacher if I chose this career. __________
49) How large a problem do you expect each of the follow ing to be while pursuing your
education?
CIRCLE APPROPRIATE NUMBER
Not a
problem
M edium
problem
Very
large
problem
a) Understanding the English language 1 2 3 4 5
b) Speaking the English language 1 2 3 4 5
c) W riting in the English language 1 2 3 4 5
d) Reading the English language 1 2 3 4 5
e) Using the English language w ith my
teachers
1 2 3 4 5
f) Speaking in front of an audience 1 2 3 4 5
50) For the quarter/semester, how many times in the past month did you:
CIRCLE APPROPRIATE NUMBER
None Once
A
couple
of times M any
A lot
of
times
a) E-mail the
teacher/professor/teaching assistant
0 1 3 4 5
b) Asked the professor questions in
class
0 1 3 4 5
c) Ask the professor questions
before/after class
0 1 3 4 5
< * )
Speak up during class discussions 0 1 3 4 5
1 2 3 4 5
1 2 3 4 5
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172
e) Work in small groups during dass 0 1 3 4 5
time
0 Lead a small group during or after 0 1 3 4 5
class time
51) What fields/career(s) were you encouraged pursuing by your parents?
52) What fields/careers would ygy prefer to pursue?
53) A mentor/role model who influenced my career choice is/toas
Survey/demographic date:
1) Age: Gender. M ale_Female__
School/College:________ M ajor/Field of study:_______
2) Year in school: 1* 2nd 3rd 4th 5th Grad Student_Other. _
3) Ethnicity: American-Chinese Japanese. Korean Filipino__Laotian
Taiwanese. Vietnamese. Thai Cambodian_
Other_________________
4) I am: foreign bom (years since im migration )
Generation: 1 . 2nd 3rd Other_ _
5) M ost of my friends are: American-bom Foreign-born_____
6) D o you speak to your parents in an ethnic/native language?
Always Often Occasionally Never_
7) Highest education degree of parents:
H igh school diploma B S/B A MS/MA. PhD /M D_
8) Expected graduation date:______Degree anticipated:_______
Career goal:_________
9) I am an international student. Yes N o_ _
10) Comments:
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173
Appendix B
Interview Guide Topics for APA Educators
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174
Interview Guide Topics for APA Educators
1) How did your career begin and evolve to the current level?
2) How has the field of education (faculty, administrators) encouraged/discouraged
during your years as a student? Who influenced you to choose education? (self
parents/family, teachers, etc.) Has it been easy/difficult?
3) What factors enhanced your success?
4) What factors limited or were obstacles to your achieving goals/success?
5) Describe how your goals have been achieved. Have there been cultural/social
barriers that impeded your advancement?
6) Satisfaction with: teaching/administration, peer and supervisor relations,
advancement opportunities.
7) Administration/teaching has been a rewarding field because_____________ .
8) Would you like to seek a higher administrative/leadership position? Why/why
not?
Demographic data:
Age, gender, ethnicity, occupation, citizenship, year and generation since
immigration, education, degree, highest educational achievement of parents.
Those who are teachers or administrators will be asked other questions, such as
position, field, department and tenure status, years in field.
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175
Appendix C
Interview Guide Topics for APA Students
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176
Interview Guide Topics for APA Students
1) What are your ultimate career goals and the reason(s) for that choice?
2) Do you foresee barriers (e.g., social, cultural, etc.) to your achieving your career
goals?
3) Would you choose a career as a professor or administrator in a college or
university? Why or why not?
4) Who influenced you to choose your current major or field, such as self (e.g.,
motivation, effort), parents/family (e.g., support, expectations), teacher (e.g.,
encouragement, role-model, assistance), counselor, friends, or others?
5) Which factors influenced you to choose your current major or field, such as
better employment opportunities, career goals, financial stability, and status?
6) If you were to choose a career in education as a college professor/administrator,
what factors) would most of all encourage your choice (such as parents, respect,
social status, salary, or teachers as role models)? Conversely, if you were to
choose a career in education as a college professor/administrator, what factor(s)
would most of all discourage your choice (such as parents, respect, social status,
salary, teachers as role models)?
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7) Do you feel your career goals/aspirations have been limited by factors such as (a)
math skills/computational, (b) language skills, (c) socialization/acculturation, (d)
interpersonal interaction skills, (e) assertiveness, self-confidence?
Survey/demographic data collected included age, gender, ethnicity, generation since
immigration, school/college attending, year in school, major field of study, expected
date of graduation, degree anticipated, ultimate degree goal, post-graduate field (if
applicable), and anticipated career or professional goal. Also the highest educational
achievement of parents and what language is spoken at home with the parent will be
asked.
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178
Appendix D
Study Introduction Letter
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179
February 1,2001
Dear Student:
You have been selected to participate in a study to investigate Asian Pacific Americans’ (APAs’)
choice of careers in teaching, social sciences, and humanities. Specifically, the study explores the
lack of APAs in teaching fields in schools and universities as teachers, professors, and administrators.
