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Academic and social adjustment of Korean "parachute kids" in Southern California

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Academic and social adjustment of Korean "parachute kids" in Southern California

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Content ACADEMIC AND SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT OF KOREAN “PARACHUTE KIDS”
IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
by
Kathy Park-Stowe
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
December 2003
Copyright 2003 Kathy Park-Stowe
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UMI Number: 3133322
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U niversity o f S ou th ern California
R ossier S ch ool o f E ducation
Los A ngeles, C alifornia 90089-0031
This dissertation w ritten by
u j ?oy kl-Sfgw c______________
under the discretion of h 6r* Dissertation Committee,
and approved by all members of the Committee, has
been presented to and accepted by the Faculty of the
Rossier School of Education in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Education
December 17. 2003
Dean
Dissewation Committee
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Committee Chair: Dr. Stuart Gothold
Committee Member: Dr. Robert Ferris
Committee Member: Dr. Melora Sundt
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ii i
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................ii
LIST OF TABLES............................................................................................................v
ABSTRACT..................................................................................................................... vi
CHAPTER I: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY...............................................................1
Introduction........................................................................................................................1
Background of the Problem............................................................................................. 2
Statement of the Problem................................................................................................. 4
Purpose of the Study....................................... 4
Significance of the Study..................................................................................................5
Methodology..................................................................................................................... 6
Parameters of the Study................................................................................................... 6
Definitions..........................................................................................................................7
Organization of the Dissertation......................................................................................8
CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW..................................................................... 10
Immigration and a Changing America...........................................................................10
Early Asian Immigrants..................................................................................................11
Recent Asian Immigrants................................................................................................14
Korean Immigrants.......................................................................................................... 15
Korean Students in the United States.............................................................................17
Parent-child Relationships............................................................................................. 20
“Parachuting” Factors.................................................................................................... 22
Voluntary and Involuntary Immigrants......................................................................... 24
The Impact of Living Away From Home ................. 25
Boarding School..............................................................................................................26
Educational Expectations of Korean Parents .................. 27
Differences in Education Systems............. 29
Role of Teachers in Assisting Korean Students........................................................... 34
Importance of Parent Aspiration for Children................................................... .35
Characteristics of Korean Students................................................................................36
Summary of Literature Review ............. 37
CHAPTER El: METHODOLOGY .................................................................39
Sample and Population.............................................. 41
Student Descriptions.......................................................................................................44
Teacher Descriptions....................................... 49
Administrators Descriptions.......................................................................................... 49
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Guardians Descriptions...................................................................................................50
Challenge of Finding “Parachute Kids”........................................................................ 50
Issues regarding researcher bias................................................................................... 51
Instrumentation............................................................................................................... 52
Data Collection................................... 54
CHAPTER IV: RESULTS OF THE STUDY...............................................................56
Research Question One:................................. 57
What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?...................57
Summary of Findings for Research Question One ..................... 62
Research Question Two:.................................................................................................63
How are these “Parachute Kids” adjusting to their academic and social lives in their
new setting? What contributes to their success?......................................................... 63
Caretaker Descriptions....................................................................................................68
Summary of Findings for Research Question Two..................................................... 70
Research Question Three:........................................... 71
How does the family context and structure affect the educational achievement of
“Parachute Kids”? ........................................................................................................... 71
Summary of Findings for Question Three.................................................................... 72
Research Question Four..................................................................................................72
What kinds of support and resources are available to the “Parachute Kids” in their
current situation?............................................................................................................. 72
Services and Resources for Students.............................................................................72
School Personnel Perceptions of Available Resources................................................ 77
Summary of Findings for Research Question Four..................................................... 77
Research Question Five...................................................................................................78
How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “Parachute Kids”?
What can schools do to provide resources for “Parachute Kids?................................ 78
Summary of Research Question Five Findings.............................................................82
Summary of Chapter Four Findings...............................................................................83
CHAPTER V: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE
FINDINGS.......................................................................................................................85
Implications........................................ 85
Student Participant Affect...............................................................................................87
Initial Researcher Assumption.......................... 88
Recommendations........................................................................................................... 89
Program Recommendations........................................................................................... 91
Recommendations for Further Study....................... 92
Conclusions......................................................................................................................93
REFERENCES..................... 94
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V
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Differences in Education in Korea and in California............................................29
Table 2: Typical Classroom Behaviors of Korean and American Students........................ 36
Table 3: Participants Interviewed.......................................................................................... 44
Table 4: Student Profile............................................................................... 48
Table 5: Student Descriptions................................................................................................63
Table 6: Parental Expectations....................................................................... 71
Table 7: Student Support........................................................................................................ 76
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ABSTRACT
A recent phenomenon with growing immigration and expansion of Pacific
Rim countries is “parachute kids,” children coming to the United States to attend
American schools. These students often come to the United States with their parents,
who make arrangements for them, then return home, or they are sent alone to live
with relatives or others who are paid caretakers for these students. This phenomenon
is real and increasing in suburban, upscale areas of Southern California.
The “Parachute Kids” phenomenon is made more complex because it is not
clear who these students are and what they need to be successful. Most schools do
not have a mechanism in place with which to identify this special group of students.
Due to the language barrier and limited information on these students, schools are
often unequipped to provide necessary assistance and counseling. School officials
are unable to turn to parents for information and support and caregivers have limited
knowledge of the student. Schools have little or no understanding of the
background, rationale or issues behind why “parachute kids” are here which leads to
a limit to what they can do to help them be successful. Yet another problem the
school encounters is that these children do not want to reveal their situations to the
school because of the cultural beliefs of the Korean students and their families.
The purpose of the study is to identify a group of “parachute kids” and their
caretakers and try to better understand their background, schooling needs, and their
perception of success. Based on what we know about “parachute kids,” the purpose
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vii
is to find out how schools can help these students, both successful and unsuccessful
ones. The following research questions were the focus of this study.
1. What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?
2. How are these students adjusting to their academic and social lives in
their
new setting? What contributes to their success?
3. How does the family context and structure affect educational achievement
on “parachute kids”?
4. What kinds of support and resources are available to these students in
their current situation?
5. How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “Parachute
Kids”? What can schools do to provide resources for “Parachute Kids”?
Data on “parachute kids” are extremely limited. Because of the lack of available
data and lack of substantive understanding of the parachute phenomenon, case
studies of ten Korean “parachute kids” were examined. The case study approach
was utilized in this study to provide rich descriptions of the phenomenon
surrounding “parachute kids.” In addition, teachers, administrators and other school
personnel were interviewed as to the school perspective of the “parachute kids’”
success. Caretakers and guardians willing to be interviewed also participated in the
study. The data, therefore, focused on the perceptions and experiences of the
research participants.
All ten of the students interviewed in this study came from different
circumstances, at different ages and after different levels of success in Korea looking
for an opportunity to attend schools in the United States. If students were successful
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in their home school in Korea and if values of the parents are also important to the
students, they were successful in American schools. All of the students understood
the sacrifices their parents were making for them and wanted to live up to their
expectations. All of the students interviewed for this study shared that their parents
highly valued education and expected them to do their very best. Those students
who have a strong family context and structure have a positive effect on the
educational achievement on “parachute kids” although there are limited resources
available for the students. With respect to how schools can work with “parachute
kids”, all of the school personnel echoed the importance of first identifying the
“parachute kids” to assess the kind of resources they need then ensuring that their
needs are met through communication with teacher, counselor, parents and other
support personnel who work with the individual students.
The growing phenomenon of educating “parachute kids” in the United States will
continue to be a challenge for schools. Through increased awareness and cultural
understanding, school personnel will be able to identify these students early so as to
provide the most effective support and interventions to ensure student success.
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1
CHAPTER I: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
Introduction
Asian immigrants are generally stereotyped as successful, high achieving,
“model minorities.” They have been described as “whiz kids,” and as “problem
free.” Teachers view Asian immigrant students positively as they demonstrate
respect for teachers, follow directions and are eager to please in school (Kabria,
1999). The reputation of Asian immigrants as academic achievers is tied to the
popular image of these students as “nerdy” - extremely studious, serious, shy,
mathematically inclined and lacking in social skills and outside interests (Kabria,
1999).
However, in recent years, a contradiction has appeared. Many Asian immigrant
students now project an image of being frivolous and well-to-do and one who is
obsessed with the display of material goods such as expensive clothes and cars that
will gain him or her status within a clique (Kabria, 1999). These students are far
more focused on the social aspects of schooling as opposed to academics. As such,
not all Asian immigrant students are successful in school. It is important for teachers
and school administrators to examine why some of these students are not successful.
The “model minority” stereotype is often misleading and masks individuality and
conceals real problems. If Asian students are viewed as instant successes, there is
less justification for assisting those who may need help (Feng, 1994).
One subgroup of the growing Asian immigrant population is Koreans. They are
also seen as a “model minority” and feels pressured to excel in every aspect of life in
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2
the United States. Many come under different circumstances; not all are successful.
Possible reasons for a lack of success may be disruption in schooling caused by
immigration or parental pressure to maintain Korean culture. It is important for
American schools to identify these students, understand what the issues are and reach
out to provide resources to the students who do not automatically fit the stereotype of
the high achieving Korean students. Services such as individual family counseling
and the availability of counselors and school staff who can communicate with the
Korean students and their families is essential to their acculturation in their new
setting.
Background of the Problem
A recent phenomenon with growing immigration and expansion of Pacific Rim
countries is “parachute kids,” children coming to the United States to attend
American schools. These students often come to the United States with their parents,
who make arrangements for them, then return home, or they are sent alone to live
with relatives or others who are paid caretakers for these students. No one knows the
exact numbers of Korean “parachute kids” in the United States because there is a
fear of being reported since many of these are minor children living on their own.
J.K. Kim, director of the Korean consulate in San Francisco, estimates the number of
Korean “parachute kids” in the United States at 3,000 to 4,000 (Kasindorf, 1999).
Chinese “parachute kids” are the majority in the United States, but Koreans, Indians
and Filipinos are also here in large numbers (Zhou, 1998).
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When comparing “parachute kids” from Korea and Taiwan, there exist many
differences. A study of 33 Chinese “parachute kids” found that they choose to come
to the United States because it was less distracting and offered the best opportunities
for future success. These voluntary immigrants, some of the best students, could
have been admitted to any university in Taiwan but instead chose United States
schools (Zhou, 1998). “Parachute kids” who make their own decision to come to the
United States tend to be more appreciative of the educational opportunity abroad and
more optimistic about future educational rewards than those who are forced to do so
by their parents (Zhou, 1998). In contrast, Korean “parachute kids” typically come
to the United States after attending junior high school in their native country where
they may have not been accepted into the track that will get them into prestigious
universities. Some of these students are sent by their parents to the United States for
their high school and university education while few others choose to come
voluntarily.
The Korean parents who send their children to the United States believe they
have a good reason: develop English skills and earn American college diplomas, a
passport to business success in Asia. Unfortunately, however, having too much
freedom too young, a characteristic of “parachute kids” in the United States, can be
devastating emotionally for these students (Kasindorf, 1999).
Socioeconomic levels of the parents have strongly influenced the arrival of the
“parachute kids” and where these students attend school. While some of the Korean
parents are wealthy enough to provide for their children while they are here, other
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Korean parents are willing to make sacrifices for their children’s education and
therefore provide as much as they can in the way of money to ensure that their
children attend school in a place where they have the highest chances for success and
learning English. Most of these students are concentrated in homes, not student
housing, in upscale immigrant communities in Southern California (Zhou, 1998).
Statement of the Problem
Studying the “parachute kid” phenomenon is becoming more important
because it is not exactly clear who these students are or what they need to be
successful. Most schools do not have a mechanism in place with which to identify
this special group of students. Due to the language barrier and limited information
on these students, schools are often unequipped to provide necessary assistance and
counseling. School officials are unable to turn to parents for information and support
and caregivers have limited knowledge of the student. Schools have little or no
understanding of the background, rationale or issues behind why “parachute kids”
are here which leads to a limit to what they can do to help them be successful. Yet
another problem the school encounters is that these children do not want to reveal
their situations to the school because of the cultural beliefs of the Korean students
and their families.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of the study is to identify a group of “parachute kids” and their
caretakers and try to better understand their background, schooling needs, and their
perception of success. Based on what we know about “parachute kids,” the purpose
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5
is to find out how schools can help these students, both successful and unsuccessful
ones. The following research questions were the focus of this study.
1. What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?
2. How are these students adjusting to their academic and social lives in their
new setting? What contributes to their success?
3. How does the family context and structure affect educational achievement of
“parachute kids”?
4. What kinds of support and resources are available to these students in their
current situation?
5. How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “Parachute
Kids”? What can schools do to provide resources for “Parachute Kids”?
Significance of the Study
There are many differences between traditional Korean immigrants and more
recent “parachute kids” which need to be explored as there are social and educational
implications that suggest answers. The study of “parachute kids” is important today
because as more “parachute kids” arrive in the United States and enter our schools,
the schools they attend may not be equipped with the information necessary to deal
effectively with these students. As schools are continue to take on the role of
surrogate parent to these students, it is critical that they understand the background,
rationale and issues behind why “parachute kids” are in their schools and what they
can do to help them succeed. While some students may adjust seamlessly in their
new surroundings, there are others who are not as successful in this transition.
Understanding the underlying issues behind this phenomenon is essential, as it will
lead to better academic and social adjustment for these “parachute kids”. Also, as
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schools become more skilled in dealing with these students, they will be able to bring
in the caretakers as partners in the process of helping the “parachute kid” succeed.
Methodology
Data on “parachute kids” are extremely limited. Because of the lack of available
data and lack of substantive understanding of the parachute phenomenon, case
studies of ten Korean “parachute kids” were examined. The case study approach
was utilized in this study to provide rich descriptions of the phenomenon
surrounding “parachute kids.” By providing these descriptions, readers of this
dissertation will be able to understand more thoroughly the situations in which these
students live thus enabling schools to design programs and interventions to better
assist the students (Gall, et. al, 1996). In addition, teachers, administrators and other
school personnel were interviewed to provide the school perspective of the
“parachute kid’s” success. Caretakers and guardians willing to be interviewed also
participated in the study. A qualitative dissertation format was used focusing on the
perceptions and experiences of the research participants.
Parameters of the Study
Because of the unique circumstances and experiences with which Korean
“parachute kids” come to the United States, the results of this study will not be
generalizable to all immigrant students but only to those students studied in this
research. There are further limitations as the researcher is concentrating on high
school age students in the Los Angeles area. The researcher was not able to
interview parents, teachers and school officials of the “parachute kids” in Korea and
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7
only three of the caretakers were willing to be interviewed for this research. The
aforementioned factors further limited the ability for the researcher to generalize
results of the study.