BACKGROUND: In the United States, less than S% of professors and 1% of administrators are APA
in contrast to the number of students who are APA (Esqueta & O’Brien, 1991). In California greater
than 40% of enrollment at the University of California at Irvine, Berkeley, Riverside, and Los
Angeles is APA. The lack of representation in the teaching field is a significant problem in that APA
perspectives will continue to be ignored and the problem is likely to be self-perpetuating as no role
models or mentors exist who may assist others to perhaps pursue a career in education.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY: The primary purpose of this study is to investigate the factors that
result in your career choice. Influences may include culture, such as aspects of the Asian culture;
acculturation, such as language skills; and cultural barriers, such as expectations.
PROCEDURE: If you choose to participate in this study, the time to complete the questionnaire will
be approximately IS minutes. Information pertaining to demographic data will be requested of you as
well. There will be no further requirements for you to do anything after the questionnaire is completed
and mailed back to the investigator in a stamped, self-addressed envelope included. By returning the
questionnaire you have indicated your consent to participate.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS: There are no obvious risks to you by participating in
this study. No records of this study will ever be traceable to you personally or your school. Your
answers will not be shared with anyone in your school/workplace. The publications or presentations
from this study will protect your identity and will not affect your career progression in any way.
Individual responses will not be traceable to you.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY: The direct benefit from this
study for you may be none. However, the experience in thinking about your career goals may enhance
your ability to understand the role of culture and society in pursuing your area of study. In addition,
the experience in being part of a research project m aty enable you to understand the role of research
subjects, their rights and a researcher’s responsibility. Individuals who volunteer for research are
protected and treated confidentially. It is hoped that this experience may increase your knowledge of
the process of scientific inquiry involving human beings.
The potential benefits to society for your time, effort and cooperation in this research study may
eventually result in a multiculturally, diverse faculty in higher education which will truly reflect the
various peoples in this country. It is hoped that any individual may pursue any career goal his/her
ability will allow and not be hindered by various societal barriers.
PAYMENT FOR PARTICIPATION: As a compensation for participating in this research you will be
eligible for a drawing for a free CD at Best Buy. However, you do need to fill in the enclosed card
with your address where the CD certificate may be sent If you do not return the card, there is no way
the investigators can reimburse you for your time. Upon the receipt of both the questionnaire and the
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180
card, the card will be immediately separated from the questionnaire and placed in a box. At the end of
the study (April 30,2001), there will be a random drawing of ten cards for the CD gift certificate.
CONFIDENTIALITY: Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be
identified to you will remain strictly confidential and will not be disclosed. You are protected by the
human rights/research law from having any coded or connecting descriptive information that could
identify you individually, protected by this investigator, your supervisor or director, or faculty. The
law states you must be contacted and give your consent to any release of personal information. If you
filled out the questionnaire, the research design of this study has no plan to request or contact you in
the future.
Any data that connects the questionnaire to you will be stored at Cypress College in the Investigator’s
office and held confidentially. Only the investigators will have access to the data. All the participants
in this study are protected by the researcher from exposure of individual responses or from negative
effect due to participation in this study. Upon completion of this dissertation tty approximately
December 20,2001, this information will be destroyed. When the results of the research are
potentially published or discussed in conferences, no information will be included that would reveal
your identity. Your personal identity will be disguised and available to the researcher as a code; and
your responses will be cumulatively added up and averaged further disguising any individual identity.
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS: If you have any questions or concerns about the
research, please feel free to contact:
Graduate Student Investigator: Penny Chin, MSN, RN
714-484*7283
Cypress College, Health Sciences
9200 Valley View
Cypress, CA 90630-3897
Faculty Sponsor/Chairperson: Linda Sena Hagedorn, PhD
213-740-6777
ls h @ u scg|u
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall Building, Room 800
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0031
Thank you very much for your time. Your willingness to participate is greatly appreciated.
Sincerely,
Penny Chin,
Graduate Student
Rossier School of Education
University of Southern California
Date of Preparation: January 22, 2001
USC UPIRB #01-01-003
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181
Appendix E
IRB Approved Informed Consent
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
HIGHER EDUCATION LEADERSHIP
INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
TITLE OF PROJECT:
Culture, acculturation, and cultural barriers: An examination of the factors that affect education vs
non-education career choices of Asian Pacific Americans.
You are asked to participate in a research study conducted by Penny Chin, MSN, RN (graduate
student) and Linda Sena Hagedorn, PhD (Committee Chairperson and principal investigator), from
the Rossier School of Education at the University of Southern California. This research will be the
basis for a dissertation by Penny Chin towards a doctoral degree in education. You were selected as a
possible participant in this study because you are an Asian Pacific American. A total of 20
professionals and 100 college students will be selected from various higher institutions of education in
Southern California in various career areas. Your participation is voluntary.
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY:
The primary purpose of this study is to investigate the factors that result in your career choice.
Influences may include culture, such as aspects of the Asian culture; acculturation, such as language
skills; and cultural barriers, such as expectations, may play a role.