A thorough review of literature resulted in a limited number of resources
involving student achievement related to boarding type living arrangements.
Specifically, two notable boarding schools researched were the Kamehameha school
in Hawaii and the Milton Hershey school in Pennsylvania. Available research exists
focusing on various academic or instructional changes such as improving literacy
achievement in a constructivist learning project titled KEEP (Au & Carroll, 1997) at
the Kamehameha school and discussing educational innovations being instituted
(Ries, 1998) at the Milton Hershey school. One study (Titus & Dolgos, 2000)
discussed the importance of teacher preparation when dealing with minority students
which emphasized using a culturally sensitive curricula and teaching strategies to
reach such students. Research relating to student achievement and issues involving
living away from parents was not found by the researcher. This is another limitation
of research in this area.
Definitions
1. CPE - California Department of Education
2. ELD - English Language Development: Instruction in English for English
Learner (EL) students to help them gain English fluency and assist them in
the acculturation to their new setting.
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3. ELD Coordinator - English Language Development Coordinator. A teaching
position at schools that focuses specifically on supporting EL students.
4. English Learner (EL) - A student who is not sufficiently proficient in the
English language to succeed in the school’s regular instructional programs.
The former designation was Limited English Proficient (LEP)
5. G.P.A. - Grade Point Average
6. KYCC - Korean Youth Community Center is a non-profit community-based
organization that has been serving the Korean American Community since
1975. KYCC’s programs and services are specifically directed toward
recently-immigrated, economically disadvantaged youth and their families
who experience coping and adjustment difficulties due to language and
cultural barriers.
7. Parachute Kids - Children coming to the United States to attend American
schools. These students either come to the United States with their parents,
who make arrangements for them, then return home, or they are sent alone to
live with relatives or others who are paid caretakers for these students.
8. S.A.T. - Scholastic Aptitude Test is widely used throughout the country as a
college entrance examination.
Organization of the Dissertation
Chapter two presents a review of literature related to the history of Asian
immigration, specifically Koreans to the United States and their subsequent
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assimilation into the educational system. In addition, the literature focuses on
cultural beliefs and understanding regarding education.
Chapter three indicates the research methodology used in the study, including
research samples and subjects, instrumentation and materials used, and how the
data was processed and analyzed.
Chapter four will contain the results of the study.
Chapter five will present the conclusions and recommendations of the study.
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CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW
Immigrants come to the United States for a variety of reasons including
seeking a better future, escaping persecution or for educational opportunities not
available in the home country. This chapter presents a review of literature related to
the history of Asian immigration, specifically Koreans to the United States and their
subsequent assimilation into the educational system. In addition, the literature
focuses on cultural beliefs regarding education, differences in the educational
systems and an understanding of parental expectations for their children’s education.
Immigration and a Changing America
Foreign immigration in the last three decades has become a major factor in
creating greater diversity in the United States. According to a 1995 Census Bureau
report, profound shifts should make the United States far more ethnically diverse
than ever before. Many of these immigrants are from Asia, and by the year 2020, it
is expected that over twenty million people of Asian and Pacific Islander descent will
live in the United States (Jo, 1996).
Asian-Americans represent more than 29 distinct subgroups that differ in
language, religion, and culture. In addition to these differences between groups,
diversity exists within nationalities as well as among individuals. Nevertheless,
Asian-Americans are often stereotyped as successful, high-achieving minorities
(Brand, 1987). Differences among individuals and groups exist for many reasons
such as why certain groups migrated to the United States, issues revolving around
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related hopes and expectations, and reception by the dominant culture. Some
immigrants flee from war-torn countries, others come looking for better
opportunities in education and business for their families. The skills these
immigrants bring are varied as well as some are from educated, middle or upper
classes of stable countries and others come with little formal schooling and limited
language and job skills (Brand, 1987).
Until World War II, immigration from Asia had been severely restricted by
various anti-Asian exclusion laws, particularly the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882
and the laws that excluded immigrants from the Asia-Pacific triangle. Immigrants
from Asia before the war represented less than five percent of all immigrants
admitted to the United States, and most of them came from China and Japan with a
smaller number from the Phillipines. These earlier Asian immigrants, like “the tired,
huddled masses” from Europe, were typically poor and uneducated peasants, and
many arrived with a sojourner’s dream of making a quick fortune to bring back to
their homelands (Zhou, 1999). More recent events such as the Immigration Act of
1965, global economic restructuring, rapid economic development in Asia, and the
Vietnam War have been among the most important factors that have fueled Asian
immigration into the United States.
Early Asian Immigrants
Chinese immigration and settlement in the United States has the longest
history of all Asian groups in the United States. Sustained Chinese immigration to
the United States started after 1848, when gold was discovered in California.
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Attracted by the promise of wealth, many Chinese, like thousands of others from all
over the world, emigrated to California, with San Francisco as the major port of
entry (Mangiafico, 1988).
At the same time, China was under duress in the form of natural disasters,
rebellions, revolutions, disastrous foreign wars, and pressures from the European
powers. These hardships were coupled with political uncertainties, unstable social
conditions, high taxes, and a concentration of land ownership in the hands of a few,
all forcing a large number of Chinese males to emigrate. Between 1840 and 1900, an
estimated 2.4 million workers left China in search of a better life (Mangiafico, 1988).
By 1980, Asians of Chinese descent comprised the largest ethnic Asian-American
group in the United States.
With regard to educational achievement, Chinese immigrants residing in the
United States are very successful. Most Chinese students are spurred to excel in
education by a tradition of respect for learning, parental support, and the view that
education in a highly mobile society such as the United States is the avenue to
economic achievement and the “good life” (Mangiafico, 1988).
Another group of Asians who have immigrated to the United States in large
numbers are the Filipinos. Filipino immigration to the United States can generally
be divided into three periods: the early period (1906 to 1945), a middle period (1946
to 1964), and the current period, (1965 to the present). Although the presence of
Filipinos in the United States dates prior to 1906, the first real wave of Filipino
immigration resulted after changes in U.S. agricultural techniques both on the West
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13
Coast and in Hawaii. Filipino immigrants filled the need for larger numbers of
agricultural workers to cut sugarcane and to plant and harvest grains, fruits, and
flowers (Mangiafico, 1988).
Subsequent legislation such as in the Immigration and Nationality Act of
1965, placed citizens of all countries on an equal footing for immigration purposes,
eliminating racial and ethnic discrimination and quotas. The result is that Filipinos
are now the second largest Asian national group immigrating to the United States
since passage of the law. The character of immigrants following passage of the 1965
act has also changed, as many of the recent Filipino immigrants are highly educated
professionals from urban areas as opposed to the largely rural immigrants with low
education levels prior to 1965. (Mangifico, 1988).
These new immigrants are a world apart from the former immigrants. As a
result, Filipino communities in the United States now appear to be fractured along
more lines than they ever were. In addition to provincial and language groups, the
different educational and socioeconomic characteristics of the new immigrants
provide another source of friction. While old-timers were mostly uneducated,
clannish, and concentrated in low-paying occupations, the new arrivals are educated,
cosmopolitan, and aggressive (Mangifico, 1988).
The Japanese are another immigrant group with over a century of history in
the United States. After the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the Japanese were
brought to the Hawaii to work as contract laborers on sugar plantations. This was
the beginning of the nearly 400,000 Japanese who immigrated to the west coast of
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14
the United States and Hawaii between 1885 and 1925 for agricultural work (Cao &
Novas, 1996). Japanese citizens continued to immigrate to the United States in large
numbers after racial restrictions were lifted from United States immigration laws in
1952 with as many as 6,750 migrating in 1954 (INS, 1978).
Recent Aslan Immigrants
Recent immigrants refer to those groups who have come to the United States
in large numbers since World War II. One of these groups is the Vietnamese. The
Vietnamese were present in very small numbers in the United States before the
exodus of 1975 when Saigon fell to the Communist North Vietnamese. In 1964,
there were reportedly 603 Vietnamese in America, most of whom were students,
teachers, and diplomats, whose stay overseas was temporary. By 1985, however,
643,200 Vietnamese had taken refuge in the United States. Between April and
December of 1975, the U.S. government granted entry to 125,000 Vietnamese
refugees. This first wave of refugees consisted mainly of well-educated urbanities,
who fled out of fear that their religious beliefs or social class made them targets of
the new Communist regime (Cao & Novas, 1996).
Many Vietnamese who were desperate to leave their country in the wake of
the Communist victory were unable to do so through official channels. Either they
had no government or American connection that would entitle them to a spot on an
American plane, or there was no space for them on a plane, or they had no money to
buy a seat when one became available. For most, the only other means of escape
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was by boat. America accepted these refugees who then became part of the
American educational landscape (Cao & Novas, 1996).
Korean Immi grants
One of the fastest growing Asian American minorities in the United States is
the Korean American group. Two major events and the Immigration and
Nationalization Act of 1965 were very influential in affecting Korean immigration to
the United States. The first of these events was a shortage of laborers on Hawaiian
sugar plantations brought on by the prohibition against importing Chinese laborers as
a result of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the “Gentlemen’s Agreements”
between Japan and the United States in 1905 that limited the number of agricultural
workers coming from Japan (Jo, 1996). This allowed Koreans to immigrate to
Hawaii as laborers as a means to replace these Chinese and Japanese laborers.
Meanwhile, severe famine, political instability and social unrest in Korea left much
of the population in dire poverty and desperation, a situation where many looked for
other means of providing for their families. The very first group of Korean
immigrants, consisting of 55 males, 21 females, and 25 children, sailed for Hawaii
on January 13, 1903. The males were farmers who had agreed to work in the sugar
cane fields as contract laborers (California Department of Education, 1992).
The number of Koreans who lived on mainland United States soil, however,
was limited. Prior to World War II, the Korean community in California was small
and inconspicuous. The largest Korean community in the United States was in Los
Angeles and consisted of only about 650 Koreans living around Jefferson Boulevard
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16
between Western and Vermont Avenues (CDE, 1992). This development began
what has today become Korea Town in Los Angeles, stretching from Olympic
Boulevard to North Hollywood, a community and business center for the more than
444,325 Koreans in Southern California (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000).
The second major event facilitating Korean immigration occurred during and
after the Korean War (1950-1953). Two specific groups of immigrants arrived in the
United States during this time. Korean war brides, orphans, and other dependents
came to the United States with soldiers who had been stationed in Korea. In
addition, many Koreans with student visas who came for an education remained and
became naturalized citizens after the completion of their education. The passage of
the Immigration Act of 1965 led to further dramatic increase in Korean migration to
the United States.
The demographic characteristics of Korean immigrants coming to the United
States between 1951 and 1965 were distinctly different from those who came to the
United States in the early 1900s and those who came after 1965. The passage of
Immigration Act of 1965 by the United States Congress has allowed thousands of
Koreans to immigrate into America each year, with a peak of 6,007 becoming
naturalized citizens in 1975 (INS, 1978).
The first wave of early Korean immigrants had strong emotional ties to their
homeland as they emigrated to Hawaii exclusively for economic reasons. They were
sojourners with no desire to assimilate into the host country. Their intention was to
return to their homeland as soon as they were financially able to do so (Jo, 1996).
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17
Unlike the earliest Korean immigrants who came alone under labor contracts, recent
arrivals from Korea have come for permanent residence, usually accompanied by
young children and later joined by elderly relatives. These new immigrants’
motivations for seeking a new life in America include educational opportunity and
economic improvement.
Korean Students in the United States
Thousands of Korean students come to the United States to study. According
to the Institute of International Education, there were 37,130 Korean students
studying in the United States during the academic year of 1996-1997 (Jo, 1999). A
large proportion of the students who came to America to study since the 1950’s have
decided to remain in the United States after their graduation, although a proportion
of students remaining in America dwindled in the 1980s and 1990s as demand for
professionals in Korea increased with its rapid industrialization (Jo, 1999). Korean
graduate students comprise the fourth largest group of foreign students attending
universities in the United States, demonstrating the keen interest in education and the
dedicated pursuit of academic excellence (CDE, 1992).
Based on the California Language Census in 1998-99, there were 42,017
Korean English Learner (EL) students, those not fluent in English, and Fluent
English Proficient (FEP) students, those who have demonstrated fluency in English,
in California’s public schools (CDE, 1999). This number does not include, however,
Korean-American students who entered schools speaking English. The growth of
Korean EL students between 1996 and 2001 in public K-12 schools increased 6.25
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18
percent from 15,844 to 16,877. Of the top five Asian groups, Koreans were the only
group that increased in number. All others, Chinese, Hmong, Pilipino, Vietnamese
and Cambodian decreased in number during this five year span (CDE, 2001).
South Korea had the third most newcomer immigrant students into California
public schools in 2001. The California Department of Education (2001b) reported as
part of the Emergency Immigrant Education Program that there were 6,606
newcomer Korean students in the spring of 2001, ranking behind only Mexico
(118,433) and the Philippines (9,480).
Two of the major factors impelling Koreans to immigrate are the relative lack
of educational opportunities for study at the university level in their country, and the
relative lack of opportunities to advance in the socio-economic ladder (Mangiafico,
1988). For these students, education represents the road to economic freedom and
independence.
Other motives of Korean students exist for entering American universities.
Some enter American universities and professional schools to get better jobs at
American firms. Some enter American universities because tuition and fees are
sometimes not only cheaper than they would be in Korean universities, but also
students are able to choose fields of study not available in Korea. They also know
that if their children did well in school, there were plenty of opportunities to receive
scholarships, even at the best universities. This would lighten the financial burden
on their parents who strongly believe that educating their children is their major
responsibility. Some parents immigrated to the United States purely for the sake of
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19
their children’s education. Further, students who fail to enter one of the top
universities in Korea because they were unable to pass the rigorous entrance
examinations and selection process look to American universities which are at least
as reputable as well-known universities in Korea (Jo, 1996).
Many Korean immigrants come to the United States looking for higher
paying positions or better business opportunities than they can find in Korea. They
hope to raise their standard of living and build for the future. However, Korean
Americans often cite their lack of English proficiency as one of the most prominent
obstacles in obtaining high-paying jobs. Limited cultural knowledge related to
recent immigration may also contribute to Koreans’ restricted access to adequate
employment. Many Koreans cope with these difficulties by developing small
businesses in urban areas. They are determined to work hard so that their children
can eventually enjoy a better life. Those who received a good education and held
high status in Korea, commonly turn to running small businesses in the United
States. Most immigrants, including those college educated professionals with white-
collar backgrounds, fall into working blue-collar jobs or enter labor-intensive small
businesses. Typical enterprises include convenience stores, groceries, dry cleaners,
electronics shops, and auto repair shops (CDE, 1992)
Many Asian immigrants, especially those from Hong Kong, the Philippines,
India and Pakistan are in some measure familiar with the English language because
most of these immigrants have had the experience of being raised in some state of
Anglo-colonialism and thus are familiar with English as a second language. The
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20
Korean immigrants, on the other hand, have had little exposure to Westerners, their
culture or their language. As a result, the Koreans who come to the United States are
largely ignorant of the English language at the most fundamental level (Jo, 1996).
Parent-child Relationships
In many East and Southeast Asian cultures, Confucian ideals, which include
respect for elders, deferred gratification and discipline, are a strong influence. Most
Asian-American parents teach their children to value educational achievement,
respect authority, feel responsibility for relatives, and show self-control. Asian-
American parents tend to view school failure as a lack of will, and to address this
problem by increasing parental restrictions. Asian-American children tend to be
more dependent, conforming, and willing to place family welfare over individual
wishes unlike most other American children (Feng, 1994).
Relationships between parents and their children are frequently strained
because traditional Korean parents demand absolute obedience, excellence in
academic work and pursuit of professional careers by their children. Most Korean
immigrant parents pin their hopes on their children becoming successes in some
professional career; consequently they put a great deal of pressure on their children
to get a good education. These parents, in turn, devote a great deal of their own
resources and money, often at great sacrifice on their part, to the children’s
achievement (Jo, 1996).
Most immigrant children appreciate what their parents are trying to do for
them. Indeed, most of them have worked very hard to help their parents at the
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21
family business after school and over weekends. They help their parents with
housekeeping tasks and with their English language problems, whenever possible.
Some immigrant children want to be academically successful in order to please their
hard-working parents, who, their children realize, are making significant sacrifices
for them (Jo, 1996).
Cultural and generation barriers can sometimes cause conflicts within the
Korean American family. Communication in Korean immigrant families suffers
from language barriers between parent and child. Most Korean American children,
particularly those bom in this country, cannot speak Korean fluently, whereas most
adult Korean immigrants have difficulty speaking fluent English. Limited language
ability from both sides, with neither first nor second generation able to speak the
other’s native language very well, makes it extremely difficult for open
communication.
Most Asian immigrant parents, including Korean immigrant parents, make
their children’s academic success their chief concern. Confucianism stresses respect
for educated people and emphasizes education. Therefore many Asian parents make
their children’s learning a top priority (E. Kim, 1993). Korean children know what is
expected of them in terms of academic performance, even without extensive
communication with their parents.
Although Korean youths feel obligated to make their parents happy by
performing well academically, many of the students do not feel close to their parents
(Hong & Hong, 1996). This illustrates that they obey and study more out of habit
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22
and training than out of genuine respect and love. With many second generation
children of Korean immigrants, obedience lies not only the instilled Confucian belief
of filial piety, but more so in the sense of guilt and obligation they feel because of
witnessing their parents’ immeasurable sacrifices (Hong & Hong, 1996).
It is estimated that Korean Americans make up about 5 percent of the Ivy
League enrollment, although they make up less than 1 percent of the total U.S.
population (Goldberg, 1995). Academic and career successes for their children are
of utmost importance to Korean American parents. Goldberg (1995) portrays a
typical view of a Korean American mother whose child has obtained a successful
career in his article, “The Overachievers.” “I always wanted Henry to be a lawyer,”
the mother says,”.. .and now he is one.” It’s an odd and poignant victory. The
mother, Mrs. Jung, is a music teacher by training who took a giant step away from
white-collar success when she came to America to sell and stack and sweep and
count. But her son Henry is a lawyer.
“Parachuting” Factors
The origins of “parachuting” lie in a complex set of interrelated factors that
give rise to the issue of students trying to live in two societies. Traditional “push”
and “pull” of immigration are also in play, however. On the push side, concern with
education provides the single most important reason for “parachuting.” Cultural
beliefs emphasize excellence in learning as the key to prestigious social positions,
which, in turn, make school attendance a crucial step toward upward social mobility.
However, opportunity structures in the home country have constrained the realization
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23
of this Confucian precept even among middle-class families, much less among
average working-class families. The educational system had been established
deliberately to select only the most talented rather than to offer equal opportunities to
everyone who desired to learn. Educational opportunities are further restricted by
gender and class (Zhou, 1998).
Unlike other immigrant children who live with their parents and whose
experience is filled with socioeconomic hardships of settlement and head-on
intergenerational clashes, some of the “parachute kids” live in a world that American
teenagers only dream about: a fully furnished house of their own in an upscale
neighborhood, a fancy car, a cellular phone, plenty of cash, and no parents. For
these children, going to school in America is considered not only the opportunity of a
lifetime for a better future, but also an extraordinary adventure in searching for one’s
self and for adulthood (Zhou, 1998).
Korea’s recent economic crash has cut the number of “parachute kids”
coming to the United States, however. Paul Huh, owner of The Princeton Academy,
a tutoring center for Korean students, says he is currently managing only five
students compared to 19 students in 1994. These students live independently or with
caretakers and Mr. Huh checks on them regularly, providing feedback to the parents
on their progress in American schools. The parents pay approximately $60,000 per
year for the “parachute kid” to be educated in the United States and give absolute
power to the caretaker. The students Mr. Huh manages usually fall in the bottom
half of academic achievement levels in Korea and have little hope of attending a
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24
prestigious university there. These students, often described as “fugitives,” have
parents who are well-educated and live in middle class neighborhoods.
Most of the parents are well aware that the quality of American schools
depends largely on the socioeconomic standing of the neighborhood, so they tend to
choose host families or purchase homes for their children in upscale middle-class
neighborhoods, where the quality of schools is generally good and the peers are
likely to come from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. These parents can use their
financial resources to ensure that their children are in the care of reliable relatives or
caretakers, live in safe neighborhoods, and attend good schools (Zhou, 1998).
Voluntary and Involuntary Immigrants
Ogbu (1998) has studied minority education in the United States and other
societies for over 30 years. He writes that there are two types of minorities,
voluntary and involuntary. Voluntary minorities are those who come to the United
States planning to stay and build a future for themselves and their families. These
families, for the most part, are concerned about the academic achievement, behavior
and overall success of their children. The voluntary immigrants believe that they
have more educational opportunity in the United States than back home. They see
higher education in the United States as providing a chance for professional careers
they would not otherwise have attained back in their home country. Their children
share their parents and community’s positive attitudes and verbal commitment to
school. They work hard, strive for high grades, pay attention in class, do their
homework and generally follow school rules. Immigrant minority students are rarely
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25
disruptive in class and are eager to learn English. Their peers support school success
so that they experience minimal pressures detrimental to academic achievement.
Although involuntary minorities referred to by Ogbu (1998) are specifically
refugees and political prisoners, some of his principles apply to “parachute kids.” In
a sense, they did not choose to come to the United States, and they have no intention
of making this their home. For these reasons, many of these students are not
accountable in their schooling to their parents, who are thousands of miles away.
Since they are teenagers, the incidence of these students not attending to their duties
at school is high, leaving the schools with very few options when trying to help the
student academically and socially. Since involuntary minorities did not choose to
become minorities in a new society to achieve a desired or better future such as
better education or better jobs, they consider the acculturation process a subtractive
or replacement process that threatens minority identity and therefore is resisted.
The Impact of Living Away From Home
For both children and parents, there is a bitter feeling of being so far apart
from each other. Many parents have developed a sense of guilt and become more
easygoing with their children. The children, on the other hand, have been used to
living by themselves and have become more independent; some even manipulate
their given situations to take advantage of their parents’ sense of guilt to get what
they want (Zhou, 1996). A potential risk arising out of this changing relationship is
that, as children grow more alienated from their parents, they also may run loose
from their parents’ social networks in the United States, on which most parents
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26
depend for information and control. In addition, when “parachute kids” move to the
United States, their connection to the original friendship circle is broken by physical
distance. Since they enter the American school system between grades, they find it
difficult to make friends with other American children because they are outside the
already established friendship circles. They are further kept out by language and
cultural barriers.
Boarding School
In 1997, a study was conducted in Australia to determine the impact that
leaving home has on young adolescents and how they cope with the change.
Because of geographic isolation, many Australian families find it necessary to send
their children to boarding schools for an appropriate secondary education. Results
indicate that the ease of making the transition from home to the boarding situation
was heavily reliant upon expectations, which were derived from family ideology and
the child’s background. (Mason, 1997). This study which involved 38 students was
used to ascertain information on how parents chose a secondary school, including the
listing of advantages and disadvantages of boarding, as viewed by parents. Parents
felt that boarding away from home provided more options and opportunities, the
opportunity to make more friends, and become more independent, but at the same
time, the majority of parents also felt they could not control outside influences, keep
an eye on progress, that it was more expensive, and that their child matured too early
(Mason, 1997).
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27
According to Mason (1997), how a child copes with the transition to boarding
school often has a great deal to do with how prepared his/her parents are for this
change and whether or not they have had time to really think about what this is going
to mean and how they will cope with that. Mason (1997) describes the environment
in which these students can be successful.
We can assume that to ease the transition from home to boarding, we
can really just strive to ensure that there is a high quality of care,
facilitate close staff and student relationships by providing
opportunities to meet others and communicate effectively, create an
environment where facilities and opportunities stimulate and benefit
the individual, and finally have programs in place that take into
consideration each child’s unique way of dealing with the move away
from home and offer support. Each of these factors work together in
helping a young adolescent make a positive learning experience out of
such an emotional driven transition.
Isolation, perhaps we can conclude, forces upon many young people
an expectancy to grow and develop earlier in order to counteract the
lack of access to opportunity it bestows. It cannot be overlooked
however, that the opportunities and friendships made available to
those who do leave home, often are one of the most significant
experiences offered, especially if provided in a quality environment.
(p. 8)
The emotional readiness upon leaving home for both the parents as well as
the student had a great impact on how well the student adjusted in the new
environment. Expectations of the parents do have a significant impact on student
acculturation, however.
Educational Expectations of Korean Parents
Korean parents regard education as the single most important contributor to
their children’s future success and they will take extraordinary measures to ensure
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28
that their children have every opportunity to obtain the best education possible.
These parents regard education not only as a means to success but also as a measure
of one’s self-worth. Motivation to learn is stimulated by the respect that being well
educated will elicit from others and by an internal sense that learning is good in itself
and education comes first in the family.
Most students are pressured by parents from early childhood to succeed in
school. The pressure to succeed results in part from the stiff competition students
face in being successful on the examinations required for admission to high school or
especially to college (CDE, 1992). Children are exhorted to maintain high academic
achievement, even at the elementary school level, so that they can eventually enter
prestigious colleges. While their children are in the early elementary grades, parents
will often talk about specific colleges they expect their children to attend. A stigma
is attached to a child being perceived as a slow learner, with parents often concealing
or reluctantly dealing with any learning disability their child might have.
Children are selective in the subjects on which they concentrate. For
example, in grades seven through twelve, they are accustomed to working hard on
subjects that are emphasized on college entrance examinations, such as English,
Korean, and mathematics (CDE, 1992).
Colleges and universities in Korea operate under strict enrollment limitations,
creating a highly competitive atmosphere throughout the educational system.
Current estimates are only one in five applicants to a four-year college is admitted
(CDE, 1992). Many students reapply several times to well-known universities such
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29
as Seoul National University, Yonsei University, Korea University or Ewha
Woman’s University if they fail to be admitted on their first attempt.
Differences in Education Systems
There are a number of differences in the education systems of Korea and the
United States which must be examined to understand the transition facing students.
The Handbookfor Teaching Korean American Students (CDE, 1992) identifies the
following as significant differences which influence the way the students and parents
respond to schooling in the United States.
Table 1: Differences in Education in Korea and in California
California Department of Education, 1992
In Korea In California
Compulsory
Education
Policy
Compulsory, tuition-free education
is provided for grades one through
six. Assignment to tuition-
supported neighborhood middle
schools (grades seven through nine)
is based on a lottery. Attending
kindergarten is optional, and these
classes are taught mostly in private
schools.
Compulsory education is
provided for children from
ages six to sixteen.
Education from
kindergarten to grade twelve
is tuition-free.
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30
Table 1 Continued
High School
Admission
Admission to high school is
determined by a student’s
successfully completing a citywide
or regional entrance examination.
Assignment to general and
vocational high school is by lottery.
Admission to special high school is
based on a student’s aptitude; for
example, schools that specialize in
fine arts, science, or physical
education.
Admission to high school is
open to students who
successfully complete
middle school. Assignment
to a specific school is based
on where one resides.
Required
Courses
Students in middle schools and high
schools typically enroll in
supplemental classes for high school
and college preparation and take the
classes privately after school,
usually in English, Korean, and
mathematics.
Students at the middle
school and high school
levels do not usually take
supplemental academic
classes unless they are
underachieving or gifted.
Ranking and
Evaluation of
Student
Performance
For evaluation, students in middle
and high schools are ranked
individually against peers in their
homeroom class and in their entire
grade level according to their
average performance in all subjects.
They also receive number and letter
grades for individual subjects.
For evaluation, students are
not ranked individually
against their peers. They
receive number and letter
grades in individual
subjects. Overall
performance is recorded in a
student’s grade point
average.
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Table 1 Continued
31
Admission to
University
Admission to a university is based
primarily on students’ performances
on a national test. High school
academic records and character
development are also considered.
The number of students admitted
depends on an individual
university’s enrollment limits set by
government policy. The number of
high school graduates far exceeds
the number of available openings in
four-year colleges. Current
estimates are that one in five
applicants are admitted.
Admission to a university is
determined by an individual
university’s admissions
policy. Admission to a two-
year community college is
open and noncompetitive.
Students have multiple
options for obtaining higher
education, with a wide
variation in competitive
levels.
Tuition
Tuition at private and public four-
year colleges is charged at similar
rates. Scholarships, student loans,
and other forms of financial aid are
limited
Tuition is much more
expensive at private four-
year colleges than at state-
supported institutions.
Scholarships, loan, and
other forms of financial aid
are available.
In Korea, a highly industrialized and bureaucratized society where unskilled
jobs are declining and the economy is expanding, success in the competitive
educational system is essential for entry into the professions and vocations.
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32
Education is esteemed not only for its economic value in later life but also for the
social status associated with educational achievement, especially at prestigious
schools.
Korean parents are willing to go into debt to pay for expenses related to
education. Mothers especially organize tutorial sessions for their children that
involve the hiring of instructors who specialize in preparing either an individual
student or small group of students to pass school examinations or otherwise prepare
for the next highest level of schooling. Many parents also pay high tuition at private
institutes where students take additional classes to prepare for entrance examinations.
Students who have failed examinations also study at these institutes to get ready for
another attempt. The persistence and economic sacrifice of Korean parents
demonstrate their commitment to their children’s education (CDE, 1992).