PROCEDURES:
If you volunteer to participate in this study, an interview with the investigator at a convenient time
and place will be arranged. The time may vary but should take no longer than one hour.
The questions that will be asked in both the interview and questionnaire will include your career
choice and the reasons you have chosen it, who and what factors played a role in your choice (such as
parents, money, etc), whether you felt there were any harriers (such as language, etc.) to your chosen
career, whether you considered a career in Education, and what factors encouraged or discouraged a
choice in Education. In addition, your age, gender, college, year in college, major/field, ethnic
background, and generation, will be asked.
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS:
There are no obvious risks to you by participating in this study. No records of this study will ever be
traceable to you personally or your school. Your answers will not be shared with anyone in your
school/workplace. The publications or presentations from this study will protect your identity and will
not effect your career progression in any way. Individual responses will not be traceable to you.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO SUBJECTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY:
The direct benefit from this study for you may be none. However, the experience in thinking about
your career goals may enhance your ability to understand the role of culture and society in pursuing
your area of study. In addition, the experience in being part of a research project may enable you to
understand the role of research subjects, their rights and a researcher’s responsibility. Individuals who
volunteer for research are protected and treated confidentially. It is hoped that this experience may
increase your knowledge of the process of scientific inquiry involving human beings.
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183
The potential benefits to society for your time, effort and cooperation in this research study may be to
eventually result in a multiculturally, diverse faculty in higher education which will truly reflect the
various peoples in this country. It is hoped that any individual may pursue any career goal his/her
ability will allow and not be hindered by various societal barriers.
CONFIDENTIALITY:
Any information that is obtained in connection with this study and that can be identified with you will
remain strictly confidential and will not be disclosed. You are protected by the human rights/research
law from having any coded or connecting descriptive information that could identify you individually,
protected by this investigator, your supervisor or director, or faculty. The law states you must be
contacted and give your consent to any release of personal information. If you filled out the
questionnaire, the research design of this study hat no plan to request or contact you in the future. If
you undergo the interview, there may be vague or uncertain responses that the investigator may want
to clarify. However, you are under no obligation to resume or continue the interview and may
terminate the interview at any time.
Any data that connects the questionnaire to you will be stored at Cypress College in the Investigator’s
office and held confidential. Only the investigators will have access to the data. All the participants in
this study are protected by the researcher from exposure of individual responses or from negative
effect due to participation in this study. Upon completion of this dissertation by approximately
December 30,2001, this information will be destroyed.
When the results of the research are potentially published or discussed in conferences, no information
will be included that would reveal your identity.
PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL:
You can choose whether to be in this study or not. If you volunteer to be in this study, you may
withdraw at any time without consequences of any kind. You may also refuse to answer any questions
you don’t want to answer and remain in the study. The investigator may withdraw you from this
research if circumstances arise which warrant doing so. The circumstances in which you would be
removed from the study would be related to research mathematical procedures towards proper sample
collection and statistical calculation.
IDENTIFICATION OF INVESTIGATORS:
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact:
Graduate Student Investigator Penny Chin, MSN, RN
714-281-2882
261 Willdan Road
Anaheim, CA 92808
Faculty Sponsor/Chairperson: Linda Sena Hagedorn, PhD
213-740-6777
lsh@usc.edu
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall Building, Room 800
Los Angeles, CA 90089-0031
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184
RIGHTS OF RESEARCH SUBJECTS:
You may withdraw your consent at any time and discontinue participation without penalty. You are
not waiving any legal claims, rights or remedies because of your participation in this research study. If
you have any questions regarding your rights as a research subject, contact the University Park IRB,
Office of the Vice Provost for Research, Bovard Administration Building, Room 300, Los Angeles,
CA 90089-4019, (213) 740-6709 or imiib@UBC.edu.
SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH SUBJECT, PARENT OR LEGAL
REPRESENTATION:
I understand the procedures described above. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction,
and I agree to participate in this study. I have been given a copy of this form.
Name of Subject
Name of Parent or Legal Representative (if applicable)
Signature of Subject, Parent or Legal Representative Date
SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR:
I have explained the research to the subject or his/her legal representative, and answered all of his/her
questions. I believe that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely
consents to participate.
Name of Investigator
Signature of Investigator Date (must be the
same as subject's)
Date of Preparation: 1/22/2001
USC UP IRB #01-01-003
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
185
Appendix F
Figure Caption
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
186
Figure Caption
Figure 1. Correlation of language spoken to parents and generation.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Chin, Penny Lee
(author)
Core Title
An examination of the factors that affect education vs non-education career choices of Asian Pacific Americans in higher education
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
education, bilingual and multicultural,Education, Guidance and Counseling,education, higher,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Hagedorn, Linda Serra (
committee chair
), Chung, Ruth H. (
committee member
), Genzuk, Michael (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-144992
Unique identifier
UC11329558
Identifier
3054720.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-144992 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
3054720-0.pdf
Dmrecord
144992
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Chin, Penny Lee
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
education, bilingual and multicultural
education, higher