Parents in Korea generally support the schools and hope for fulfillment of
their own lives through the success of their children. Parents instill in their children
very early the idea that parental acceptance is contingent on high performance in
school. The Korean community as well as family and relatives often give
prominence to and recognize high academic performance. When the report card is
sent to parents, they often call each other to compare their children’s grades,
knowledge of which is shared by parents, relatives, and neighbors. Korean children
feel obligated to receive high grades and are imbued with the notion that their
academic success is linked to the family’s reputation. Students learn early that they
are working not merely for themselves but for their family as well. Keenly
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33
concerned about their performance, they become competitive not only for their own
sake but also for their family’s prestige. Low performance levels elicit parental
disapproval, criticism, disappointment, and sometimes shame among relatives and
friends (CDE, 1992).
Korean parents believe that a positive parent-child relationship depends on
their children’s obedience to their wishes based on their Confucian traditions. In
many families parents attempt to develop control over their children with
authoritarian rather than egalitarian strategies (CDE, 1992). Parents also influence
their children’s behavior by expecting reciprocity for the sacrifices they have made
for them. For example, borrowing large amounts of money to pay for school tuition
and special tutoring is the norm. Korean parents are willing to tolerate adverse
conditions such as underemployment and extended work hours as long as their
children grow in a positive school environment. One of the reasons that Koreans
immigrate to the United States is to improve their children’s education, and they are
willing to endure great personal sacrifice to achieve this goal.
Korean parents highly respect school administrators and teachers. Most
parents consider it their responsibility to assist the school by deferring to the
authority of teachers and administrators. These parents depend on teachers for their
wisdom and expertise. Most parents believe that their role is to respect, listen, and
follow the professional judgment of teachers and administrators (CDE, 1992)
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34
Role of Teachers in Assisting Korean Students
Not unlike other ethnic groups, Korean-American students may experience
some difficulties in school or home due to the language barrier or cultural
differences. As such, teachers play an important role in helping Korean students
adjust. Based on demographics collected by California Department of Education in
1999, of the teachers providing instruction to over 1.5 million English learners, only
approximately 200 teachers and/or paraprofessionals were of Korean descent (CDE,
1999). By learning about Korean culture and the cultural adjustment patterns of
Korean Americans, teachers can become mediators in Korean’s bicultural
development. By learning more about the psychology and sociology of Korean
Americans, teachers can more accurately identify those children who are having
emotional problems that may interfere with school success (CDE, 1992). As parents
pressure their children to be not only successful, but also outstanding in academic
achievement, teachers can provide psychological support and understanding to
reduce pressure from home.
Teachers can better understand their Korean-American students by
understanding how some general cultural characteristics of Korean cultures impact
their students’ experience of American schools. For example, Korean-American
students may be confused by the informality that exists between teachers and
students in America and may feel considerable distress if attention is drawn to
themselves in class. According to Feng, (1994), when developing curriculum and
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35
instruction that is culturally sensitive and methodologically adaptable to the needs of
Korean-American students, teachers should: 1) familiarize themselves with the
values and customs of their students’ culture; 2) learn a few words of their students’
native languages; 3) base academic expectations on individual ability rather than on
stereotypes; 4) use peer coaching; 5) utilize students’ natural support system,
including family, friends, and the community; and 6) encourage parents to work with
one another (p. 2).
Importance of Parent Aspiration for Children
The role of parental involvement in children’s education has become a
critical issue in educational policy and research. According to Catsambis (1998),
researchers define parental involvement as participation in school activities, parental
aspirations for their children, and involvement in children’s learning activities at
home. Epstein (1992) defines six different types of parental involvement: 1) parents’
basic obligations for establishing a positive learning environment at home, 2) parent-
school communications about school programs and student progress, 3) parent
participation and volunteering at school, 4) parent and scfiodrcommumcafions
regarding learning activities at home, 5) parent involvement in school decision
making and governance, and 6) parent collaboration with community organizations
that increase students’ learning opportunities (pp. 7-8). Of the different types of
parental involvement, the most important effect that is consistent across studies is
that of parents’ educational aspirations for their children. High parental aspirations
tend to positively influence students’ levels o f achievement (Catsambis, 1998).
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36
Catsambis (1998) also writes that high levels of educational expectations,
consistent encouragement, and actions that enhance learning opportunities of
students are the major ways by which families positively influence the educational
achievements of their teens. Regardless of socioeconomic or race/ethnic
background, parents with high levels of educational expectations for their children
have the most positive effects on their student’s achievement.
Characteristics of Korean Students
In comparing some generalizations about behaviors of Korean and American
students, some vast differences are evident. The following descriptions from
Handbook for Teaching Korean-American Students are not necessarily generalizable
to every Korean and American student but give a perspective from which to begin
looking at the individual students might have different needs in schools.
Table 2: Typical Classroom Behaviors of Korean and American Students
Source: California Department of Education, 1992
Korean Values American Values
Show respect by avoiding eye contact,
bowing, and not initiating conversation
with an elder.
Show proper behavior by
maintaining eye contact, smiling, and
making friendly conversation with an
elder.
Must choose differentiated vocabulary
and verb forms in order to speak politely
to a “superior.”
Do not differentiate their word
choices radically when speaking to a
teacher or a parent’s friend. Do not
even perceive these adults to be
“superior.” Will be oneself in all
situations.
Will never use the name of an adult when
speaking face-to-face. Will call the
instructor seon-saeng-nim (“teacher”)
rather than by name.
Politely calls adults by name; for
example, “Mrs. Jones” or “Mr.
Smith.”
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37
Table 2 Continued
Avoid insulting the teacher’s efforts by
saying, “I don’t understand.” Will nod
politely even while no understanding and
attribute the difficulty to their own lack of
diligence.
Should speak up whenever they do
not understand. Asking questions
demonstrates one’s intelligence.
Perceive their own learning to
depend on good or bad teaching.
Will remain silent rather than show faulty
understanding or command of a skill. To
put forth a mistaken answer or an
unperfected skill is a personal
embarrassment and an insult to the
teacher and the discipline.
Will give their best efforts to answer
a question or do a particular task,
because trying is more important than
being absolutely correct. Although
just beginners, these students will not
hesitate to demonstrate a skill or
speak about a particular subject.
Will hesitate to express a personal
opinion for fear that it may sound
presumptuous or run contrary to the
feelings of the teacher. However,
students are encouraged to speak their
minds when confronted with unfairness,
dishonesty, or other immoral behavior.
Should be able to give their own
views on a topic when called on by
the teacher and to defend their
statements with reasonable
arguments.
Must defer to the judgment of superiors
and should avoid open disagreements. To
be contentious is a sign of conceit.
Are encouraged to develop an
independent viewpoint and to express
it, although it may be in contrast with
the view of the teacher or other
students. Debating is a high-level
oral skill.
Summary of Literature Review
In reviewing the literature on Korean immigrant students it is clear that
Korean families value education and that parental expectations affect student
achievement positively. In addition, the number of Korean immigrant children
entering the public school system is growing, particularly in California, and even the
few teachers of Korean descent often have difficulty understanding the situations in
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38
which these “parachute kids” live. An understanding of the differences in the
educational systems of the two countries gives insight as to why the students go to
such lengths to take advantage of the opportunities available.
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39
CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes and analyzes the methods and instrumentation used in
examining process of the current study. The methodology used includes the sample
selection, instrumentation, data collection, and data analysis. The purpose of the
study is to identify a group of “parachute kids” and their caretakers and try to better
understand how they got here, what they need and their perception of success. Based
on what we know about “parachute kids,” the purpose is to find out how schools can
work with these students, both successful and unsuccessful.
Through a case study approach, information regarding the history of these
“parachute kids” was collected including how they ended up in the United States,
what their living arrangements are, their feelings about their situations and how they
are adapting academically and socially. Ten “parachute kids” from different schools
were selected in order to answer the established research questions:
1. What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United
States?
2. How are these students adjusting to their academic and social lives in
their new setting? What contributes to their success?
3. How does the family context and structure affect educational
achievement on “parachute kids”?
4. What kinds of support and resources are available to these students in
their current situation?
5. How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful
“Parachute Kids”? What can schools do to provide resources for
“Parachute Kids”?
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The methodology used in this study is appropriate for the purposes of
qualitative, case study research. Gall, Borg, and Gall (1996) state that one of the
main characteristics of qualitative research is its focus on the intensive study of
specific instances or a phenomenon. A case study is used to examine a phenomenon
and its processes that are of interest to the researcher. Miles and Huberman (1984)
describe the use of qualitative data as well, stating that its rich description preserves
chronological flow, allows for the explanation of processes and causality that occur
at the local level and provides details not able to be gathered in a quantitative
approach.
Using Gall, Borg and Gall (1996), “Guidelines for Conducing a Research
Interview” the researcher collected interview data. Tape-recorded interviews of
students, caretakers, teachers, counselors and administrators lasted between 20 and
40 minutes.
According to Gall et al.(1996), one of the main characteristics of qualitative
research is its focus on the intensive study of specific instances, that is cases, of a
phenomenon. Case study research as used in this study is a subset of qualitative
research and evolved as a distinctive approach to scientific inquiry, partly as a
reaction to perceived limitations of quantitative research. A case study is done to
shed light on a phenomenon, which is the processes, events, persons, or things of
interest to the researcher. Case study research is one of several approaches to
qualitative inquiry that also includes ethnographies, focus groups and interviews.
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In this study examining the social and academic adjustment of Korean
“parachute kids,” it is advantageous to employ a case study approach for the
following reasons (Gall et al, 1996):
1. The rich description that case studies provide can breathe life into the stories
of the individuals studied which is not possible using statistical methods.
2. The readers will be able to identify with the individuals studied and make
comparisons to their own situations.
3. The qualitative case study approach allows the researcher to investigate
unusual phenomena such as “parachute kids” that statistical methods cannot
capture.
4. If necessary, researchers can alter and modify their data collection methods
as they gain more understanding and insight into the participants.
A disadvantage in using a case study approach in this study is a limited ability to
generalize findings since the participants of the study were not randomly selected.
Case study researchers do not agree in their assumptions about the nature of
reality and scientific inquiry. Their different assumptions lead them to hold different
views about how to conceptualize and assess the validity and reliability of case study
findings (Gall, et al., 1996).
Sample and Population
Typically in qualitative studies, purposeful sampling is used. As such, in
this research study, purposeful sampling was used. This type of sampling allows the
researcher to gain a deeper understanding of the phenomena being studied (Gall
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42
et.al.1996). The sample size in this qualitative study consisted of ten “parachute
kids” and their caretakers, administrators and teachers. The goal in purposeful
sampling is to select cases that are likely to be rich in information with respect to the
purposes of the study. Purposeful sampling is not designed to achieve population
validity but to gain an in-depth understanding of selected individuals, not to select a
sample that will represent accurately a defined population.
The sample population included “parachute kids” who attend schools in
Southern California living with guardians/caretakers while their parents live in
Korea. The subjects included nine students in high schools and one student in
middle school. Respondents were identified through the assistance of administrators
and teachers of these schools. School officials contacted guardians of these Korean
students in writing to inform them of the study. The informational materials
consisted of an introductory letter from the principal, the researchers’ information, a
letter regarding the study and a copy of the interview questions. Guardians then
contacted the researcher if they wished to participate in the study. Out of the eight
guardians contacted, only three volunteered to participate in the study. The others
informed the school officials that they were not comfortable and did not wish to
participate.
The caregivers/guardians were interviewed about their role in the academic
and social education of the “parachute kids” as well as contact they have with
parents and the school.
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All ten students were interviewed with guardian consent. The interviews
involved asking the students a variety of questions that allowed them to reflect aloud
how they feel about their current situation and how it has impacted their lives. These
students were asked to focus on all aspects of their lives from academic achievement
and social development to their relationships with their parents and caregivers. Eight
out of ten students answered questions in Korean and the researcher translated the
answers. Because the researcher anticipated that students might experience a sense
of sadness talking about their parents and how life use to be in Korea, Korean Youth
Community Center (KYCC) counseling service was available. However, all ten of
the students completed the interview and none of the students expressed a need to
talk to someone further after the interview with the researcher.
Interviews of school personnel included questions regarding the progress of
the students both academically and socially. They shared their educational
perspective on how the “parachute” student is performing in relation to their
situation and provided the achievement data needed to evaluate the progress of the
students. The information gathered from the interviews helped build a picture of
what enables these students to succeed.
The following table indicates who beyond each student was interviewed for
this study.
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Table 3: Participants Interviewed
Student Guardian/Caretaker Teacher Counselor Administrator
Student #1 X
Student #2 X X X
Student #3 X X X X
Student #4 X X X
Student #5 X
Student #6 X
Student #7 X X
Student #8 X X X
Student #9 X X X
Student #10
Student Descriptions
Ten students involved in the study were selected from five schools in the Los
Angeles area, five of them from the same high school. Of the ten students
interviewed, five students chose to come to the United States to study. All five of the
students were good students in Korea but would not have been admitted to elite
schools in Korea. Of the five students, two students are involved in extra curricular
activities playing tennis and golf. The rest attend tutoring centers after school. Only
two out of the ten students are girls. The other five students did not have a choice in
attending schools in the United States. All five of the students were average students
who struggled more than the other five students in school. Two of the five students
had disciplinary problems in Korea. All students were extremely cooperative and
forthright with the researcher during the interviews.
Student one is an 18 year-old male who came to the United States four years
ago and currently stays with a caretaker. He was the president of his class in Korea
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45
and was a very good student. Both of his parents live in Korea and he understands
the sacrifices his parents made for him. He sometimes misses his home in Korea but
communicates with his parents once a week, keeping him in touch with their lives as
well. His goal was to attend Harvard or MIT, however this fall, he will attend
Michigan State University majoring in business and plans to go to graduate school at
Harvard or Cornell.
Student two is a 17 year-old male who came to the United States at age 13.
He stays with his cousin’s family. His mother stayed with the student for a month
before she returned to Korea. In Korea, he had poor grades and as a result had to
clean the school restrooms as a form of punishment. His parents visit every six
months and they communicate once or twice a month. His goal is to pursue graphic
design and plans on applying to California State Universities next year.
Student three is a 16 year-old male who has recently been “adopted” by a
couple in Southern California. Although he has parents in Korea, adoption was the
only way for him to come to the United States to go to school. His motivation to
succeed comes from appreciation of his parents for sacrificing so much. He
communicates once or twice a week with his parents in Korea. His adoptive father is
white and he calls him by his name and his adoptive mother is Korean and he refers
to her as “yi mo nim” which translates to “aunt.” He was an average student with no
discipline problems in Korea. His goal is to graduate from UCLA or UC San Diego.
Student four is a 15 year-old male who has also been “adopted” by the same
couple as student three. He and his younger sister who is in the 5th grade have both
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46
been adopted by this family. He was a very good student in Korea but he wanted to
come to the United States to study science because he believed there were more
opportunities for him. He communicates with his parents once a week. His goal is
to be an engineer and would like to attend MIT.
Student five is a 15 year-old male who lives in his brother’s friend’s house.
During his first year in the United States, he lived with his aunt but when she moved,
he decided to have a different caretaker. His current caretaker is very strict. He
wanted to study in the United States because he didn’t study very much in Korea and
he knew he would have difficulty studying for exams to be admitted not only to
college but to high school as well. His parents send money to his caretakers but he
does not know how much. He envies his friends who live with parents because he
does not feel his caretakers understand him or have compassion for him. However,
he believes that eventually he will live alone so this is good practice for him. His
aspiration is to go to UC Irvine like his older brother.
Student six is an 18 year-old who is hearing impaired. Five years ago, his
mother filed the necessary paperwork for him to come to the United States to live
with his uncle because opportunities for the disabled in Korea are extremely limited.
He was an average student in Korea with no discipline problems. He visits his
parents in Korea once a year and does not miss them very much. He is a senior in
high school and will attend a community college in the fall.
Student seven is a 13 year-old who attends middle school. His father is a
pastor of a church in Korea and his mother is an English teacher in an academy. He
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Al
is living with a caretaker who is a friend of the family. His father came with him and
stayed until he was enrolled in a middle school before returning to Korea. He
struggled in school in Korea but because of his efforts, he was considered a good
student. His parents call him every couple of months and conversations are usually
minimal. His aspiration is to attend UCLA or UC Berkeley after high school.
Student eight is a 16 year-old female who has been in the United States for
two years. She and her sister, student nine, were instructed to come and live with
their grandmother. She struggled in school in Korea and was considered to be
rebellious. She continues to struggle in school and wants desperately to return to
Korea. She does not believe she will go on to higher education and wants to get a
job in Korea after she learns enough English. Her grandmother does not have much
influence on her.
Student nine is 17 year-old female who has also lived in the United States for
two years. She lives with her grandmother and her sister. She was an average
student in Korea and also wants to return to Korea. However, she would like to
attend college in the United States and return after she graduates.
Student ten is a 17 year-old male who has been in the United States for two
years. He lives with his two older sisters who are 22 years-old and 23 years-old. He
does not really communicate with his parents even though they call once a month.
He did not study much in Korea and was unfocused. When the opportunity came for
him to come to the United States, he thought he would have a new start in his
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48
academic career and decided to live away from his parents. His goal is to
successfully complete high school and then join the Navy.
The following table shows the different students, school information and
other pertinent information about their residency in the United States. Column four
refers to John Obgu’s research as described in Chapter 2. Ogbu (1998) writes that
there are two types of minorities; voluntary and involuntary. Voluntary minorities
are those who come to the United States planning to stay and build a future for
themselves and their families and believe that they have more educational
opportunity in the United States than back home. On the other hand, involuntary
minorities know they will be returning to their native countries. Since involuntary
minorities did not choose to become minorities in a new society to achieve a desired
or better future such as better education or better jobs, they consider the acculturation
process a subtractive or replacement process that threatens minority identity and
therefore is resisted.
Table 4: Student Profile
Student
Number
Age How Long
in US?
GPA Voluntary/
Involuntary
Guardian Siblings
in US?
1 18 years
old
Four years 3.8 Voluntary Caretaker No
2 17 years
old
Four Years 2.5 Involuntary Cousin No
3 16 years
old
One Year 3.5 Voluntary “Adopted” No
4 15 Years
Old
Two Years 3.6 Voluntary “Adopted” Yes
5 15 Years
Old
Three Years 3.0 Voluntary Caretaker Yes
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Table 4 Continued
6 18 Years
Old
Five Years 2.8 Involuntary Uncle No
7 13 Years
Old
Two Years 2.7 Involuntary Caretaker No
8 16 Years
Old
Two Years 2.2 Involuntary Grandmother Yes
9 17 Years
Old
Two Years 2.7 Involuntary Grandmother Yes
10 17 Years
Old
Two Years 3.6 Voluntary Sister Yes
Teacher Descriptions
Four teachers and two counselors were selected for in-depth interviews based
on the recommendation of the site principal. Of the four teachers interviewed, two
taught English Language Development (ELD) classes (social science and English),
one was a ELD Coordinator, and one was a math teacher. Two of the teachers
interviewed had five years of teaching experience of less. The other two had
between five to ten years of teaching experience. Both of the counselors (one male,
one female) interviewed also have less than five years of experience as a counselor.
Administrators Descriptions
One principal, two assistant principals and one retired principal were
interviewed from four different schools. The retired principal had been in education
for over 30 years and is very familiar with “Parachute Kids” phenomenon. The two
assistant principals have over 10 years of experience as administrators are also very
familiar with “parachute kids”. One principal has been an administrator for over 15
years and has had limited experience with “Parachute Kids.”
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Guardians Descriptions
Eight guardians/caretakers were contacted but only three agreed to participate
in the study via interviews. Guardian one is a grandmother who is a caretaker for
two female students. She has lived in the United States for over five years and does
not speak any English. She communicates with her children in Korea once a month
but often feels frustrated when dealing with the two female students because she
does not feel she is respected by them.
Guardian two is the adoptive mother for two of the male students. She
speaks Korean fluently and communicates regularly with the parents of the two
adopted students.
Guardian three is a businessman who owns a tutoring academy where he is
the caretaker for “parachute kids.” He often visits Korea and recruits students to
come to the United States to study. He provides room and board for them, after
school tutoring and communicates with the school as well as the parents on a regular
basis.
Challenge of Finding “Parachute Kids”
As stated previously, no one knows the exact number of Korean “parachute
kids” in the United States. Based on the fact that most of the students were typically
in suburban areas, the researcher began looking at various school districts with a
large Korean population. The researcher contacted the superintendent of XYZ
school district and explained the research topic and was informed that there are many
Korean “parachute kids” at X High School. The principal of X High School was
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51
then contacted and asked to identify the number of “parachute kids” at his school.
The assistant principal in charge of student services then called the researcher to
notify her that this had been a prevalent population at X High School at one time but
he could not identify any student that fit the description of the “parachute kids.” The
same process took place with another school in AAA school district. Although the
administrators knew that these students existed in their schools, they were not able to
identify the students to be interviewed.
The researcher contacted four High Schools in the BBB Unified School
District and asked them to identify Korean students who live with guardians. Out of
the four schools, only two responded. School A identified three students and School
B identified two students who live with guardians. Although School A identified
three students, only one student fit the description of being a “parachute kid.”
Upon interviewing the student at School A, the researcher was informed of
one other student who attends A High School. While interviewing this student, he
informed the researcher that there is another student who lives with the same
adoptive parents. In addition, while interviewing teachers of ELD students at School
A, they informed the researcher of two other Korean “parachute kids.” The male
teacher at School A also informed the researcher that he spoke with his wife who is a
teacher in another school district, found that she had one “parachute kid” in her class.
Issues regarding researcher bias
When conducting a case study, the researcher sometimes does not consider
how one’s own biases and personal characteristics might affect the research findings.
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Some beliefs, values, and other personal characteristics may be subconscious and,
therefore, not amenable to self-reflection. This problem was addressed by asking
colleagues to review the research project, including its goals, methods of data
collection and analysis, and findings. They might be able to identify personal
characteristics or conditions that threaten the credibility of the findings (Gall et al.,
1996).
Based upon the researcher’s experience as a school administrator, the researcher
set aside assumptions that “parachute kids” tend not to be successful because of lack
of accountability and parental supervision. To guard against this researcher bias, it
was important to triangulate based on data collected through questionnaires,
interviews and observations.
Instrumentation
The data collection instruments included interview guides for the students,
teachers, counselors, administrators and caregivers. These guides, containing a
semi-structured series of questions, were intended to gather data and clarify
components of the interview guide. By working with school administrators and
counselors, possible candidates were identified. Following consent, the students,
guardians, teachers, counselors and administrators participated in a 20-40 minute
interview about the educational experiences of “parachute kids” in the United States
and Korea. School officials contacted guardians of these Korean students in writing
to inform them of the study. This packet consisted of an introductory letter from the
principal (Appendix I), the researcher’s information (Appendix A), a letter regarding
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53
the study (Appendices E-G) and a copy of the interview questions (Appendices B-
D). Guardians then contacted the researcher if they wished to participate in the
study.
The student interviews involved asking the students a variety of questions
that allowed them to reflect aloud on how they feel about their current situation and
how it has impacted their lives. These students focused on all aspects of their lives
from academic achievement and social development to their relationships with their
parents and caregivers. They answered questions in either English or Korean,
whichever language they preferred.
Interviews of school personnel included questions regarding the progress of
the students both academically and socially. They brought an educational
perspective to how the student is performing in relation to their situation. In
addition, they were asked to provide the achievement data to evaluate the progress of
these “parachute kids.”
The caregivers were asked about their role in the academic and social
education of the “parachute kids” as well as contact they have with parents and the
school. This input was necessary to build a total picture of what is being done that
will enable these students the best opportunity for success. As with students,
guardians/caregivers answered questions in either English or Korean.
The results of this study are generalizable only to Korean “parachute kids”
studied in this research because of the unique circumstances and experiences with
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54
which they come to the United States. In addition, there are further limitations as the
researcher is concentrating on high school age students in the Los Angeles area.
Data Collection
Data was collected through personal, semi-open interviews where students,
guardians, teachers, counselors and administrators were encouraged to fully answer
questions about their experiences and concerns. All information and taped
interviews were returned to the researcher for processing. Each tape was analyzed to
address the study’s purpose. The data collection was conducted between January
2002 and July 2002 over the course of several rounds. Prior to all interviews,
consent to participate form was reviewed with and signed by each interviewee.
The materials used in the study included interview questions for each of the
targeted groups in order to gather information. Sets of interview questions for
students, guardians/caretakers, teachers/counselors/administrators are found in
Appendices B-D. The questions were developed by the researcher with the purpose
of answering the five research questions.
1. What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?
2. How are these students adjusting to their academic and social lives in
their new setting? What contributes to their success?
3. How does the family context and structure affect educational achievement
on “parachute kids”?
4. What kinds of support and resources are available to these students in
their current situation?
5. How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “Parachute
Kids”? What can schools do to provide resources for “Parachute Kids”?
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The purpose of the study is to identify a group of “parachute kids” and their
caretakers and try to better understand how they came to arrive in the United States,
what they need in terms of social and academic support and their perception of
success. Based on what we know about “parachute kids,” the purpose is to find out
how schools can work with these students, both successful and unsuccessful. The
interviews were analyzed and finding are reported in chapter four.
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CHAPTER IV: RESULTS OF THE STUDY
This chapter includes the interviewee responses and findings, the purpose of
which was to identify a group of “parachute kids” and their caretakers and try to
better understand how they came to arrive in the United States, what they need in
terms of social and academic support and their perception of success. Based on the
findings of this chapter, the focus will be to find out how schools can work with
these students in the most effective manner possible.
Prior to conducting the interviews, the researcher forwarded the Consent of
Participate (Appendices E to G) as well as a letter (Appendix A) to respondents to
each interviewee. Separate Interview Guides for students, school personnel and
caretakers/guardians (Appendices B to D) were used to interview each participant.
Each interview ranged from 20-30 minutes and each interviewee was encouraged to
expand upon the responses to each question. After transcribing and analyzing the
interviews, the researcher translated the interviews and identified similar patterns and
themes that are described in this chapter. The names of the respondents are not
included in the data analysis to protect anonymity.
The data obtained from the selected participants was analyzed to answer the
five research questions developed for this study:
1. What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?
2. How are these students adjusting to their academic and social lives in their
new setting? What contributes to their success?
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3. How does the family context and structure affect educational achievement on
“parachute kids”?
4. What kinds of support and resources are available to these students in their
current situation?
5. How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “parachute
kids”? What can schools do to provide resources for “parachute kids”?
Research Question One:
What circumstances brought the “parachute kids” to the United States?
Research question one sought to describe the circumstances that brought the
Korean “parachute kids” to the United States. Several interview questions were
developed to establish an understanding of who the students are and why they are
living away from their parents in Korea. The responses of the students are illustrated
in the following findings for research question one. Each student’s responses to the
interview questions are described in the following narrative. Eight out of ten
students selected to answer the questions in Korean and as such, the following
responses were translated by the researcher. The researcher is fluent in Korean and
therefore did not need the services of a separate translator. This adds to the validity
of the interviews as there was no potential interpretation error.
Student one is an 18 year-old male who came to the United States four years
ago and currently stays with a caretaker. While he was in middle school, he and his
circle of friends talked about wanting to come to the United States to study. Upon
completion of middle school in Korea, he asked his parents for permission to study
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58
abroad to avoid the tremendous competition in Korea. He described his success in
his school in Korea and plans for further education in the following manner.
I was considered a pretty good student in Korea. After all, I was the
President of my class and my grades were pretty good. I was ranked 18th out
of 1000 students at my school. Even though I was a pretty good student, the
chances of me getting into one of the best universities in Korea were pretty
slim. I really wanted the opportunity to study and I always dreamed about
getting into a good university like Harvard or MIT. Next year, I will be
going to Michigan State University as a Business major but I plan to go to
Harvard graduate school. In America, I know if I work hard, it will pay off.
Although student one’s parents are considered middle class in Korea, they
were willing to send him to a caretaker so that he would have the chance to study
abroad.
Student two is a 17 year-old male who came to the United States at age 13.
His mother wanted him to have a better chance of going to college by sending him to
stay with his cousin in the United States. His experience in a Korean school was
very different from student one but he still has lofty goals.
At first, I really didn’t want to come to the United States but I didn’t have a
choice. In Korea, I didn’t like school and I had pretty bad grades. As a
punishment for having bad grades, I always had to stay after school and clean
the restrooms. My teachers didn’t like me very much. I guess my mom was
worried about me and she told me to go to America and live with my cousin.
I like school here and the teachers treat you better. I don’t have the best
grades right now but I think if I do well on the SAT, I could get into a Cal
State and study graphic design.
He shared with the researcher that he is grateful to his parents for sending
him to the United States and he doesn’t want to disappoint his parents. As a junior
in high school, his grades have improved and the focus for him is to study for the
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Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) in order to obtain admission to California State
University of Long Beach.
Student three is a 16 year-old male who has recently been “adopted” by a
couple in Southern California. Although he has parents in Korea, adoption was the
only way for him to come to the United States to go to school. His aunt lives in Los
Angeles. However, if he were to live with his aunt, he could only stay on a student
or a visitor visa which could complicate his future plans to enroll in higher
education. As such, his family decided to have him formally be adopted. Being
away from home initially was extremely difficult for student three but he has
adjusted better.
My father lived in America for a few years and he shared his positive
experience about American education with me. School is extremely difficult and
competitive in Korea. I think it is more difficult than getting into Harvard. Even if
you graduate from top schools, jobs are difficult to get. I know someone who works
as a custodian in America even though he graduated from Seoul University. I was a
good student in Korea but I know I wouldn’t have gotten into elite schools. I told
my parents that I really wanted the opportunity to come to America and they were
able to find a way for me to be adopted by this family. I really miss my parents but I
know that this is the right decision for me.
Student four is a 15 year-old male who has also been “adopted” by the same
couple as student three. He and his younger sister who is in the 5t h grade have both
been adopted by this family.
Two years ago, I told my parents that I wanted to come here to study science.
I was always a top 20 student but I knew there were lots of opportunities in America.
School in Korea was pretty fun for me and I had lots of friends. But by the time I
was in middle school, I knew my focus was going to be in science and so I asked my
parents to let me come here to study. I’m not sure I would have done well enough on
my entrance exams to get into the best schools in Korea. My mom stayed with my
sister and me for a year before she returned to Korea. My mom was looking for a
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60
way for my sister and me to be enrolled in schools in America and found my
adoptive family. I look after my sister who is only 10 years old. I’m glad I have her
around.
This seemed to be unusual in that not only were the elementary and high
school student sent to America for schooling, but the mother came and stayed for the
first year to ease the transition as they adapted to life in the United States.
Student five is a 15 year-old male who lives in his brother’s friend’s house.
His brother is 19 years-old and he attends University of California, Irvine. During
his first year in the United States, he lived with his aunt but when she moved out of
his current school’s attendance area, he decided to live with a different caretaker
rather than move with his aunt so he could continue at the same school.
I made a decision to study in America three years ago. I was a so-so student
and my chances of getting into a good high school didn’t look good.
Everyone has to take a test to get into high school as well as college but
where you go to high school pretty much determines which college will
accept you. I didn’t study a lot in Korea but I knew that if I studied hard, I
could get into a good college in America. I saw a lot of American movies
about teenagers when I lived in Korea. They didn’t have uniforms or the
same short hair-cut. They seemed to be having fun and I could tell they had a
lot of freedom to go out and have fun.
He wishes his parents could live with him but does not regret his decision to
come to the United States.
Student six is an 18 year-old who is hearing impaired. Five years ago, his
mother filed the necessary paperwork for him to come to the United States to live
with his uncle because opportunities for the disabled in Korea are extremely limited.
When I was 13 years old, my mom told me to go to America and live with
my uncle and his family. I didn’t really want to but my mom said that it was
best for me. I was an average student in Korea but school was getting harder
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61
and harder. Kids used to tease me a lot because they said I talked funny. I
have a lot of Korean friends who are like family. I’m going to graduate in
June and in the fall, I’m going to a community college.
Student seven is a 13 year-old who attends middle school who lives with a
caretaker, a friend of the family.
I was twelve years old when I first came to the United States. My dad came
with me and stayed for a couple of months with me and we lived with a friend ofhis.
He told me to stay with his friend’s family and he left for Korea and my mom told
me that staying here would be better. School was definitely more difficult for me in
Korea and I struggled to get good grades. Every time I talk to my mom on the
phone, she always tells me to be good. It is important to do get good grades in
school and not get in trouble because parents shouldn’t get disappointed. If I don’t
have good grades in school, my mom and dad get so sad. They want me to stay and
be successful in school so I’m trying to improve my GPA and try my best so I can
get into a good University.
Student eight is a 16 year-old female who has been in the United States for
two years and stays with her grandmother.
Two years ago, my sister and I were told by my parents to come and live with
my grandma in the United States. I wasn’t doing all that well in Korea. I used to get
in trouble and had to stay after school a lot for not studying or something. I had to
clean the toilets with a toothbrush. I think my mom was embarrassed. She thought
my sister and I should come to the United States to have a fresh start and have a
better chance to go to college. I wish I could go back to Korea. I don’t really like it
here and I miss my friends. My mom told me I had to at least graduate from high
school in America. I think if I learn English here and graduate from high school, I
could get a pretty good job in Korea.
Student nine is a 17 year-old female who has also lived in the United States
for two years. She lives with her grandmother and her sister, student eight.
I was an okay student in Korea. I didn’t get into trouble but I didn’t have
much of an opportunity in Korea. I wanted to attend Yonsei University but
with my grades, that wouldn’t have been possible. Besides, it would have
taken a miracle for me to pass the entrance exam. I knew a lot of people who
had to take the test more than once and then eventually gave up. I guess my
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62
mom knew how hard it would be for me so she sent my sister and me to live
with grandma to give us a better chance.
Student ten is a 17 year-old male who has been in the United States for two
years. He lives with his two older sisters who are 22 years-old and 23 years-old.
In Korea, I didn’t really study. I was not interested in school and I was not
focused. With the way I was in Korea, I knew I didn’t have much of an
opportunity to go to a decent college. My two older sisters go to college in
the United States and when my parents asked me if I wanted to go to school
in America and live with my sisters, I said “yes.” Since it was my choice to
come here, I don’t want to disappoint my parents and make them believe I
made the wrong choice. I want to show them how independent I can be. I
know they sacrificed a lot for me to be here. I am the only son and they have
high expectations of me and I want to make them proud.
Summary of Findings for Research Question One
All ten of the students interviewed in this study came under different
circumstances, at different ages and after different levels of success in Korea looking
for an opportunity to attend schools in the United States. Five of the ten students
were included in the decision-making and asked to come to the United States to
study. Those five students all had a “B” average or better. The other five students
were sent to the United States on an involuntary basis. After coming here, however,
the students seemed to understand that their parents did what was best for them and
began to improve academically. They all missed their parents and friends but the
only one that openly expressed a desire to return to Korea was student eight.
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Research Question Two:
How are these “Parachute Kids” adjusting to their academic and social lives
in their new setting? What contributes to their success?
Research question two sought to find out how “parachute kids” are adjusting
to their academic and social lives in the United States and what contributed to their
success in the new setting. The following table presents data regarding the students’
participating in this study. It includes their grade point average (GPA), attendance
record, level of academic success in Korea, future goals and how often they
communicate with their parents in Korea. This data is important as it further allows
triangulation of data in examining “parachute kids” and their social and academic
adjustment in the United States.
Table 5: Student Descriptions
Student
Grade Grade
Point
Average
Number
o f Days
Missed
Per
Semester
Academic
Success
in Korea
Goals Communication
with Parents in
Korea
Student
#1
12th 3.8 0-5 High Go to MIT
Graduate School
Twice a month
Student
#2
11t h 2.7 0-5 Average To attend CSULB
and study graphic
design
Once or twice a
month
Student
#3
11th 3.5 5-10 High To attend UCLA
or UC San Diego
Once or twice a
week
Student
#4
10t h 3.6 0-5 High To attend MIT Once a week
Student
#5
11t h 3.0 5-10 Average To attend UC
Irvine
Once a week
Student
# 6
12th 2 .6 5-10 Average To attend a
Community
College
Once every two
months
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Table 5 Continued
64
Student
#7
y th
2.5 0-5 Average To attend UCLA Every couple of
months
Student
#8
11t h 2.2 10-15 Low To return to
Korea
Once a month
Student
#9
12t h 2.7 10-15 Average To attend nursing
school
Once a month
Student
#10
11t h 3.6 5-10 Average To Join the Navy Once a month
Grade Point Average for the ten students studied in this research ranged from
2.2 to 3.8. Of the ten students, only two of the students, seven and eight, seemed to
struggle with their new adjustment academically. The table shows the students who
performed well academically in Korea typically performed well as “parachute kids.”
Of the ten students interviewed, only one student stated a general dislike for school.
This is the same student who wished to return to Korea. Student number one and
ten are the only two students involved in extra-curricular activities. Student one is
on the school golf team and student ten is on the school tennis team at their
respective schools. Five out of ten students are enrolled in a tutoring program after
school paid for by the parents and are getting academic support.
In attempting to gain insight into how the students were adjusting, the
researcher asked the ten students the following questions: “How are you adjusting to
life in the United States? What motivates you to be successful?” The students
responded in the following ways:
Student one discussed his involvement in extra-curricular activities and his
focus on his future.
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I’m doing well. This year I joined the golf team and I have a lot of friends. I
have a lot of friends so I don’t really get lonely. I’m excited about going to
Michigan State next year. The best part about coming to the United States is
the opportunity out there. If I try, I know I’ll be successful. It’s not like
Korea and I have a lot of freedom to choose. My parents expect a lot of me
so it’s my job to have good grades and make them proud. I’m going to be
rich someday and I am going to give back to my parents for all that they have
done for me.
Student two noted his social environment as being important to his
adjustment and success. He also felt that effort defined success.
I get along pretty well with my cousin and his family. They take good care of
me. I made a lot of friends here and I like the way teachers treat you even if
you’re not the best student in class. I miss my parents but I don’t feel lonely
or anything. I have pretty bad grades but I never get in trouble at school. I
don’t want my cousin to tell my mom because she will be mad at me. In the
beginning, I lied to my parents about my grades because I didn’t want them
to be upset. At first, English was really hard. I didn’t have any preparation
in Korea. I didn’t even know the alphabet. To my parents, success means
high G.P.A. and getting into a good college. But to me, success means
having no regrets in my life. If I can look back and know that I did my best, I
think I’m pretty successful.
Student three discussed the difficulty of adjusting to his new situation. Once
again, however, this student expressed being motivated in school by the desire to
please his parents. His deep gratitude to his parents’ sacrifices is evident in the
interview.
I miss my parents and friends a lot. I live with adoptive parents and they
adopted two other kids. It was really hard for me because I was very close to
my parents and I never lived away from home before. I talked to them at least
once a week. I know I wasn’t really supposed to since I have been adopted.
It’s much better now. I think the freedom, school activities and living life in
general is what is most attractive about American schools. Nobody would
care about me as much as my parents. Even though I have “adoptive”
parents, they will never replace my parents. That’s where my motivation to
succeed comes from: appreciation of my parents for the sacrifices they made.
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Being away from them is hard but I know they want what is best for me. For
my parents (in Korea), being safe and staying healthy is much more
important than having good grades.
Student three is enrolled in Trigonometry Honors and Chemistry AP even
though he has only been in the United States for two years.
Student four expressed the comfort of having a blood relative with him.
Although he missed his parents, he wasn’t isolated from his family because he had
his sister living in the same house. He also had to be strong for his younger sister
because her potential for sadness would be much greater than his.
I have pretty good grades and I have a lot of friends. I also have my little
sister with me. It was harder on her because she is so young but I like living
in a big family. Sometimes when I get lonely and sad, I listen to Korean
music and it makes me feel better. I also play a lot of basketball. When I
feel sad, I never call my parents. I don’t want them to know. I only want
them to know how well I’m doing.
Student five talked about the importance of his friends. Although he envied
their family situations, his friends became his family.
I wish my parents could live with me here. My guardians don’t understand or
have compassion for me. I envy my friends. They don’t have to be too
independent too soon like me. I could never get extra credit on Back-to-
School nights or anything that involving parent attendance because my
guardians never came for me. Whenever I have a problem, I can always
count on my friends. I don’t tell my parents about my problems because I
don’t want them to worry about me. I’m working on improving my grades
right now so that I could go to UC Irvine like my brother. My mom’s trust in
me motivates me because I want to make my parents proud and I appreciate
all that they do for me.
Student six’s motivation comes from his desire to overcome his disability.
His friends are also important to his adjustment.
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I hang out mostly with my friends. I don’t miss my parents much because I
only see them once a year and I probably talk to them once every two months
or so. I like this school. Teachers are nice and other kids don’t make fun of
me because of my hearing problem. I don’t want my hearing problem to get
in the way of anything. I have always had to try harder than other people and
I know without effort, I won’t amount to anything.
Student seven also uses thoughts of home and family as motivation to
succeed as well as for comfort. His work ethic is strong and cites the fact that even
in Korea, he was alone often.
I have friends at school but I don’t hang out with them after school because I
have to go to the academy to study. On the weekends, I play with the kids I
live with. Sometimes, I think about my little brother in Korea. I’m trying to
do better in school because if I don’t do well in school, my dad gets so sad. I
don’t want my parents to be disappointed in me. I only talk to them once
every couple of months. I think they are busy. My dad is a minister and my
mom is a teacher in an academy teaching English. They probably don’t have
a lot of time. Even when I lived in Korea, I didn’t see my mom much. She
always came home after 8:00 p.m. I want to be a doctor or a professor. I
want to be a useful person in a community. If I am useful, then I am
successful. I don’t have to be rich or anything.
Both student eight and nine have a great deal of freedom. Student eight
stated,
I have no curfew. I just tell my grandmother that I’m going out and she
doesn’t say anything. I go out with my sister and her older friends. I don’t
like it here. I want to go back to Korea but my mom won’t let me. She says I
have to finish high school here. If I graduate, I can go back to Korea and get
a job. My GPA is really low but if I pass all of my classes, I will have
enough credits to graduate. I can’t wait.
Her sister, student nine plans to stay in the United States after graduation.
She has dealt with the adjustment in a similar manner as her sister but is motivated
by personal goals for success.
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68
My sister and I stay out pretty late. My grandmother is usually asleep by the
time we get home. I know she gets frustrated and calls my mom in Korea.
My grandmother signs all of our notes for absences. I don’t tell her what it is
for; I just tell her it’s for school and she signs it. When I talk to my mom in
Korea, I tell her everything is fine, meaning my grades. I’m planning on
going to nursing school after I graduate.
Student ten has become involved with school activities and talked about his
freedom. With no desire to go back to Korea, he is somewhat undirected and hopes
to find that in the Navy.
I get lonely sometimes but I don’t talk to anyone about it. I’m on the school
tennis team so I’m not really home much. I talk to my parents about once a
week but they are very short conversations. One time I was suspended for
fighting but I never talked about it with my parents. Kids were harassing me
and making fun of me because I’m Korean. Now, I just ignore them. I miss
my parents and my friends in Korea but I don’t want to go back to Korea. I
can pretty much do anything I want to do. My sisters don’t care and I don’t
have much supervision around the house. Other than the one suspension, I
haven’t been in trouble. To me, success means doing your best and right
now, I’m doing my best so I guess that makes me successful.
Caretaker Descriptions
The caretakers of the “parachute kids” have difficult jobs. They are expected
to be surrogate parents while not having the background of the student. In some
cases, they are not respected by the students with regard to rules and discipline
around the house and at school. The following three stories highlight how these
caretakers view the students’ adjustment to life in the United States and their
motivation for success.
Caretaker one is a grandmother in charge of two female students (students
eight and nine).
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69
I am really frustrated with student eight. She doesn’t listen to me and my
daughter who lives in Korea doesn’t listen to me either. I tell her that student
eight wants to go back to Korea and live with her parents but my daughter
does not seem to care. I don’t know what to do. I get calls from school but I
don’t speak English so I have to wait to talk to someone who can translate for
me. I don’t know where to ask for help. Student nine is a good
granddaughter. I don’t get any calls from school about her. I just want both
of them to be happy. I don’t speak English and I can’t do very much except
feed them with the money my daughter sends me from Korea.
Caretaker two is the adoptive mother of two students studied in this research.
She stated,
Both boys are doing really well. They are good students and they never get in
trouble. I knew student three’s parents for about two years before we began
the adoption process. I have known student four’s mother for over six years
now. It was difficult for them to enroll their sons in American schools so I
talked to my husband about legally adopting them. I have two boys of my
own and they all seem to get along well. I communicate with their parents
about once a week and I told them that I would discipline the boys just as I
would my own. If they don’t listen, I give them a warning and then tell the
mom to handle the problem. Obviously, I can’t talk to them as I would to my
own children and I think student three misses his mom a lot. He calls her at
least once a day to talk to her.
This caretaker receives $600.00 for each student per month. Caretaker two
discussed the importance to trying to create a family with three new members in her
home. She made sure they always sat at the dining table to have dinner together. On
weekends, she tried to do go on family outings and always included her three
adopted children. After the interview with this caretaker, the researcher found out
that student three has moved out of the house because he preferred to live with his
aunt. He still attends the same school and the status ofhis adoption has not changed.
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70
Caretaker three is a businessman who recruits “parachute kids” from Korea.
He provides regular communication about the student’s progress to the parents. He
is the caretaker of student one.
Student one is one of the better kids that is under my care. In the past, I had
students who drank, smoked, or had a DUI. For the most part, all I had to do
was threaten to call their parents. In the worst-case scenario, I had to send
one student back to Korea because he wouldn’t listen to me. You see, once
they are here, they are motivated by their desire not to return to Korea
because they would prefer to stay in the United States. Student one is doing
well in school. He knows if he doesn’t meet his parents’ expectations, he
may be sent back and lose the privilege of going to college in the United
States.
Caretaker number three regularly communicates with student one’s parents
once a month and provides them with progress reports of grades from school as well
as the progress from his tutoring academy. He receives $400.00 per month for
guardianship. His room and board is paid for separately.
Summary of Findings for Research Question Two
If students were successful in their home school in Korea and if values of the
parents are important to the students, they were successful in American schools. All
of the students emphasized the need to be successful so that their parents would not
be disappointed in them. They wanted to live up to their expectations. Some had
more difficulty in accomplishing this. It was obvious that with the exception of
student eight, the students are considered successful as evident in their G.P.A. and
long-term goals they set for themselves. However, it was difficult to gain insight
into their psychosocial well being since most of the students who were considered
academically successful did not show much emotion when discussing their parents
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71
and how much they missed them. All ten of the students have close circle of friends
and friendship means a great deal to them. It is interesting to note that all ten of the
students predominantly have Korean-American friends according to their comments
in the interviews.
Research Question Three:
How does the family context and structure affect the educational achievement
of “Parachute Kids”?
Research question three examined how the family context and structure
affects the educational achievement of “parachute kids.” In order to get at this, it is
important to look at how close the family relationships were prior to the student
coming to the United States. The following table presents data regarding educational
achievement of “parachute kids” as well as data about their family structure. It
includes their Grade Point Average, attendance record, how often they communicate
with their parents in Korea, importance of fulfilling parental expectations and
whether or not they have a close family relationship.
Table 6: Parental Expectations
Student
Grade
Point
Average
Close Family
Relationships
Importance of
Fulfilling Parental
Expectations
Communication with
Parents in Korea
# 1 3.8 Yes High Twice a month
#2 2.7 Yes High Once or twice a month
#3 3.5 Yes High Once or twice a week
#4 3.6 Yes High Once a week
#5 3.0 Yes High Once a week
#6 2 .6 Yes High Once every two months
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72
Table 6 Continued
#7 2.5 Yes High Every couple of months
#8 2.2 Yes High Once a month
#9 2.7 Yes High Once a month
#10 3.6 Yes High Once a month
Summ ary of Findings for Question Three
Based on the responses of the ten students, the researcher found that students
who have a strong family context and structure have a positive effect on the
educational achievement on “parachute kids.” Values of the parents were also
important to the students. According to all ten students, the parents highly valued
education and expected them to do their very best. All of the students were expected
to graduate from college. Student eight’s parents expected her to graduate from
college but she was more focused on being a high school graduate and finding a job
related to speaking English.
Research Question Four
What kinds of support and resources are available to the “Parachute Kids” in
their current situation?
Services and Resources for Students
All of the students receive some type of support for their academic courses
whether it is at school or after school at a tutoring center. In addition, most receive
instruction in English Language Development (ELD) at school if they are not yet
fluent in English. In addition to academic support, community resources for their
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73
social adjustment are also available. The following narrative describes which
students are receiving these various kinds of resources.
Student one receives outside tutoring from his caretaker’s education center.
He is no longer in ELD classes because he has been designated as a Fluent English
Proficient student. He communicates with his parents often. “My parents care a lot
about me and even though they are not with me all the time, they make sure I’m well
taken care of. They come and visit me every summer. My caretaker makes sure I
follow the rules and that I set aside time to study. I talk to my counselor at school
and ask a lot of questions about college.”
Student two also attends after school tutoring to prepare for SAT. “My
cousins take pretty good care of me and I never have to ask for money. I get a
regular allowance from my cousin. I really like my teachers and I even have one
Korean teacher here (at school). My teachers are really understanding and they are
always willing to help me. I can go to their class at lunch time or after school to get
help with the stuff I didn’t understand in class.” His English teacher referred student
two to a Korean counselor because he was not performing academically. Although
he has been in the United States for four years, his English language acquisition has
been rather slow. He talks to the counselor once a week about his desire to be a
better student. He shared with the researcher that he did not talk about his parents
much. His Korean Youth Community Center counselor has helped him focus on
school and what he could do to be a better student.
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Student three also attends after school tutoring and he was referred to a
Korean counselor by his ELD teacher as soon as he was enrolled because he was a
new immigrant and thought he would benefit from the counseling service but he
refused counseling. “I didn’t need to talk to a counselor. My parents and I are very
close. Every time I talk to my parents, they are always encouraging me to do my
best and I am reminded of how much they sacrificed for me.”
In speaking with the counselor from the Korean Youth Community Center,
she shared with the researcher that counseling is not a socially acceptable resource
since it is often seen as a taboo. If one seeks counseling, they are viewed as being
weak and vulnerable.
Student four also refused counseling from the Korean Youth Community
Center when he was referred by his ELD teacher upon his enrollment at his high
school. He also receives after school tutoring. “I have a lot of support here. My
adoptive parents have been very good to me and I like having Student three around.
He’s sort of like the older brother I never had. I also have a lot of support and
encouragement from my parents in Korea.”
Student five also receives a great deal of support from his parents in Korea.
“My parents are really supportive of me. They always tell me over the phone how
much they believe in me. I can always count on my friends here. My caretakers are
not very caring. In fact, they are very strict and we don’t really talk to each other.
At school, my teachers are really nice to me and they always help me.”
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75
Student six does not have much communication with his parents. His support
system is his close circle of friends. “I’m in ELD classes and the extra support I get
really helps me. I also meet with my speech and language therapist at school once a
week.”
Student seven attends after school tutoring during the week after school. The
Director of the Education Center contacts his parents in Korea and sends them copies
of his progress report to update them once a month. “I don’t really talk to my
parents. I’m pretty much on my own because I don’t get much help from my parents
with anything, especially with homework and stuff. At school, my ELD teacher
comes by to check on me sometimes.”
Student eight does not get much support.
My har-mo-ni (grandmother) gets mad at me and yells at me a lot because I
don’t listen to her. Then my har-mo-ni tells my mom and I talk to her on the
phone. My mom always tells me to be nice to her and do better in school and
I always tell her I will. I tell her I want to come back to Korea but my mom
always tells me I can’t. It doesn’t matter what I say anyway. I talk to the
counselor from KYCC once a week. I always talk about how much I miss
my friends and my parents in Korea. I’m still in ELD classes because I don’t
speak English very well.
Since the interviews, the researcher found out that student eight has returned
to Korea after completing her junior year in high school.
Student nine feels like she is supposed to be responsible for herself as well as
her younger sister. “Every time I talk to my mom in Korea, she asks me to take care
of my sister. I try to convince her that being in the United States is good for us but
she doesn’t believe that. I’m doing okay. I don’t really count on anyone here. I just
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76
want to finish high school and then go to nursing school.” Although student nine
does not have much supervision, her teachers describe her as someone who is
responsible with a lot of potential.
Student ten does not receive any support from his sisters. “I don’t really
count on my sisters. We all come and go as we please. School has helped me with
learning English and I have helpful teachers. I’m not sure how schools can help with
anything in particular but having understanding, helpful teachers is good.” He did
not believe he needs any counseling.
The following table summarizes the support that each student receives:
Table 7: Student Support
Student ELD Classes
(Yes/No)
After School
Tutoring (Y es/No)
Other Services
Student #1 No Yes No
Student #2 Yes Yes KYCC
Student #3 Yes Yes No
Student #4 Yes Yes No
Student #5 Yes No No
Student #6 Yes No Speech and
Language Therapy
Student #7 Yes Yes No
Student #8 Yes No KYCC
Student #9 Yes No No
Student #10 Yes No No
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School Personnel Perceptions of Available Resources
According to teachers, counselors and administrators, there are limited
resources available to the “parachute kids.” All three of the high schools offered
counseling, college counseling, ELD program and an ELD Coordinator.
Unfortunately, there is little if any psychosocial support available to the students.
Only one of the high schools has made a connection with a local counseling agency
to provide outside counseling services. At the middle school, there are even fewer
resources available. The school offered an ELD support program and an ELD
Coordinator but no counseling was available since the middle school counselor in
this particular district mainly deals with special education issues and there has not
been the need to explore outside counseling resources for Korean students. Two of
the high schools along with the middle school did not have outside counseling
services.
Summary of Findings for Research Question Four
Nine students responded that there is an ELD support teacher at their
respective schools who provide support for them. Five out of ten students received
after school tutoring paid for by their parents as an additional form of support and
college preparation. Only two students are receiving outside counseling through
Korean Youth Community Center in Los Angeles.
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Research Question Five
How can schools work with both successful and unsuccessful “Parachute Kids”?
What can schools do to provide resources for “Parachute Kids?
Research question five sought to examine how schools work with both
successful and unsuccessful “parachute kids” and what schools can do to provide
resources for them. Of the three caretakers interviewed, two of them did not know
how schools could work with both successful and unsuccessful “parachute kids.”
Caretaker number three seemed more knowledgeable of the school system; perhaps,
because he owned a tutoring center. He believes that schools need to improve the
ELD program to help them be more efficient.
Teachers and administrators need to be more familiar with the academic
program in Korea. It will help them to get a better understanding of the
students. Grammar is typically strong for these immigrant students but they
have a hard time with spoken language. Schools need to know that and tailor
their programs to meet the student’s needs. It is also important that the
schools know where the students are coming from and how they were raised
and educated in Korea to find more efficient programs. Guardians need to
attend meetings with the school regularly because it is really important for
them to be involved. I’m not sure how many guardians do that. I am fluent
in English so I have no problem but I know lots of Korean parents including
guardians are reluctant to be involved because they don’t speak the language.
One of the school principals who has had extensive work with immigrant
students of all backgrounds offered the following statement concerning the current
situation of most American high schools.
The normal services of a secondary school are there to be used such as
counseling, college counseling, etc. Usually there was bilingual support for
them, but there was little if any psychosocial support. There is a wide
cultural gap between the students and most counselors and teachers. It would
be helpful to know why the “parachute kids” are here, what their goals are
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79
and who should be contacted for emergencies. These types of things always
seemed very tense. The Korean counseling services that our school had
seemed to be a step in the right direction. Possibly that group could spend
some time with the counselors to explain the basic cultural issues and what
all of this means. For the most part the school is clueless about what is
happening inside of these kids. Since there isn’t much interaction between
the parents and the school, the students are left to their own devices to make
choices— good or bad.
Another high school administrator who is familiar with “parachute kids”
shared what is possibly a truth at many schools regarding support for these students.
I am only familiar with the students who get into trouble. I couldn’t get a
hold of students’ parents. I know that there is a lady in the area who acts as a
caretaker but I am not able to identify them individually. I think teachers
could identify the “parachute kids’ because students trust them more than any
other personnel. To be truthful, I don’t believe there is any real support or
resources at this school available to “parachute kids.” Sometimes, pastors of
churches help in translating for us. I believe the students need counseling
services that are local and we need to hire more teachers who speak the
language so that they can be role models. I also believe that these students
need to get more involved in school activities. To involve guardians or
caretakers, we need an outreach person, sort of a liaison to reach out to
guardians and make them feel okay to be known and take the fear away from
them. We need to know who the students are, why they are here and get
background information from them so that we can find ways to help them.
Student three’s math teacher commented on how teaching staff are unaware
of the situations these students are in. When told about this student, she was
surprised, as he is one of the top students in the class.
I had no idea he is what you describe as a “parachute kid.” In fact, I didn’t
even know what the term meant before you explained it to me. If we are
going to provide resources for these students, we need to understand that we
have these students at our school. As a teacher, I think an in-service is
needed to give teachers an understanding of who these kids are and their
background information.
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80
A guidance counselor at one of the high schools echoed the feeling as the
above teacher. His unawareness of the situation of the students presents a definite
need for the sharing of the plight of the “parachute kids.”
I didn’t know the students you mentioned were “parachute kids.” As a
counselor, it’s embarrassing to say this but I was not familiar with the
background of students and no details on how they got here and why they are
here. Unless something happens, counselors won’t know about it because we
are in a position where we are more reactive than proactive. I know all the
ELD students receive support through the ELD Coordinator and KYCC
counseling is available. I think it is important to know the background of
students but I usually don’t know until something happens to bring my
attention.
The caseload for this counselor is 500 students, near the average for high
school counselors in California. His main focus is with providing his students a four
year comprehensive program for high school students with the ultimate goal of
graduating from high school and having an opportunity of being accepted to higher
education in the United States.
The middle school counselor was even further removed from working with
“parachute kids.” “The bulk of my day is spent working with students and parents
who have IEPs (Individualized Education Plan). I don’t get a chance to really
counsel students, which is a real shame.”
Another teacher reflected on two “parachute kids” in his class.
They both seem well-adjusted but I know student eight was sent because she
was having problems in Korea. She is not motivated and often tells me she
wants to go back to Korea. I guess you could look at being a “parachute kid”
as an opportunity or a punishment. As a teacher, if I have background
information, why they are here, it would help better understand the students
and help me use different approaches with the students. I think that would
allow me to create a relationship with them.
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81
A teacher at this middle school described her experience in trying to work
with student seven in her class.
At first, student seven seemed confused but I think he is adjusting better now.
I know very little about his caretakers. I only know he lives with an
acquaintance. Based on student seven’s transcript from Korea, he was not a
successful student. As his teacher, I try to give him as much encouragement
as possible but I know that it is not enough. Unfortunately, we don’t have
many resources available to the ‘parachute kids’.
The principal at the middle school where student seven attends schools is in
his first year at the school. He found out about this student because the school called
in response to an academic issue.
I found out about student seven because his dad lied about his residence.
When student seven wasn’t doing well, the school called and found out that
his parents left for Korea without telling him. His father visited after a few
months and arranged for after school care through the education center where
he gets tutoring now. He seems less sad now. I believe if student seven were
part of the decision-making, he would be far more successful. He needs to
feel cared for and taken care of emotionally. I’m not sure he is getting that
right now. Unfortunately, we don’t have any such resources available other
than to monitor him on his progress. I believe we have more students who fit
the description of being a “parachute kid” but we don’t have any way of
knowing who they are. I think that is the first step to providing the kind of
resources we need for the kids.
A high school teacher who knew about “parachute kids” spoke about two
kinds of “parachute kids” in her school as well as the importance of parental
involvement prior to moving.
One type of student are those who were not doing well and struggled in
school and the other type is students who were doing well but didn’t want to face the
competition. I never see guardians at any school events. Some of the students have
difficulty in adjusting but it depends on how much ‘counseling’ was involved
between the parent and child to set goals together. If the parents prepared their child
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82
well for being here, the student usually does well. At our school we have several
resources such as counselors, school psychologist and Asian Pacific Counseling
Office. I don’t think students use the resources available to them. I think we need to
reach out families in Korea as well as guardians and educate them about the schools
in America and establish a partnership with the schools.
Finally, an assistant principal at this same high school reinforced the belief
that strong parental support, prior academic success and strong ELD program help
students succeed. In addition, she notes the difficulty in identifying and providing
additional support for these students.
Based on what I have seen with “parachute kids”, students who were good
students in Korea continue to do well here. How well they have done in their own
language will determine how they will do here. Their relationships with parents is
important in determining success of student; if students believe parents sacrificed
and they have a good relationship, they succeed. Aside from the different levels of
ELD program, ELD instructional assistant and ELD Coordinator, there really aren’t
many resources available. Because we don’t really know much about them, it is
difficult to know the kind of resources we should provide them. First and foremost,
identification of “parachute kids” will help schools. Once we know who they are,
we can establish a game plan on what kinds of resources we need for these kids, not
just for students who are not doing well, but what we can do for those who are doing
well.
Summary of Research Question Five Findings
Research question five sought to explain how schools can work with both
successful and unsuccessful “parachute kids” and what schools can do to provide
resources for them. All of the school personnel echoed the importance of first
identifying the “parachute kids” to assess the kind of resources they need then
ensuring their needs are being met through communication with teacher, counselor,
parents and other support personnel who work with the individual students.
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Summary of Chapter Four Findings
In chapter four, five research questions were examined. These questions
involved looking at “parachute kids” and their reasons for coming to the United
States, their social and academic adjustment, resources available to them and what
schools are doing to help these students.
All ten of the students interviewed in this study came under different
circumstances, at different ages and after different levels of success in Korea looking
for an opportunity to attend schools in the United States. If students were successful
in their home school in Korea and if values of the parents are also important to the
students, they were successful in American schools. All of the students understood
the sacrifices their parents were making for them and wanted to live up to their
expectations. All of the students interviewed for this study shared that their parents
highly valued education and expected them to do their very best. Those students
who have a strong family context and structure have a positive effect on the
educational achievement on “parachute kids” although there are limited resources
available for the students. With respect to how schools can work with “parachute
kids”, all of the school personnel echoed the importance of first identifying the
“parachute kids” to assess the kind of resources they need then ensuring that their
needs are met through communication with teacher, counselor, parents and other
support personnel who work with the individual students.
Chapter four exposed areas where schools need to be more proactive in
identifying immigrant students with different needs living under various situations.
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84
In addition, it was found that few teachers or administrators were prepared to work
with “parachute kids”. ELD programs, support classes, and counseling through the
Korean Youth Community Center are some of the resources available for “parachute
kids”. However, it is difficult to assess how we are providing services if we do not
know who these students are. Chapter five will review the findings of the study and
propose implications for schools as well as recommendations for further study.
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85
CHAPTER V: SUMMARY. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE
FINDINGS
The growing phenomenon of educating “parachute kids” in the United States
will continue to be a challenge for schools. The main reason is the difficulty in
identifying these students as they enroll in school to ensure they are placed correctly
and that their teachers are familiar with their situation.
This research used a small sampling of students. In doing this study, it was
difficult to find ten students but the researcher was able to find the students with the
help of students, teachers and administrators. One of the reasons why it was so
difficult to identify these “parachute kids” was because many of them come to the
United States on a student or visitor visa and end up staying to study abroad. In
these cases, they are extending their stay in the United States illegally.
Implications
How do we know how to serve these students if we do not know who these
students are? Educators need to explore mechanisms that need to be in place to
identify the population. Having Korean-American educators and staff members in
place is important in providing a connection between the school and the community.
In speaking to a fellow administrator, she stated, “Since you (the researcher) left,
there has been a huge disconnect for those families that attend A high school. The
services that we are providing at this school aren’t significantly different than when
you left. But the fact that you were there as a symbol, they felt that they could come
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86
to you made all the difference.” The researcher served as an assistant principal at the
A high school for five years and was able to act as a resource for students and
families by coordinating evening parent nights and bringing in community services
such as KYCC to the school.
Further study needs to be on how having a Korean-American administrator,
teachers or staff members impact the connection between Korean-American students
and their willingness or interest in connecting with the school and taking advantage
of not just academic opportunities but other opportunities such as counseling
services.
ELD programs, support classes, and counseling through the Korean Youth
Community Center are some of the resources available for “parachute kids.”
However, it is difficult to assess how we are providing services if we do not know
who these students are. Even in the greater Los Angles area, the question exists,
how many more are out there and how are they doing in school, academically and
socially. A broader study needs to be in place to explore the psychosocial well being
of “parachute kids.”
In most cases, if a student is receiving a 2.5 GPA, they could be considered
doing well. However, in studying the ten students, those who wanted to be here as
voluntary immigrants, typically had above a 3.0; in most cases, above a 3.5 GPA.
Those who came involuntarily had less than a 3.0.
Based on a study of ten students, their GPAs ranged from 2.2 to 3.8. A
further study might look at trying to identify larger numbers because the study
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87
sample was small so that these conclusions can be validated. Based on the results of
this study, the “parachute kids” who wanted to come to school in the United States
tended to do well as they did in Korea. Those students who came involuntarily did
not do as well but with the exception of student eight, all will have the opportunity to
attend college in the United States.
Students who have high GPAs have a greater investment in English language
acquisition verses those students who intend to return to Korea because of the
implications long term for they see themselves as adults. Those that plan to stay in
the United States take learning English more seriously. Schools need to find ways to
have “parachute kids” articulate their goals without passing value judgments, what
the short term and long term plans are for the students and based on the courses and
services they need. “Parachute kids” are another subgroups of many subgroups in a
high school.
Student Participant Affect
During the interview process, the researcher observed many students who
were somewhat distant regarding their relationship with their families in Korea.
They only expressed the facts regarding their academic progress but never revealed
their tme feelings about what is often a lonely situation for the “parachute kids.”
They tend to avoid having to deal emotionally with the transition by not talking
about it with their parents, refusing counseling, hanging out with friends, studying or
generally avoiding emotional communication with their families.
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Initial Researcher Assumption
Initially, when the researcher began the study, the researcher began with the
assumption that “parachute kids” were not doing well academically and have
discipline problems but did not find that to be true. It is because they are doing well
that they are not being identified and there aren’t any programs to reach out to these
students. As educators, we tend not to reach out to those students who are doing
well academically. The ten students studied came from middle class families and
they do not fit the stereotype of the typical “parachute kids” who come with lots of
money, live in a big house, and have lots of parties. In contrast, the ten students
involved in this study live with relatives, adoptive families and strict caretakers.
The extended role of the school is to work with agencies and private sectors -
it is our obligation to work with private or low cost agencies that can provide
different services in health, welfare and psychological wellness of the students. No
attention is drawn to the “parachute kids” because they are doing well academically.
This is typical of our average students in our schools. There are many funding
sources available for students who are either gifted or at-risk. Unfortunately, that is
not the case for the typical “B” or “C” average students. Within the school system,
something needs to be developed to monitor mental health of immigrant students not
living with their parents. The following are recommendations for schools to assist
“parachute kids” in their adjustment:
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Recommendations
1. There needs to be a communication structures within a school that would
promote shared knowledge about the students. Lack of communication
between and among teachers as well as with administrators and support
staff about who the students are, needs to be addressed.
2. Schools need to have a strong ELD program with a strong ELD coordinator
who understands the background and family life of the students in the
program. If the touch stone is there for the students who would then
understand or have the ability to notice that there is a problem because they
are with them more often, they would bring the awareness up and
communicate the knowledge with other teachers and counselors and
administrators. One untapped resources are the teachers. They are the first
point of contact for the students and they see them every day. Teachers
know so much about the students but that knowledge is not communicated.
In one instance, the teacher knew that one of the students in her class was a
“parachute kid.” However, on school record, this student didn’t show up
on a list of Korean students who lived with guardians. He in fact was
adopted. It wasn’t until the researcher asked for permission to speak with
the student for the study that the counselor and the administrator found out
he was a “parachute kid.”
3. There is a need to communicate to teachers through staff development, the
types of students with whom they are working and what their
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90
manifestations are. Currently, there is an Administrator Exchange program
to Korea where selected high school and middle school administrators at
schools with high numbers of Korean students visit Korea and learn about
the education system and culture. It is enlightening for the visiting
administrator and is a definite cultural experience. The researcher spoke to
a number of individuals who have been on these ten-day visits but none of
them have formally shared the information regarding the Korean
educational system with their staffs, even though a large percentage of
minority populations at these schools are Korean.
4. Several programs need to be in place for schools to work with both
successful and unsuccessful “parachute kids.” For the most part, Korean
“parachute kids” do well in school and are extremely focused on success, as
their GPAs will attest. Inside the students, however, they are dealing with
separation and adjustment of being immigrants in a new country without
the presence of their parents. As such, the psychosocial well being of these
students needs to be addressed. Do these students have access to medical,
dental and psychological services? Unless we understand what the needs
are, we are at a loss as to what kinds of services needs to be provided.
Within the school system, something needs to be developed to monitor
mental health of immigrant students not living with their parents such as
working with private sectors and various agencies to provide health and
welfare to the students.
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91
Program Recommendations
1. In the absence of a Korean-American administrator, counselor or teacher,
someone could be designated by a district as liaison or ombudsman that
would be the person whom parents or caretakers would call to work with
the issues that come up with “parachute kids” and who would be proactive
about assisting “parachute kids.”
2. At the beginning of the year faculty meetings, someone who has extensive
knowledge about the “parachute kids” should make a presentation to the
faculty about how well these students are doing academically, but also how
to recognize the psychosocial wellness of student. Within the in-service
distribute a booklet explaining who they are, how they got here, who the
guardians and caretakers are and how to best communicate with caretakers
so that they become part of the educational process for the student. This
would mean that schools will be taking an extended role. Action upfront
would be proactive rather than to react to manifestations or issues later on.
3. Schools should develop a knowledge base about various cultures that arrive
at a school and what the cultural underpinnings are of the students so that
teachers can be knowledgeable about why students are here and what they
are doing. For example, Asian parents typically do not get involved with
the schools. When they do not show up to school functions, it is not
because they do not care, it is that they have a great degree of trust on the
school and that becomes the school’s awesome responsibility. It is
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92
important to note that counseling is not a socially acceptable resource since
it is often seen as a taboo. If one seeks counseling, they are viewed as
being weak and vulnerable.
4. It is incumbent on the school to create a faculty and staff that reflects the
ethnic make-up of the school so that there can be touch stones for the
students. This way, students can identify with the school and have a
connection.
Recommendations for Further Study
1. In order to get the whole picture of the “parachute kids,” it is recommended
that in addition to interviewing students, caretakers, school officials,
interviews should include the student’s parents who live in Korea.
2. Further study needs to be on how having a Korean-American administrator,
teachers or staff members impacts the connection between Korean-
American students and their willingness or interest in connecting with the
school and taking advantage of not just academic opportunities but other
opportunities such as counseling services.
3. In the greater Los Angles area, how many more “parachute kids” are there,
how are they doing in school, academically and socially? A broader study
needs to be in place to explore the psychosocial well being of “parachute
kids.” Along that line, further research may include finding out if
“parachute kids” are leading healthy lives beyond academic success in high
school.
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93
4. Out of the eight guardians contacted, only three volunteered to participate
in the study. The others informed the school officials and the students that
they were not comfortable and did not wish to participate. There is an
implication that they do not wish to get involved in the educational process
of the students they are supervising. It would be interesting to note their
personal relationships and how that affects the “parachute kids.” The
students involved in the study did not elaborate on their personal
relationships with the caretakers because the focus was on the sacrifices
and expectations of the parents in Korea.
Conclusions
In studying the different situations in which the “parachute kids” live, it is
evident that each student is unique in their abilities, needs and successes. In spite of
missing their parents, family and friends at home in Korea, it was found that all of
the students were resilient and progressed adequately in their studies. Many of the
students noted that they wanted to please their parents and make them proud. Each
of the students were strong in their demeanor, showing little emotion when asked
about their parents and lives in Korea. It was almost as if they could not admit that
they were sad to be away from their homes. With this in mind, what still remains to
be seen is the long term psychological impact of the separation on these students.
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94
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Asset Metadata

Creator Park-Stowe, Kathy (author)

Core Title Academic and social adjustment of Korean "parachute kids" in Southern California

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, administration,education, bilingual and multicultural,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Gothold, Stuart (committee chair), Ferris, Robert (committee member), Sundt, Melora (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c16-492587

Unique identifier UC11340219

Identifier 3133322.pdf (filename),usctheses-c16-492587 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 3133322.pdf

Dmrecord 492587

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Park-Stowe, Kathy

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA